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Theyâre well known as the most dangerous dinosaur â and new research suggests tyrannosaurs were involved in both combat and cannibalism.
The study, published Thursday in the journal PeerJ, shows the skull of a type of tyrannosaur called Daspletosaurus â found in Dinosaur Provincial Park in Alberta in the early 1990s â suffered numerous injuries during its life.
tap here to see other videos from our team.
Daspletosaurus was a large carnivore that lived in Canada and was only a little smaller than its well-known cousin, the tyrannosaur. Itâs believed it was an active predator and scavenger.
âThe animal in question is what we call a sub-adult,â said David Hone, co-author of the paper and a lecturer in zoology at Queen Mary University of London in the United Kingdom. âItâs not really a baby, but itâs not really fully mature. Its human equivalent would be a teenager, 15 or 16.
âBasically itâs got a number of different injuries on the skull.â |
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Transforming the energy system is possible â if we set our minds to it
More than 300 researchers have generated innovations and knowledge within the framework of the National Research Programmes âEnergy Turnaroundâ (NRP 70) and âManaging Energy Consumptionâ (NRP 71) for implementing Switzerlandâs Energy Strategy 2050. The programmes have now ended, and the Swiss National Science Foundation has published a joint summary titled âNational Research Programme Energyâ.
âFindings from the over 100 research projects of the National Research Programme âEnergyâ show that, in principle, an economically and socially acceptable phase-out of nuclear energy and CO2-intensive energy sources is possible using the technological and financial means available to us today,â says Hans-Rudolf Schalcher, president of the NRP 70 Steering Committee. âBut new technologies, to say nothing of new behaviours, are unlikely to become part of everyday life on their own,â adds Andreas Balthasar, president of the NRP 71 Steering Committee. âWe all have to take responsibility: as citizens, consumers, politicians as well as in our other roles in society.â
Transforming the energy system is technically and financially feasible
The NRP âEnergyâ has generated many technical innovations. For example, advances have been made in familiar technologies such as building-integrated photovoltaics and deep geothermal energy. New optimisation methods increase the potential of hydropower. Researchers also conducted investigations into innovative technologies such as energy storage using batteries or compressed air, as well as new types of fuel cells.
Transforming the energy system is obviously a major financial challenge. However, research shows that it can be achieved in an economically and socially acceptable way with a steering tax and mechanisms for redistribution. Ecological tax reform and new financing models, such as energy cooperatives, will also help generate broader support.
Ensuring the security of the supply in this new energy system has been another subject of research in the framework of the NRP âEnergyâ. However, concluding an electricity agreement with the EU will also have a major influence on security of supply and the evolution of electricity prices.
We are all concerned â but knowledge and acceptance are still lacking
Transforming the energy system requires not only new technologies and infrastructure, but also effective regulations and incentives to change peopleâs behaviour. Only then can the energy-retrofitting rate of buildings be speeded up, for example, or mobility and logistics be made more efficient.
To win people over, gaps in knowledge need to be filled. A number of research projects conducted under the NRP âEnergyâ have shown that there is still not sufficient information available on the benefits of new technologies and behaviour. This applies not only to citizens, but also to decision-makers in politics and in business. Here, information about how a steering tax works is key, as is knowledge about personal advantages, such as better quality of life and convenience through energetically optimised living.
From research to everyday practice
To increase the social uptake of new technologies and behaviours and contribute to transforming the energy system, the NRP âEnergyâ summary provides concrete recommendations for energy suppliers, households, businesses, homeowners, investors, public administration, associations and NGOs, as well as the voting public and policy-makers.
Frédéric Varone, delegate of the National Research Council, sums up the message of the NRP âEnergyâ this way: âIf we can manage â and the conditions are ideal â to develop the optimum technologies, direct financial resources in the right direction, win people over to the transition and make this a permanent part of their behaviour, Switzerland can move into the future with a new sustainable energy system.â
NRP 70 and 71: National Research Programme âEnergyâ
As part of the National Research Programmes âEnergy Turnaroundâ (NRP 70) and âManaging Energy Consumptionâ (NRP 71) funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), over 300 scientists working on more than 100 research projects have gained fresh insights into how energy consumption could be substantially reduced as well as into new technologies and the societal framework required to implement them in the next 10 to 30 years.
Given the numerous crossover points between the two NRPs and the fact that both have taken place in parallel, NRP 70 and NRP 71 have worked closely together from the outset. Both NRPs concluded in January 2020 under the name âNational Research Programme Energyâ. In addition to the joint summary, results of the main topics on âAcceptanceâ, âEnergy Networksâ, âBuildings and Settlementsâ, âMarket Conditions and Regulationâ, âMobility Behaviourâ, and Hydropower and Marketâ were also published.
Further information on the individual research projects and the National Research Programme âEnergyâ is available at www.nrp-energy.ch/en.
The text of this press release, and further information are available on the website of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
Prof. em. Dr Hans-Rudolf Schalcher
President of the NRP 70 Steering Committee
Phone: +41 79 350 21 99
Prof. Dr Andreas Balthasar
President of the NRP 71 Steering Committee
University of Lucerne
Department of Political Science
Phone: +41 41 229 55 91
Dr Stefan Husi
Swiss National Science Foundation
Tel.: +41 31 308 23 43 |
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Yarloop Workshops Site Plan!
Click Here to view.
Situated on the site of the first 1895 mill in the Yarloop area, these workshops began operations in 1901 and closed in 1978. Originally housed in the remains of the old mill buildings, they were gradually developed until they became the centre of Millars' milling operations in the South West.
Many of the buildings were constructed just after 1900, mainly of timber with corrugated iron roofs. Although designed as industrial buildings, they are unusual in their attention to window and door details and machinery housings. Wherever possible these have been restored.
The workshops maintained the steam locomotives of the extensive and complex Millars railway system developed to transport the felled timber, and to service the other 26 South West mills. In addition the workshops manufactured some rolling stock and mill equipment and serviced stationary steam engines that drove the mills. The workshops were particularly noted for the construction of replacement parts (necessary to avoid the delays in acquiring these from the United Kingdom) and still house an extensive collection of wooden patterns. The task of cleaning, identifying and cataloguing all the machine tools, pattern books and other artefacts began in 1987.
In 1930 more than 100 people worked at the workshop and Millars employed an additional 500 for their operations in the Yarloop area.
Locomotive maintenance was of prime importance â overhaul work was carried out in the loco-running shed, which now exists as a northern extension to the main workshop building. At night, apprentices would clean and fire the locomotives ready for work in the morning when the locomotives would leave at 3.00 a.m. travelling to mills at Waterous, Nanga Brook and Hoffmans.
The Yarloop Workshops demonstrate early manufacturing and production techniques used in the South West and were still operating in 1978, when Cyclone Alby caused severe damage to the workshop buildings. Millars then moved to their top yard on the South Western Highway. In 1983 they were taken over by Bunnings.
Courtesy: Chairperson, W.A. Heritage Committee |
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India has replaced China as the country with the largest number of cities in the worldâs top 20 most polluted (in terms of air quality). That announcement has prompted a number of articles comparing the two countries and suggesting that India should learn from China â from both its past mistakes and its path forward. Certainly, there are some obvious similarities. An article in the Khaleej Times notes a litany of Indian environmental challenges that could easily have been lifted from an article on China: tap water that is not potable, massive mounds of plastic in landfills, and a devastating problem with e-waste. Indiaâs water scarcity challenge also has begun to sound like that of China: More than half of Indiaâs population faces âhigh to extremely highâ water stress. Moreover, corruption plagues the environmental protection system in both countries. And the two countries, along with the United States, rank as the top contributors to global climate change.
In response to their environmental challenges, China and India are also adopting many of the same measures. They are experimenting with tradable permits (in China for CO2 and in India for PM2.5), continuous air pollution monitoring and reporting from major cities and industries, the establishment of eco or smart cities, and higher fuel and vehicle emission standards, among many other initiatives.
Yet as compelling as the similarities between India and China may be, what is even more striking are the differences. First, the two countries are at significantly different stages of economic development: Indiaâs per capita GDP is less than one quarter of Chinaâs, so its economic development needs are greater than those of China. For India, the temptation may be greater to continue to sacrifice environmental protection to rapid economic growth, but the opportunities for an earlier course correction are also greater.
Second, and more important, is the difference in the two countriesâ political systems. China is an authoritarian state and pursues a top-down approach to environmental protection, using the levers of political and economic control it possesses â state-owned enterprises, the Internet, and the Communist Party â to try to enforce its policies; the role of grassroots organization and public participation, as well as of the media, remain highly constrained. Beijing wants to address the peopleâs needs by reforming environmental policy, but it wants to control the nature, the pace, and the narrative of that reform.
India has no such ability â or perhaps even interest â to approach its environmental protection effort in this manner. A new book by Indiaâs former Minister of State (Independent Charge) of Environment and Forests Jairam Ramesh, Green Signals: Ecology, Growth, and Democracy in India, underscores the point. The book details Rameshâs experience as head of Indiaâs environmental protection effort for the past several years. For Ramesh, Indiaâs political system is a defining feature in determining the evolution of the countryâs environmental protection effort. The fact that he could write such a book â which is a compilation of his letters and reports on interactions with NGOs, the prime minister, and other government and business actors â with the subtitle âEcology, Growth and Democracy in Indiaâ is the first indication of the gap in approach between the two powers. Qu Geping, the first chief administrator of Chinaâs National Environmental Protection Bureau, has also written books on the environment but not ones that reveal the contemporary dynamics of Chinese environmental policymaking.
Ramesh begins his book by discussing the fundamentals of environmental protection: transparency, making tough choices about how to balance and integrate environmental protection with economic growth, building a partnership with the judicial system, adopting market-based mechanisms such as cap and trade, and listening to civil society. Rameshâs policy notes and letters highlight a number of cases in which civil societyâs interests emerge as paramount. For example, in one letter he supports a womenâs group that is concerned about a planned expansion of a zoo that would negatively affect a botanical garden; in a second, he highlights the important role of NGOs in a dramatic battle between coal mining interests and forest conservation proponents. Importantly, transparency is a given in India in a way that is still nascent in China. In India, one can learn the precise levels of soil toxicity and its sources in a given state. In China, one can only know the broad contours of soil contamination for the entire country.
âDoes system type matter?â is an age old question in political science that also has profound implications for real-life policy debates over political models. To date, neither India nor China has emerged as a model for environmental protection that any other developing country would want to follow. The two countries push forward, each with a strong leader at the helm, and each with a new-found appreciation for the importance of environmental protection in preserving public health and future economic growth potential. They are likely to provide important insights into not only which policy mechanisms are most effective but also into how system type may both advance and inhibit effective environmental protection. In this way, India may indeed learn from China, but China may also learn something from India. |
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Fri August 31, 2012
Native Americans Have Highest Rate of Suicide
American Indians and Alaska Natives have the highest rates of suicide compared to any other ethnic group in the United States.
And in many tribes it's considered taboo to even talk about the problem. A recent workshop in Flagstaff hoped to address that.
Emmy Burruel lives in Flagstaff with her husband and two children. She recalled a couple years ago she and her husband were fixing up their guest room when they got the call.
"My mom is crying hysterically, sheâs like, 'we found your brother' and Iâm like, 'what do you mean you found my brother?'" Burruel said. "Sheâs like, 'heâs gone. He hung himself.'"
Burruel immediately packed her kids up in the car and drove three hours to the small Navajo community called Many Farms to be with her family. Burruel said she wishes she wouldâve acted when she saw the signs -- red flags she only recognizes now.
"I shouldâve asked or I shouldâve intervened somehow," Burruel said.
But she said Navajos don't talk about death.
Burruel has made it her mission to educate and empower other families. Now she knows when someone is indirectly asking for help and she teaches those signs.
Because itâs taboo on some reservations, a death by suicide often goes unreported and police classify it as an accident. Even with all the suicides that have gone unreported, the rate among American Indians across the nation ages 15 to 34 is twice as high as the national average.
Many speculate why the number is so high. There are few jobs on the reservation. On the Navajo Nation the unemployment rate is almost 50 percent. And many live below the federal poverty line. Kids move away for jobs. Yet there are pressures from family to move back and help care for the elderly and the livestock. There are also issues with substance abuse.
Suicide prevention specialist Gilbert Contreras told the group about a workshop he held recently in the Navajo town of Leupp where several suicides have taken place.
"Thereâs not a word for suicide in their native language," Contreras said. "And my response and I hope I wasnât insensitive or careless was, âthen create one, because your brothers and sisters are dying in high proportions here when it comes to suicide. I think itâs a topic we need to talk about and put on the table.â"
But even attending a workshop makes some nervous. Marcella Jones Francis, who works at the Indian Health Service in Chinle, said she fears she might contaminate herself and her family with talk of suicide.
"Itâs kind of carrying that with me, the negativity on my body and taking it home with me, carrying to my family members, taking that negativity on my kids," Francis said.
Workshop leader Emmy Burruel had the same concern, so she went to a medicine man to ask his advice.
"I heard one medicine man say you have to know a little bit about the bad to fix the good," Burruel said. "I suffered the bad so now I need to know I can fix the good and you know help other families."
KNAU and Arizona News |
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Cloud computing is an approach where everything is delivered as a service by cloud providers or the IT department of your company. Cloud is used a lot as a marketing buzzword, in this lesson, Iâll explain what cloud computing is about. To do so, we have to start with a short story about physical servers, server virtualization and what a typical IT workflow looks like.
Bare Metal Servers
Before server virtualization, you would only see bare metal servers. A bare metal server is a physical server that runs a single operating system like Microsoft Windows Server or Linux. This is from a time where CPUs only had 1-2 cores and not a lot a RAM.
Servers are similar to your computer at home, the main difference is that they are built to run 24/7 and usually have more reliable hardware. Some have redundant power supplies, hard disks, etc.
They come in different forms and shapes, the tower servers are often used in office buildings:
The bare metal server has a single operating system and can be used for one or multiple applications. For example, for small businesses, Microsoft Small Business Server has always been a popular office solution. It runs on 1 or 2 physical servers and offers:
- Directory service
- DNS server
- E-mail server
- Web server
- File server
- And some other services
In enterprise environments, itâs more common to see that a physical server is used for each âroleâ. One web server, one DNS server, etc.
In data centers, physical space is expensive so itâs more common to see rack servers there:
Rack servers are placed in server cabinets:
Hereâs an example of an HP Proliant rack server in a rack cabinet:
Later, blade servers were introduced that offer even more computing power / memory and use less space:
Above you see a blade enclosure that fits in a server rack. It offers networking, power, and cooling. The blade servers have CPUs, memory, and storage. They fit in the slots of the blade enclosure.
When you buy a physical server, you have to think of the required resources. How much memory does the server need? How much disk space? How fast should the CPUs be? etc. You also have to take future growth into account.
In the last decade, the number of cores in a single processor has grown rapidly. We went from single core processors to dual core processors, quad core processors and now there are even processors with more than 10-20 cores. There is a also a technique called hyperthreading where we have two virtual cores for each physical core. This allows the operating system to execute two threads at the same time. Here is an example of an Intel I7 processor:
Above you can see that this CPU has 4 physical cores and 8 virtual (logical) cores.
The amount of (affordable) RAM has also increased a lot. A single physical server often has way more CPU and RAM resources than what is required for a single operating system. Nowadays, we use a lot of server virtualization which means that we run multiple virtual machines on a single physical server.
All hardware of the VM (virtual machine) is virtualized, its CPU(s), RAM, hard disks, network card, etc. For each virtual machine you create, you can decide how many CPU(s), RAM, etc. it will have.
The server virtualization software that we run on the physical server (called the host when talking about server virtualization) is called the hypervisor. The hypervisor is what manages the VMS and where you configure how much RAM/CPUs/disk space you assign to each VM.
Hereâs an image of what a bare metal server looks like that runs a single operating system:
Above you can see we have the hardware that runs an operating system and an application. Hereâs what it looks like when we go virtual:
On top of the hardware, we run the hypervisor. On top of the hypervisor, we run multiple virtual machines with an operating system each.
Here are some companies/products that offer server virtualization solutions:
- Microsoft HyperV
- Citrix Xenserver
- Red Hat KVM
If your hardware crashes then suddenly all your virtual machines will be gone too. Besides the hypervisor, these companies also offer products so that virtual machines can be automatically created and moved from one hypervisor to another.
Physical servers have one or more NICs (Network interface card) that are connected to a network switch. What about virtual servers? Virtual machines have virtualized hardware and that includes their NICs, which we call vNIC (Virtual NICs). Somehow we have to connect these vNICs to our network, this is done with a virtual switch. Take a look at this example:
Above you can see that the virtual machines each have a vNIC that is connected to a virtual switch. The virtual switch is connected to a physical switch through the physical NIC of the server that the hypervisor runs on.
The virtual switch is supplied by the hypervisor vendor or you can use an external virtual switch product like the Cisco Nexus 1000v switch. This allows you to use the same switch features on your virtual switch as you use on your physical switches.
Physical Data Center Network
We just talked about how virtual machines are connected to a physical switch through a virtual switch. Letâs zoom out a bitâŠwhat does it look like in a real data center network where we have racks full of servers? There are two common options, letâs take a look at both.
TOR (Top of Rack)
The top of rack designs has network switches at the top of each server cabinet / rack. The servers are located below the ToR switches and for redundancy reasons, connected to both ToR switches:
The ToR switches are connected to distribution layer switches. One of the advantages of this setup is that most of your cabling remains within the rack, the only network cables that leave the rack are those from the ToR switches to the distribution layer switches. One of the disadvantages is that you need quite some ToR switches and depending on how much servers you have in your rack, not all switch ports on the ToR switches will be used.
EOR (End of Row)
With the end of row design, there are no switches in the racks and all servers are directly connected to EoR (End of Row) switches that are located in a separate rack:
Some of the advantages of this setup is that you donât need as many switches, there are less unused switch ports so overall port utilization is better. One of the disadvantages is that you need a lot of cabling from your server racks to the racks where the EoR switches are located.
Workflow and Service
We talked about physical servers, virtualization and a bit of how these virtual / physical servers are connected in a data center. One of the things that hasnât changed much throughout the years is the workflow. Let me give you an example.
Letâs say we have an enterprise company with thousands of users. They have their own data center with racks full of servers and hundreds of virtual machines.
This company has different departments, including one with developers that work on a new web application. One of the developers wants to test his/her applications and requires a web server. The workflow typically looks like this:
- The developers sends a request to the IP department and explains he/she has a new application that has to run on a new web server. The application requires the Apache web server software and a MySQL database.
- The IT department looks at the requirements and creates a new virtual machine on the hypervisor on one of the servers. The new virtual machine is installed with an operating system and all required software.
- The IT department reports back to the developer who will then test the new application on the new server.
The workflow described above is how itâs been for a long time and it works. The âproblemâ however, is that it quite a slow process.
There is always a human in between (the IT department) that has to do some work to offer the âserviceâ to the customer (the developer) is looking for.
The idea behind cloud computing is that we offer different services, a customer should be able to request the service and receive the service right away. There is no human in between that has to look at the customerâs request, process it and report back. Everything is automated.
Thatâs not the only advantage of cloud computing, though. NIST (National Institute of Standards and Technology has a good definition of cloud computing:
- On-demand self-service: a customer should be able to get a service automatically, without having to wait for a human to provide it for her. The customer should also be able to terminate the service by herself.
- Broad network access: the service should be available using a variety of different platforms including computers, tablets, smartphones. We should also be able to reach the service using different connections, including the Internet or private WAN connections.
- Resource pooling: the cloud provider should not assign fixed resources to the service but it has to be dynamic. For example, when a website suddenly receives a lot of traffic, multiple web servers should be created automatically so that we can deal with the incoming traffic.
- Rapid elasticity: to the customer, the resources should look to be unlimited. For example, there are some cloud backup providers that you can use for remote backups. You pay for the service and behind the scenes, they will take care that there is enough storage space for you to upload your files to. It doesnât matter if you upload 1 GB or 100 TB.
- Measured service: the cloud provider measures all resource usage for billing and transparency.
Instead of buying a product, we pay for a service. When we talk about cloud computing, we use the âas a serviceâ terminology a lot. These three are the most common:
- (IaaS) Infrastructure as a service
- (PaaS) Platform as a service
- (SaaS) Software as a service
Let me walk you through them and give you some examples of each.
IaaS (Infrastructure as a service)
Iaas offers network infrastructure as a service. These are network devices like virtual machines, routers, switches, firewalls, load balancers, and storage.
Let me give you an example of how Amazon AWS offers virtual machines to its customers. When you create a new virtual machine, you can choose which operating system you want to use:
Once you have decided which operating system to use, you can choose an instance type with a certain number of CPU cores, an X amount of memory, storage and network performance:
Within a few minutes, your new virtual machine will be up and running. Donât need it anymore? Itâs billed per hour and you can delete it whenever you want.
PaaS (Platform as a Service)
Letâs say you are a developer who is working on a new web application. Your application has some server requirements.
As a developer, you care about your writing your application and you really donât want to be bothered with the details of virtual machines, installing software, etc.
Instead, you can use a PaaS solution like Amazon AWS Beanstalk. This is a virtual machine with a preinstalled OS and all software required to run your application:
The only thing you have to do is upload your application and run it. Another example is Googleâs App Engine:
Google App Engine lets you develop and host apps, they take care of the underlying infrastructure for you. The only thing you have to do is create your app and upload it.
SaaS (Software as a Service)
Saas (Software as a Service) means the customer signs up for an application and can use it right away, without having to install anything. Even though this term might be new, we have all been using this for years. Some examples:
- Freshbooks: sign up and you can use the accounting software right away from any location.
- Gmail: sign up and you can send and receive e-mail right away.
- Microsoft Office 365: sign up and you can use the web versions of word, excel, etc. right away.
- Microsoft OneDrive: sign up and you have a shared network drive that is reachable from any location and on multiple devices.
With SaaS, you pay for the application and the cloud provider takes care of installation, maintaining the virtual servers etc.
The services I showed you above are all offered by a cloud provider, we call this the public cloud. The largest cloud providers are:
- Amazon AWS
- Microsoft Azure
- Google Cloud Platform
Amazon AWS is by far the largest cloud provider at the moment, Hereâs an overview with the services they offer, itâs quite a big list:
Remember the story about workflow where the IT department manually creates new virtual machines and installs new software when requested? With a private cloud, a company changes their workflow so that they operate in a similar was as the public cloud providers.
The IT department will create a service catalog that lists all services that they can offer to their users. Behind the scenes, everything is automated so that when a user requests a service, it is provisioned automatically.
Next time one of the company users need something. He or she can click on a few buttons and a new virtual machine with the required software is launched.
WAN Traffic Path to Cloud Services
You now have an idea what the cloud is about, letâs take a closer look at some of the different options of how we can connect to the cloud.
Using the Internet to connect to the cloud is a common option. There are some advantages and disadvantages, however. Letâs look at an example of an enterprise network that uses the services of a cloud provider:
Above we see that all virtual machines are located at the cloud provider. The enterprise network doesnât have any servers or virtual machines anymore, only users that require access to the applications that run on the virtual machines.
The advantages of using the Internet as your WAN connection to the cloud are:
- Cost: Internet access is cheap compared to private WAN options.
- Availability: itâs easy to get an Internet connection and itâs available almost everywhere.
- Migration: want to switch from one cloud provider to another? All cloud providers are connected to the Internet so you donât have to switch connections.
- Mobile users: if you have a lot of mobile users then they will be able to access your applications whenever they have an Internet connection.
Some of the disadvantages:
- Security: the Internet is a public network so itâs not a very safe place. Attackers might attempt man-in-the-middle attacks to snoop on the traffic between your users and the cloud.
- Bandwidth: depending on the type of applications and the number of users, your Internet connection might not have enough bandwidth for all users to access their applications.
- QoS (Quality of Service): the Internet is best-effort only, there is no quality of service. If you have any applications that are sensitive to delay and/or packet loss then you might run into issues.
- SLA: most Internet providers donât offer any SLAs (Service Level Agreements) that guarantee a certain bandwidth or availability. If you outsource all or most of your applications to the cloud, you will be very dependent on your Internet connection.
An alternative connection method is the private WAN. This is a dedicated connection from your site to the cloud provider.
- Bandwidth: private WAN connections offer a higher bandwidth than most Internet connections.
- SLA: does offer service level agreements that guarantee a certain bandwidth and availability.
- Cost: private WAN connections cost more than regular Internet connections.
- Availability: takes time to install the new connection.
- Flexibility: you are stuck to one cloud provider.
Here are some examples of private WAN connections:
- Microsoft Azure ExpressRoute
- Amazon AWS Direct Connect
What if you want to use multiple cloud providers and the advantages of private WAN connections? What if you want to migrate from one cloud provider to another? You could get multiple private WAN connections but there is a better option called intercloud exchanges. These are providers that are connected to multiple cloud providers and offer you a private WAN. Take a look at the picture below:
The intercloud exchange can offer you a connection to one or more cloud providers without having to switch your private WAN connection. You get the advantage of a private WAN, without being stuck to one cloud provider.
Virtual Network Functions
Most cloud providers offer some basic networking functions. You can choose if your virtual machines have public IP addresses so that you can directly reach them from the Internet or if they use private IP addresses with a router and/or load balancer in front of them. The router and the load balancer that the cloud provider offers, however, have limited options.
What if you require some specific features on your router? Perhaps you use DMVPN in your network and you also need this at the cloud provider. Perhaps you have some specific firewall features that you would like to use. The cloud provider might not offer this directly, but it is possible to use VNFs (Virtual Network Function). A VNF is the virtual version of your favorite router, firewall or other network devices. Here are two examples:
- Cisco Cloud Services Router 1000V Series: this CSR is a virtual IOS XE router that offers the same features as physical Cisco IOS XE routers.
- Cisco ASAv: this is the virtual version of the Cisco ASA firewall.
You can add them to your cloud network if needed:
This will give you the same networking features at the cloud provider network as those that you use on your own enterprise network.
You have now learned some of the basics of cloud computing:
- How we started with physical servers and how we moved to server virtualization.
- That we use hypervisors to run virtual machines on a single physical server.
- How virtual machines use virtual NICs and virtual switches to connect to the rest of the network.
- What a physical data center looks like with ToR (Top of Rack) and EoR (End of Row) designs.
- That the classic workflow involved an IT department that manually created virtual machines and installed applications.
- How cloud computing is about self-service, where we donât require a human in between to install virtual machines and/or applications.
- The difference between IaaS, SaaS and PaaS.
- The different WAN options to connect to the cloud.
- What virtual network functions are. |
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Rodel D. Lasco and Grace B. Villamor1
There is considerable interest in payments for environmental services (PES) in the context of forest ecosystems worldwide. In this paper, we briefly review the status and issues associated with four of the most common environmental services with ongoing payment schemes. These include watershed protection, carbon sequestration and storage, biodiversity protection and landscape beauty. In general, while many PES schemes are being implemented there are still many social, technical, economic and policy issues that have to be resolved if genuine PES are to be attained. Finally, we present three cases of PES (watershed protection) from the Philippines to illustrate the issues involved.
Keywords: payments for environmental services, carbon sequestration, watershed protection, biodiversity protection, landscape beauty, the Philippines
Payments for environmental services, or PES, is one way of describing remuneration mechanisms for the provision of environmental services. Wunder (2005) described the PES concept in the following manner: A voluntary transaction in which a well-defined environmental service (ES), or land use likely to secure that service is âboughtâ by at least one ES buyer from at least one ES provider and if, and only if, the ES provider secures ES provision, i.e. conditionality. Other groups have used different labels for the concept: âmarkets for environmental servicesâ â the Katoomba Group and the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED); ârewarding for environmental servicesâ â the World Agroforestry Centre for the RUPES Program (Rewarding the Upland Poor for the Environmental Services they provide); and âcompensation for environmental servicesâ used in the comparative framework of Rosa et al. (2003). Whichever term is used, they all involve the development of remuneration mechanisms for the environmental service being provided.
Forest ecosystems, particularly in the tropics, provide a full range of environmental services on which all life depends. These include provision of food, fuel, building materials and freshwater; climate regulation; flood control; nutrient and waste management; maintenance of biodiversity; and cultural services, to name a few. To date, there are four main environmental services dominating the markets â carbon sequestration and storage; biodiversity protection; watershed protection; and landscape beauty.
Although PES has existed in developed countries for a long time, the concept remains poorly tested in developing countries. The following sections give an overview of each environmental service at global and local levels.
Large PES schemes tend to be government driven, working at the state and provincial levels (e.g. in Australia, Brazil, China and the United States), the national level (e.g. in Colombia, Costa Rica and China) and the international level (e.g. the EU). Large schemes can also involve PES markets created by regulation, such as carbon sequestration markets created by the Kyoto Protocol (WWF 2006).
PES systems work best when services are visible and the beneficiaries are well organized; when land-using communities are well structured, have clear and secure property rights, strong legal frameworks and are relatively wealthy or have access to resources (Unisfera International Centre) and if they are consistent with the assessment of Wunder (2006).
Watershed protection is an environmental service that has pioneered the use of payment schemes. Payments for watershed management typically involve payments to upstream land users for improving or stabilizing land use in the catchment (FAO 2006). Table 1 shows that public payments for watershed protection represent the largest market for watershed services globally (Scherr et al. 2007).
Table 1. Estimated size of payments for watershed services
|Ecosystem payment types||Estimated current size of payments globally (US$ per annum)||Estimated current size of payments in developing countries (US$ per annum)|
|Compliant water quality||US$7million||Size and volume in developing countries unknown, but likely minimal, due to requirements for legislative infrastructure and strict enforcement.|
|Voluntary private sector watershed management payments||US$5 million (many public PES are partially private like Costa Rica ~ 30% private electrification funds, also, Ecuador, public utility revenues).||Costa Rica ~ 30% private electrification funds, also Ecuador, public utility revenues. Environmental Safety and Health in Costa Rica operates independent of the Fonda Nacional de Finaciamentio and invests roughly US$45 000 a year in protecting the watershed.|
|Government-mediated watershed PES||US$1 000 million (New York City ~ US$150 million, WRP US$240 million, EQUIP estimate 50% for water- related services ~ US$500 million); Mexico programme||Mexico programme: US$18 million; Costa Rica programme: US$5 million; China programme: US$43 billion across ten years (programme apparently has many problems); South Africa programme: R600 million per year, US$65 million.|
Source: Ecosystem Marketplace (2006).
The major problem is a lack of clarity about the impact of different land uses on water (Kaimowitz 2004). Until recently, suppliers of watershed services have generally lacked leverage for demanding payment; however, this is improving with new government regulations for improved water quality in more developed countries, as well as improved buyer understanding of the benefits provided by watersheds and the growing threats they are facing (Grieg-Gran and Bann 2003).
There are also scientific doubts about forestâwater linkages. To be workable, it has been suggested that simple approaches are needed to make payments, such as a flat rate per unit area, that are not necessarily linked to the actual service provided (Kaimowitz 2004). In some societies, access to water is seen as a fundamental right (FAO 2006). The development of markets for water requires defining property rights, which in many countries is not a trivial issue. There is also concern that payment systems may exclude access to water by the poor.
In the case of large watersheds with many users, the transaction costs for PES can be very high (FAO 2006). Intermediary organizations are usually needed to link producers and users. This is true especially in watersheds where institutions are weak and where development of PES for water can be costly. Finally, there is the question of whether the market is a better mechanism for delivering watershed services than the tried and tested regulatory systems. The literature provides little insight on this issue. Most studies offer superficial reviews of economic, social and environmental benefits with virtually no assessment of costs.
Carbon sequestration and storage
Parallel to the rise in concern about climate change, there is also considerable interest in the role of forests for carbon sequestration and storage. Under the Kyoto Protocolâs Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) only afforestation and reforestation (A/R) projects â carbon sequestration â are allowed for the first commitment period. However, payments for conserving existing forests (carbon storage) under the so-called REDD (reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation) were among the key issues under discussion at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) conference in Bali in December 2007.
During the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol, the use of carbon credits from CDM forestry projects is limited to at most 5 percent of the respective countriesâ 1990 emissions. This is estimated to amount to about 231 million carbon credits. However, some Annex I countries have refrained from the use of credits from CDM forestry so actual demand will be much lower (Table 2).
The World Bank is the largest buyer of forestry CDM credits, with the BioCarbon Fund having compiled a portfolio of candidate projects that are estimated to deliver up to 22 million carbon credits. The BioCarbon Fund has bought carbon credits from forestry projects for US$3.75â 4.35/tonne CO2-e for carbon removals in a forestry project until the end of the Kyoto Protocolâs second commitment period in 2017.
As of August 2007, more than 750 CDM projects had registered in the UNFCCC but only one is an A/R project. There are several factors that account for the slow uptake of forestry projects under the CDM. First is the high transaction cost â estimated at up to US$200 000 for a regular project â which is beyond the reach of potential proponents from developing countries. Second, base financing for tree planting is also substantial and is usually lacking in developing countries. For example, in the Philippines the official cost of reforestation by government projects is US$1 000/hectare for three years. Third, proceeds from carbon credits are typically not enough to cover the full cost of tree plantation establishment. Thus, A/R projects will only be profitable if they are combined with other forest products such as wood and fruits. Fourth, in many developing countries, technical capacity is weak in designing and implementing A/R CDM projects. This is partly due to limited experience in carbon sequestration projects.
Table 2. Overview of potential buyer countries with their 1990 emissions; EcoSecuritiesâ expectations as to the inclination to buy carbon credits from forestry CDM
|Country||Total 1990 emissions MT CO2-e||Likely to use 5% of 1990 emissions MT CO2-e||Uncertain 5% of 1990 emissions MT CO2-e||Unlikely to use 5% of 1990 emissions MT CO2-e|
More recently, several sectors have been advocating payments for avoiding deforestation in developing countries under the so-called REDD, perhaps in the post-2012 Kyoto Protocol period. This is in recognition that deforestation, mainly in the tropics, accounts for 20 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions (Denman et al. 2007). However, âthe design and implementation of REDD policies will be neither simple nor straightforward, given the complexity of the social, economic, environmental and political dimensions of deforestation. Many of the underlying causes of deforestation are generated outside the forestry sector, and alternative land uses tend to be more profitable than conserving forestsâ (Kanninen et al. 2007).
Payments for biodiversity protection exist at the local, national and international scale. International organizations, foundations and conservation NGOs are major buyers of biodiversity conservation services. Scherr et al. (2007) estimated financial payment for biodiversity protection services to be highest for ecosystem services associated with land use and land-use change, if the conservation easements are included (Table 3). The market for biodiversity conservation is highly segmented and a number of different payment systems exist, including: purchase of high-value habitat (including âdebt-for-nature swapsâ), payment for access to species or habitats, payment in support of management to conserve biodiversity, tradable rights and support for biodiversity conservation business.
Biodiversity funding from traditional sources like bi- and multilateral green aid has declined sharply in recent years. This decline has been attributed to both the disappointment of donorsâ experiences with the result of biodiversity-oriented development assistance and an incremental shift in general priorities from the environment towards poverty alleviation (Wunder 2006).
Table 3. Estimated size of payments for biodiversity services
Ecosystem payment types
Estimated current size of payments globally (US$ per annum)
Estimated current size of payments in developing countries (US$ per annum)
Regulatory driven species offsets (including US Conservation Banking)
US$45 million in the US; programme just started in Australia and possibly similar programme in France, size unknown.
Unknown how many species offsets are driven by environmental impact assessment (EIA) regulation in developing countries.
Land trust, conservation easements
(expenditures by NGOs for conservation).
US$6 000 million in US alone
Size and use of easements in developing countries unknown. Roughly US$2 billion/year (McKinsey-WRI-TNC).
Voluntary biodiversity offsets (offsets outside the regulatory framework).
US$20 million for offsets
Probably some 50% of the global market
Government conservation payments and biodiversity offsets.
US$3 000 million - just flora-and fauna-oriented programmes (not including water and soil conservation)
Costa Rica: Over US$14 million; current global expenditures on protected areas are estimated at approx. US$6.5 billion/year
Source:Ecosystem Marketplace (2006).
Despite significant progress, most payments for biodiversity services remain nascent and, to a large degree, experimental. Major constraints to market development remain such as significant transaction costs associated with setting up and implementing trade. Most biodiversity conservation services are intangible, making them difficult to package for sale, and they are rarely consumed by a clearly identifiable clientele. Threshold effects in the service supply (e.g. forest areas below a certain size will fail to deliver the demanded biodiversity) make it difficult to portion out services to individual buyers (Grieg-Gran and Bann 2003).
The demand for this service is both at national and local scales. So far governments have been the main suppliers of landscape beauty services through the creation of protected areas or the protection of natural or cultural heritage sites. There are no global estimates of the scale of PES for landscape beauty and recreation. The Ecosystem Marketplace estimates that US$1 billion is spent annually on ecologically responsible tourism (a small share of the huge total market of ânature tourismâ â 20 percent of all tourism â that relies for its value on natural resource assets).
The market for landscape beauty services is still relatively immature, mostly dominated by government provisions and characterized by below-cost pricing (Grieg-Gran and Bann 2003). Indeed, payments for beauty have been slow to develop. Tour operators have taken landscape beauty as a free input and protected area managers are rarely sought to capture consumersâ willingness to pay. This situation is unsustainable and many scenic locations are threatened.
Watershed services payments: cases from the Philippines
Watershed functions are considered to be the first environmental service to be recognized for payment due to their immediate relevance to people (van Noordwijk et al. 2005). Communities from different parts of the world benefit from watershed properties such as water flow regulation, water quality maintenance, erosion and sediment control, water table regulation and maintenance of aquatic habitats. Countries such as Colombia, Ecuador and Costa Rica are among various countries with established payment schemes for such functions.
In the Philippines, under the Rewarding Upland Poor for Environmental Services (RUPES) Program, some of the conditions for developing payments for the watershed services mechanism have been described and analysed.
Bakun Watershed, Benguet2
Bakun is the home of the KankaneyâBago indigenous tribe and the first indigenous area in the country to be awarded the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT). The CADT is a product of decades of struggle by the indigenous peoples in the Philippines for recognition of their unique culture and property rights (Espaldon in press). The CADT covers 29 000 hectares of land area in the Cordillera ranges of the northern Philippines. The Bakun indigenous people (mainly close-knit members of the KankaneyâBago tribe) are predominantly poor and 90 percent of the local people are engaged in rice and vegetable farming. Despite being underprivileged, the Bakun people have a rich socio-cultural heritage. Their indigenous way of life governs how they relate with the land, the forests and among themselves. They manage and utilize natural resources using indigenous knowledge systems and practices.
Bakun Watershed is the main source of domestic water supply for the local community. More importantly, it is the source of irrigation water for rice fields and the expanding vegetable farms in the area. Four major rivers and several tributaries drain the watershed area; two of the rivers are currently supporting the operation of the Luzon Hydropower Corporation (LHC) and the Northern Mini Hydro Corporation (NMHC).
Bakun receives payments for water functions from two hydroelectric companies, the LHC and the NMHC. These payments are mandatory taxes, which are predetermined under the Philippine Energy Law of 2001 (Republic Act No. 7638).
Based on the said policy, the host communities benefit through the electrification fund, livelihood development and watershed rehabilitation funds and possible employment. Moreover, several scholarships and internships are offered for the students from the host communities in Bakun. These payments or compensations are paid to the Municipal Government of Bakun, which identifies where and how to distribute the money for the welfare of the community.
Furthermore, a Memorandum of Agreement among the Province of Benguet, the LHC and the National Power Corporation (NPC) was prepared to implement the Local Government Code and its implementing regulations on the payment of realty tax and national wealth tax. This is equivalent to 1 percent of the gross revenue of the power plant for the utilization of water to be paid to the local government unit (LGU) based on the following sharing scheme: province (20 percent), municipality (45 percent) and barangay(35 percent) (Espaldon in press).
Water levy for the rehabilitation of Baticulan Watershed, Negros Occidental3
Baticulan Watershed is located within the boundary of San Carlos City, Negro Occidental. It lies between the towns of Palampas and Rizal, covering 428 hectares. Due to shifting cultivation in the watershed, soil erosion and flooding have become serious problems in the nearby lowland.
The widespread degradation on the uplands of Baticulan Watershed urged the City Government of San Carlos, Negros Island to incorporate in the City Ordinance No. 37 series of 2004, âAn ordinance regulating the operation of the City Waterworks of the City and creating the Watershed Development and Protection Fund, and for other related purposes.â It is a special levy for an environmental fee of 0.75 pesos on every cubic metre of water billed. The proceeds go to a special account known as the âWatershed Development and Environmental Protection Fundâ that supports the implementation of the Master Development Plan (MDP) of the city. The concept of this fund is that inherent with the use of water are the negative externalities incurred in the production and consumption of water. The price of water should include the cost of externalities to address the negative impacts on the environment. It is estimated that the budget allocation per annum for the project is approximately 1.2 million pesos. The ordinance took effect after one year.
Local water consumers composed of households, local industrial firms and small-scale farmers pay the said amount, while the City Waterworks Department (CDW) automatically deducts the environmental fee and puts it in a special account. Section 3 of the ordinance specifies the disbursement of the environmental fee, in that funds accrued in the Watershed Development and Environmental Fund can only be disbursed in conformity with the Implementing Rules and Regulations governing the said funds to be submitted by the CDW and approved by the Sanggunian (council).
A Memorandum of Understanding between the City Government of San Carlos and the San Carlos Development Board, Inc was prepared and signed to leverage these funds for watershed rehabilitation.
Sibuyan Island is the second largest island of Romblon Province with a total land area of approximately 45 600 hectares, 75 percent of which are forested (van de Veen 2004). In the southern half of the island, watershed arrangements and payment mechanisms for two watersheds, namely the Cantingas and Panangcalan watersheds, are being developed.
Both these watersheds provide environmental services, which benefit both the upland and lowland dwellers. The ecosystem services provided by these watersheds (Sibuyan Report unpublished) are:
Among these environmental services, the mitigation of flood occurrence and the sustained production of good quality water for drinking and recreational purposes are the most important.
The World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Philippines developed payment schemes in collaboration with the LGU of San Fernando and Sibuyan Mangyan Tagabukid, an indigenous tribal organization. Since 2000, the WWF has been working towards providing livelihood strategies for the Mangyan Tagabukid, the main indigenous group in the area. Beginning in 2005, both the LGU of San Fernando and the WWF have each set aside 350 000 pesos (or US$8 536.60 at the time of writing) for the âCantingas Water Fundâ to finance watershed management in Panangcalan and Catingas watersheds respectively. Following the example of Baticulan Watershed, the LGU is presently drafting an ordinance for a water levy.
Environmental fees for the use of these services are currently charged in the area. For example, in Panangcalan Watershed, each household reportedly pays 15 pesos per month to the office of the municipal engineer to use the water system. In Cantingas Watershed, a total of 560 hectares of riceland were reportedly irrigated at a cost of 360 pesos/hectare/year to be added to the water fund.
Some of the key lessons that have emerged from the Philippines experience are:
PES schemes hold considerable promise for compensating forest communities for the environmental services that they help to provide. The prospect of using market forces to benefit millions of poor farmers is a very attractive concept. However, there are many challenges that constrain the fulfilment of this potential. Researchers and policy-makers need to interact closely to find the way forward. The promise of PES is too good an opportunity to miss to address the twin goals of poverty alleviation and environmental conservation.
Denman, K.L., Brasseur, G., Chidthaisong, A., Ciais, P., Cox, P.M., Dickinson, R.E., Hauglustaine, D., Heinze, C., Holland, E., Jacob, D., Lohmann, U., Ramachandran, S., da Silva Dias, P.L., Wofsy, S.C. & Zhang, X. 2007. Couplings between changes in the climate system and biogeochemistry. In S. Solomon, D. Qin, M. Manning, Z. Chen, M. Marquis, K.B. Averyt, M. Tignor & H.L. Miller, eds. Climate change 2007: the physical science basis,pp. 499â587. Contribution of Working Group I to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, United States, Cambridge University Press.
Espaldon, M.V. In press. Looking through the eyes of the future: the RUPES Bakun, Benguet, Philippines. Bogor, World Agroforestry Centre.
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). 2006. The new generation of watershed management programmes and projects. A resource book for practitioners and local decision-makers based on the findings and recommendations of an FAO review. FAO Forestry Paper 150. Rome, FAO. http://www.fao.org/docrep/009/a0644e/a0644e00.htm
Grieg-Gran, M. & Bann, C. 2003. A closer look at payments and markets for environmental services. In P. Gutman, ed. From goodwill to payments for environmental services, a survey of financing options for sustainable natural resource management in developing countries. WWF Macroeconomics for Sustainable Development Programme Office.
Gutman, P. 2005. What are PES? Opportunities and obstacles to implement pro-poor PES projects. Presentation, 15 December 2005.
Kaimowitz, D. 2004. Forests in the pressure of global policy making. In C. Baines, ed. Forest research crossing border,67â69. Joensuu, Finland, European Forest Institute. EFI Proceedings 50. http://www.efi.fi/publications/Proceedings/.
Kanninen, M, Murdiyarso, D., Seymour, F., Angelsen, A., Wunder, S. & German, L.2007. Do trees grow on money? The implications of deforestation research for policies to promote REDD. Bogor, Indonesia, CIFOR.
Rosa, H., Kandel, S. & Dimas, L. 2003. Compensating for environmental services and rural communities. San Salvador, El Salvador, Programa Salvadoreno de Investigacion sobre Desarrollo y Medio Ambiente.
Scherr, S., Milder, J.C. & Bracer, C. 2007. How important will different types of compensation and reward mechanisms be in shaping poverty and ecosystem services across Africa, Asia, and Latin America over the next two decades? ICRAF Working Paper No. 40. Nairobi, Kenya, World Agroforestry Centre.
Unisféra International Centre.2004. Payments for environmental services: a survey and assessment of current schemes. Karel Mayrand and Marc Paquin for the Commission for Environmental Cooperation of North America, Montreal, September 2004.
van de Veen, H.2004. How to care for the casualties of conservation? Labouring to improve livelihoods on Sibuyan Island, Philippines. Gland, DGIS-WWF.
Van Noordwijk, M., Villamor, G., Beria, L. & Lasco, R. 2007. Bridging supply and demand for the environmental services upland people can provide through sustainable rewards: lessons from RUPES.Paper presented during the national policy forum on Costing for Environmental Services: Implications to Policy, 9 March 2007. Quezon City, Philippines, Innotech.
Villamor, G.B., Cruz, R.V., Lasco, R.D. & Sanchez, P.A. 2006. RUPES: payments for watershed functions â application of Rapid Hydrological Appraisal (RHA) in Bakun Watershed, Philippines.Paper presented during the 1st eSURED meeting on International Water Resource Management, Quezon City.
Villamor, G. & Lasco, R.D. 2007. Water levy as financial scheme for watershed protection â a city government initiative to rehabilitate the Baticulan watershed, Philippines. Paper presented at the International Forum on Water Environmental Governance in Asia. Bangkok, Thailand.
Villamor, G. & Lasco, R.In press. Rewarding upland people for forest conservation: lessons learned and experiences from the case studies in the Philippines. Journal of Sustainable Forestry.
Wunder, S. 2005. Payments for environmental services: some nuts and bolts. CIFOR Occasional Paper No. 42. Jakarta, Indonesia, CIFOR.
Wunder, S. 2006. Are direct payments for environmental services spelling doom for sustainable forest management in the tropics? Ecology and Society, 11(2): 23. http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol11/iss2/art23/
World Wildlife Fund (WWF). 2006. Payments for environmental services: An equitable approach for reducing poverty and conserving nature.
1World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF), Khush Hall, IRRI Campus College, 4031 Laguna, Philippines. E-mail: [email protected]
2From Villamor et al.(2006).
3 From Villamor and Lasco (2007).
4From Villamor and Lasco (in press). |
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Copyright © 2014, John Gregg, all rights reserved
Time: 45 minutes
Target Audience: middle school/high school
Table of Contents and Key
Sound, Waves, and Electricity
Can everybody hear me OK? So how does that work? I make sounds with
my mouth, they invisibly zap through the air to your ears, and nerves
carry a signal to your brain that tells you that I'm talking. But I
want to focus on that invisible zapping part.
What is this invisible stuff called sound? Is it made of little
particles like bullets, or is it made of rays or something?
We've all been to the beach and seen waves.
sine wave/cresting beach wave on the board
Why do we use the same word to talk about sound and waves at
the beach? In what way are they alike?
What is another word for a wave?
Both kinds of waves are really the same kind of thing. A wave is really just a
vibration or jiggle. Waves at the beach are big and
slow compared to sound waves, but a beach wave is just a jiggle in the water.
Because the water has a flat surface, you can actually see the upwelling of
water as it bulges above the normal surface, like the shape I drew on the board.
Waves generally travel in all directions, in a sphere: you could hear me
speaking if you were above or below me, or even behind me.
A sound wave is a jiggle in the air. Sound can travel through water, too, or
wood or metal. The sound is the jiggle, and it must always exist in something
that can do the jiggling. You take some jello out of the fridge, and shake
it, and it jiggles. But you can't have the jiggle without the jello. The
stuff that is jiggling (the jello) is called the
The sound itself is
the jiggle. We say that sound travels through a medium. Most often for our
purposes, air is the medium. So in a way, the sound is really made of
Does anyone know how fast sound travels?
About 750 MPH, but there
is no 750 mile per hour wind in here. The jiggle moves through the
medium, but the medium itself stays put.
In the same way, a wave at the beach is not water moving, at least not in the
same way the wave itself moves. If you float a candy wrapper on the water, it
will ride over the wave as the wave lifts it up and drops it again. In the
same way, if you were to spill some ink into the water, and make a cloud
of ink, if a wave came along the ink would not be carried along with
the wave. The wave would moosh it around a little, but after the wave had
passed, the cloud of ink would relax and still pretty much be where it had
been before the wave hit it, just like the candy wrapper that rode on top of
Now think about that: it sounds like it doesn't make any sense. It is like
saying that a car moves at 60 MPH, and the car is made of metal, but the metal
Does anyone know what air is made of at the smallest level?
Normally, these molecules are floating around, randomly bumping into each other,
but if something pushes a lot of them in one direction all at the same time,
they push their neighbors, and so on, creating a wave.
Show Newton's cradle.
This is called Newton's cradle. Imagine that the balls are molecules,
although in real life they wouldn't all be lined up in a neat row like this.
Set the Newton's cradle going.
Has everyone here been to a ballgame? Ever done the wave?
Make the kids to the wave: slowly sweep your arm across the class
to guide the wave.
If one of you had tried to keep up with that wave you just made,
they would have had to walk pretty fast. But none of you left your
seat - you just stood up and sat down. This is exactly how waves work in
real life, all waves. You were the molecules, except that instead of actually
crashing into each other, you could just see each other and know when to
stand up and sit down. But just like you guys, each molecule pretty
much ends up right where it started, and the wave travels forward
without carrying the molecules with it.
The molecules get scrunched together into a
sort of bulge of pressure, then they release by pushing the
pressure onto the next bunch of molecules further out.
The important things here are that sound is just jiggles or
vibrations in a medium, and that while the wave moves through the
medium, the medium itself does not move other than to jiggle.
When I was young, but a little older than you are now, there was a
scary movie about a monster loose on a spaceship. This movie's
posters had a tag line that said "In space, no one can
hear you scream." That is true. Even if there are lots of people
around you, in space, no one can hear you scream.
Who can tell me why that is?
(No air in space, vacuum, no medium. Nothing to vibrate or jiggle)
Who knows what this is?
Show phono player, plug in with
extension cord, play record.
Pass around 45 RPM records.
freebie magazine insert record and cereal
box cardboard record.
How does this work?
There is a single spiral groove on the surface of each side of the
record. There are bumps and irregularities in this groove. The
player has sharp pin called a needle (sometimes with a tiny diamond
at the tip) at the end of this arm here, and
the needle rides along this groove and is dragged
along its entire length and gets pushed
this way and that by these bumps. Now you should guess by now that
these bumps match the pattern of jiggles that make up the sound wave
in the air that ends up being the music. The bumps jerk the needle
around in exactly the same pattern that we want to jerk the air
around to make the sound.
Next, some electronics in the arm that holds the needle does some
stuff that I won't explain in any detail right now that causes
each bump that the needle experiences to create a variation in
the electricity on a wire in the
player. As the needle is jostled and jiggled by
the bumps in the groove, it causes the strength of the electricity in
this wire to change, and these changes exactly match the pattern of
jiggles that make up the sound wave we want to create at the end.
It is important to understand that the electricity passing through the
wire is completely silent, and completely still. It is the strength of the
electricity on the wire that is changing. So the player has turned
mechanical motion into an electrical signal on a wire.
After it passes into the body of the record player, the electrical
signal gets amplified, then it is sent to a device that turns the
electrical signal on the wires into sound.
What is this device called, that
reads the electrical signal and jiggles the air to make the sound?
A speaker is a device that turns silent pulses of electricity into pulses
of air, or sound. What if we were inventors, and we had to invent a speaker,
a device that would make sound from an electrical signal? Well, since
sound is just a jiggle in the air, first we have to jiggle the air.
So let's try this - I'll try to jiggle the air and see if I can make a sound.
Spread both hands vertically in front of
you, jerk them back and forth quickly.
Now why doesn't this make any sound?
It is too slow, for one thing. The faster the vibration, the higher the
tone. The lowest tone the human ear can hear is about 20 vibrations
per second. The highest is about 20,000 vibrations per second.
I can only jerk my hands like this
maybe 5 to 10 pulses a second, so I can't move my hands fast enough
to make a sound we can hear. Some things can, however. The buzz of a fly
is caused by its wings beating more than 20 vibrations a second, as is
the hum of a hummingbird.
So if we were inventors given the job of inventing a
speaker, we would need to push a bunch of air around very quickly.
My hands aren't good air movers. So why don't I use a more
or less flat surface, like a wall, and jerk it around really
fast? But in order to jerk it back and forth precisely and very
quickly, it better be very light.
What do you suppose they make speakers out of, that is flat and light?
Get out speaker, hold it up.
Now here is where the pattern of wiggles in the electricity is
turned into the actual sound wave. The paper cone moves in and out.
The electrical signal controls the motion of the cone. Because the
movements of the cone match the pulses of the electric signal on
the wire, the cone ends up pushing the air around in just the right
way to (re)create the desired sound wave, and when it reaches our
ears, we hear music.
Get out mutilated boom box, with one speaker
disconnected and the other missing entirely, with its wires hanging out
through the empty speaker hole, turn it on (dead silence), connect
the dangling wires to the speaker and hear the sound come out. Let the wires
go and show the sound abruptly stop.
As you look at the speaker, try to figure out how it does what
it does - how does it jiggle the air in a way that exactly matches
the strength of the electrical signal that comes in on the wire?
Here is a hint.
Take out steel bolts, dangle them from speaker magnet.
Pass speaker around, with warning about its fragility.
What we really want is an electric powered cone jiggler.
cross section of speaker on the board: cone, empty square on the bottom
with two wires coming out, with a '?' in the middle of it.
Imagine that there is a little
room at the base of the cone, and inside that room is a tiny elf with
one hand on the tip of the paper cone, and this elf watches a
needle that shows the level of electricity on the wire at each
moment. When there is a lot of electricity, he pushes the cone hard,
when there is a little electricity, he pushes gently, and when there
is no electricity, he doesn't push at all. Now that's silly - there's
no elf. But keep that image in mind, and try to figure out what there
really is in there that does that elf's job.
We know that its a magnetic elf - there is a big magnet in here.
Now, you've all played with magnets.
What happens when you put two magnets together?
Get out ceramic magnets and click them together.
But what happens when you turn one of the magnets around and try to put
Pull ceramic magnets apart, turn one around, and
try to squish them together
They repel. They hate that. They really do not want to be anywhere
near each other. Now keep that image in the back of your
mind, next to the picture of the elf.
There is one missing piece of the puzzle.
Does anybody have any guess as to what an
It turns out that the forces in nature of electricity and magnetism
are very closely related, and can easily be converted to each other.
If you take a wire, and loop it around in a spiral
then pass electricity through it, it will become a magnet.
Demonstrate: nail and wire electromagnet
attached to flashlight battery with one
end of the wire taped to one end of the battery with
Pick up paper clips,
let go of one of the wires, see the paper clip drop.
Pass the whole kit around.
Perhaps you have seen videos of those huge cranes at junk yards that can
lift an entire car and drop it again. They are electromagnets.
If you pass a lot of electricity through the coil of wire, the
magnet is strong, but if you pass only a little electricity through it, the
magnet is weak.
If you put an electromagnet near a regular magnet in such a way that
they repel each other,
the electromagnet will push hard against the regular magnet if it is given
a lot of electricity, and it will push gently against the regular magnet
if it is given a little bit of electricity, and it won't push against
the regular magnet at all if it is given no electricity. So now
is the picture starting to come together of how a speaker works?
There is coil of very thin copper wire around part
of the regular magnet in the base of the speaker. The paper cone is
glued to the electromagnet. With no electricity, the cone just
sits there. But if you pass a bunch of electricity through the
wire, it turns on the electromagnet, and pushes against (repels) the regular
magnet, pushing the cone outward. If there is a lot of electricity,
the cone gets pushed a lot, if there is only a little electricity,
the cone is only pushed a little. If there is a pattern of strength
and weakness in the electricity, the paper cone will move, and push
air, in that exact same pattern, making sound. So the elf in my
incorrect little story just is an electromagnet.
Erase the '?' in the box in the picture on the board, and replace it
with a picture of a coil connecting the ends of the wire. Color in
a part at the bottom of the square and call it the regular magnet.
Show the coil positioned above the regular magnet, and draw in the
bottom of the cone attached to the top of the coil.
Does everybody understand this? Does everybody believe it?
Get a volunteer - get them to take apart the speaker and unspool
the copper wire.
OK, now here's one more noise maker.
Pull out See And Say (old - not battery powered!)
Is there anyone here who does not recognize this? A few years ago I
was at my Dad's house with my brother, and we were going through a
box of old toys that had been ours when we were kids, 30 years
before. We pulled one of these out, and it worked just fine. Then
we started thinking about it. There is no plug, and no door for
batteries. And no batteries would still work after being in a box
for 30 years anyway. How does this work?
Does anyone know who invented the record player?
Thomas Edison invented the record player, and they became very popular
in American homes over a hundred years ago, and those record players
were not electric. Instead of the needle being jiggled and creating an
electrical signal on a wire that was sent to a speaker, the speaker was
in direct contact with the needle. So the jiggles of the needle
immediately jiggled the speaker.
It didn't work all that well by today's standards, and you could not
turn it up and make it louder. This See And Say works on exactly the
old ad with Nipper the dog: "His Master's Voice"
Take apart the See And Say, show the insides, and pass it around.
This is the end of the presentation, and I will take questions while the
insides of the See and Say are being passed around.
How to make a speaker from scratch
Different how to make a speaker from scratch
Retro mechanical phonograph
Relevant Calvin and Hobbes cartoon
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Save Trees to Save Earth :
- Trees are very important for the survival of mankind in our Mother Earth
- Trees take in Carbon dioxide and give out Oxygen to the atmosphere
- Trees give fresh air to the atmosphere that is good for our body
- Trees have enormous benefits and without which life at Earth would not be possible
- We should Save trees to save Earth
Save Trees To Save Earth : (Short Essay)
Living on Earth was a pleasure for man in the ancient period. Man ever since civilization has learnt and lived in tune with nature. But during the recent periods, the actions of man have disturbed the ecosystem in such a way the very survival of mankind for ages to come has become a question mark. Trees which produce the essential oxygen are been cut down beyond a limit. Trees prevent soil erosion, reduce heat in the atmosphere, absorb harmful gases, reduce pollution and give fresh air to us. The benefits that trees give us are even more; but people cut down trees for its parts, demolish forests in great levels to build big buildings, complexes and create new cities. If we keep cutting down trees without thinking the after affects, we will only end up building marvelous cities marching towards the extinction of mankind in a very short period. Save Trees to Save Earth from extinction.
Save Trees To Save Earth : (Brief Essay)
Trees form the source of oxygen in the atmosphere. The benefits of trees do not end with this. Trees give us a lot of many more benefits that we hardly know.
- Trees prevent soil erosion because of their strong roots under the soil that has been formed since many years. If trees are cut down in enormous numbers, soil erosion would happen easily because of which we would lose soil in runoff during heavy rains
- Trees are capable of reducing pollution especially noise pollution. Trees can absorb sounds easily. So a place with lot of trees definitely would protect useless noise as a nuisance.
- During a storm or heavy wind force, big trees can stop the houses, buildings and farmland from ruining down in seconds time
- Trees give you shade on a sunny day. The cool and fresh air trees give is so good for our health. Trees absorb Carbon dioxide that is harmful when it stays in the atmosphere over a limit
- Trees reduce heat to a considerable amount from the atmosphere. The heat level the Earth experiences now is all the impact of cutting down trees to in great numbers
More of all, Trees are homes for a lot of birds and tiny animals. Cutting down of trees would affect the entire ecosystem. Birds would shift to other localities. Animals that rely on trees as shelter die pathetically. Ultimately, it affects the life of mankind too. Understanding this fact is the first step towards saving trees. We should Save Trees to Save Earth so that we can live without disturbing the nature.
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"More than 200 years have passed since the establishment of St. Tammany Parish, but there were people here before that, and it bore other names. It has been part of Spain, France, England, Spain again, the Republic of West Florida â when it was known as St. Ferdinand and Unionâ the United States, the Confederate States of America and, finally, the United States of America again. Although one of the largest parishes in the state, it is only about a quarter of its original size. When originally created, it included all of Washington Parish and Tangipahoa Parish to the Tangipahoa River."
-Frederick S. Ellis, St. Tammany, a Bicentennial Celebration
History of St. Tammany Parish
Taken from "The Florida Parish Chronicles" episode entitled "St. Tammany Parish: Overcoming the Obstacles to Prosperity", produced by the Southeastern Channel and airing on Channel 18. Episode written by Dr. Sam Hyde, Director of the Center for Southeast Studies."
When one looks at St. Tammany Parish Louisiana today, it is difficult to visualize the troubled historical background that has characterized development in this territory along the northshore of Lake Pontchartrain. From Slidell to Covington the region is alive with the progressive development that has transformed the region from a neglected backwater to among the most prosperous areas of the state. The St. Tammany of today, which some regard as New Orleans north, was not always a model of progress. Indeed it can be argued that St. Tammany snatched success from the jaws of despair.
Like the surrounding regions of the Florida parishes, St. Tammany's pre-history was characterized by several phases of indigenous Native American development. The original nomadic hunters who traversed the region in the decades following the last ice age gave way to a more sedentary mound building culture as life changed from the constant hunt for large paleolithic animals to reliance on the types of wildlife we recognize today. With the mound building culture came not only the great temple mounds which can still be found in certain areas of the modern region, but also more productive farming techniques that allowed for permanency in residence.
By the time the first French explorers intruded into the region, the legendary petites nations of Muskegon peoples were firmly established in the area. Included among these tribes were the Bayougoula who resided along the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain - surviving by relying on seafood harvested from the lakes, the Acolapissa who lived primarily along the Pearl River, and the comparatively large Houma who often served as the dominant tribal group in the area. Evidence exists to suggest that the Chitimacha also resided in the region at times amid the shifting territories common to the tribes of the period.
As European settlement advanced along the eastern seaboard, more numerous tribes began to migrate west in search of territories free from the European intrusion. Among the tribes that eventually migrated to, or through, St. Tammany were the Biloxi, Koasati, and most importantly - the Choctaw.
The first European contact with the region we know as St. Tammany came with the explorations of Pierre le Moyne, Sieur de Iberville. In March of 1699, after finally determining that he had indeed relocated the great Mississippi River claimed for France by his predecessor in exploration La Salle, Iberville divided his party into two groups sending the larger portion, under the direction of his brother Bienville, down the Mississippi while he attempted the challenging east fork of the Mississippi known today as Bayou Manchac.
Iberville's diversion was prompted by his desire to make the upper reaches of the Mississippi more accessible. In pre-steam engine times, and before the arrival of horse and mule teams, ships were forced to move up the great river through the tedious process of throwing an anchor forward and then pulling the ship up to it before repeating the process. Iberville's venture into Bayou Manchac, which was briefly known as the Iberville River, was an effort to identify a pass to the Gulf of Mexico that would avoid the dangerous and swift currents at the mouth of the Mississippi.
After successfully traversing the Bayou, Iberville followed the Amite River into the two large lakes which he named Maurepas and Pontchartrain for his principal financial backers the French minister of marine and his son. On the first night of his voyage to the lakes Iberville recorded in his journal, "The place where I am is one of the prettiest I have seen, fine level ground bare of canes. The land north of the lakes is a country of pine trees mixed with hard woods. The soil is sandy and many tracks of buffalo and deer can be seen."
As he continued seeking the outlet to the Gulf, Iberville exited into Lake Pontchartrain via South Pass eventually, according to tradition, making camp at Goose Point about 30 miles from Pass Manchac and 12 miles from the Rigolets. Iberville offered a less than flattering first European appraisal of St. Tammany Parish proclaiming "the water of the lake is too brackish to drink, we camped on a treeless, grassy point, pretty bad, having no water to drink and many mosquitoes, which are terrible little animals to people who are in need of rest." Ultimately Iberville concluded that the land of St. Tammany was too low to accommodate settlement - one can only imagine what he would think were he to see the region today.
By 1725 a regular commerce in foodstuffs (primarily meat) had developed between the Acolapissa in ST. Tammany and the emerging city at New Orleans. Among the first permanent white residents of ST. Tammany was Pierre Brou who recorded himself as a resident of the Colapissas. The French crown encouraged the residents to secure naval stores (tar, pitch, turpentine and resin) from the forests and the great virgin pine stands of St. Tammany offered a bounty. By the late 1730s enterprising businessmen such as Claude Vignon, known as Lacombe, had established tar works and other ventures to provide the naval stores.
Slave labor was imported into the region to work at these emerging enterprises. Not surprisingly, many of the slaves chose to run away rather than endure the hard work associated with such ventures. By the 1740s, the dense forests and swampy regions of the northshore had established a reputation as a haven for runaway slaves.
Other than these small efforts at economic development, the French period did not herald much progress in the territory. The French defeat in the Seven Years War marked the arrival of a new order in the region. As part of the Treaty of Paris, in 1763 Britain secured control of all of West Florida. In an effort to encourage migration to the area the British offered substantive land grants to settlers willing to locate there. With the outbreak of rebellion in the Atlantic colonies in 1775, the trickle of setters migrating to West Florida increased substantially. Among the new arrivees were scores of British loyalists escaping persecution at the hands of the American rebels. West Florida served as an important refuge for these people as one of the closest locations that remained outside the control of the Americans and St. Tammany received its fair share of new arrivals. Most of these settlers secured land grants near Bayou Castein, or near the Pearl River and adjoining regions of the lake front.
With the exception of Bernardo de Galvez's expedition up the Mississippi River in support of the American rebels, history records that little activity occurred in what is now St. Tammany during the Revolution. There was, nonetheless, some activity in the lakes near St. Tammany. To prevent the British from reinforcing Baton Rouge it was necessary for the Spanish to secure control of the lakes. Britain maintained one armed sloop in Lake Pontchartrain appropriately named the "West Florida." In September 1779 a patched together ship of war commanded by Captain William Pickles engaged the West Florida and in a sharp and violent firefight captured her - ensuring that Glavez's expedition need fear no British reinforcements from Pensacola.
By 1783 Britain was forced to accept defeat in the American Revolution - the resulting treaty transferred all of the territory captured by Galvez to Spain. St. Tammany now entered her third territorial period under Spanish governance. It was during the Spanish period that marked development arrived in St. Tammany. Like their British predecessors, the Spanish were eager to encourage settlement in the territory - they accordingly offered large land grants to those wishing to settle in the territory. Among the newcomers were increasing numbers of British loyalists who now found themselves at the mercy of the American victors along the seaboard and sought refuge in any region not controlled by the United States. West Florida served as one of the closest territories that remained outside American control.
The potential for both progress and disaster soon proved apparent during the Spanish period. The growth of settlement to the north in the Mississippi territory proved a impetus for development as market trails, many built upon older native American trade paths, soon traversed St. Tammany en route to the South's one great metropolis at New Orleans. Development proved especially promising near present day Madisonville, which would soon emerge as an important terminus for cattle drives and other commodities transported overland and loaded onto schooners for transport to New Orleans. The increasing commerce naturally attracted increasing numbers of settlers determined to establish commercial enterprises along the market trails.
But Spanish control also proved problematic in St. Tammany. Essentially, the Spanish exercised no realistic authority over the territory. Spain employed no police force in the region and, although they tried to keep a small garrison on the north shore, concerns for the security of New Orleans ensured troops would be based there only temporarily at best. Such a situation proved attractive to scores of desperadoes and army deserters who fled to the region in order to avoid more established systems of justice in neighboring American controlled regions. By the eve of the Louisiana Purchase a condition of near anarchy prevailed in St. Tammany as thieves and desperadoes roamed the territory virtually free from molestation by the law. The prevailing circumstances led the first American governor of Louisiana William C. C. Claiborne to comment, "civil authority remains weak and lax in West Florida especially in the region near the Pearl River, where the influence of the law is scarcely felt."
Troubled by the absence of effective authority in the region and eager to seize control of valuable lands in the area, in 1804 a group of disgruntled settlers in the Mississippi Territory launched an abortive uprising to overthrow Spanish authority. Though the first effort was unsuccessful, by 1810 rebellion was again brewing in West Florida. Most of the support for the West Florida rebels was concentrated in the Feliciana District. In the district of Tangipahoa and Chifoncte, which included St. Tammany, little overt evidence of support for the rebels proved evident. When a delegation from the Feliciana district called for a convention to discuss the regions relationship to Spain, the delegate from the Chifoncte district was William Cooper, a former British loyalist from North Carolina and a staunch Spanish loyalist.
Like most of his neighbors, Cooper opposed the later actions of the West Florida rebels even going so far as to organize a militia company to support the Spanish. But the power of the revolt proved unstoppable - for his efforts in support of the existing government Cooper was branded a traitor, his home and all outbuildings were burned and, before order was restored in the region, he was murdered by the rebels. Whether willingly or not, St. Tammany found itself a part of the West Florida Revolt - the region was included in the territory that formed the original Lone Star Republic.
After enduring for only 74 days, the fledgling Republic of West Florida was annexed by the United States. The Americans quickly made their presence known and the strategic location of the territory was highlighted when the British sought to capture New Orleans during the War of 1812. St. Tammany played a crucial role in the fighting during that conflict as Andrew Jackson marched south to defend New Orleans cutting a new trail through the region that would later emerge as the Jackson Military Road. Fighting also erupted in the waters off ST. Tammany as Thomas ap Catesby Jones tiny naval flotilla engaged the British in Lake Borgne near the Rigolets as they advanced against New Orleans.
American control did not herald the emergence of prosperity in the region. The soil of St. Tammany proved poor in comparison to the fertile bluffs along the Mississippi. Initial effort to grow the great cash crop of the South, cotton, proved unsuccessful until a Siamese black seed variety of cotton was introduced from the Caribbean that finally allowed the cotton economy and accompanying slave system to expand into St. Tammany and Washington parishes. Despite such advances, by 1850 St. Tammany ranked 40th in per capita wealth among Louisiana's 47 parishes.
Like much of the remainder of the South, the Civil War period proved devastating for St. Tammany parish. Union raiders prowled the territory as Confederate cavalry desperately sought to maintain control over crucial river ports, especially Madisonville and the crucial entrance to Lake Pontchartrain near modern day Slidell. By early 1862 Federal Order number 100, which was designed to starve the region into submission was proving effective. Local residents groaned under the burden of ceaseless warfare that destroyed crops and livestock and the added dilemma of scores of refugees from New Orleans who were forced out of the city for refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the Federal government. These refugees were literally dumped on the north shore with little more than the clothes on the back.
Local resident Annette Koch lamented, "there is hardly enough food to go around for those of us already here, the new arrivals are certain to soon starve." By the summer of 1864 Federal authorities curtailed incursions into the interior of St. Tammany Parish due to repeated reports that there was little left to destroy. Adding to the prevailing misery in the region were the scores of deserters from both armies who found refuge in the Pearl River swamps. Desperate to survive themselves, these renegades preyed upon the people of the region murdering and stealing with impunity and generally adding to the despair of war.
While the war may have represented a low point in the history of ST. Tammany - the problems destined to confront the region were far from over. After enduring a painful period of Reconstruction, characterized by corrupt governance and widespread violence that would leave a painful legacy in the area, in 1877 St. Tammany found itself forced to confront a shattered economy, war ravaged infrastructure, and painful wounds associated with nearly 20 years of sustained violence. The overthrow of the Carpetbagger government of Louisiana created a power vacuum that revealed a series of simmering problems destined to confront the residents of St. Tammany Parish. Like many areas of the rapidly advancing frontier of America, the expansion of democracy had been restrained in St. Tammany. Residents had become accustomed to governance at the hands of powerful others.
The tragedy of defeat in war and the painful consequences of seeking to rebuild with no possibility of assistance from the Federal government, caused many in the region to acknowledge the mistake of blind adherence to the powerful pre-war elite. In the regional elections of 1878-79, local residents rejected the authority of their pre-war masters and instead elected new men to office. But the suspicions of the war and Reconstruction era remained - many had come to believe that violence solved problems permanently. Like the surrounding parishes of Washington and Tangipahoa, St. Tammany descended into a dark chapter where anarchy reigned and feuding served as a primary means of societal regulation.
The violence that consumed St. Tammany was aggravated by disputes over conflicting land claims that had long been dormant in the face of the perceived common enemies evident during the war and Reconstruction periods. Each of the colonial powers: France, Britain, Spain, and finally the Americans had offered land grants that often conflicted and overlapped. While some of the feuds that emerged centered on strictly personal disputes, others related directly to these conflicting claims. The long enduring Jolly-Cousin feud originated in a dispute over a piece of land that an ineffective legal system never properly adjudicated. The feud, which lasted more than 13 years, climaxed in 1897 with a pitched battle involving pistols, shotguns, and clubs, that left four dead and two wounded. At the turn of the twentieth century, the war weary residents of ST. Tammany longed for stability and the hope for prosperity.
The prayers for relief would soon be answered - a bright future was in store for St. Tammany. Initial efforts at recovery began with the residents themselves. The emergence of significant industrial concerns, such as the Jancke Shipyard at Madisonville, advanced lumbering and forestry policies across the parish, improved cross lake shipping concerns, and finally the tapping of the most basic natural resource - the crystal clear ground water found in St. Tammany, offered outlets to progress. As recovery efforts accelerated, residents in New Orleans who had long looked to the moss strewn oak shoreline of Lake Pontchartrain near Mandeville and Slidell as a delightful vacation refuge, now began to relocate to the northshore in large numbers. The construction of the Lake Pontchartrain Causeway accelerated the migration to St. Tammany while the construction of I-12 placed the region at the epicenter of progress.
St. Tammany today enjoys status as the most prosperous parish in Louisiana, sporting a thriving economy and one of the highest rated school systems in the state. But as with all regions that experience such rapid progress, new challenges that will soon confront St. Tammany are just emerging. Discussions are underway to consider the possibility of yet another bridge across Lake Pontchartrain - a bridge certain to further accelerate the rapid growth characterizing the region. Moreover, the issue of identity has come to fore as long term residents of ST. Tammany struggle to maintain traditions amid the mass arrival of people accustomed to potentially contrary cultural perspectives and political views. If history is any indicator of the future though, St. Tammany may very well serve as a model in confronting the obstacles to prosperity.
While extensive record keeping was not all that common in the pre-1800 era of St. Tammany Parish, some important events did occur in our area. In 1699, explorer Pierre LeMoyne Sieur dâIberville located and named Lake Pontchartrain. He was on an expedition searching for a shorter route to the Mississippi River.
It is well known that several Native American tribes resided in the area of St. Tammany Parish before the 1800âs. Some of these tribes no longer exist today, and include the Bayougoula, the Acolapissa in the Pearl River area, and the Houma Indians.
The great fire of 1794 which destroyed much of the city of New Orleans required large numbers of bricks for the rebuilding effort. Most bricks for the rebuilding which took place over the next few years came from locations in St. Tammany, including the Camp Salmen area and other locations in the eastern part of the parish, and the Madisonville area on the west side of the parish.
In 1800 the town of Madisonville was founded, though it was originally named Coquille. It was renamed after President James Madison in 1810.
In 1803, the Louisiana Purchase occurred, in which the United States acquired over 828,000 square miles of the French territory Louisiana. The area which is currently St. Tammany Parish was not originally part of the Louisiana Purchase. Part of St. Tammany was an area under Spanish rule called the West Florida Republic. A small portion of modern St. Tammany was actually an area of conflict between the United States and Spain.
The Parish system in the State of Louisiana was established in 1807. Of course, Louisiana is known for being the only state in the country divided into Parishes. The state was originally comprised of twelve counties, but changed to a system modeled after Roman Catholic Parishes.
The name St. Tammany Parish has interesting origins. The parish is named after a Native American given the moniker âsaintâ as a show of respect and admiration. Chief Tamanend was a chief in the Lenni-Lenape tribe, and had many dealings with white European settlers in the late 17th century and early 18th century. Due to his honesty and integrity, âSaintâ Tamanend was honored with this name. He signed treaty documents which guaranteed equality for Native Americans in areas of the colonies, which was a very significant achievement. While many parishes in the state are named after either Native American tribes or European saints, St. Tammany has the distinction of being the only parish named after a Native American âsaintâ.
Some information from Dr. Sam Hyde, The Florida Parish Chronicles |
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Use Case: If you need to pass any information, such as a user name, in a URL as a query string parameter. To prevent the link breaking, always use u() which allows you to URL-encode special characters. For example, the user name value âSailthru Userâ would become âSailthru%20Userâ
Explanation: This script uses the u() function to add URL-encoding to a query parameter. In this instance, the space between âSailthruâ and âUserâ is being converted to the ASCII â%20â. |
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What do we mean by the phrase âgreen Chinaâ? We mean a China that is sustainable, democratic, fair, harmonious and socialist. This conclusion has been reached after many years of struggle. Each word is the distillation of the blood, sweat and tears of several generations. We want to build a green China because green is the colour of life, of sustainability. For something to be called âgreenâ it has to be sustainable â and currently China has yet to achieve sustainability.
The model of economic development that we are currently pursuing is unsustainable. Our energy consumption per unit of GDP is seven times that of Japan, six times that of America, and even 2.8 times that of India. Chinaâs labour productivity is less than 10% of the world total, and yet our emissions are over 10 times higher than the global average.
Chinaâs current supplies of energy and natural resources are unsustainable. Soil erosion and water loss mean that in the last 50 years, the area of habitable land has halved. We currently have 45 main sources of minerals, but in 15 years only six will remain. Within five years, 60% of our oil will be imported.
Chinaâs environment is unsustainable. One-third of China's land mass is affected by acid rain. Over 300 million rural residents have no access to clean drinking water. One-third of urban residents breathe heavily polluted air. Thanks to the traditional model of economic development â which is energy intensive, heavily polluting and relies on high levels of consumption â China has become the world's largest consumer of water, largest emitter of waste water and one of the three areas in the world worst affected by acid rain.
Our current society is unsustainable. In 2003 China crossed a âsafe boundaryâ on the Gini coefficient â a measure of inequality of distribution of income â which means that China was classified as having âvery unequal wealth distributionâ. The World Bank has said that no other country has seen such a large income disparity emerge in just 15 years. For so long we criticised capitalism for being unsustainable, unfair and unequal, but if our socialism cannot solve problems of social inequality, then how can we claim our system is superior?
We have arrived at this point because we made biased decisions when choosing development strategies. In the 1950s we imitated the Soviets by developing heavy industry. This may have laid the industrial foundation for New China, but it was not entirely appropriate for a country that is rich in labour but lacking in natural resources. In the 1980s we turned in another direction, and learnt from Europe and the US by stimulating economic growth with energy-intensive production and consumer lifestyles. This extensive model of economic growth seeks to maximise production levels and profit, but overlooks how resources are used â and the damage done to the environment.
Before the reform period we followed an exclusively political model, with class struggle as our guiding principle. We were unable to complete the transition from revolutionary party to ruling party, and instigated one political movement after another. In the 25 years since the reforms, China has followed an exclusively economic model. We are widely recognised as having achieved an economic miracle, but we have paid an enormous price. There has been a flaw in our thinking: the belief that the economy decides everything. If the economy is booming, we thought, political stability will follow; if the economy is booming, we hoped, people will have enough to eat and live contented lives; if the economy is booming, we believed, there will be money everywhere and materialism will be enough to stave off the looming crises posed by our population, resources, environment, society, economy and culture. But now it seems this will not be enough. When these crises really hit us, a little economic success will not be nearly enough to deal with them.
Development is a good thing in itself. But it must be integrated development across all areas, not just economic development. Only all-round, coordinated development is a good in itself. We have always taken âdevelopmentâ to mean economic development alone, and this to mean the simple accumulation of wealth. As a result, the pursuit of wealth has become the sole aim of society. In theory, the value of all resources is determined by the market price, but the latent value of scarce resources such as land, water, the environment, and biodiversity has been ignored. Many social resources have been absorbed by projects designed to help people âget rich quickâ. Blind investment, continual rebuilding and a lifestyle based on massive consumption have built up an enormous financial risk. At the same time, the extreme worship of wealth has lead to a decline in consideration for others and a breakdown in social ethics and values. Affairs relating directly to the national economy and people's livelihoods such as conservation, education and poverty alleviation have been neglected. Disadvantaged groups have been marginalised, and the poor have lost all moral support and sense of belonging. Moreover, criminal forces and dangerous cults have expanded by taking advantage of the situation. The excessive pursuit of wealth means that disproportionate amounts of political and economic resources are put into a small range of industries closely related to economic growth. The intricate and complex entanglement of the interests of government departments, various groups and regions has seen an unprecedented increase in the pursuit of short-term gain. This has become very common, and public interests, including the environment, are often unscrupulously violated under the banner of âdevelopmentâ. As the short-term economic figures increase, so do the most serious forms of injustice and corruption.
There are four different ways of approaching the issue of environmental protection: it can be seen as a specialised and isolated field in itself, as an economic issue, as a political and sociological issue, or â at the highest level â as a cultural and ethical issue. In China, we have always looked at the environment as an isolated subject, whereas abroad it is already being treated as a political and sociological issue. In the last few years, the conflict between the environment and the economy has become unprecedentedly intense - the environment has begun to place limits on economic growth, and economic growth has destroyed much of the environment; this has led to our conservation work being rapidly elevated to the economic level. However, the state still has no systematic policy framework on the issue of the economyâs confrontation with the environment, and has not developed ways of thinking or cultural theories on the issue. There have not been any fundamental changes, and the environmental protection system has not caught up with the new âeconomicâ way of looking at the issue. On a global scale, the environment has long since moved on from being an isolated problem â it is interrelated to all other issues.
So why is the environment considered an economic problem? Because damage to the environment is seriously restricting economic growth. The World Bank has calculated that currently between 8% to13% of China's GDP goes towards paying environmental costs. Lots of people think that we should wait until we have reached a higher level of wealth and development, before setting about repairing the damage we have done to the environment. The developed countries did this, they say, so why can't China? The answer is that China's population structure does not allow it. We do not have overseas colonies and access to their environmental resources, and we do not have the same advantage in terms of capital and technology. The longer we wait, the harder it will be for economic success to pay for damage done to the environment. If we stick to the current model of development, then in 15 years our GDP will have increased four-fold, but the pollution will have increased even faster. It is possible that before we have built up enough of a material foundation, an environmental crisis will have broken out, bringing with it other kinds of crisis.
Everyone wants to perform well. If I was the mayor of a town, or the head of a county, I would also see development and wealth creation as my priority. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is the main standard by which good is measured, and the idea of âpollute now, clean-up laterâ has become ingrained. The thinking behind this idea is that we can enjoy life now, and the responsibility for clearing things up can be passed to younger people 15 years from now. But there is a flaw in this thinking: an ecological crisis is creeping up on us much faster than we imagine, and those at risk are not later generations, but us ourselves. If the current model of economic development is followed for another five years, the symptoms of the crisis will become ever more apparent.
Everyone knows that we have to choose a new path: a third way that means the environment and the economy will both benefit. This is the path of clean production, a circular economy with new energy sources. Other countries have already shown that these methods can be successful. Western countries have abandoned earlier methods of production in favour of ecologically sound industries. Some may not be convinced that this is a good example for China to follow, as these countries have benefited from primary accumulation and 300 years of environmental exploitation, but could Japan's experiences hold lessons for us? Japan's balance of population and resources was even less favourable than China's, but they have successfully built a circular economy and society. Those who are still not convinced should look at the example of South Korea. By the time the countryâs per capita GDP had reached US$5,000, South Korea had already solved its environmental problems. Even a moderately developed country can remedy environmental problems that the developed nations could only solve in the advanced stages of development. There is still hope. Green production, clean technology, sustainable consumption, green capital markets, stocks and shares and green credit are all options that we can explore. Under the market system, many public resources have no price. We make assumptions that the earth's resources are limitless â that before resources are extracted from the earth, they have no value. This has been a historical limitation of traditional politics and economics. Scarce resources such as water, coal, or biodiversity have no price. The day that a pricing system for these resources is set up will be a day of enormous change in economics. Such a transition in our way of thinking about economic development would be revolutionary for China. This is what we mean by a âgreen economyâ, and would be a prelude to the emergence of a new set of environmental economic policies.
Why is the environment considered a sociological issue? I have written an article specifically addressing this issue called âEnvironmental Protection and Social Justiceâ, and will not go into too much detail here. Suffice to say that social injustice leads to environmental injustice, which in turn leads to further social injustice, and a vicious circle is set in motion. The result is disharmony throughout society.
Here is a classic example of what should be called environmental injustice: coal mine owners from Shanxi province indiscriminately extract coal and dig up the land, creating pollution. As a result they become extremely wealthy. Once they have polluted Shanxi, however, they do not stay there. Instead they move to Bejing where they buy luxury villas and push up house prices. They have also pushed up property prices in all the coastal regions of north China. If these areas then become polluted, they will no doubt move to the US, Canada or Australia and cause inflation there too. They create pollution, but are removed from its consequences. They take all the benefits of polluting industries, but pay nothing towards the clean-up costs.
Although the speed of our economic development has been high, the rewards have not been fairly distributed. Power and wealth have flowed towards the cities, the eastern regions and certain wealthy groups. Rural residents, the western regions and the poor have become â in terms of employment opportunities, education, healthcare and social security â the losers in a dualistic system. The environment has also lost out. Some people and regions âgetting rich firstâ has been achieved by sacrificing the environment of other people and regions. There is also the issue of social responsibility. What burden of responsibility should be borne by the business people who got rich first, the officials who have become powerful, and the groups who have benefitted the most? What form should this social responsibility take in the fields of the environment and public affairs? Not long ago I wrote an essay entitled âUrging Chinese Business to Take Environmental Responsibilityâ. I suggested those people, regions, industries, departments and cities that got rich first should take on environmental responsibility, in order to narrow social divides and assuage a series of social injustices. They need to understand that the consequences of injustice are the same for rich and poor alike. We always say that we are aiming for a âsocialist market economyâ, and this is an excellent goal; it combines the efficiency demanded by the market with the fairness encouraged by socialism. But at the moment we are not doing well enough in either efficiency or fairness. Our generation needs to work enormously hard to remedy this.
Another factor is the law: we have more laws for environmental protection than any other country, but how many of them are actually enforced? And when they are enforced, what is the effect? Current laws do not allow severe enough punishment of polluters, and do not give enough power to environmental departments, with the result that it is cheaper to break the law than observe it. The system for maintaining local environmental protection offices is flawed. Their finances and personnel are all determined by the local government. The local government decides who is taken on, how much they are paid, what benefits they receive, what jobs their relatives get and where their children go to school. The result is that local environmental protection offices become public relations teams, rubber-stamping projects that the local government wants to push through. How can they be realistically expected to prevent local governments from harming the environment in pursuit of economic gain? We still have not completed the reform of the administrative decision-making process. Many large projects that will have far-reaching consequences get the go-ahead without the public being aware of them. Even if the public finds out about the projects in advance, there are no channels through which they can express their opinions, and the public interest is eroded. Change requires democracy and a mature legal system. It requires public participation and transparency in public affairs.
The longer I am involved in environmental protection, the more I realise the importance of democracy and the legal system. I am convinced that environmental protection cannot be advanced by the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) alone. It requires action from the whole of society, and the establishment and implementation of democracy, and a mature legal system. Environmental protection is the ideal field in which to experiment with democracy and law, because it is a fairly apolitical area and one on which it is reasonably easy to reach a consensus. The issue of the Old Summer Palace is a good example. Different ways of thinking, different departmental interests, regional and central powers, communication between the government and public, and the âLaw on Administrative Licensingâ all came together and interacted. The result was an experiment in the way that democratic and rational decision-making, and public supervision of the government, can work in a rational and harmonious environment. So far, the experiment seems to have been a success.
Pan Yue is deputy director of China's State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA). Part of a new generation of outspoken Chinese senior officials, Pan has given rise to a tide of environmental debate, attracting enormous attention and controversy.
NEXT: Environmental protectionâs cultural problem |
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- pharmacopoeiameaning âan official directory of drugsâ, is spelt -poeia in BrE and -poeia or -peia in AmE. The pronunciation in both cases is fah-mÇ-kÇ-pee-Ç.
Modern English usage. 2014.
Modern English usage. 2014.
Pharmacopoeia â Phar ma*co*p[oe] ia, n. [NL., from Gr. farmakopoii: a the preparation of medicines; fa rmakon medicine + poiei^n to make.] 1. A book or treatise describing the drugs, preparations, etc., used in medicine; especially, one that is issued by⊠⊠The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
Pharmacopoeia â s issued by private individuals.HistorySome of the earliest pharmacopoeia books were written by Arabian and Persian physicians. [Philip K. Hitti (cf. Dr. Kasem Ajram (1992), Miracle of Islamic Science , Appendix B, Knowledge House Publishers.⊠⊠Wikipedia
pharmacopoeia â pharmacopoeial, pharmacopoeic, adj. pharmacopoeist, n. /fahr meuh keuh pee euh/, n. Pharm. 1. a book published usually under the jurisdiction of the government and containing a list of drugs, their formulas, methods for making medicinal⊠⊠Universalium
Pharmacopoeia â An official authoritative listing of drugs. Aspirin has, for example, long been in the pharmacopoeia. By extension, a pharmacopoeia is a collection or stock of drugs. * * * phar·ma·co·poe·ia or phar·ma·co·pe·ia .fÀr mÉ kÉ pÄ (y)É n 1) a book⊠⊠Medical dictionary
pharmacopoeia â UK [ËfÉË(r)mÉkÉËpiËÉ] / US [ËfÉrmÉkÉËpɪÉ] noun [countable] Word forms pharmacopoeia : singular pharmacopoeia plural pharmacopoeias medical a book that lists medicines and drugs used for treating medical conditions, and describes how to prepare⊠⊠English dictionary
pharmacopoeia â [[t]fÉÍË(r)mÉkoÊpiÍËÉ[/t]] pharmacopoeias N COUNT (The spelling pharmacopeia is also used, mainly in American English.) A pharmacopoeia is an official book that lists all the drugs that can be used to treat people in a particular country, and⊠⊠English dictionary
pharmacopoeia â See United States Pharmacopoeia ⊠Ballentine's law dictionary
Pharmacopoeia of the Peoples Republic of China â The Pharmacopoeia of the People s Republic of China (PPRC), compiled by the Pharmacopoeia Commission of the Chinese Ministry of Public Health, is an official compendium of drugs, covering Traditional Chinese and western medicines, and giving⊠⊠Wikipedia
pharmacopoeia â also pharmacopeia noun Etymology: New Latin, from Late Greek pharmakopoiia preparation of drugs, from Greek pharmako + poiein to make more at poet Date: 1621 1. a book describing drugs, chemicals, and medicinal preparations; especially one issued ⊠New Collegiate Dictionary
pharmacopoeia â noun /fÉËmÉkÉËpiËÉ,ËfÉɹ.mÉ.kÉËpi.É/ a) An official book describing medicines or other pharmacological substances, especially their use, preparation, and regulation. b) A collection of drugs ⊠Wiktionary |
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Questions which anticipate an answer of âyesâ or ânoâ are easily formed by simply adding Äu to the front of the sentence:
Questions which ask for some specific kind of information, such as English questions with âwho,â âwhat,â âwhere,â etc., are formed by adding one of the correlative question words (those beginning with ki-) to the beginning of the sentence. (See the section on Correlatives [link].)
English normally reverses the subject and verb for a question with forms of âto be.â (âHe is a violinist.â âIs he a violinist?â) Esperanto does not make such a change. Quite aside from this, both languages can vary word order for emphasis. Accordingly, it does not work at all to depend on word order for information about whether something is a question or not!
Another type of question can be created by adding Äu or Äu ne to the end of a statement, comparable to English expressions like âisnât it,â âdoesnât he,â and âwouldnât they.â
*-Most speakers maintain that Äu alone is appropriately added at the end of a sentence only if the verb is already negative, and that Äu ne is added only to positive sentences. Logically, a Äu with either a ne nor a jes simply creates a question, regardless whether the sentence is positive or negative. Accordingly for other speakers, Äu and Äu ne seem to be close to interchangeable, even though Äu ne is much commoner.
The use of Äu alone is especially common in negative sentences, which sometimes (rarely) even add Äu jes:*
As a practical matter, a question may also be indicated merely by raising the pitch of the voice at the end of a statement, but be cautious. Nothing in âofficialâ Esperanto defines a question this way. This intonation is not universal in human languages, and some speakers may not recognize it as a question!
Äu is also used to introduce an indirect question, corresponding with the English term âwhether.â (Some editors prefer a comma before the Äu.)
Note that the tense of the verb in the Äu clause reflects the perspective of the actor in the main clause:
Sometimes the rising intonation or careful attention to placement of pauses is necessary to clarify whether the question is direct or indirect:
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Like many people, I spend a fair amount of time in a windowless office. If I stand up, I can see the windows, but when Iâm seated, itâs just me, the PC and the coffee cup.
Will anything grow inside these fabric-covered cubicle walls? The answer: Yes.
Even if you work in a windowless office, chances are you can grow some sort of plant. Whatâs more, green plants have other benefits to the office denizen. Studies have shown increased productivity (12 perecent) and reduced stress (lower systolic blood pressure) in offices environments with plants. Participants in the study, conducted by Washington State University, also reported increased attentiveness when plants were present.
Best Plants for Low Light
- Peace lily (Spathiphyllum )
- Cast iron plant (Aspidastra)
- Norfolk island pine (Araucaria)
- Ponytail plant (Beaucarnea or Nolina)
- Rattlesnake plant (Sansevieria)
- Devilâs Ivy (Pothos)
More benefits of green plants:
- Studies have shown that houseplants remove toxins from the air. Thereâs hope that indoor plantings might help relieve âsick building syndromeâ, a condition found in many energy-efficient buildings.
- In a process called transpiration, plants release moisture, increasing humidity in winter-dry offices.
- Healthy plants make your office look sharp; your boss is sure to be impressed. |
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Antarctic Glaciers Melting Rapidly
NOTE: Cannot use this image with any other story. - Rob
A new study of glaciers in a portion of the Antarctic finds 84 percent of them have retreated over the past 50 years in response to a warmer climate.
The work was based on 2,000 aerial photos, some taken in the 1940s, and satellite images. The climate in the region has warmed by more than 4.5 degrees Fahrenheit (2.5 Celsius) in the last 50 years, the scientists said.
"The widespread retreat of the glaciers on the Antarctic Peninsula over the last 50 years was largely caused by climate change," said David Vaughan of the British Antarctic Survey in Cambridge. "Are humans responsible? We can't say for sure, but we are one step closer to answering this important question."
The study, led by the survey's Alison Cook, is detailed in the April 22 issue of the journal Science. Among the most comprehensive surveys ever done, it looked at floating glacier-ice shelves, which are connected to the land-based glacier from which they flowed, and tidewater glaciers that rest on land and break off into the ocean when they reach the water.
Of those that retreated, the average retreat was 1,970 feet (600 meters) since 1953. The Sjogren Glacier retreated 8 miles (13 kilometers) since 1993.
A small number of glaciers advanced, on average 980 feet (300 meters).
Ocean temperatures may also play a role in the retreats, but there is no solid data on how those might have changed, the researchers said.
Glacial retreat is a complex phenomenon that often involves thinning of the glacier, too. As glaciers melt, they sometimes move toward the sea more quickly, exacerbating the melting. Where a glacier meets the sea, an ice shelf can hold it back. When those ice shelves break apart, however, a glacier can become a runaway.
Further loss of the ice shelves that restrain inland glaciers could contribute to future increases in the rate of sea level rise, the researchers say.
Whether the planet is actually warming has been controversial. Last fall, however, two separate reports concluded that Earth's overall climate has warmed by about 1 degree Fahrenheit since 1900. A separate recent study said that regardless of what humans do or don't do, the world's oceans are destined to rise at least 4 inches (10 centimeters) in the next century because of climate wheels already in motion.
Half a century ago, most Antarctic glaciers that flowed from the mountains to the sea were slowly growing in length, Cook said, "but since then this pattern has reversed. In the last 5 years the majority were actually shrinking rapidly."
MORE FROM LiveScience.com |
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The Florida Water Environment Assn. chose the Central Pasco County Beneficial Water Reuse Project, the 4G Wetlands, as the winner of its 2016...
Valve eliminates cavitation damage at Pittsfield, Mich., reservoir filling station
The reservoir filling station at Pittsfield Township, Mich., provides water to about 39,000 people, with needs that vary from industrial and commercial to urban and rural. Their average daily water usage is 3.5 mgd, which increases up to 7.0 mgd during summer days.
Pittsfield has a contract with a neighboring community, Ypsilanti, to purchase up to 5,000 gpm of water that runs through its Textile Road Booster Pump Station. The station was built in 2004 and used a plug valve with an electric actuator to modulate the rate of flow into the tank, based on a meter in its system and a programmable logic controller. Ypsilantiâs water pressure is typically between 60 and 70 psi, whereas the maximum tank elevation ranges between empty and 16 ft (approximately 7 psi). Anywhere there is a high pressure drop ratio across a valve (typically a 3:1 ratio or more in pressure, where the sigma value is greater than 0.8), cavitation can be an issue. In this case, the township was well above that ratio, as 70 psi to 7 psi is much greater than 3:1, which accordingly resulted in significant cavitation of the plug valve.
The consequences of cavitation can include strong vibrations, loud noise, choked flow, erosion of valve components, destruction of the actual valve, erosion and destruction of downstream piping and, ultimately, plant or distribution system shutdown. For Pittsfield, the downstream eccentric reducer failed first, and the cavitation destroyed the cement lining in the ductile iron reducer and eventually eroded into the reducer walls. Pinholes formed, leaks sprung and the township had to replace the fitting. During the second reducer replacement, it was discovered that the cavitation damage was not reserved to the fittingâit had also begun eating into the seat of the plug valve. The township needed a solution to stop the cavitation damage immediately, as well as maintain the current valve functions with their control programming.
âAfter two reducers were destroyed, it was clear that the plug valve was not working in this application,â said Jennifer Zelski of Kennedy Industries. âWe recommended Singer Valveâs Single Rolling Diaphragm (SRD) actuated control valve with anti-cavitation trim because it was the only plausible solution for this scenario.â
Pittsfield Townshipâs engineer evaluated options with other valves and looked at closing upstream valves to help create pressure losses prior to the fill valve. All parties agreed that the SRD with anti-cavitation trim would provide the all-around solution needed to eliminate cavitation damage without sacrificing other valves or changing processes or system dynamics.
Once the actual flow ranges, inlet pressure ranges and required outlet pressure were measured, the data was given to the Singer Valve engineering team, which created a drilling pattern for the multiple orifices in the dual anti-cavitation cages, specific to this application. The key is to supply orifices that can manage maximum flow while creating enough backpressure in the cage to prevent the microscopic vapor bubbles from escaping. The dual anti-cavitation cages are then included in the new control valve.
Singerâs control valve operates hydraulically with system-line pressure, as well as with dual solenoids and an interface controller that communicates with the townshipâs SCADA. The SRD allows the valve to operate steadily at both high and low flows, and the pilot controls are built to be self-flushing for reduced maintenance.
Installation took three days. Most of this time was spent putting on the pipe wrap and performing some minor concrete work to modify the pipe supports under the valve. The new valve was integrated with the township controls without modification of their existing programming.
Pittsfield has a very proactive maintenance program that checks the station weekly. The strainers are always inspected, and at no point were they found to be fouled up in the first year of operation. Other than these checks, there has been no need for any maintenance.
The SRD control valve with anti-cavitation trim operates quietly and smoothly without cavitation. âThe Singer Valve is working fantastically,â said Billy Weirich, Pittsfield Township utilities superintendent. âIt is a simple and efficient solution with minimal maintenance.â
The valve continues to consistently modulate the flow into the tank without any shutdown, which allows the residents of Pittsfield to rely on a consistent water flow. |
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â ã¿ãããã¿ãã (@yasstv) June 21, 2020 |
Some Baltimore words
arabber, a-rabber, Araber (n). An itinerant street vendor of produce, typically using a decorated wagon drawn by a pony. The term derives from the 19th-century term street arab and has no connection with Arabs. The remaining arabbers in Baltimore are all African-American.
espantoon (n.). A police officerâs nightstick or baton, wooden, with a leather strap that permits twirling. According to the Federal Writersâ Projectâs Maryland: A Guide to the Old Line State, the word âapparently originated during the Revolutionary period when officers of the British infantry carried spontoons (Fr. Sponton, esponson)âshort pikes.
lake trout (n). Neither trout nor the freshwater fish of that name. In Baltimore, lake trout, typically Atlantic whiting, is breaded and fried and served in take-out sandwich shops.
In Supplement Two to The American Language (1948), H. L. Mencken writes this:
I have long had it in mind to attempt a vocabulary of Baltimore speech in the 80s and 90s, for a number of terms that were in common use there and then do not seem to have been noted elsewhere, e.g., Araber, a street huckster; to arab, to go huckstering; front steps, the steps before a dwelling-house, usually in those days of marble; and Yankee jumper, a sled for girls, with the platform raised 9 or 10 inches above the runners, and the runners curved upward in front. Leapfrog was always called par, and the word garden was almost unknown: it was always either the backyard or frontyard, or simply the yard. The outdoor privies that still survived in most backyards were called postoffices, and the men who cleaned them at intervals operated an O.E.A. (i.e., odorless excavating apparatus). The grades in school were designated first reader, second reader, etc. The best public room of a house was always the parlor. The street before it, at least for purposes of play, was out front. (pp.162-63)
Baltimore, to my knowledge, no longer has postoffices out back, but it still has front steps of marble. Lifelong Baltimoreans always spot a journalist imported from out of town, because an auslander will write about people sitting on the stoop. They have stoops in front of houses in New York; houses in Baltimore have front steps.
Readers, do you have more? |
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Principles of stereo viewing
When we look at the world around us, our brain takes two slightly different images - one from each eye - and combines them to make one image with depth. This is sometimes called stereo or 3D vision. To see depth in a flat image - stereo viewing - requires the eye to be given two pictures, each one slightly different, which mimic the usual input to each eye and fools the brain into converting two flat pictures into one single image with the appearance of depth.
The principle was first described by Euclid, who showed that the left and right eyes see slightly different views. Artists experimented with stereo drawings, and in 1838 Sir Charles Wheatstone invented a bulky stereoscope (which required drawings for viewing) but it wasn't until after the invention of photography that stereo views became relatively simple to produce. By 1870, the boom in stereoscopes and stereo cards was well under way.
This 3-D picture card is of Brunig Station, Switzerland
Millions of cards were sold. Victorian and Edwardian stereo cards, which have two pictures mounted side by side, are now very collectable, and a reasonable collection can be built up quickly and relatively cheaply.
The popularity and use of side-by-side 3-D prints did not end with the Edwardian era but continued until well into the twentieth century.
During the war 3-D aerial reconnaisance pictures were taken which were then examined using a table-mounted viewer.
Vistascreen viewers were made in the early 1960s in red or cream plastic. They are very simple folding viewers which take stereo cards.
Vistascreen picture cards
Weetabix gave away Vistascreen picture cards and there was a promotional Weetabix viewer. The Weetabix cards are on cheaper card and are usually of poorer quality.
There are other ways of producing two images for the brain to process.
Anaglyphs are pictures printed in two colours which are slightly offset. Viewing the pictures through coloured glasses gives one colour for each eye and a seemingly 3-D image results. Usually the two colours are red and green or red and blue. This was the technique used to produce cinema films in 3-D.
Anaglyph packaging and red/green filters for Swatch watch
Anaglyph Swatch watch strap and face. Viewed through red/green filters, this will appear 3-D.
Anaglyph pictures still used sometimes; for example, there is a "3-D" Swatch watch with red/green filters in the packaging.
There is also the Minoru webcam which uses the same technique. The camera has two lenses at a separation which is approximately that of the human eyes. Software converts the two images into anaglyphs. Viewers need red/blue glasses to see the 3-D effect. The resulting films are compatible with YouTube.
The View-Master Stereomatic uses polarised light to create two images. Special glasses are required to view the 3-D image. A silvered screen has to be used for projection to polarise the light.
The View-Master System
The two main components of the View-Master system are the View-Master viewer and the View-Master reel. Projectors, cameras, reel storage boxes and other accessories were also made but it is the viewer and the reel which are the foundation of the system.
Yellowstone National Park reel, showing the pictures arranged in opposite pairs
The View-Master reel contains fourteen pictures arranged around the rim of the reel. This gives seven stereo pairs of images. The pictures are on transparency film and therefore require a light source behind them to illuminate the image.
The Thunderbirds set from the 1980s (reissued) showing a viewer and reels
The disc is inserted into a special viewer and the result is a spectacular stereo effect. Although lighted viewers were made, the majority of viewers do not need batteries. They need to be held up to a light source - a window is good. Diffusers help provide even illumination. The viewers have two eyepieces and a lever to move the reel on to the next image.
A View-Master reel from the America's Scenic Wonders Reel Pak issued in 1970 - Farmlands and Forests.
More than a billion reels have been sold since the introduction of View-Master. Although marketed - mainly - as a toy, View-Master is widely collected by adults and children. |
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DuPont Friday announced it is starting work on a $200 million plant in Iowa to produce cellulosic ethanol produced from corn stalks and leaves.
The plant, DuPontâs first using the technology and one of the first in the world, is expected to be completed in mid-2014.
Located in Nevada, Iowa, the plant is expected to produce 30 million gallons of biofuel a year, according to the company.
There were 209 ethanol plants in the United States in January, according to the Renewable Fuels Association. Most of the plants are clustered in the upper Midwest and use corn as a feedstock.
Thatâs caused some pushback against requirements that ethanol be blended into gasoline, out of concern that its use is pushing up the cost of both food and animal feed.
Texas Gov. Rick Perry and several other governors recently asked the Environmental Protection Agency to waive the renewable fuel mandate, claiming it has spiked the demand for corn â and prices â in the wake of a drought in the Midwest. The EPA denied the request earlier this month.
Jan Koninckx, global director of biofuels for DuPont Industrial Biosciences, brushed aside a suggestion that DuPontâs move to use corn stover residue is a reaction to concerns that the use of corn pushes up food prices.
It doesnât, he said in an interview earlier this week in Houston, where he spoke at the Total Energy USA Conference.
âFood prices are set less by commodity prices than by transportation, advertising,â he said. âIf you look at the most recent EPA decision, certainly they donât agree.â
The drought does affect food prices, he said, âand we have empathy for that. But biofuels per se isnât a cause of that. I think those concerns, itâs good to voice those, but the data doesnât bear that out.â
But using corn stover residue â corn stalks and leaves â is a boon for rural economies, he said, because it broadens the crop base that farmers can sell.
The plant will contract with more than 500 area farmers to use about 375,000 tons of stover a year at the facility.
Koninckx said after the ethanol is produced, the remaining biproduct can be used to run the plant, as well as an existing nearby ethanol plant that currently is powered by coal.
That will further reduce greenhouse gas emissions, he said. |
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Ninety dead, including 38 only in New York City, and around 50 billion dollars in damages â Hurricane Sandy could be the costliest hurricane in the United States, ever.
And suddenly, in the last frenetic hours of the presidential election, the environment, climate change, and global warming have become part of the campaign. When New York Cityâs independent Mayor, Michael Bloomberg, endorsed Obamaâs re-election yesterday, he referred particularly to the presidentâs vision on global warming, a priority issue for Bloomberg, but something that neither Obama nor Romney unfortunately have talked about at all in this campaign.
âOur climate is changing. And while the Increase in extreme weather we have experienced in New York City and around the world may or may not be the result of it, the danger that it might be â given this weekâs devastation â Should compel all elected leaders to take immediate action ⊠. One (Obama) sees climate change as an urgent problem that threatens our planet, one (Romney) does not. I want our president to place scientific evidence and risk management above electoral politics.â
The think tank Center for American Progress writes in a new report about the links between extreme weather and climate change. The report, called Preventing Future âFrankenstormsâ, states that Sandy is unfortunately just the latest in a long series of extreme weather events over the past two years. These include droughts, heat records, forest fires, floods, tropical storms, hurricanes, winter storms, and they have collectively caused nearly a thousand deaths and over 110 billion dollars in damage.
However, only four days to Election Day, the environment and climate change are unlikely to decide the election. But Hurricane Sandy has given Obama a new wind in his back. According to a new Washington Post/ABC survey 79 percent of the respondents said that Obama did a good job during Sandy. And today, the president got more good news when jobs figures from October pointed to the continued rise â 171,000 new jobs in October â far more than the expected 125,000. Unemployment rose slightly, from 7.8 to 7.9 percent, but that was mainly due to the fact that many more Americans now actively are looking for jobs, another positive signal for the economy and its future.
Not since the days of Franklin Roosevelt has a president been re-elected with an unemployment rate of more than 7.2 percent. It was in 1984 and Ronald Reagan. Roosevelt was re-elected in 1936 as well as in 1940 with unemployment at 16.6 percent and 14.6 percent, respectively. When Obama became president in January 2009, unemployment was 7.8 percent. Thatâs almost exactly like today. Will that be enough to bring Obama four more years? I think so. |
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