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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: When an object is expressed followed by a verb stem starting with
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/n/ /n/ or /m/ /m/, the nasal is doubled. Examples of words with /m/ /m/ and /n/ /n/ include the following: i) Rn/Rt Rn/Rt akammanya ammigire alimmara araammamirira nibannuga bannigire he/she knew me he/she has squeezed me he/she will be sufficient for me he/she will spray me they look at me with disgust they have strangled me As a general rule, a vowel that occurs before a double nasal is pronounced long. However, if this lengthening of the vowel is predictable, it is written as a single vowel, for example: akammanya is pronounced akaamanya but it is written: akammanya. When a subject is expressed followed by a verb stem starting with a nasal, there is doubling of the nasal, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Nasal compounds
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There is another category of nasals that exists in Runyakitara. These are nasals that include the following:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Like in the case of
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/mm/ /mm/ and /nn/ /nn/, they are also predictable and wherever one meets them, there is no need of writing a double vowel before them. Examples include the following: (c) The Vibrant (r)
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: In Runyoro-Rutooro when
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/r/ /r/ is rolled, it is written doubled, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Note that if a double
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/rr/ /rr/ is replaced by a single r in a word, there is generally change in meaning, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: It should also be noted that if a vowel preceding double
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/rr/ /rr/ is pronounced long and the word can attain a different meaning, a double vowel should be written, for example: As a general rule, the long vowel before /rr/ is predictable. So, it will be written as a single vowel, for example: However, there are cases, especially with the word kurra (to weep or to cry) when the lengthening of a vowel can bring about a grammatical change. In that case, the long vowel shall be repeated with a double vowel as in the following examples:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Amaiso gange garra
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Gaarra sente zange 2. Abaana bange barra Baarra abaana sente zaabo 3. Kurra kintu kibi muno Kuura ebintu obireete kunu 4. Bunu obwana burra muno Buurra oyetegereze eki ngambire 5. Abakazi barra obu babiihirwa My eyes cry (ooze) with tears. Bring back my money My children cry Count for the children their money Crying is very bad Drag the things and bring them this way These small children cry a lot Open your eyes and understand what I have said Women cry when they are angry Abakazi baarra obunyansi ha bugenyi Women spread grass (on the ground) during festivities. One notes, however, that the above expression does not exist in minimal pairs. For example, in amaiso garra, we have the verb ku-rra while in gaarra sente zange, we have the verb ku-garra. It is the same with all the other examples. Despite the above scientific fact, it is agreed that in order to avoid ambiguities and reading misunderstanding, we maintain a double vowel in the above rare exceptions, which generally involve the verb kurra "to cry or to weep".
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Vowel Length
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(a) Double vowels are written when they appear pronounced long across morpheme boundaries, for example: (b) When they are naturally long, for example: Long vowels often can be contrasted with short vowels as in the following minimal pairs: Rn/Rt kusaara noise made by water before boiling kusara to cut kusiika to fry kusika to pull kukuura to up-root kukura to grow kusiiga to anoint/cover with oil kusiga to sow seeds Ry/Rk Ry/Rk kuhiiga to hunt kuhiga to push aside kuhiika of sky showing signs of rain kuhuura to arrive/reach kuhura to hit, thresh kuteega to detect a smell kutega to resist in a place kushaara to trap kushara of noise made by water when about to boil to run mad (c) A vowel is often pronounced long but written single at the beginning of a word, especially in fairly short words of not more than three syllables, for example: However, relatively long and long words usually have their initial vowel pronounced long: (d) A vowel is usually pronounced long but written single in /w/ and /y/ compounds. In Runyankore-Rukiga, however, in the case of /ky/ /ky/ and /gy/ /gy/ compounds, there are words where the vowel following them should be either single or double because of the presence of minimal pairs with these compounds:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: It should be noted that the Runyankore-Rukiga's
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/ky/ /ky/ is in reality /c/ /c/. In the same way, ky and gy are not followed by /i/ because /y/ and /i/ are palatals. If they are followed by /i/ /i/, this would be a repetition. They shall therefore, be written as /ki/ /ki/ or /gi/ /gi/. (e) A vowel appearing before a nasal compound is usually pronounced long but written single, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Note that the palatal nasal usually written as
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/ny/ /ny/ is in reality a single consonant [p] [p]. There is therefore no need to apply the above rule to vowels appearing before /ny/, for example: (f) Diphthongs are written with two different vowels and their length is generally that of a long vowel (doubled generally in writing in the conditions indicated above). The diphthongs in Runyakitara are: /ai/, /ei/, /oi/: omushaija man Note that in Runyankore-Rukiga, /ai/ is usually pronounced as /ei/ or /ii/ but it is recommended that the spelling remains /ai/, as indicated in the words below: In Runyankore-Rukiga, it is usually accepted to make a differentiation in spelling especially where sounds that are similar to /ai/ have been used; for example: In Runyoro-Rutooro, baitu is for both: "ours" and "but", while /oi/ is found in words below: /ei/ is used in words like beitu or nouns of the li-ma class such as: (e)icumu spear (e)ibanja debt where the initial /e/ has had a tendency of being differed. Another diphthong that could be mentioned is /au/ which is found in only the Runyoro-Rutooro word: mau (my mother). (g) In Runyoro-Rutooro, a vowel preceding the rolled /r/(rr) /r/(rr) is usually pronounced long but written short because of its predictability, for example: Note that the Runyankore equivalent is sometimes pronounced as follows in rapid speech:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: The difference with Runyoro-Rutooro is that the vowel preceding
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/rr/ /rr/ is short in pronunciation. On the other hand, in spelling the rolled /rr/ is written rura, rira, rara, etc.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: The Relative
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The object relative is to be written separately from the word it precedes, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt abaana abu turukuliisa ekisoro eki turukubaaga emiti ei twatemere amata aga twanywa ente ezi muguzire Ry/Rk Ry/Rk abashaija abu turikureeba enyamaishwa ei twisire ebitabu ebi ashomire ebitakuri ebi twarya akaana aku mureesire the children whom we are feeding the animal which we are skinning the trees that we cut the milk that we have just drunk the cows that you have bought the men that we are seeing the animal that we killed the books that he read the potatoes that we have eaten the child whom you brought On the other hand, the relative subject is attached to the word it precedes, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt omwana owaarukwerunga ente eziriire muhogo omuti ogutiire omusaija emisiri eyeerumu oburo Ry/Rk Ry/Rk omukazi owaareebire omwana embuzi eyaariire ebitookye oburo oburikutundwa gye ebikooko ebitaine mugasho amaarwa agarimu nigaguzibwa - the child who is playful and disobedient. the cows that have eaten cassava. the tree that has fallen on the man the gardens that contain millet. the woman who saw the child the goat that ate the bananas the millet that sells well. the animals that are useless. the beer (brew) which is being sold.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Prepositions and Conjunctions
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Prepositions and conjunctions are usually to be separated from the words they precede (except in cases that will be indicated later), for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt ente eri mu rugo omu nju yaawe omu nda yakyo tuli mwa Kaikara bagenzire ha rusozi ha nju eruguru Mmutumire owa Petero omwisiki nka Maria Kiiza na Nsungwa oburo rundi ebitakuli emiti hamu n'ebinyansi Ry/Rk Ry/Rk omu kereeziya aha rwigi aha muti aha nsi omu musiri enkoko n'enkanga okushemererwa nari okushaasha the cow is in the kraal in your home inside it we are at Kaikara's home they have gone to the hill on top of the house I have sent him to Petero's place. a girl like Maria. Kiiza and Nsungwa millet or potatoes trees and grass. in the church at the door on the tree on the ground in the garden the hen and the guinea-fowl happines or sadness/pain. However, both prepositions and conjunctions are linked to the following word when they form one lexical meaning, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: The Possessives
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Like the prepositions and conjunctions, possessives preceding or following other words are written separately, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt ali omu ka ye he is in his home ibara lya Kahogo obwana bw'embeba amata g'ente abantu ba ira orumuli rw'orubingo Ry/Rk Ry/Rk eihuri ry'enkoko omushaija w'embabazi omu maju ge abantu b'aha the name of Kahogo the young of a rat/mice. cow's milk people of old/long ago a torch made of reed. a chicken's egg a kind man in his houses the people of this place. However, possessives form part of the word preceding or following it in the following cases: i) Where there is one lexical meaning Rn/Rt Rn/Rt oweekitiinisa owiisaza ebyokulya ebyokweshweka ebyensoni Days of the week ii) When the possessive precedes a pronominal pronoun
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Writing of
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/ki/,/ky/,/c/,/gi/,/gy/,/g/,/1/ /ki/,/ky/,/c/,/gi/,/gy/,/g/,/1/ and /r/ /r/ There are marked differences in the pronunciation and writing of the above in Runyoro-Rutooro viz-a-vis Runyankore-Rukiga; examples: On the other hand, the following words have c‾ c in both Runyankore-Rukiga and Runyoro-Rutooro: In the same manner, /ge/,/gi/ /ge/,/gi/ and /g/ /g/ and /j/ /j/ have marked differences, for example: From the above examples, one can conclude that the letter /k/,/g/ /k/,/g/ and /j/ /j/ tend to reflect their pronunciation in Runyoro-Rutooro whereas in Runyankore-Rukiga, the situation is as follows. k+i=cik+y+v=ca,ce,co,cu( excluding i) k+v=ka,ke,ko,ku( excluding i) g+i=ji g+y+v=ja,je,jo,ju( excluding i) g+v=ga,ge,go,gu( excluding i) j+v=3a,3e,3i,3o,3u. k+i=ci k+y+v=ca,ce,co,cu( excluding i) k+v=ka,ke,ko,ku( excluding i) g+i=ji g+y+v=ja,je,jo,ju( excluding i) g+v=ga,ge,go,gu( excluding i) j+v=3a,3e,3i,3o,3u. Whereas in Runyoro-Rutooro, /k/,/c/,/j/,/g/ /k/,/c/,/j/,/g/ have clear differences in orthography and in pronunciation, in Runyankore-Rukiga, /k/ /k/ can be confused with /c/,/g/ /c/,/g/ can be confused with /j/ /j/, while /j/ /j/ can be confused with /gy/ /gy/. The most confusing (in oral and written language) are /k/ /k/, and /c/ /c/ since some words always have /c/ /c/, for example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: While others have
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/k/ /k/ in written form, others have /c/ /c/ is spoken as shown above. It is suggested that the present orthography of Runyankore-Rukiga in this respect be maintained for the sake of harmonizing the orthography with that of Runyoro-Rutooro. However, for the future, the following suggestion could be made for Runyankore-Rukiga:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: L and
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r r
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: The problem of
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/l/ /l/ and /r/ /r/ is especially important for Rukiga and to a lesser extent for Runyoro. In the Runyankore-Rukiga orthography, there is officially no /l/ simply because, generally speaking, Runyankore has no literal /l/. On the other hand, Rukiga uses /l/ /l/ in the same conditions as Runyoro and Rutooro (see chapter on Phonetics and Phonology).
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: It is therefore suggested that the Bakiga follow the Runyoro-Rutooro orthography in this respect by writing
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l l where it is pronounced and r r where it is pronounced. In the case of Runyoro, the problem is with the rolled /r/ (rr). Compare: Because Runyoro has several possible pronunciations, it is proposed that the spelling with double /r/(rr) /r/(rr) be maintained. However, since they write as they pronounce, in case one omits one /r/ /r/, there should be no punishment for it.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Reduplications
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Reduplicated forms are written as one word. This is because they represent single lexical items. In that case therefore, they are written without a hyphen or space in between them. For example:
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Compounds
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Compounds are words that repeat themselves but or come from two words that are not related but mean something different from either of the words that have been combined. Such words shall be written as a single word because they represent single lexical items, for example ( Ry/Rk Ry/Rk ):
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Interjections
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These are words that show surprise or fear. They are written the way they are spoken. Examples include the following: Ai! Mawe! Is that possible! Oh my God!
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Borrowed Words
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Borrowed words, which have been naturalised, shall be written as they are commonly pronounced by the native speakers, as indicated below:
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Names of Persons and Places
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Names of persons shall be left to be written in a similar way from the time such names were recorded because adjusting their spelling has legal implications. It should be noted that adjustment in the spelling of a name requires swearing an affidavit to legalise such a name, because legally, that would be another person. This is in agreement with the 1954 Runyankore-Rukiga conference whose agreement was that the spelling of personal names shall be left to the individuals (Morris & Kirwan, 1972, p. 217). All personal and place names shall begin with a capital letter at all times. Examples of personal names include Gumoshabe, Ndoleriire, Yozefu, Yuda, Yoweri, Joel, John, Baguma, Yohaana, Yowaana. Place names shall be spelt using the standard orthography. However, in case a name is already gazetted and appears in government and educational records such as maps, government has to be notified to enable the taking care of the legal issues associated with the adjustment. Examples of place names include Bushenyi, Kasese, Kashenyi, Uganda.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Titles
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Titles preceed the first name in situations where more than one name is used. However, when the sir name is used alone, the title is used on that name alone; for example, Dr Gilbert Gumoshabe or Prof. Ndoleriire. Titles have a full stop if the word is abbreviated e.g. Prof. while there is no fullstop if the title is abbreviated with the first letter and the last letter. For example, Dr,Mr,Mrs Dr,Mr,Mrs have no full stop because they have both the first and the last letters.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Miscellaneous Issues
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(a) /nio/ and /nia/ Because of the fact that in Runyakitara orthography as a whole, /ny/ represents the palatal nasal which is often represented by the symbol by phoneticians, a distinction had to be made between words with the sound [ n ] and those with the compound sound [ny] or [nj]. The following solution was proposed: (i) The sound [n] The letters /ny/ were therefore adopted. ii) The sound /ny/ or/nj/ Examples: (b) The affricate sound/ts/ This sound is clearly pronounced in the Ruhima subdialect of Runyankore and is used where other dialects pronounce it as /s/, as shown in the following examples: Where the Bahima use /ts/, the rest of Banyankore and Bakiga use /s/ while the Banyoro and the Batooro use /k(y)/,/s/ /k(y)/,/s/ or /h(y)/ /h(y)/ as the case may be. Given the fact that those who use /ts/ in Runyakitara are a small minority, it is suggested that Runyankore-Rukiga replace /ts/ with /s/, the latter being used by the great majority of Runyankore-Rukiga speakers. (c) The copula ni− ni− This copula /ni/ - (progressive aspect before verbs) should be attached to personal pronouns and verbs but not to nouns: But: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt Note that Runyankore-Rukiga orthography usually uses niinye while RunyoroRutooro uses ninye. The necessary doubling of the vowel ii does not seem to be necessary since it is brought about by the nasal ny [n]. It is therefore suggested that Runyankore-Rukiga adopt ninye rather than niinye since the latter is purely phonetic. (d) Pluralization of proper nouns Examples: Rn/Rt Orthography: Ry/Rk Orthography For reasons of economy, it is suggested that the Runyoro-Rutooro form be used also in Runyankore-Rukiga. (e) The ka Examples: ka (particle).
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Punctuation
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Punctuation, as defined by Babcock (2002, p. 1843) is "the act, practice, or system of inserting various standardised marks or signs in written or printed matter in order to clarify the meaning and separate structural units of a sentence". In other words, it is the usage of spacing, conventional signs, and typographical devices that aid in the understanding and correct reading, in both silently and aloud, of written and/or printed materials. There are a number of punctuation marks that can be used in the writing of Runyakitara. They include the following: Apostrophe ['] This punctuation mark that Mubangizi (1963, p. 47) calls akahinguza in Runyakitara is used when two words are joined together especially during the process of showing possessiveness. In Runyakitara, this happens when a word that ends with vowel /a/ or /i/ is followed by a word that starts with another vowel within the same sentence. The vowel that ends the possessive is assimilated and, in its place, an apostrophe is written. For example, Yaija n'omwana [Yaija na omwana] Ry/Rk Aizire n'omwana [Aizire na omwana] Rn/Rt Egi n'enju [Egi ni enju] Ry/Rk Ogu n'omuhara [Ogu ni omuhara] (Ry/Rk) He has come with a child He has come with a child This is a house This one is his/her daughter On some occasions, an apostrophe may be used when more than two words are combined. For example, Ebyokurya n'eby'abeereere [ebyokurya ni ebya abeereere] Ry/Rk The food is for babies N'ahabw'ekyo kiina [ni ahabwa ekyo] Ry/Rk It is because of that pit The apostrophe in the above sentences represent sounds /a/ and [i] which have been assimilated. Question Mark [?] The question mark, which, according to Mubangizi (1963, p. 64), is called akabuuzo in Runyakitara, is one of the punctuation marks that is placed at the end of a sentence to indicate that it is demanding an answer or is an interrogation. It may also be used to indicate that the expression which has been made is not clear. It is mainly used when a word that is interrogative in nature appears in a sentence. For example, N'oha owaareeta ekitookye eki? [Ry/Rk] Who has brought this banana? Nookora ki? [Ry/Rk] What are you doing? N'ogu oizire nawe? [Rn/Rt] You have come also with this one? Interrogation in Runyakitara does not have specific words that determine it. This is because some words are purely interrogative while in certain times interrogation is determined by the intonation. This is strengthened by Mubangizi (1963) when he notes that interrogation can also be used when one is trying to get confirmation. In such a situation, the interrogation words do not appear but are only heard, seeking confirmation. For example, Ogu yaarya? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Waareeta abaana? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Waarya? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Kiki ekikuleesire? [Rn/Rt] [Rn/Rt] Oizire di? [Rn/Rt] [Rn/Rt] Has this one eaten? Have you brought the children? Have you eaten? What has brought you? When did you come? Fullstop [.] The fullstop, which in Runyakitara is called akatoonyolakamaliriza (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 53; Caumatin 1938, p. 178), is the punctuation mark placed at the end of a sentence that is in a statement or declarative form. When placed at the end of a word in a sentence, it means that the sentence is complete. Mubangizi (1963) indicates that a fullstop happens at the end of a sentence that is declarative or advisory, or at the end of a statement of request. For example, Yaagura enyama. [Ry/Rk] He/ He/ she has bought meat. Ente baaba baziriisize. [Ry/Rk] Cows were being grazed. Orwigi yaarwigura. [Ry/Rk] He/she has opened the door. Ahikirege rwebagyo. [Rn/Rt] He arrived last evening. Turaakusangayo. [Rn/Rt] We shall find you there. Hyphen [-] This punctuation mark is called akanywanisalakateeraniza in Runyakitara (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 49; Caumatin, 1938, p. 178). It is used when words are joined to bring about a meaning that is sometimes not related to the meaning of either words. In other words, it applies when two or more words are joined together to make one meaning. It may also be used to separate syllables of a single word. In Runyakitara, it is commonly used in compound words. For example, entema-muhoro/kongora-mabeere praying mantis burugwa-izooba east rwata-migongo artillery ekifa-matu deaf person It should be noted that a hyphen is a convention that may not be penalised as an orthography mistake. This is because most compound words are regarded a single word. A hypen is also used when a word is broken at the end of the line and it is going to another line because it is long and it cannot fit or because of paper margin requirements. There is also another type of hyphen called En Dash (-) This type of dash gives a range that is not definite but just approximates. It is commonly used in estimating distances. For example, Kuruga hanu kuhikayo ni mailo eziri ahagati ya 50-60. [Ry/Rk] From here to that place its between 50-60 miles. Another type of hyphen is called Em Dash. This is used to indicate that there is more emphasis being added to the sentence. It is used in the middle of the sentence by giving the emphasis required, before the sentence gets completed. For example, Omushaija ogwo - owaatwire esente zangye akaremwa kuzishashura - takaagura ente egyo. That man - who took my money and failed to refund it - cannot buy that cow. Abantu nk'abo - abatutarukwendera kimu - tibaakwizire hanu. [Rn/Rt] People like those - whom we don't like at all - should not come here. Inverted Commas [" "] Inverted commas, which in Runyakitara are called obujurizo (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 63), are punctuation marks used in pairs to show a quotation or direct speech. The pair consists of an opening quotation mark placed at the beginning of a word in a superscript form and a closing quotation mark also placed at the end of the word that marks the end of a quotation. For example, Yaagira ngu, "Jwara esaati." [Ry/Rk] He said, "Put on a shirt." Akabagarukamu ati, "Tindukukwetaaga". [Rn/Rt] He replied, "I don't need you". It should be noted that inverted commas can be made up of one quote symbol (' ') but this depends on the emphasis the writer is giving. Brackets [( )] A bracket, which in Runyakitara is called akago (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 64; Caumatin, 1938, p. 181), is a punctuation mark that is used to match pairs within text or set apart another text. In most cases, it shows the simplified version of what the writer intended to communicate. It can appear in the middle of the sentence or at the end. For example, Naaba ngiire Buganda (Kampala). [Ry/Rk] I had gone to Buganda, (Kampala in particular). Owaareeta embuzi ni mukuru wangye (owa maarimi) orikutuura Bushenyi. [Ry/Rk] The person who brought the goat is my cousin (maternal uncle's son) who stays in Bushenyi. Brackets are sometimes used to show another word or name that means the same thing. For example, Abantu nibakunda Ruhanga (obumwe orikwetwa Omuhangi). [Ry/Rk] People love God (who is at times called The Creator). Comma [,] The comma, called akashare/akasale in Runyakitara (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 57; Caumatin, 1938, p. 178), is a punctuation mark that is used basically for separating parts of a sentence. For example, Ku baabaire nibagyenda, enjura yaagwa. Enjura egyo ekaba einemu omuyaga, orubaare hamwe n'emirabyo. [Ry/Rk] When they were going, it rained. That rain had wind, hailstones and lightning. Omu kasumi ako, enjara ekagwa nyingi. [Rn/Rt] During that time, there was a lot of famine. A comma is also used in separating words that are used in exemplifying a concept that is within the same sentence. For example, Embuzi, obume, entaama, n'ente goona n'amatungo. [Ry/Rk] Goats, rabbits, sheep and cows are all domestic animals. Bakatugurra esaati, empale, enkaito hamy n'ebitambaara. [Rn/Rt] They bought for us shirts, trousers, shoes and handkerchiefs. Exclamation Mark [!] The exclamation mark, known in Runyakitara as akatangaaro (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 55), is a punctuation mark that is in most cases used after an interjection or exclamation for the purpose of indicating a strong feeling, happiness, extreme sadness and sometimes questioning in form of a surprise. It is often placed at the end of a sentence. For example, Ai nuипи! Nyabura enanansi egi yaanura! [Ry/Rk] Alas! This pineapple is very sweet! Ruhanga wange! Obaire ki? [Rn/Rt] Oh my God! What has happened to you? Colon [:] The colon, which in Runyakitara is called akategyerezo/akategerezo (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 47; Caumatin, 1938, p. 181), is a punctuation mark that is used to explain or start an enumeration. For example, Uganda eine yunivasite za Gavumenti itaano: Makerere, Mbarara, Gulu, Busitema na Muni. [Ry/Rk] Uganda has five Government universities, namely: Makerere, Mbarara, Gulu, Busitema and Muni. Buli kiro osome esaara zinu: Isiitwe ali mw'iguru, Mirembe Maria n'Ekitii nisa kibe hali Isiitwe. [Rn/Rt] Everyday say the following prayers: Our Father, Hail Mary and Glory be to the Father. A colon is also used with ratios in mathematics, For example, Abaishiki nibakira aboojo n'omubaro gwa 5:3. Girls outnumber the boys to a ratio of 5:3. A colon can also be used in titles and subtitles of books. For example, Mubangizi, B. (1981). Kanyarurimi II. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. A colon is further used in indicating hours and minutes, for example, Omukoro niguza kubaho shaaha 11:15 z'omwabazyo. The function will take place at 5:15pm 5:15pm. Examples: Semi (colon [;]).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Summary of Runyakitara Orthography
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Below are the general rules for spelling in Runyakitara: All words in Runyakitara shall be written the way they are pronounced and heard. Runyakitara has only five short vowels, namely: /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/ and /u/. Runyakitara also has five long vowels which are represented by writing the vowel twice. These are: /aa/, /ee/, /ii/, /oo/ and /uu/. All short vowels shall be written with one letter while all long vowel shall be doubled to represent a single sound. At any time, if the vowel length is predicted, a single vowel shall be written. No double vowel shall be written at the beginning of the word even when the vowel is pronounced long. For example, Ego though heard to be long, shall not be written as eego. All Runyakitara words shall not have a double vowel at the end of the word. There are situations when two different vowels combine in words. These are called diphthongs. The rule shall be that speakers write the way they pronounce those diphthongs. The most common diphthongs are the following: /ai/, /ei/, /oi/. Examples are found in words like amaizi (water), amaino (teeth), eicumu (spear), kubeiha (to lie), kuboigora (to bark). The diphthong /au/ exists in rare cases such as in a word mau (mother) in Runyoro-Rutooro. The writing system of Runyakitara shall use simple alphabetic letters. This enables the orthography to avoid complicated phonetic symbols such as. β,ȷˉ β, ˉ and diacritic signs e.g. ∼∼ ∼∼ . Runyakitara shall use the following consonants: / l/ shall be used in Runyoro-Rutooro only and before ya, ye and yo as in okulya (to eat), omulyango (doorway), okulyeryesa (to entice), lyona (all) and before e or i in examples such as okuleeta (to bring) and okulinda (to keep). In all other instances, /r/ /r/ shall be used.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Some Runyakitara consonants are formed by combining them with
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m m or n n at the beginning to form a single sound. These are called nasal compounds, and they include the following: /mb/ /mp/ /nc/ /nd/ /nf/ /ng/ /ngy/ /nj/ /nk/ /nky/ /ns/ /nsh/ /nt/ /nts/ /nv/ /nz/ The rule shall be that in words where they exist, they shall not be preceded by a double vowel. Examples include the following: omuhanda, ebihimba, esente, ekijenjegyere, ekipumpuriya.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Another category of consonants that are combined to form a single sound are those that combine with
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w w in a word. These are called w Examples: w (compounds and they include the following:).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: There is also another category of simple sounds that are combined with
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y y at the end to form a single sound. These are called y Examples: y (compounds, and they include the following: /by/ /dy/ /gy/ /hy//ky/ /ly//my//ny//py/ /ry/ /sy//tsy/ /ty//zy/ The rule shall be that all words with that sound within them shall not have a double vowel in front of them. They include the following examples:).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: References
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Babcock, P. (Ed.). (2002). Webster's third new international dictionary of the English Language. Springfield, Merriam-Webster Inc. Publishers. Betungura, A. (1960). Runyankore-Rukiga orthography as adopted from the Report of the Runyankore-Rukiga Orthographic Conference of 1954, Mbarara. Caumartin, A. (1938). Grammar ey'Orunyoro. Rwenzori: White Fathers Mission. Hansen, H. B. (1984). Mission, church and state in a colonial setting: Uganda, 1890-1925. London: Heinemann. Fromkin, V., Rodman, R., & Hyams, N. (2003). An introduction to language (7th Edn.). Boston: Thomson Wadsworth. Karwemera, F. (2005). Empandiika y'Orunyankore-Rukiga egufuhaziibwe. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Morris, H. F., & Kirwan, B. E. R. (1957). A Runyankore grammar. Kampala: East African Literature Bureau. Mubangizi, B. (1963). Kanyarurimi I. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. Mubangizi, B. (1981). Kanyarurimi II. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. Ndoleriire, O., Miirima, F., & Kintu, J. (Eds.). (2002). Runyoro-Rutooro orthography. Kampala: New Vision Printing & Publishing Company. Ndoleriire, O., Muranga, M. J. K., Gumoshabe, G. & Kintu, J. (2007). A unified standard orthography of Runyakitara. Cape Town: CASAS. Rubongoya, L. T. (1963). Runyoro-Rutooro orthography rules. Entebbe: Uganda Printing & Publishing Corporation. Rubongoya, L. T. (1965). Orulimi rwaitu omu mabara agatali gamu. Kampala: East African Literature Bureau. Taylor, C. (Ed.) (1960). Report of the Runyankore-Rukiga conference of 1959. Kampala. Taylor, C. (1978). A teacher's handbook of Runyankore-Rukiga orthography. Kampala: Uganda Literature Bureau. Wikipedia (2018). Punctuation. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punctuation.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Chapter 9
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INTRODUCTION TO A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF RUNYAKITARA TEXTS: A GENRE APPROACH
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Introduction
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In this chapter, we analyse and describe different kinds of written texts, mainly stories in Runyakitara. This description entails examining how these stories are constructed, interpreted and used and the defining characteristics that written Runyakitara texts exhibit. In addition, the chapter explores the lexico-grammatical (lexical and grammatical) properties that define Runyakitara texts and their organisational features. In other words, it explains the kind of linguistic resources/tools that writers of Runyakitara use to write these texts, that is, the words and the grammar that go into a text, and how the text is organised. These will not only enable you to understand deeper a Runyakitara text but also will equip you with appropriate skills that will enable you to eventually write effective Runyakitara texts in an acceptable and conventional manner. By the end of the chapter, you should be able to describe different written text types in Runyakitara; define the features that characterise these texts; and in due course write similar Runyakitara texts. Admittedly, there are many types of written texts in Runyakitara; and we cannot exhaustively explain each one of them in this chapter. Therefore, we confine ourselves to examining narratives. However, we provide examples of other texts to illustrate the criteria and steps that are observed in the analysis of texts in general. In the narratives, we analyse traditional stories and contemporary stories (news stories). In order to understand Runyakitara written texts, you will be introduced to an analytical approach which will assist you to analyse a variety of other Runyakitara texts. This analytical approach is known as genre analysis. This approach is derived from a popular theory known as genre theory. It is a simple method that you can use to analyse a group of texts that share similar linguistic characteristics. The genre analysis also enables you to examine other texts that will not have been explored in this chapter. The analysis will further illustrate how the elements you have studied in the previous chapters (adverbs, adjectives, semantics and Runyakitara lexis) are manifest in these written texts. Note that genre analysis is one of the many methods used to analyse texts, and one of the analytical approaches employed in the analysis of linguistic discourses. The chapter begins by providing a brief definition of discourse analysis. It then defines the various methods used to analyse linguistic texts. This is followed by an overview of the concept of genre since it is important to study genres. The chapter then delves into genre analysis by detailing the characteristics that enable one to identify a genre and the procedure followed in analysing genres. We then examine narrative genres in general and zero down on the properties and generic structure of Runyakitara traditional stories; and finally, we examine the contemporary news story. Since this is one of the first discourse analyses of Runyakitara texts, we rely heavily on studies that have been carried out on other languages, particularly English. It is, however, anticipated that, in due course, further research in discourse analysis in Runyakitara and other Ugandan Bantu languages will avail more technical terms and examples for future use. We will now briefly look at discourse analysis before we explain the details of genre analysis. What is Discourse Analysis? Before we define 'discourse analysis', it is necessary to understand the term 'discourse'. This term is usually used in different academic contexts by different people to refer to specific meanings. 'Discourse' can refer to the sequence of sentences, how "sentences connect and relate to each other across time in speech or writing" (Gee, 2014, p. 18). In this case, the analysis focuses on the structure and organisation of sentences. It can also be understood as "a particular way of talking about and understanding the world" (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002, p. 1). Another meaning of discourse is language in use; it is concerned with how people use language in different specific contexts, which at times, is referred to as 'pragmatics'. Discourse analysis has been defined as the analysis of written and spoken language beyond the sentence level. Some scholars have defined it as "the analysis of linguistic behaviour, written and spoken, beyond the limits of individual sentences, focusing primarily on the meaning constructed and interpreted as language is used in particular social contexts" (Bhatia, Flowerdew, & Jones, 2008, p. 1). It is also understood as "the study of the relationship between language and the contexts in which it is used" and involves analysing different written texts as well as verbal communication in various forms (McCarthy, 2001, p. 5). Recently, discourse analysis has embraced other forms of communication including visual images, sounds, icons, etc. which we shall briefly explain below. Discourse analysis therefore, involves the analysis of lin-
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Methods used in Discourse Analysis
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Discourse analysis makes use of various analytical approaches using different types of materials to achieve a wide range of goals (Bhatia et al., 2008). Discourse analysis cuts across different fields of study which use different discourse analytical methods to analyse written and spoken texts. Some of these include conversational analysis (CA), critical discourse analysis (CDA), corpus-based discourse analysis, mediated discourse analysis, multimodal discourse analysis, and genre analysis. Let's briefly look at each of these approaches. Corpus-based discourse analysis involves the use of big amounts of texts which can be read by different types of technologies. The method avails information about the patterns of language as far as grammar and vocabulary are concerned; the analysis is applied to large texts rather than sentences or short texts. In English language, for example, the analysis has revealed that the word 'glass' "occurs with ... a set of words related to drinks: "lemonade, water, milk" while 'cause' occurs with such negative words as "accident, damage, death or trouble" (Bhatia et al., 2008, pp. 7-8). Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is concerned with the use of language in society in relation to social injustice, inequality, unfairness, power abuse and ideological imposition, etc. (Fairclough, 1995; Richardson, 2007). Fairclough (2001) has described CDA as an approach that is concerned with how language is linked to the social elements such as exploitation and domination of people by other people. It is mainly concerned with power and its control. It aims to find out how ideologies become entrenched in language and how they can be freed; it helps society to be aware of social injustices as well as trying to establish the communicator's purpose and attitude in constructing communication. The context of communication within which the communication takes place is central to CDA. Conversational analysis refers to how members of a society interact and interpret their experiences. The analysis involves looking at the procedures and rules that govern conversations. The analysts study those interactions that unfold in natural contexts which have been transcribed. Another recent analytical approach is known as multimodal discourse analysis. Note that the examples we have given above use written or spoken texts as their primary resources for analysis. Multimodal discourse analysis however, is concerned with the analysis of other forms of social interaction. These include gestures, posture, images, graphic representations, text layout, music, icons, etc. Most analyses using the multimodal approach have focused on TV images, and newspaper and film pictures. Another approach is genre analysis which will form the basis of this chapter. Genre analysis derives from the study of English in academic environments. It is concerned with examining linguistic behaviour in academic or professional contexts (Bhatia et al., 2008). The above approaches have been largely applied to texts and other resources in English and other European languages as well as Asian languages. However, very little has been done to apply, for example, genre analysis to African languages. The purpose of this chapter therefore, is to apply this particular discourse analytical approach to written Runyakitara texts. Since no discourse analytical approach has been explored in Runyakitara, we shall base our analysis on the principles that have been used to analyse mainly English texts. What is genre? In everyday life, you encounter several communication contexts in both written and spoken forms. These range from emails, conversations with friends or relatives, informal and formal letters, telephone exchanges, text messages to newspaper or magazine articles, novels, textbook readings, advertisements, noticeboard announcements, etc. These different texts possess individual characteristics that differentiate them from other texts. These differences are known as linguistic features that define each text (Eggins & Slade, 1997). For example, a telephone exchange cannot begin with the following utterance: (1) Ahari Ateenyi wange omugonzibwa типо, Similarly, a story cannot end with the following proposition: (2) Nyowe, Yohaana Rutamirike naaguza Petero Kayonjo ekibanja kyangye kirikwingana hiika ibiri. These two examples (1 and 2), though culled from their actual communicative contexts, demonstrate linguistic differences that characterise and define specific texts in Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga, respectively. These linguistic differences are very important in the analysis of different texts in Runyakitara. The linguistic differences vary from lexical elements, grammatical elements, style used to how a given text is organised from its beginning to the end. The concept of genre therefore, is defined on the basis of the similarity or distinctive features a text has. It has been defined as a group of texts that demonstrate specific similar linguistic and functional properties (Lee, 2001). For example, sports articles or obituaries that appear in newspapers possess specific linguistic features that distinguish them from editorials or advertisements. Similarly, recipes, novels, and news articles can be identified because of their distinctive features. In simple terms, genre can be defined as a group of texts that exhibit similar linguistic properties. However, the term 'genre' has different meanings and is interpreted in varied ways by different scholars within their individual fields of study. Therefore, the definition of genre is rather abstract and problematic to understand and as you progress in your linguistic studies, you will encounter other explanations of genre, which we have not explored in this chapter. Because this concept has, over time, traversed other disciplines gaining deep ground in linguistics, discourse analysis, academic and professional English, and first and second language (L1 and L2) learning and teaching. For example, in literary studies, 'genre' has been traditionally associated with such literary genres as sonnet, epic, epitaph, tales, legends, novels, or proverbs, which are identified in terms of structure, subject matter, language use, and how they are produced (Kress, 1993; Freedman & Medway, 1994). We shall, later on, discover that some of the literary genres attributes of form and content have persisted in genre as a discourse/linguistic term. Other scholars such as Martin (2009) and Martin and Rose (2003, pp. 7-8) define it as "a staged, goal-oriented social process. Social because we participate in genres with other people; goal-oriented because we use genres to get things done; staged because it usually takes us a few steps to reach our goals". The stages or moves are the steps or phases that a genre writer goes through. Therefore, while analysing genres, we pay attention to how a text develops in specific unique steps. Other scholars have explained genre in terms of the cultural and social contexts where people use genre to describe the different ways in which they use language to accomplish things repeatedly, and in the process validating more genres that are a result of new societal requirements and abandoning those that are not useful. They argue that genres fulfil the social function within various cultural communities, for example, whenever people meet on a regular basis to carry out certain activities, these activities become standardised. Genres are realised via the means of language. Therefore, genre as a social process arises out of people meeting on a regular basis and using language (Kress, 1993; Martin, 2009). We are always engaged in genres on a daily basis and these genres include buying or selling items, seeking and giving information, telling a story, gossiping, making an appointment, exchanging opinion, conversing with a friend (Eggins, 1994), etc. Why is it Important to Acquire Genre Knowledge? Analysing discourse is significant because it explains what language is used for. It helps to understand how language is used in different settings such as academic, workplace and professional settings. Genres are the media through which scholars and scientists communicate with each other. The study of genre therefore, is critical for many scholars, researchers, and professionals including linguists, political scientists, philosophers, anthropological, sociologists, business people, and communication experts. Therefore, to participate or understand the scholarly and scientific discourse, they need to be aware of the underlying functions and features that genres in such fields possess. For example, it is necessary to possess sound knowledge of genres used in law, academics, and journalism in order to produce such genres as contracts, research articles, and features, respectively. To this end, genre study is instrumental and aims to help a writer accomplish writing tasks in an acceptable manner once s/he has understood how genres work as well as telling whether the texts produced are wrong or right and if they conform to acceptable standards of a given profession (Berkenkotter & Huckin, 1995; Bazerman, 2004). Genre knowledge also enables us to understand the customs, knowledge, and beliefs of genre users, which are inherent in their cultures, and the daily activities they are involved in. For example, the study of the narrative genre (ebigano, emigani, enganikyo) in Runyakitara reveals the beliefs, behaviours, food and ways of living of Bakiga, Banyankore, Batooro and Banyoro. The analysis of texts is also important because it enables us to learn about texts that were not acquired within the home or community environment. These texts possess "linguistic structures and patterns" that "students must learn... to recognise and interpret" (Biber & Conrad, 2009, p. 3) and later on be able to produce. It is not necessary for you to learn how to greet or talk to your mother or brother, or even write a text message on a mobile phone to a friend today. However, it is important to learn how to write an application letter, or how to write an examination paper. In this regard, as Biber and Conrad (2009) argue that there is need to teach genres to university students in order to succeed, it is equally important to explore the hitherto unknown construction and linguistic features of Runyakitara texts given the significance of the language in academic and socio-political contexts. A similar significance to the above relates to genre-based language teaching and learning, which has been the major field of language teaching and learning in Australia, America and recently in South Africa. The genrebased pedagogy is concerned with the textual structures and linguistic resources that characterise quality writing of various genres in the school system (Visser, 2013). Genre-based pedagogy enables both teachers and learners of African languages, particularly those from underprivileged communities, to handle written and spoken tasks required at secondary school and tertiary levels of education. Visser (2013, p. 5) further argues that it also "equips language teachers of African languages to facilitate the literacy development of learners in their respective first languages[s]". In fact, genre-based teaching and learning enables learners to acquire text-linguistic competencies that would lead them to produce quality academic written texts (Visser, 2013; Hyland, 2002, 2003). The knowledge of genre will help you understand educational genres including lectures, tutorials, reports, essays, seminars and workshops, examinations, textbooks, etc. The teaching of genre enables students to master these genres thus gaining empowerment at school, later on at the workplace and be able to participate in various ways of social life (Cope & Kalantzis, 1993; Gillearts & Shaw, 2006).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Genre Analysis
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Genre analysis is an approach used to examine linguistic behaviour as it is manifested in academic or professional settings (Bhatia, 2004). The choice for genre analysis relates to the inadequacy of the previous discourse approaches to address pedagogical needs, explain textual analysis, and categorise texts based on their similarities and differences (Hopkins & Dudley, 1988). Swales (1990) has equally argued that traditional analysis of texts did not offer reasons to explain why 'genre texts' appear the way they do. Genre analysis therefore, is a result of the inadequacy of previous approaches (register analysis, grammatical-rhetorical analysis, and interactional analysis) to provide sufficient information for deep structure analysis or explain the reasons why certain texts appear the way they do. Bhatia argues that genre analysis (applied genre analysis) combines the socio-cultural, institutional and organisational explanations for English for Specific Purposes and applied linguistics in general. This is "a thicker description" of both lexico-grammatical properties and organisational features, which borrows from several disciplines in order to arrive at a deeper and insightful analytical description of texts and explanation of language use in professional and academic genres (Bhatia, 1993, p. 5-10, 2004, 2008). Genre analysis is significant because it allows one to "understand how members of specific discourse communities construct, interpret and use genres in order to accomplish a communicative purpose and why they write them the way they do" (Bhatia, 2004, p. 10). It also facilitates the comprehension of the "the social and cultural contexts in which genres are located" and understanding how such factors relate to the "language choices" that users make (Paltridge, 2002). The analysis of genres requires acquisition of linguistic competencies related to syntax (grammar), lexicon (vocabulary), and the organisational structure of a given genre. The knowledge of genre responds to such writing needs and skills as description, explanation, argumentation, persuasion, entertainment, instruction, responding, or recording events. These skills are not only crucial to accomplish academic tasks in the education system but also significant to one's life at the place of work. For this reason, "genre teaching should emancipate students by giving them the possibility to live up to the expectations of the professional world" (Gillearts & Shaw, 2006, p. 8).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Identification of Genres
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Genres possess easily recognised characteristics that when we come across them, we know what kind of genre a given text is. These properties lead us to identify what kind of message to expect in the text. In a simple example of the lost and found texts in a newspaper, we expect to find the identification of the person who lost the item, the description of the lost item, contact details, and perhaps a reward for whoever finds the item. Alternatively, if an examination paper and a letter are placed before us, we are able to distinguish one from the other because of the uniqueness that each one of them possesses. The words and grammar, the interlocutors (writers and speakers), the steps/stages the interactants go through, the purpose of interaction, the medium of interaction (spoken or written), etc. help us to recognise what genre the text in question is about. The knowledge of the culture within which a genre is located is equally important for us to identify a genre because different cultures use language differently. For example, the exchange in Example 3 below reveals a lot (Ry/Rk): (3) S1: Okabura! S2: Naiwe waabuzire. S1: Ndamutsya tureebe. S2: Buhooro, buhooro, buhooro gye. S1: Hmmm, hmmm, mmmm. S2: Muraara muta? S1: Turiyo... The exchange tells about an encounter between two adults who have not seen each other for a long period (demonstrated in the greeting using propositions like okabura and buhooro). It is a face-to-face encounter involving two people of unequal social status or different ages. The begging of ndamutsya tells us that this interlocutor cannot initiate a greeting; he/she begs the other person to greet first. Among the Banyankore-Bakiga, a young person is not supposed to initiate greeting an elder, especially when they have not seen each other for a long time. Similarly, certain social ties demand that a person of higher social status (father-in-law, an uncle, and mother-in-law) initiates the greeting, no matter the age. In accomplishing a given task using language, social conventions require that we do so systematically. These steps or stages are known as the schematic structures of a genre (Eggins & Slade, 1997). A genre is composed of stages/steps which are regarded as its constituent parts or constituent structure. The stages enable us to communicate effectively since we cannot make meaning at a go. These stages are related to each other in order to fulfil the function of the text and achieve the overall communicative goal of the genre. In other words, the stage fulfils a given function in a genre. Note that in some of the genres, these steps/stages are optional while in others they are obligatory. Although these elements can be left out, the text remains the same; in other words, the genre does not change. It should also be noted that some of these elements are recursive, that is, they appear more than once in a genre. The stages in the written genres usually occur as separate paragraphs. The stage is normally recognised by similar grammatical and lexical properties. The steps can be clearly identified because of their peculiarity. For example, in English, the phrase 'once upon a time' is associated with a narrative genre while 'Nyowe Kanyamunyu naaguza ekibanja kyangye...' in Runyankore-Rukiga is typical to a transactional genre of a legal nature. In recipe and instructional manual genres, there is the use of imperatives in the Method stage while the Ingredients Stage is characterised by numbers or measuring words. In a business letter, the Complimentary Close stage is conveyed via polite expressions. The use of temporal conjunctions such as 'and', 'then', 'after', 'before', and temporal circumstances such as 'until the age of', 'at that time', 'at the mission', 'in the early 1970s', 'in those years', 'during the 1980s', etc. reveals different stages in an English narrative genre (Martin & Rose, 2008). Genres are recognised because of 'repeated textual patterns' or 'easy to notice features' (Bazerman, 2004, p. 322). For example, stories usually begin with the following phrase: "once upon a time", while business letters are characterised by inside addresses. A close examination of traditional stories in Runyakitara reveals the following beginnings: Hakaba hariho omushaija ... or Obundi.... However, not all Runyakitara narratives begin in a similar manner. Language plays a central role in analysing genres, after all, genres are realised through language. In this regard, genre can also be identified based on typical patterns in a text; for example, the grammatical items or the graphical elements used. Different genres possess different words and grammatical structures. Even within a genre, the words and structures used across stages will differ. In an application letter, the words and grammatical choices in a Complimentary Close differ from those in an introductory stage. These grammatical patterns enable us to demarcate the stage boundaries and identify the number of stages of a genre (see Text 1). The stages are given genre-specific labels rather than the traditional designation such as beginning, middle, end or even Introduction, Body and Conclusion (Eggins, 1994; Bhatia, 2004). Text 1: GENRE LABELS OF A RUNYAKITARA NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENT (Ry/Rk) Headline - to attract the reader OKUGAASHUURA N'OWA BAGUMA Locating the service Baguma Restaurant ebeire neeshangwa ahari Mayoba Inn efurukire yaaza omu mwana gw'omurembe ogurikushangwa haihi na KASH Hard Ware Detailing the service - positive evaluation Manya omwanya nigwaka kandi gwine paakingi y'omurembe n'amabeho marungi waaba noohuuta supu Offering incentives Manya hati bashazire aha kabeeyi aka buriijo Detailing the service - positive evaluation Abarikwenda kureeba emipiira ya Bungyereza mwarymmu beine sikuriini z'omurembe Pressure tactics Otafeerwa omugisha ogu Establishing rapport Ahandi Mukama abandindire mwena mwije owa Baguma mugaashuure Soliciting response Noobaasa kubahikira aha simu 07067890000/0771777111 (Source: Entatsi, September 24-30, 2013, p. 1) It is important to point out that genres are dynamic: they go through stages; they appear on the scene, they grow, and they may die (Devitt, 2004; Bhatia, 2004). Although genres are relatively stable texts because they arise from stable discourse communities whose discursive practices are stable for a given period, they never remain so (Myers, 2000). Once the communicative needs change, so do the genres (Ramanathan & Kaplan, 2000). Genres are dynamic because they are embedded in cultural practices and these are never stable (Muntigl & Gruber, 2005). Speakers/writers often stray away from the standard form; others produce the socially recognised types while others create complicated ones. Several other studies regarding genre change have been carried out particularly on the changes that scientific research articles have undergone since they appeared on the academic scene (Swales, 1990; Berkenkotter & Huckin, 1995; Bhatia, 1993; Ayers, 2008). Other genre changes have been observed in other fields. For example, the use of Power Point presentations that were designed for business-related purposes, have been adopted by academics (Myers, 2000). Another genre change study shows how an electronic mail has created a 'new sub-genre' of letter writing which excludes the recipient's address and date, the latter being generated automatically (Ramanathan & Kaplan, 2000). Gillaerts and Shaw (2006) also observe that the letter genre has been overtaken by email and fax pushing the former to the periphery. In this regard, we shall also point out how some of texts in Runyakitara are undergoing changes, for example, the news report. Another significant aspect in the study of genre is genre mixing. Genre mixing involves the inclusion of some other elements in a specific genre, for example, the intrusion of advertising features in news editorials and company reports (Hyland, 2002; Bhatia, 2004). Another observed form of genre mixing occurs in academic in- troductions such as preface, foreword and acknowledgment. Although their communicative purpose is to introduce, other hidden promotional purposes are exhibited (Bhatia, 1997; 2004), they use descriptive adjectives and linguistic features that are common in advertising genres. In this regard, we discover genre mixing whereby the genres of textbook introductions possess two communicative goals, that is, to introduce and to promote the book. Genre mixing has also been identified in job advertisements. The construction of job adverts contains persuasive elements which are intended to appeal to the post-modern job advert as well as the traditional formal conventions of a job advert genre (Norlyk, 2006). Because of the consumerism culture in our societies today, documents of most companies and organisations comprise promotional elements (Bhatia, 2000). Another basis for genre identification is 'variation'. This involves analysing many texts to determine how similar or different the texts are. For example, sales agreements would vary between those of land and those of other properties like cars. The variations usually occur across disciplines. The textbook genre cuts across such disciplines as Mathematics, History, Science, Law or Economics. However, a textbook in each of these will exhibit unique discipline-based features. Science textbooks will use diagrams, pictures and tables while knowledge presentation in literature textbooks is likely not to contain such visual materials. While Law and Economics texts will refer to other scholars, it is not the case in Mathematics texts (Bhatia, 2004).
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Analysing Genres
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In analysing unfamiliar genres, Bhatia (1993,2004) (1993,2004) recommends that one should first consider his/her experience and knowledge about the field in which the genre-text belongs. If you do not possess this knowledge, then you examine the existing literature on that genre in order to learn more about it. Secondly, you consider the situational context which enables you to define who the speaker or writer of the text is and the target audience. It also reveals the history, sociocultural beliefs of the community in which the text is used. It is also important to identify which other texts are similar or related to the text in order to provide the background. If the genre you are analysing falls within a specific institution, there is need to study the institutional context, such as the rules and conventions that govern the writing of texts. For example, the analysis of sale agreements requires knowledge of rules and language that lawyers use to construct these agreements while writing the genre of a business order requires good knowledge of business communication. This stage is followed by linguistic analysis. Linguistic analysis involves the analysis of text patterns which reveal linguistic use of the members of the community that use that genre. The analysis entails looking at the lexico-grammar; i.e., both the vocabulary and grammatical elements of the text. The text patterns revealed by this analysis will provide answers to why things are done the way they are done. For example, the presence of adjectives in advertisements is intended to facilitate positive description of the product. Structural analysis is also significant in analysing genres. It provides different ways of how language is organised while communicating a specific message. Because of the regularity of a genre, genre writers usually follow a regular systematic way in communicating the general message in a specific genre. Structural analysis therefore, is concerned with the consistent and preferred ways known as moves/stages/steps. As noted above, each move has a specific communicative purpose it fulfils via different linguistic or rhetorical techniques available to the writer (Bhatia, 1993). Examining the linguistic and organizational features across a collection of similar texts reveals similarities and differences as well as consistencies or inconsistencies of a given genre (Bazerman, 2004). Although it is quite challenging, it is advisable that at the end of the process, the genre analyst should seek expert knowledge from members of a community that are involved in the production of those texts or the institution that produces that genre s/he is analysing for cross-checking the findings and clarifying some issues (Bhatia, 1993). This is also done because certain professions, e.g., law or journalism, prescribe what should or should not go into a text and how this text is supposed to be used or interpreted. The specialists can identify the kinds of texts they work with and provide expert interpretation of how they are created and used. They can also provide reasons and factors attributed to deviations (variations) in a given genre. Lastly, genre identification can also be carried out through ethnographic research, which involves interacting with people at their workplace and regularly collecting and studying the texts they produce. In this way, the researcher observes the reasons for using the texts, how they are written, used and interpreted. In the next section, we apply genre theoretical principles examined above to three different genre texts in Runyakitara. First, we shall begin by reviewing the genre analysis of English narratives and relate it to Runyakitara narratives. Next, we analyse a contemporary news story and argumentative writing in the print media; and finally, we shall apply genre analysis to semi-legal writing in Runyakitara by examining a will and a sale agreement.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Narrative Genres
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Stories are significant in our lives; they "are central genres in all cultures.... They are told in all social groupings to interpret life's chaos and rhythms, to evaluate each other's behaviour, and to educate and entertain our children" (Rose & Martin, 2008, p. 49). Martin and Rose further argue that the stories' power to grip the attention of both children and adults is inexplicable. They exist across different domains of life, for example, movies, novels, short stories, news stories, plays, etc. (Macken-Horarik, 2002), and they have been comprehensively studied (Martin & Rose, 2008). You will have learnt that in English language, narrative writing mainly serves to tell in detail a story that has one main point. The narration process requires looking at and examining events in a chronological order. It tells what has happened in a story. The composition follows a chronological ordering (start at the beginning and go on until you come to the end, and then you stop). For example, a story about a memorable ride on a bodaboda [motorcycle] would perhaps begin by telling the reader/listener the place where the motorcycle was located. It would then go on to indicate price negotiation and the time when it was taken, the exciting events along the itinerary, the most exciting event, which would mark the peak of the ride - the best moment, and finally the destination. The climax could however, entail a crisis point, for example, an accident, fuel shortage, a brush with a traffic officer, or hijacking the protagonist. In this regard, the narrative would then go on into another phase of recounting how this problem is resolved. In such a story, a chronological order of how events unfold is observed. However, the order can be subverted depending on the narrator's choice. The narrator can choose to plunge into the middle of the story with a startling, amusing, or dramatic event so as to grab the reader's attention. The typical examples of narrative writing include novels and short stories, biographies and autobiographies, diary, some newspaper articles, radio and TV news reports, conversational anecdotes, etc. Besides narrative genres, other story genres also trace a series of events of personal recounts. They are categorised into four text types: recounts, anecdotes, exemplums, and observations (Martin & Rose, 2008). In brief, recounts entail narrating events in a sequence having no significant problem while anecdotes recount humourous events that are out of the ordinary. The adventures of Ishe-Katabaazi provide good examples of anecdote stories. Exemplums recount events which entail moral assessment. Observations recount events in which the narrator provides a negative or positive judgement. Note that the narrative differs from the others in that it exhibits a disrupting event (complication), which is then resolved and the story returns to the hitherto social stability. The story genre has been found to exhibit the following generic staging: Abstract, Orientation, Complication, Evaluation, Resolution and Coda (Macken-Horarik, 2002; van Leeweun, 2008; Martin and Rose, 2008). The Abstract comprises the topic of the story and is intended to attract the attention of the listener/reader; it tells the listeners/readers what the story is about. The Orientation stage entails the setting, that is, the people (characters) who are involved, the place and time of the story. It also provides the first incident of the story. The Complication involves the main event of the narrative, a problem. This is usually a destabilisation of social harmony, which could be a family order or a hunting expedition order. In fact, the narrative genre aims to resolve a problem. In an extended narrative (macro genre), there might exist several complications and resolutions. The Evaluation stage comprises the significance and relevance of the event(s) for the character(s). The Resolution, which is usually the last event, provides the solution to the problem. It attempts to restore the hitherto existing social harmony. The Coda is a stage in which the storyteller/writer signs off. It serves to bring back events to normalcy, that is, the status quo of events before the complication set in. It acts as a bridge between the story world and the moment of the narration. Both the Abstract and Coda are optional while Evaluation can occur several times during the progression of the story. In the next section, we apply these stages to establish whether they equally apply across Runyakitara stories.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Runyakitara Story Genres
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Martin and Rose (2008) have shown how the different types of stories are realised in both oral and written mediums. Stories have existed in the pre-modern and contemporary cultural contexts throughout the world. In this regard therefore, Runyakitara stories known as emigani, ebigano, or enganikyo have been recounted in South-Western Uganda and beyond, from one generation to the next via oral tradition usually at a fireplace after the evening meal. This oral tradition has, of course, bred dissimilarities in the content. Most of the stories are lost because they were not captured in writing. Runyakitara comprises both short and long stories as well as novels. The short stories usually comprise fables that are narrated to young children while the extended ones take a while to narrate and are enchanting to both children and adults. Because of the limitations of space, we shall analyse two short stories for their generic properties. The first is a short story extracted from a Runyankore Reader for lower level primary learners. Text 2: OMUKAGO GW'ENTE NA WAKAME (Ry/Rk)
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Orientation
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Ente egyenda ezingura na Warucuncu.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Complication
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Nyomwabazyo hataaha eifa Kamirakwo. Ente ku eba egiire Rujumbura kushaka, Warucuncu eita encwa-mutwe yaayo. Ente ku eija ehoora enzigu, eita ekibwana kyakyo.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Resolution
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Eirukanga, esingirwa owa Wakame omu nyanga. Ekicuncu ku kiija, Wakame akibingira omu irembo.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Evaluation
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Nikyo oreebera Wakame akunda kuza omu nte kwonka. (Source: van Spaandonk (1997), Ninshoma, p. 46). In this story, the narrator begins by presenting the characters of the story, i.e., Ente and Warucuncu. Since this is a fable, the exact place where the characters lived is not revealed, it is assumed to be the in the wilderness. However, leaving out the place provides the narrator with an opportunity to localise the story because stories are told within a certain locality. It is therefore assumed that both characters lived in the wilderness adjacent to where the reader/listener lives. Although, the time element is embedded in the verbal proposition, egyenda ezingura, which portrays the near past tense, it is categorized as the narrative tense, which is often used in storytelling, and it conveys the far past tense. While in most cases, either the tense is conveyed in varying forms of the past tense, as nearpast far-past tense, or even using words such as nyomwabazyo, it does not mean that the actions occurred in the recent past. Therefore, our Orientation stage fulfils the function of designating the setting of the story by introducing the characters, place and time elements. It also presents that harmonious existence between the protagonists, ezingura na Warucuncu. Nyomwabzyo ... The Complication stage presents the problem that has to be resolved. The problem is eifa Kamirakwo, which leads to the killing of the calf and the subsequent revenge from the cow: Warucuncu eita encwamutwe yaayo. Ente ku eija ehoora enzigu, eita ekibwana kyakyo. Note that this particular Complication comprises two problems, one leading to the other. The famine disrupts the social order, and in turn it provokes a conflict between the protagonists. In the Resolution stage, the cow seeks refuge at the Hare's place, Eirukanga, esingirwa owa Wakame omu nyanga and the Hare protects the cow from an impending vengeance by repulsing the Lion, Ekicuncu ku kiija, Wakame akibingira omu irembo. The interpretation of the ever-close relationship between the Hare and cows is then provided in the Evaluation stage. In other fables, the story ends with a moral lesson for human beings, often intended for the reader to relate himself/herself to a similar unjust situation and conveyed via a proverb. For example, in a story of migratory locusts and bald locusts/non-migratory locusts (Ekiharara n'Enzigye), we discover that the locusts learnt that they could not move along with migratory locusts, thus, Akarugire amahanga tikeesigwa. Or in the story of Engwe n'embwa, the story ends in an Evaluation stage with a proverb, Owaakukiza emikono akurasha oine obwawe, portraying the powerlessness of the dog in the face of a dominant and ferocious leopard.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: The staging structure is mainly marked by temporal adjuncts
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4,ku 4 ,ku, obu, aho, kaingaha, (E)kiro kimu indicating a transition from one stage to another; for example, Ente ku eba egiire... Ente ku eija .... Ekicuncu ku kiija...obu yali atakabiriire..., Kaingaha! Zireesire Wankoko... Kaingaha omusaija kahurra akatego nikagamba..., Kiro kimu akamukwata yamusiiga enziro... We also note that process actions marked by the narrative tense: egyenda, ezingura, eba egiire, eita, eija ehoora, esingirwa. Even at this lower level, we also note the use of non-core vocabulary, emiguutuuro, for example, ezingura, eifa Kamirakwo, esingirwa, and omu nyanga instead of etuura, enjara y'amaani, ehungira, and omu ibaare respectively. This demonstrates the significance Runyakitara narrative attaches to the inculcation of intricate linguistic features but also culture via stories at an early stage. Note that although nyomwabazyo is a time adjunct, it does not mean that this event happened yesterday; it situates the event in the far past. Another element in this phrase, hataaha eifa shows that the event took place a long time ago because eifa has not been experienced in modern times. Let's now examine a more extended story in Text 3. 1 Text 3: ABAHIIGI N'ENTARE N'EKIKYERE (Ry/Rk)
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Orientation
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Omushaija akagyenda n'omutabani, baaza kuhiga. Baaritaahamu eihamba, baitamu esirabo, baagyekorera nibagitwara omu bwerere kugibaagiramu.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Complication
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Ku baabaire nibagihuumuza bati, zaareeta bwahara bw'entare.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Evaluation
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Yaija ngaaha neeribata neehendekyeza, omujwengye neeguhungura, amaisho nigagitukura oti barasiiremu eshagama, akanwa nikagingana oruteba ruteeka amaizi g'obushera, enyindo ziri emigyeto nk'emambo zibamba emiguta. Weeza ku baagireebire emitima yaabahwa omu nda, omushaija yaatandika kugambisibwa agumize "Ninkushara! Ninkushara!" Omutabani yaamuburira omu kwahwa, n'okwesheeshera kutarekire.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Complication
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Entare ku etandika neebahika, egira eti "Iwe mushaija we, gambira mutabani waawe amire egi sirabo, naiwe omumire, haza ngurukye nkumire, bihwe". Omushaija n'omutabani bateeraho bagaaragaarirwa. Ngu "Ka twesize, eki eraabe neekora ekikore. Kandi nitukijwara omutanga kutanga ki, twabaire enyama yaarwo?"
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Evaluation
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Ku biba bikiri aho omuri ya kafe ya kaitwe, hareetana engundu y'ekikyere. Kiija nikigurukyera, omubiri n'obu gwakakiiragwire, amaisho gakigurukire, amatama nikihaga nikihaguurura nk'orikucumika enyungu ebuzire etaabe.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Complication
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Ku kitandika nikihika aho, kiti: Beitu ka mpuriire muri omu rwari, mufiire ki?" Ekicuncu kiti "Ngambiire ogu mushaija ku aragiira omutabani kumira egi nyamaishwa, nawe akamira omutabani, naanye omushaija nkamumira, haza ebigambo bikahwa."
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Resolution
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Ndi ekikyere kiti "ka nikwo shi, k'omugambiire eky'oburyo!" Kiti "Iwe mutsigazi 'we, rahutsya omire egi sirabo, sho akumire, entare emumire, naanye ngurukye ngimire, haza turekye kusiibya amasha omu kibuga." Entare ku ehinduka yaareeba ekikyere oku kirikushusha, n'oku kirikureetsa, n'ebi kirikugamba nikihamiza kimwe kugimira, eti "Biri naagwa egi?" Ebishanga neehunga. Ogwagitwaire tiguramanyirwe.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Coda
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Ekikyere kitambira kityo abahiigi; beekorera esirabo n'obwira, bagyenda nibagihwerahwerana, baza kugibaagira omuka. (Source: Mubangizi, B. K. (1989). Nkutebeze 4. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya). In this story, the orientation stage begins with identification of the main participants, omushaija n'omutabani; the main activity of the narrative, kuhiga; and the place, eihamba, omu bwerere. Other narratives in Runyakitara bear almost similar lexico-grammatical features to the present one. In many of the stories, we come across the following constructions signaling the Orientation stage in Runyoro-Rutooro: Oти biro bya ira muno, hakaimuka omusaija ...; Ira muno hakaba haroho ...; or Hakaba hariho omushaija...; Omushaija akashwera omukazi, baazaara...; Omushaija akaba...; or ...akaimuka... in Runyankore-Rukiga. Note that most of these entail a male participant, revealing the patriarchal nature of the Banyakitara society. There are indeed other beginnings that include a female participant. The Complication sets in immediately, Ku baabaire nibagihuumuza bati, zaareeta bwahara bw'entare. The reader knows what the immediate arrival of a lion means [the danger] to the man and his son. The Complication stage is always marked by ku ku to show an abrupt disruption of the social order. The following extracts signal the commencement of a complication in their respective stories: (4) Abaishiki b'ekyaro kimwe bakaimuka aho, baaza kwiha obunyaatsi. Ku baabaire nibaiha, enjura yaacurumbukana kugwa. ... Ku baza kushohora, Waruhiri eguruka eyeroteka aha muryango, eti "Omuriimwe ninyendamu owangye." Ngu "Reero ka mwije mureebe obuhano!" (Nkuganire 1, p. 54) (5) ... Ku ecumitamu omunwa gagitaaha omu maisho. Eronda ogw'okutooramu, gubura (Ninshoma, p. 48). This is followed by Evaluation stage; the storyteller then goes on to describe the appearance of the lion and the imminent danger it poses. We note that the evaluation stages in this story are conveyed via metaphors that exhibit the richness of the language. In this segment, the storyteller employs similes ... amaisho nigagitukura oti barasiiremu eshagama, akanwa nikagingana oruteba ruteeka amaizi g'obushera, enyindo ziri emigyeto nk'emambo zibamba emiguta, to describe the physical attributes of the King of the jungle that portray its ferociousness. In the second evaluation stage, we also note a similar rhetorical technique to show the danger the toad poses before the lion: engundu y'ekikyere..., amaisho gakigurukire, amatama nikihaga nikihaguurura nk'orikucumika enyungu ebuzire etaabe. In this regard, the evaluation stage demonstrates the narrator's attitudes vis-à-vis an event being narrated or a participant appearing in the story. It makes the story worth listening to/reading by employing such linguistic resources of exaggeration or evaluating events that hold the attention of the reader/listener. Although, at first sight, the Resolution appears as a problem (perhaps to a child listening/reading for the first time), it embeds a solution because common knowledge tells us that a toad cannot 'swallow' a lion. Of course, the raconteur reveals the resolution by portraying the foolhardiness of a lion, which is threatened by the physical appearance of the toad. Whereas the lion is mighty, its understanding is lowered and portrayed as lacking astuteness. On the other hand, despite the toad's weakness, it is portrayed as a wise participant whose utterances resolve the problem. Runyakitara tales also exhibit a unique rhetorical technique, ekitongyerero or ekizina (Example 6), which is non-existent in the two stories we have examined. This feature consists in one of the participants singing a song or performing a recitation in the Resolution stage. The song or recitation acts to resolve or points to the resolution of a problem. It appears to possess magical powers that resolve the problem. The song in itself carries an entertainment function. As children, we would prefer our mother or grandmother to tell us a story that has a song in it. (6) Ku aba naatongyerera atyo, Njuma omu muti amuhurira, nawe amugarukamu naatongyerera. Ati "Ya Njunju, ya Njunju, yaiwe mutetsi, Onywe ago mate, orekye kwitwa obutetsi; Otuze ezo nyena, orekye kwitwa obutetsi; Oihe ekyarire, orekye kwitwa obutetsi; Ocwe n'enkoni, orekye kwitwa obutetsi; Ogyende ogambire, taata, yaiwe mutetsi, Njunzire eitama rimweija, n'orubaju rumwe. Mbaire ntungirwe amaizi g'omu bitsigye, Mbwenu goomire, buzima naaza kukaba." (Nkuganire 1, p. 69) (Runyankore-Rukiga). The Coda returns the story to the equilibrium, that is, what would have happened, under normal circumstances, if the problem had not set in. It signs off the story and returns to life's equilibrium. In most Runyakitara narratives, it is marked by temporal conjunction, Ku ntsiga... It is only at this stage that we observe the narrator, for the first time, directly referring to him/herself, telling us that he/she was an eyewitness to the events of story. However, in the oral tradition, this direct reference to the narrator occurs at the very beginning (in the abstract) of the story, thus: Mbaganire mbaganire. The Coda is a bridge between the last event of the story and the present time of narration. It normally includes a recount involving punishment (Example 10), compensation or retaliation (Example 11), behavioural change (Example 7), aborting an adventure especially in hunting expeditions, marrying another wife (Example 9), or restoration of wealth (Examples 8) (Ry/Rk). (7) Ku ntsiga nyamukazi omweburaguzo yaagucwa kabiri, ndaba omu kihambo kya maazaara kicweka emitanga. Nti tori, nti jabu. Nyetaahira, nza kusheenyera tata oruku rw'okwota (Nkutebeze 4, p. 25). (8) Ku ntsiga Muhuuba eka ye n'eitungo rye byagarukaho, omukazi yaaza kutaashura encuro ibiri z'oburo zi yaaraganiise akafunzi, nti tori, nti jabu... (Nkuganire 1, p. 21) (9) Ku ntsiga yaashwera ondiijo mukazi, ... ndabaho niinyija kubatebeza ago goona agu naareebire (Nkuganire 1, p. 50). (10) Nyakaisiki waawe, nkasiga iba naamubinga omu nju habw'obugara nyowe nindugayo (Enganikyo Otasemeriirwe kufeerwa, p. 46). (11) Nkasiga abantu n'ebihangwa ebindi nibajaguza kandi nibatwarra Wakame ebisembo, na nyowe nimbasaba kurugayo (Enganikyo... p. 55) (12) Mpaho akira atyo; arita aha ibega naataaha; omuhiigo gwosha (Nkutebeze 4, p. 33). Other functions that the Runyakitara narrative Coda realises include signalling time to go to bed (after that particular story) - ... mpotoka ntemba akatabo kangye ninza kubyama; or a moral lesson for the listener - ... Nyetaahira, nza kusheenyera tata oruku rw'okwota. The Runyakitara narrative Coda equally exhibits an interesting feature that takes the listener from the story/fiction world to the present time of recounting; i.e., the real world. Like the science-fiction time machine, the narrator encounters transfiguration of the physical world or some chaos in life phenomenon to return to the time of telling the story or present times. Similar to the story of Warucuncu and Wakame (Text 2), the storyteller employs non-core lexical items (emiguutuuro) as well as metaphors to evaluate events or the participants in the story. For example, the storyteller uses such words as bwahara, ngaaha, emigyeto, gakigunuukire, ebisanga, kujwara omutanga, and kusiibya amasha omu kibuga, instead of their common equivalents such as Nyamuhango, buzima kwo, ekishongoize munonga, gakizoire, ehunga, kwerinda akabi, and kushiisha obwire, respectively. However, within the conversational segments, the language is simple and familiar in nature compared to the non-conversational stages where non-core vocabulary is invoked. So, we can tentatively conclude that emigutuuro are used in evaluation stages to assess events or participants in the story. Note that in these examples and other Runyakitara stories, the events in the story unfold in a sequence and we can clearly identify similar phases that mark these events. In other words, the generic structure is fixed; the story starts from the beginning, goes up to the end, and stops. Most of the Runyakitara narratives are similar; however, the deviations that may exist are prompted by geographical locations, which give rise to changes in names, and the songs that are used in each narrative. In the next section, we look at a modern story genre, the news story.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: A Contemporary Runyakitara New Story Genre - Amakuru
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Modernity has ushered in a different kind of stories which are detached from the traditional stories that convey the old sociocultural practices of gathering, hunting, pastoralism, farming, and artisanry such as basket weaving, blacksmithing, tribal wars, witchcraft, etc. Although some of the modern stories are largely modelled on traditional stories, they are influenced by science and technology. For example, the notions of modern science and technology exclusively influence the movie genre. Although the Runyakitara narrative genre is still largely anchored in the traditional story (because there are very limited modern storywriters in Runyakitara), we see a major shift in the stories that are recounted in the media. We now examine this different kind of story genre, the news report, as it unfolds in the print media. In newspaper reporting, news reports are referred to as "stories" because they recount past events (Fairclough, 1995). One major difference that distinguishes a narrative from a modern news story lies in the way events are organised in each of these genres. While there is a chronological flow of events in the narrative, events in a news story do not necessarily follow a sequential ordering; the story begins anywhere and jumps about in time and space to recount news events. The non-chronological ordering of events in a news story started with the beginning of nineteenth century when the contemporary news story emerged (Feez et al., 2010; Martin & Rose, 2008). News stories before this era followed a sequential pattern. Similarly, news reporting in Runyakitara appears to have followed a chronological ordering as exhibited Text 4. Text 4: AGARUGIRE IBANDA (Ry/Rk) Ibanda twaba turiyo tugumire. Omushana guriyo mwingi. Omu biro ebyayembeirwe Christmas tukaba twine enjara nyingi munonga. Akabaare ka Bamugaya niko kaahwereire baingi omuri eryo ifa. Baitu mbwenu turiyo nitugyesha. Enjara ti tukigimanya. Christmas ekagyenda gye munonga tiharabaireho murabanamu. Kwonka ku yaahweireho obwo aka Ibanda kaimuka. Omu biro ebi ebihingwire, omu gomborora emwe eya Mumyoka Busheshe, hagwiremu abantu bashatu. Okufa kwabo kwaza kushoboororwaho aha ifo: Omushaija Atanazio owa Kashangura akaba aine enshaho ina z'omwani, baaziiba. Mbwenu ku yaagizire, ati: Abaibire enshaho zangye z'omwani bazimanye, abaramu baamutematema n'omuhoro. Omurambwe, Police ekagutwara Mbarara. Nyakufa, orubanja yaarusinga. Omurambwe gwagarurwa, gwaziikwa owe. Baakiita bo bari omuri kabura-muriro. Ondiijo mushaija nuwe Rwomire, akaba arugire Buhweju afurukiire Bigyera, Yaarwana n'omukazi we. Nyamukazi yaagyenda. Yaamuronda yaabura. Yaaruga Bigyera yaataaha Buhweju, obwo aine eicumu n'omuhoro. Ab'oruganda rwe baabimwaka. Ku yaabaire naagaruka Bigyera yaayehanika omu muhanda aha mugongo Kyaikucu, omu muruka gwa Sabagaba-Mumyoka. Owaabaire naaza kusibika embuzi, yaareeba omurambwe omu muti, yaateera enduuru. Abantu baahurura, n'Owegomborora yaabaijamu. (Kwonka yaaba ari omutsigire). Hakateerwa abantu b'ekyaro ekyo. Bakabateerera kimwe baabasaasa munonga. Baagaruka baabata omu kihome Nyabuhikye. Ab'omuruka ogwo baaba ab'okurinda ebiro bina nyomushana na nyekiro. Police ku yaizire yaabuuririza ebirikufa aha murambwe ogwo, ku yaabyetegyereize yaamanyira kimwe omuntu ku ayeitsire, yaaragiira ku baziika omurambwe. Owa kashatu bakamwitira omu muruka gwa Mumyoka-Mumyoka Bisheshe. Ogwo bakamwitsa ekisyo, baamucumita. Akagwa aha kitanda Mbarara. (Source: Ageeteereine, Sunday, 8 February 1959) This news story published in Ageetereine in 1959 recounts largely three events of social unrest in pre-colonial Uganda as well as portraying the conduct of colonial administration. The story had no specific headline related to the events being recounted. The story's introduction provides a recount of the social news and chitchat about the social wellbeing of the people and the area: ... turiyo tugumire... Enjara titukigimanya; weather conditions: Omushana guriyo mwingi. Omu biro ebyayebembeirwe Christmas tukaba twine enjara nyingi munonga; and identifying agricultural activity of the moment, mbwenu turiyo nitugyesha. This is similar to the introductory phase of the traditional letter genre, which is influenced by the community sense and social obligation to provide the recipient (in this case, the putative reader) with news about the well-being or ill-being of oneself, one's family or that of the immediate community. The news reporter then highlights the core event in the next phase: Kwonka ku yaahweireho obwo aka Ibanda kaimuka. Omu biro ebi ebihingwire, omu gomborora emwe eya Mumyoka Busheshe, hagwiremu abantu bashatu. Events that first happened are recounted first: the famine, followed by good weather and harvesting. Thereafter, the disruption of the social order comes on the scene: ku yaahweireho obwo aka Ibanda kaimuka. The reporter then proceeds to elaborate each of the three news events separately. Although information in the news report does not tell the reader whether the events followed one after the other in each news event, there is a clear chronological presentation of events as highlighted by the superscripts in the second news event extract (Example 13) below (Ry/Rk): (13) Ondijo mushaija niwe Rwomire akaba arugire Buhweju afurukiire Bigyera, Yaarwana n'omukazi we. Nyamukazi yaagyenda. Yaamuronda yaabura. Yaaruga Bigyera yaataaha Buhweju, obwo aine eicumu n'omuhoro. Ab'oruganda rwe baabimwaka. Ku yaabaire naagaruka Bigyera yaayehanika omu muhanda aha mugongo Kyaikucu, omu muruka gwa Sabagaba-Mumyoka. Owaabaire naaza kusibika embuzi, yaareeba omurambwe omu muti, yaateera enduru. Abantu baahurura, n'Owegomborora yaabaijamu. (Kwonka yaaba ari omutsigire). Hakateerwa abantu b'ekyaro ekyo. Bakabateerera kimwe baabasaasa munonga..... Whereas the news writer recounts the events in a fairly objective manner, close analysis demonstrates two instances of implicit evaluation that deserve mention here. In the following proposition; Kwonka ku yaahweireho obwo aka Ibanda kaimuka, the expression aka Ibanda kaimuka evokes negative attitudinal values with regard to the people of the area, Ibanda. Although this is not explicitly mentioned, readers would associate aka with the negative perceptions [stereotypes] that people living in Ankore have on the inhabitants of Ibanda, especially witchcraft and murder. This traces its origin to the killing of one of the colonial administrators, Gault, in 1902. In another sentence: Hakateerwa abantu b'ekyaro ekyo. Bakabateerera kimwe baabasaasa munonga, the news writer's use of hakateerwa and bakabateerera kimwe aims to intensify the action, thus rendering the actions of the colonial administration distasteful. In this section, we examine a contemporary news report and describe its generic properties. It is important to define the kind of news reports that we wish to study because they are varied. In such circumstances, one media scholar, Bell (1991, p. 12) provides a context-specific definition of genre. He defines it as "the particular kind of media content in which you [researcher/analyst] are interested"; for example, news, classified advertising, weather forecasts, etc. For that reason, the news stories that we analyse in this chapter derive from a category of news reports known as "hard news". These are news stories that recount conflict, namely wars, accidents, riots, disasters, corruption, electoral violence, political violence, crime, disease outbreaks, etc. They are preferred because they are newsworthy. These events disturb the social equilibrium and are therefore, urgent to report on. They usually appear on the front pages of a newspaper, which is not necessarily the case with Runyakitara hard news reports. Studies on news reporting in the Anglo-American and other societies such as Japan, China, France, Thailand, and Indonesia demonstrate that a hard news report exhibits similar generic features. It unfolds in a non-linear progression to recount events in a given news report. The report is composed of the two major phases (stages): the opening nucleus and the body/development stage. The Nucleus is composed of a headline(s) and a lead while the second phase comprises sub-components referred to as satellites. The Nucleus contains the most significant issues of the news report presented in a summary form. Training literature recommends news reporters to ensure that this phase answers the following questions: what, who, where, when, how, and so what. The satellites go back to the Nucleus, moving in a backward and forward pattern, to explain, contextualise, elaborate or comment on the elements presented in the headline/lead opening (White, 1997; Thomson et al., 2008). A satellite paragraph restates or describes in a detailed fashion the element(s) presented in the headline/lead opening. These satellites are independent of each other. They may also position events in the time and space by describing the location of events that happened before the current event. Another satellite can, via reference to an external voice - usually a direct quotation and known as attribution in media discourse, evaluates an element of the nucleus (Feez et al., 2010; White, 1997). The generic ordering of a news report appears fixed; that is, Headline + Lead + Satellites. However, the development stage, which comprises satellites, can be reshuffled and the story would flow without any dysfunction. This generic feature is associated with hard news genres and is known as radical editability. Radical editability involves reorganising the original positions of the body satellites without creating a new genre or affecting the news report's functionality (White, 1997). However, this feature does not always apply to some news texts (Kitley, 2008). Similarly, preliminary studies of Runyakitara hard news reports have also established that because most of them unfold in a chronological manner, radical editability does not apply to them (Mugumya, 2013). It should be noted that journalists go beyond recounting events; they at times interpret those events, provide their own viewpoints either directly or indirectly: they condemn or appraise events or news actors (see Martin & White, 2005 for a detailed explanation on the language of evaluation). However, other news reports simply convey events as they happened, what is ordinarily referred to as 'objective reporting'. Let us now examine a Runyakitara hard news report to illustrate its generic properties and generic structure. Text 5 (Ry/Rk)
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Headline
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Aba Museveni barwaine n'aba Col. Kizza Besigye Henry Kwikiriza - Rukungiri [Byline]
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Lead
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Abashagiki ba Col. Kizza Besigye na Lt. Gen. Yoweri Museveni bashenguraine omu tauni Rukungiri Orwakataano 2/3/2001. Bamwe abaserukare abarikukuuma Purezidenti (PPU) bahutaire, baatwarwa omu irwariro Nyakibale. Satellite 1: Elaboration, details of the violence Orutaro rutandikire obu abaserukare ba PPU n'aba LDU bairukize abashagiki ba Col. Kizza Besigye, ngu barekye kweyerera n'okutimba emitumba omu tauni nk'akamanyiso k'okumwakiira (Col. Besigye) omu kitiinisa. Satellite 2: Elaboration, details of the violence Dereeva orikwetwa Mwanza, abaire naavuga emotoka eyekoreire emitumba y'okubyara omu nguuto, baagimwihamu, baatandika n'okuteera amasasi omu mwanya, abantu bairuka omu kahuurukano n'abandi baahendeka. Omwe aha bakazi abaire aine enda, ahuriirwe naagira ngu naatiina, "neebaasa kurugamu ekiro ky'okugizaara kitakahikire." Satellite 3: Contextualisation, events before the violence Abaserukare obu bataire amasasi omu mwanya, bashangire abapooriisi bakuumire obusingye, abantu barikuhunda amaduuka, bategyereize omwana waabo oyetsimbire ahabwa Purezidenti. Satellite 4: Elaboration, further details of violence Aba PPU bagumiizemu nibairukanzya abashagiki ba Col. Besigye, kwonka ku bahikire aha irwariro rya Rugarama, baabuganaho abandi aba Besigye, batenga orutaro rw'amabaare n'amacupa, orurigirwemu okuhutaazibwa aba PPU. (Source: Entatsi, March 18-14, 2001, p. 8). Text 5 recounts a political conflict in which supporters of presidential candidates were involved in electoral violence in 2001. During the electoral campaigns, two major presidential contestants are highlighted in the print media, the incumbent, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, and his hitherto friend and personal physician during the guerrilla war in the 1980s, Dr. Col. Kizza Besigye. The present-day Runyakitara news report does not recount events of social disorder in such a manner. It does not 'waste time' in pleasantries but rather plunges into the actual event that disrupts life's order and jumps about, and without necessarily following the order in which events occur. For example, in Text 5, we observe that the news report does not recount events in a chronological manner. The story does not begin from the moment when the decoration of the streets started, which, ordinarily, would be the initial event of the story. Instead the news reporter starts from the point when the social harmony (preparations to welcome Dr. Besigye) is destabilised; that is, when the Presidential Protection Unit and Local Defence soldiers started chasing away supporters of Col. Besigye who were decorating the streets. The news report unfolds in two phases, the nucleus and the body. There is a close relationship between the headline and the lead; in other words, the elements in the lead refer back to the headline to specify each of the elements presented. This is an indication that the headline is a summary of the lead. We illustrate this relationship in the Example 14 below. The numbers (superscripts) show that the elements in the headline are repeated in the lead. (14) (14)
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Aba
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1 1
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Museveni
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2 2 barwaine 3n′aba4 3 n ′ aba 4 Col. Kizza Besigye 5 5
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Abashagiki
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4 4 ba Col. Kizza Besigye 5 5 na Lt. Gen. Yoweri Museveni 2 2 bashenguraine 3 3 omu tauni Rukungiri Orwakataano 2/3/2001. Bamwe abaserukare abarikukuuma 2 2
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Purezidenti
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2 2 (PPU) bahutaire, baatwarwa omu irwariro Nyakibale. The Headline and Lead provide the core information that summarises the entire news report. We find that the news writer largely concentrates on the information in this phase. The opening nucleus therefore serves as a summary of the news report. It indicates what - barwaine, bashenguraine; who - aba, abashagiki, abaserukare; where - omu tauni Rukungiri; when - Orwakataano 2/3/2001, but also the consequence - bahutaire. The subsequent components of the body phase serve to specify this crisis point by repeating in other words these elements highlighted in the headline/lead, opening sentence in a satellite structure. The body stage comprises four sub-components. The first satellite locates the origin of the crisis: Orutaro rutandikire obu abaserukare ba PPU n'aba LDU bairukize abashagiki ba Col. Kizza Besigye, and explains its cause: [abashagiki] barekye kweyerera n'okutimba emitumba omu tauni nk'akamanyiso k'okumwakiira (Col. Besigye) omu kitiinisa. In other words, we see the satellite going back to elaborate and provide details to the element of bashenguraine located in the lead. The second satellite also serves to explain further the details of the conflict: the removal of the driver from the truck, the pandemonium after soldiers shot in the air, the fractures sustained by supporters, and the fear of miscarriage by a pregnant woman. Satellite three returns to recount an event that occurred before the on-going social disorder: abapooriisi bakumire obusingye, abantu barikuhunda amaduuka, bategyereize omwana waabo oyetsimbire ahabwa Purezidenti. The last satellite ends the story abruptly by elaborating the violence that ensued when both supporters met each other at an identified location. There is an observed repetition of elements that refer to the crisis point; that is, disturbance of social order throughout the text - Aba [abashagiki] Museveni barwaine n'aba Besigye, abaserukare abarikukuuma Purezidenti bahutaire. Let's now examine another news report in order to establish whether other news reports function in a similar manner.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Text 6
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Examples: Headlines (Ry/Rk).
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Conclusion
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In this chapter, we have analysed Runyakitara texts focusing on story genres, namely the traditional Runyakitara tale and a news recount. Using genre analysis, we have observed that the Runyakitara story genre bears resemblance to the story genre obtaining in the European and American societies. The Runyakitara story exhibits a similar rhetorical structure to the English-language one albeit with some differences. We have also noted that the Resolution stage, at times, may comprise a recitation or a song, which contributes to the resolution of a problem. Whereas the Coda is optional and its removal does not render the story incomplete, most Runyakitara stories apparently exhibit one. Since this is one of the preliminary attempts to analyse Runyakitara texts using genre principles, the interpretations are open to further scrutiny. More research is required to examine more texts and other genres in order to establish the occurring and non-occurring stages. More research is also welcome to enhance, supplant or critique the current scholarship. There is also need to extend similar research to other newspaper texts, for example, sports reports, features, opinion pieces, etc. Other texts like the exemplum, recount, anecdotes have not been examined due to space and time limitations. However, they do exist in Runyakitara and we exhort scholars to undertake a generic analysis of such texts. Note that the approach employed in this chapter to analyse the genre of stories can be equally applied to other Runyakitara texts. Therefore, the need to study other texts not examined here is dire, particularly, editorials, endagaano y'oburagwa (Will), and endagaano y'okuguza (Sale Agreement) because they are so far the only existing common written texts in Runyakitara.
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grammar_instruction
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: References
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Ayers, G. (2008). The evolutionary nature of genre: An investigation of the short texts accompanying research articles in the scientific journal Nature. English for Specific Purposes, 27(1), 22-41. Bazerman, C. (2004). Speech acts, genres, and activity systems: How texts organise activity and people. In C. Bazerman & P. Prior (Eds.). (2004). What writing does and how it does it: An introduction to analysing texts and textual practices (pp. 309339). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Bazerman, C. (Ed.). (2008). Handbook of research on writing: History, society, school, individual, text. New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Bell, A. (1991). The language of news media. Oxford: Blackwell. Berkenkotter, C., & Huckin, T. N. (1995). Genre knowledge in disciplinary communication: Cognition/culture/power. Hillsdale: Laurence Erlbaum Associate, Publishers. Bhatia, K. V. (1993). Analysing genres: Language use in professional settings. London: Longman. Bhatia, V. K. (1997). Genre-mixing in academic introductions. English for Specific Purposes, 16(3), 181-195. Bhatia, V. (2002). Genres in conflict. In A. Trosborg (Ed.). (2002). Analysing professional genres (pp. 147-161). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co. Bhatia, K. V. (2004). Worlds of written discourse. London: Continuum. Bhatia, V. K. (2008). Genre analysis, ESP and professional practice. English for Specific Purposes, 27, 161-174. Bhatia, V. K., Flowerdew, J., & Jones, R. H. (2008). Approaches to discourse analysis. In V. K. Bhatia, J. Flowerdew, & R. H. Jones (Eds.). Advances in discourse studies (pp. 11-28). Oxfordshire, UK: Routledge. Biber, D. & Conrad, S. (2009). Register, genre, and style. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McCarthy, M. (2001). Discourse analysis for language teachers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cope, B., & Kalantzis, M. (1993). Introduction: How a genre approach to literacy can transform the way writing is taught. In B. Cope, & M. Kalantzis (Eds.). (1993). The powers of literacy: A genre approach to teaching writing (pp. 1-21). Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh. Devitt, A. J. (2004). Writing genres. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Eggins, S. (1994). Introduction to systemic functional linguistics. London: Pinter. Eggins, S., & Slade, D. (1997). Analysing casual conversation. London: Cassell. Fairclough, N. (1995). Media discourse. London: Arnold. Fairclough, N. (1998). Political discourse in the media: An analytical framework. In A. Bell & P. Garrett (Eds.). (1998). Approaches to media discourse (pp. 142-162). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Freedman, A., & Medway, P. (1994). Locating genre studies: Antecedents and prospects. In A. Freedman, & P. Medway (Eds.). (1994). Genre and the new rhetoric (pp. 1-20). London: Taylor & Francis Ltd. Gillaerts, P., & Shaw, P. (2006). Introduction: Genre and norm. In P. Gillaerts, & P. Shaw (Eds.). (2006). The map and the landscape: Norms and practices in genre (pp. 7-20). Bern: Peter Lang, AG, International Academic Publishers. Hopkins, A., & Dudley-Evans, T. (1988). A genre-based investigation of the discussion sections in articles and dissertations. English for Specific Purposes, 7(2), 113121. Hyland, K. (2002). 6. Genre: Language, context, and literacy. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 22, 113-135. Hyland, K., 2003. Genre-based pedagogies: A social response to process. Journal of Second Language Learning, 12, 17-29. Feez, S., Iedema, R., & White, P. (2010). Media literacy. New South Wales Department of Education and Training: NSW AMES Quality Language & Literacy Services. Jørgensen, M. W., & Phillips, L. J. (2002). Discourse analysis as theory and method. London: Sage Publications. Kitley, P. (2008). Winning an 'information war': An Indonesian case study. In E. Thomson, & P. R. R. White (Eds.). (2008). Communicating conflict: Multilingual case studies of the news media (pp. 203-225). London: Continuum. Kress, G. (1993). Genre as social process. In B. Cope, & M. Kalantzis (Eds.). (1993). The powers of literacy: A genre approach to teaching writing (pp. 22-37). Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh. Labov, W., & Waletzky, J. (1967). Narrative analysis: Oral versions of personal experience. In J. Helm (Ed.). (1967). Essays in verbal and visual arts (pp. 12-44). Seattle: University of Washington Press. Lee, D. Y. (2001). Genres, registers, text types, domains and styles: Clarifying the concepts and nevigating a path through the BNC jungle. Language learning E E Technology. 37. Retrieved from http://find.galegroup.com/gtx/infomark.do?. Mackin-Horarik, M. (2002). "Something to shoot for": A Systemic Functional approach to teaching genre in secondary school. In A. M., Johns, (Ed.). (2002). Genre in the classroom: multiple perspectives (pp. 17-42). New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Martin J. R., & White P. R. R. (2005). The language of evaluation: Appraisal in English. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Martin, J. R., & Rose, D. (2008). Genre relations: Mapping culture. London: Equinox. Martin, J. R. (2009). Genre and language learning: a social semiotic perspective. Linguistics and Education, 20, 10-21. McCarthy, M. (2001). Discourse analysis for lananguage teachers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mencher, M. (2008). Melvin Mencher's news reporting and writing (11 th th Edn.). New York: McGrawHill Higher Education. Mugumya, L. (2013). The discourse of conflict: An appraisal analysis of newspaper genres in English and Runyankore-Rukiga in Uganda (2001-2010). (Doctoral dissertation, Stellenbosch University). Muntigl, P., & Gruber, H. (2005). Introduction: Approaches to genre. Folia Linguistica, 39(1-2), 1-18. Myers, G. (2000). Powerpoint presentations: Technology, lectures and changing genres. In A. Trosborg (Ed.). (2000). Analysing professional genres (pp. 177-191). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co. Norlyk, B. (2006). Clashing norms: Job ads or job narratives? In P. Gillaerts & P. Shaw (Eds.). (2006). The map and the landscape: Norms and practices in genre (pp. 43-61). Bern: Peter Lang. Paltridge, B. (2002). Genre, text type, and the English for academic purposes (EAP) classroom. In A. M. Johns (Ed.). (2002). Genre in the classroom: Multiple perspectives (pp. 73-90). New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Ramanathan, V., & Kaplan, R. B. (2000). Genres, authors, discourse communities: Theory and application for (L1 and) L2 writing instructors. Journal of Second Language Writing, 9(2), 171-191. Richardson, J. E. (2007). Analysing newspapers: An approach from critical discourse analysis. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Swales, J. M. (1990). Genres analysis: English in academic and research settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thomson, E. A., White, P. R. R., & Kitley, P. (2008). "Objectivity" and "hard news" reporting across cultures: Comparing the news report in English, French, Japanese and Indonesian journalism. Journalism Studies, 9(2), 212-228. van Leeuwen, T. (2008). News genres. In R. Wodak, & V. Koller (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of communication in the public sphere (pp. 345-362). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Visser, M. (2013). African languages in a new linguistic dispensation: Challenges for research and teaching at universities (Inaugural lecture delivered at Stellenbosch University on 9 April 2013). White, P. R. R. (1997). Death, disruption and the moral order: The narrative impulse in mass-media 'hard news' reporting. In F. Christie & J. R. Martin (Eds.). (1997). Genre and institutions: Social processes in the workplace and school (pp. 101-133). London: Continuum. White, P. R. (2006). Evaluative semantics and ideological positioning in journalistic discourse: A new framework for analysis. In I. Lassen, J. Strunck & T. Vestergaard (Eds.). (2006). Mediating ideology in text and image: Ten critical studies (pp. 37-67). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
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Explain the following grammar rule in Runyoro/Rutooro: Footnotes
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4 4 See Temporal Adverbials or Time Indicators in Chapter 3. ↩
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RUNYAKITARA LANGUAGE STUDIES
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A Guide for Advanced Learners and Teachers of Runyakitara Makerere University Press P.O. Box 7062 Kampala, Uganda Email: [email protected] [email protected] (C) Oswald K. Ndoleriire, 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publishers.
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Table of Contents
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Table of Contents ..... v Acronyms and Abbreviations ..... ix Preface ..... xi Acknowledgements ..... xvi About the Contributing Authors ..... xvii Chapter 1 THE PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY OF RUNYAKITARA Oswald Ndolerire & Gilbert Gumoshabe ..... 1 Introduction ..... 1 Theoretical Framework ..... 1 Scope of the Study ..... 2 Tone in Runyakitara ..... 3 Methodological Approach ..... 6 The Sounds of Runyakitara ..... 7 The Runyakitara Consonant Charts ..... 7 The Vowels ..... 23 The Phonemes of Runyakitara ..... 25 Conclusion ..... 31 References ..... 32 Chapter 2 MORPHOLOGY: GENERAL DESCRIPTION AND NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY IN RUNYAKITARA Fridah Katushemererwe, Oswald Ndolerire, & Shirley Byakutaaga ..... 33 Morphology ..... 33 Morphological Typology ..... 33 Morphological Typology and Runyakitara Morphology ..... 34 What is a morpheme? ..... 34 Identifying morphemes and morphs ..... 35 Roots and Affixes ..... 38 Morphemes and Allomorphs ..... 41 Nominal Morphology in Runyakitara ..... 45 Morpho-phonological Rule ..... 53 Aspects of the Nominalisation Process ..... 59 The Morphology of the Pronoun in Runyakitara ..... 60 The Morphology of the Adjective ..... 67 Conclusion ..... 73 References ..... 73 Chapter 3 VERBAL MORPHOLOGY: TENSE AND ASPECT IN RUNYAKITARA Gilbert Gomoshabe & Oswald Ndoleriire ..... 75 Introduction ..... 75 Theoretical Approaches ..... 75 The Verb in Runyakitara ..... 76 Markers in the Simple Verb Forms ..... 77 Tense/Aspect Markers ..... 78 The Habitual in Runyakitara ..... 81 Aspects and Tenses in Compound Verb Forms ..... 82 Time Adverbials and Subordinate Clauses of Time ..... 87 Compound Forms Derived from Complex Forms ..... 90 The Narrative −a∼aa− −a∼aa− and the 'imperative'-e ..... 91 Summary of Temporal Adverbials or Time Indicators ..... 93 Summary of Tenses and Aspects ..... 94 Adverbs ..... 97 Conclusion ..... 99 References ..... 100 Chapter 4 THE SYNTAX OF RUNYAKITARA Oswald Ndoleriire ..... 101 What is Syntax? ..... 101 Sentence in General ..... 101 What is a Complete Sentence? ..... 109 Simple and Complex Sentences ..... 110 Sentences and Clauses ..... 113 The Simple Sentence ..... 119 The Agent ..... 124 Types of Clauses ..... 124 Conclusion ..... 130 References ..... 130 Chapter 5 ASPECTS OF RUNYAKITARA SEMANTICS Celestino Oriikiriza ..... 131 What is Semantics? ..... 131 The meanings of the word 'meaning' ..... 131 Scope of Treatment of Linguistic Meaning in this Chapter ..... 133 Prior Work on Linguistic Isomorphism of Language and Phenomena in Runyakitara ..... 134 Semantic Fields ..... 138 Situations, their Encoding and Expression in Language ..... 146 Semantic Change ..... 147 Meaning Relations ..... 150 Conclusion ..... 155 References ..... 155 Chapter 6 TRANSLATION PROCESSES AND CONSTRAINTS IN RUNYAKITARA Gilbert Gumoshabe ..... 157 Introduction ..... 157 What Does the Form of the Language Include? ..... 158 Reasons for Translation ..... 160 History of Translation in Uganda ..... 161 Types of Translation ..... 163 The Translation Process ..... 164 Challenges in Translation ..... 167 Specialised Terminology ..... 171 Conclusion ..... 175 References ..... 175 Chapter 7 TRANSLATION AND INTERPRETATION IN RUNYAKITARA: LINKING THEORY TO PRACTICE Edith Ruth Natukunda-Togboa ..... 177 Introduction ..... 177 Translation and Interpretation: A Historical Perspective ..... 179 Translation Theories ..... 182 Translation and Interpretation Strategies ..... 187 Interpreting Strategies ..... 192 Audio-Visual Translation ..... 194 Conclusion ..... 196 References ..... 196 Chapter 8 THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF RUNYAKITARA Gilbert Gumoshabe & Oswald Ndolerire ..... 199 Introduction ..... 199 Principles of a good orthography ..... 200 The Need for Writing Uganda Indigenous Languages ..... 201 Historical Developments in the Orthography of Runyakitara ..... 202 Efforts to Standardise the Orthography of Runyakitara ..... 203 Current Situation of the Orthography of Runyakitara ..... 206 Double Consonants ..... 206 Vowel Length ..... 210 The Relative ..... 215 Prepositions and Conjunctions ..... 216 The Possessives ..... 217 Writing Peculiarities ..... 218 Reduplication and Compound Nouns ..... 221 Miscellaneous Issues ..... 223 Punctuation ..... 226 Summary of Runyakitara Orthography ..... 231 References ..... 235 Chapter 9 INTRODUCTION TO A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF RUNYAKITARA TEXTS: A GENRE APPROACH Levis Mugumya ..... 237 Introduction ..... 237 What is Discourse Analysis? ..... 238 Methods used in Discourse Analysis ..... 239 What is genre? ..... 240 Why is it Important to Acquire Genre Knowledge? ..... 241 Genre Analysis ..... 243 Identification of Genres ..... 244 Analysing Genres ..... 247 Narrative Genres ..... 248 Runyakitara Story Genres ..... 250 A Contemporary Runyakitara New Story Genre - Amakuru ..... 255 Conclusion ..... 262 References ..... 263 Index ..... 267
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Preface
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This book introduces a language that we call Runyakitara. You may wonder what Runyakitara stands for. If you are a Ugandan, you may think that some linguists sat down and came up with a new language that they then named Runyakitara. We are going to show you that this is not the case. Runyakitara, as a matter of fact, is a name that was proposed in the mid-1990s by language academics at Makerere University when they were introducing the teaching of Runyoro-Rutooro and RunyankoreRukiga as a degree-level course at that university. Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga are taught as one subject at the university and it was, therefore, convenient to give them one name because it evokes the old empire of Bunyoro-Kitara, which, at its height, covered most of the areas where Runyakitara is spoken today. The speakers of Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga, additionally, to a large extent understand each other and do not need an interpreter when conversing among themselves. According to some studies (Ladefoged, 1972), the languages or dialects have a high degree of mutual intelligibility.
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Runyakitara in the global context
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It is generally accepted that the four varieties of Runyakitara under study belong to the Bantu family of languages, which are part of the Benue-Congo sub-group. The latter itself belongs to the Niger-Congo which is under the Congo-Kordofan (also called Niger-Kordofan) language family. One notes that the Bantu language family is, geographically, the most widespread, stretching from the Equator to the Cape of Good Hope.
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Runyakitara in the national context
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The Ugandan Constitution does not mention the word Runyakitara. It mentions 56 languages according to the tribes that the constitution recognises. Thus, Runyoro is recognised as a language in the same way Rukiga, Rutagwenda, Runyaruguru and others are. The practice in previous periods, particularly from the 1950s, was to recognise six area languages, at least for educational purposes, those that were to be taught in primary schools. These were: Luganda, Runyoro-Rutooro, Lwo, AtesoNgakarimojong, Lugbara and Runyankore-Rukiga. Thus, Runyakitara had two of its major varieties recognised among the six area languages of Uganda. The situation has now changed, with more languages, such as Lusoga, Japadhola, Lumasaaba and Lhukonzo being taught in primary schools and used as media of instruction during the first three years of primary education.
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Language and Dialect
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Generally speaking, a language is made up of dialects; that is, different ways in which a language is used by speakers. The most widely-spoken dialects are the regional dialects; that is, people in a given area speaking a language somewhat differently from those of another area. There are also social dialects whereby people of a given class speak the language somewhat differently from those of another. Because of their high degree of mutual intelligibility, Runyoro, Rutooro, Runyankore and Rukiga could be considered as regional dialects of a language called Runyakitara. However, mutual intelligibility is not necessarily sufficient to bring different language varieties together to form one language. There are other factors to be considered which may be political and historical. For instance, the Danish language is very close to and mutually intelligible with one of the dialects of the Norwegian language. And yet Norwegian and Danish are considered as distinct languages because of historical factors. In the same manner, the kingdoms of Ankore, Bunyoro and Tooro have existed for more than a century and people came to associate the language type they spoke with the kingdom where they lived. So, the people of Bunyoro spoke Runyoro, which has a lot in common with Rutooro while those of Ankore spoke Runyankore which also has a lot in common with Rukiga. Furthermore, the different speakers of these four "languages" were aware that they could understand each other easily but in their own perception, they were speaking different languages. So, it is not enough for a few academicians to propose a name. It must also be accepted by the different speakers of the languages in question and eventually by the wider community. The use of the word Runyakitara is for the moment at crossroads with a possibility that it might eventually be widely accepted or that it might not. The example of the Chinese language is also most edifying. It is said that Chinese has many dialects some of which are mutually unintelligible. The most prominent dialects are Mandarin in the Northern part of China and Cantonese in the Southern part. These two major dialects are said not to be mutually intelligible. However, because of the long history of China as a nation, the two are recognized as forming one Chinese language with Mandarin being considered as the standard for the whole country. All the other dialects are also considered as being part of the Chinese language. The situation of Chinese is, however, facilitated by the script that is used. In effect, people with mutually unintelligible dialects can read and understand each other because of the nature of the Chinese script. The symbols of the Chinese script represent meanings of concepts rather than sounds and that is why people of different dialects can read and understand each other while being unable to hold a conversation together.
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Historical Perspectives and Geographical Distribution
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It is widely accepted in Western Uganda, that a people's language or orulimi/orurimi corresponds to what her ethnic group speaks. The Banyoro speak Runyoro, the Batooro speak Rutooro, the Bagangaizi speak Rugangaizi, the Banyankore speak Runyankore, the Bakiga speak Rukiga, and so on. However, when the European missionaries came, those with interest in language noticed that most of the languages in Western Uganda were highly mutually intelligible. Those who wrote the first grammars and the Bible called those languages Runyoro because of the influence that the Empire of Bunyoro-Kitara had once had in this area. Thus, Maddox wrote the Elementary Lunyoro Grammar in 1902 and pointed out that he was writing a grammar of a language spoken far beyond the Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom of the time. It is this language that we have called Runyakitara. In that respect, mutually intelligible languages or dialects that make up Runyakitara would include but would not be limited to the following: a) Runyankore, to which should be associated sub-dialects such as Ruhima, Ruhororo, Runyaruguru, Rutagwenda and to some extent Rukooki. b) Rukiga, to which should be associated such sub-dialects as Runyaifo, Runyangyezi, Rusigi, Ruhimba, Rugyeri, Ruheesi, and Runyabutumbi. c) Runyoro, to which should be associated such sub-dialects as Ruruuli, Runyara, and Rugangaizi. d) Rutooro, to which should be associated such sub-dialects as, Rusongora, Rutuku, Runyakyaka and Orutooro rwa Hansozi. There is also Lubwisi which could be considered as a sub-dialect of Rutooro. The above form the Runyakitara group in Uganda. Outside Uganda, we have in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ruhuma, which is clearly a sub-dialect of Rutooro as well as Ruhema; in Tanzania we have Runyambo, Ruhaya and Kerewe. One should note that the first Bible for Western Uganda was written in what the writers called Runyoro in 1913, whose target audience went far beyond the borders of the Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. It was read in the whole of Western Uganda until the first and full Runyankore-Rukiga Bible came out in 1964. It is only in the mid 1950's that the umbrella word Runyoro lost value and it was agreed at different meetings that Runyankore-Rukiga would be considered as one language and Runyoro-Rutooro as another. The name Runyakitara is therefore, convenient for this book in as far as we are addressing commonalities and differences existing in the structure of four mutually intelligible dialects or languages, depending on one's perception.
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General theoretical approach
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This book is intended for a wide readership, ranging from students in secondary schools and teacher training colleges to language teachers at all levels of education. It should also be useful for language students and lecturers in institutions of higher learning as well as researchers in languages and related areas. Due to the nature of the readership, language theories are applied sparingly in as far as they facilitate the understanding of a given language aspect by the reader. For instance, the diagrams are used to analyse some types of sentences but the authors will not go into detailed analysis of transformational generative grammar. The authors of various chapters have adopted a descriptive approach in their analysis. In that respect, a language element is analysed by taking into account its relationship with other elements in the language, the role it plays vis-à-vis the rest, and the meaning that it carries. Furthermore, since we are dealing with four major varieties of Runyakitara, a comparative approach is imperative. To that end, similar characteristics of a given point are highlighted and the differences are also demonstrated. In giving examples, the authors, in most chapters, have endeavoured to indicate whether the example is in Runyankore-Rukiga (Ry/Rk) or Runyoro-Rutooro (Rn/Rt). Where there is no specific indication, one will assume that the example is common to all the four varieties. Otherwise, for the chapters based only on one of the two major varieties, Runyankore-Rukiga or Runyoro-Rutooro, that will be indicated at the beginning of the chapter. Regarding some specific topics, such as those on translation, discourse analysis, semantics and lexicography, theories and approaches pertaining to them are explained within their respective chapters. Finally, it should be pointed out that this book is varied enough to enable readers with different interests to concentrate on the chapter or chapters that are of interest to them. For further reading on Runyakitara, the reader is advised to look out for two more publications, namely The Cultures of the Banyakitara and Runyakitara Literature by the same group of authors. Oswald K. Ndoleriire Makerere University, Kampala October 2019 Runyakitara Language Studies: A Guide for Learners and Teachers of Runyakitara
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Acknowledgements
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This book is a result of painstaking research, which started in 1995/1996 with a research grant from the Research and Publications Committee of Makerere University, to whom we express our sincere appreciation. We wish to extend our sincere thanks to all those who have, in one way or another, helped towards the realization of this work. Our gratitude goes to the late Associate Professor Sango Mwanahewa, Mark Musinguzi, Anette Birungi and Dr Allen Asiimwe. We also extend special thanks to the Centre for Language and Communication Services of Makerere University, who assisted financially during the process of writing and reviewing the manuscript. In the same spirit, our sincere thanks go to the Department of African Languages, Makerere University, for recommending this publication to the sponsors. Finally, we also wish to express our deep gratitude to the Directorate of Research and Graduate Training, Makerere University, for accepting this publication, and the Carnegie Corporation, New York, for funding the publication.
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About the Contributing Authors
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Shirley Cathy Byakutaaga, holds a Bachelor of Arts with Education (Makerere University) and a Masters in Linguistics (University of Victoria, British Columbia, Canada). She served as a Senior Lecturer at the Institute of Languages, Makerere University, where she was among those who initiated and popularized the teaching of Runyakitara. Her research interests are in the interplay between Ugandan, European and American cultures on which her bestseller, Tips on Ugandan Cultures, is based. She has also written on Academic Linguistics, children's stories, and cotranslated the Uganda Constitution, Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart and Okot p' Bitek's Song of Lawino into Runyoro-Rutooro. Gilbert Gumoshabe holds a PhD in Social Anthropology. He is a lecturer and Coordinator of Runyakitara in the Department of African Languages, Makerere University. He co-authored Katondoozi: A Thesaurus of Runyankore-Rukiga, KavunuuziRunyankore/Rukiga-English Dictionary and A Unified Standard Orthography of Runyakitara. He edited the Standard English-Runyankore/Rukiga Dictionary. Fridah Katushemererwe, PhD, is a lecturer and researcher of Linguistics and Communication Skills in the Department of Linguistics and English Language Studies, Makerere University. She has contributed to scholarship through journal articles, conference proceedings and book chapters. She has presented at several conferences and workshops, delivered seminars locally and internationally. Levis Mugumya, PhD, is a Lecturer in the School of Languages, Literature and Communication, Makerere University where he teaches Linguistics and Communication Skills. He holds a doctorate from Stellenbosch University, South Africa. His research interests include professional and academic writing, discourse analysis, media genres, evaluative language, and language and conflict. Edith Natukunda-Togboa, PhD, is an Associate Professor in Language Studies (French). She uses French and Runyakitara to research into gender issues, European studies and African peace and conflict scenarios. She previously served as Dean of African Studies and Head of Department in Peace and Conflict Studies in the University for Peace, Costa Rica but currently heads the Department of European and Oriental Languages, Makerere University, where she also teaches French and Francophone Literature, Cultural Studies, Communication, French for Specific Purpose and Runyakitara Literature. She is also a consultant in editing, publishing, translation and interpretation in French, English and Runyankore. Her research interests are in Runyakitara, gender and development, discourse analysis, peace and conflict studies. Oswald K. Ndoleriire, holds a Bachelor's degree in French, a Master's degree and a PhD in Linguistics (University of Sorbonne Nouvelle, France). He is currently a Professor of Linguistics and Director of the Confucius Institute at Makerere University. He previously served as Dean Faculty of Arts and Principal College of Humanities and Social Sciences at Makerere University. He also served as Minister of Education and as Regent to King Oyo in the Tooro Kingdom of Uganda. He has taught French, African linguistics, general linguistics, English phonology in various institutions of higher learning in Nigeria, Kenya and Uganda. He has researched and published widely in the areas of African linguistics (Runyakitara), and in language, culture and development. Celestino Oriikiriza, PhD, is a lecturer in linguistics at Makerere University, Kampala. He was the pronunciation editor of Fountain Junior English Dictionary (2006) and the lead compiler of the dictionary Kashoboorozi y'Orunyankore-Rukiga (2007). He published 'Elicitation and Arrangement of conceptual meanings in the Lexicography of Less Documented Languages' in Lexikos (2014).
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Introduction
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This chapter, which is an updated version of Ndoleriire's (1992) article, endeavours to present aspects of the phonetics and phonology of Runyakitara. Some people have already made an attempt but very often in a very superficial manner. The studies that exist are presenting sounds either in Runyoro-Rutooro or Runyankore-Rukiga. No serious attempt seems to have been made to examine whether there is an underlying phonological system of the four major Runyakitara varieties spoken in Uganda (Runyoro, Rutooro, Runyankore, and Rukiga). This is precisely what we set out to do.
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Theoretical Framework
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In the inventory of sounds, the approach will be purely descriptive, the aim being to try to account for as many sounds as can be identified in the four dialects of Runyakitara (Runyoro-Rutooro/Runyankore-Rukiga, sometimes divided into Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga). This collection of sounds is what we have referred to as the phonetics of Runyakitara. After the inventory of the sounds, an attempt will be made to determine the 'functional' or 'distinctive' units among them; that is what we usually call 'phonemes'. This functional description of sounds is called 'phonology'. In order to identify the phonemes of Runyakitara, we shall essentially base our analysis on a 'functional/distributional' framework. In the Prague school sense of the word (Vachek, 2008), a sound is 'functional' if, in a given segment, it can help in differentiating one word from another. For instance, in Runyakitara, /k/ /k/ is a distinct phoneme from /g/ /g/ because by replacing /k/ /k/ with /g/ /g/ in a given segment, the meaning can change; e. g., kukanya (to increase) and kuganya (to be miserable). In the same manner, /t/ /t/ is said to be a distinct phoneme from /d/ /d/, for example: Such examples as obuta and kukanya are said to constitute "minimal pairs". The notion of minimal pairs, as explained by Ndoleriire (1980), is very useful in phonology for determining the distinctive features of sounds; that is, their phonemic status. Another important yardstick in determining whether a sound is a phoneme or not is to examine its distribution. By distribution, we mean the physical environment of the sound; what appears on its left and right. This often determines the physical representation of the sound itself. For instance, in a good number of Bantu languages, the sound [r] is pronounced as [d] when it is preceded by a nasal such as [n]. Thus, in Runyoro-Rutooro, oku-rora (to see) becomes n n-dora (I see). The [d] is brought about by the preceding nasal [n]. In this case, we say that [r] and [n] in the environment of ku-rora/n-dora, are not two distinct phonemes, but variants of one phoneme. Their physical representation is determined by specific environments; that is, the presence or absence of the nasal [n].
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Scope of the Study
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Here, we are going to analyse some aspects of the Runyakitara phonetics and phonology especially from the segmental point of view. This means that our study will not be comprehensive since Runyakitara is made up of numerous dialects and sub-dialects, not to talk of 'idiolects' or individual varieties. A comprehensive study would therefore attempt to account for the sub-systems attestable in the different dialects. This will not be the case; we shall limit ourselves to the most frequent pronunciations among the speakers of Runyoro, Rutooro, Runyankore and Rukiga. This means that, besides other Runyakitara dialects such as Ruhororo, Rutagwenda, Runyaruguru, Rusongora, Rutuku, Rugangaizi and Lubwisi, even the major dialects will not be thoroughly analysed since only the most common pronunciations will be dealt with. Since we are mainly dealing with segmental phonetics and phonology, that is, the study of the sounds that appear at the level of the basic sound itself, such as \grave{o}-m u ́-n-t u ́ (Rn/Rt) (Rn/Rt) (a person) without putting into consideration such other aspects as the pitch of each sound, e.g., o-m-u-n-t- uˉ u ˉ ; or the stress; that is, the place in a word or in a segment where muscular energy is placed; e.g. o'muntu, most energy here is placed on the syllable -muwhen pronouncing the word. We will also neither deal with the syllable structure (minimal combinations of consonants and vowels) nor vowel harmony (influence of sounds on each other). Most of these aspects are usually called 'supra-segmental' features. For Bantu languages, one of the most important supra-segmental features is the 'tone'; that is, a pitch in a word that can bring about a change in meaning (Taylor, 1959). For example, in Runyankore-Rukiga:
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Tone in Runyakitara
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From the research conducted, tone, which Fromkin and his colleagues (2003) describe as the vocal sound with reference to its pitch, quality, and strength, is clearly attested in Runyankore-Rukiga. It is used in providing meaning of words whose spelling is the same but vary in pronunciation. That variation is only explained by the existence of tones. Examples include: However, tone seems to be lacking in Rutooro and very few cases remain in Runyoro. It is rather surprising that Runyoro-Rutooro is in that situation. This is because most of the East African Bantu languages surrounding Runyoro-Rutooro and intimately related to it have tone. It would appear, however, that Runyoro-Rutooro must have been fully tonal at a given moment and that the process of tone levelling must have occurred over time. Moreover, although in Rutooro no lexical items are attested that can be distinguished by tone alone, some remnants of tonal distinction do exist at sentence level, indicating the presence of grammatical tone. Compare, for instance, the following sentences: One can also quote a children's play word or pun where ambiguity is supposed to bring about different meanings. When one studies the tone patterns carefully, however, the ambiguity is removed. Taata obu aba naagaba enyama naanyampa Taata obu a-ba ni-a-gaba e-nyama ni-a-nyampa 2. Taata obu aba naagaba enyama naanye ampa Taata obu aba ni-a-gaba e-nyama naanye a-mpa 3. Omukazi acumbire O-mu-kazi a-cumb-ire 4. Omukazi acumbire Father, when he is giving meat, he passes wind. When father is giving meat, he passes wind. Father, when he is giving meat, me also he gives. When father is giving meat, he gives me also. The woman who has cooked... The woman has cooked. In Runyankore-Rukiga, grammatical tone is even more pronounced as shown in the examples below: 5. Naakumanya Ni-aa-ku-many-a 6. Naakumanya Ni-a-ku-many-a 7. Naakishoma Ni-a-ki-shom-a 8. Naakishoma Ni-a-ki-shom-a I have known you He knows you I have read it He is reading it We note that in some Runyankore-Rukiga varieties we can have sentences like: 9. Twamushangayo Twamushangayo 10. Naazayo Naazayo If we find him there We have found him there I have gone there He is going there; He will go there In the first set of Runyoro-Rutooro examples, the ambiguity between the two clauses is removed by the presence of contrastive tone. The examples above show that the grammatical intonation here helps to indicate the distinction between different types of clauses. Apart from such examples, cases of typical lexical and grammatical tones do not seem to exist in Runyoro-Rutooro. This does not mean, however, that the speakers of Runyoro-Rutooro do not have lexical and grammatical tones at all. A few examples of this kind of tone seem to have been found in Runyoro, although such pronunciation is questionable: The above examples, except the first pair (omunyoro) were cited by Shigeki Kaji (2015) and he confirms that such tonal contrasts do not exist in Rutooro at lexical level. This author had already talked about the absence of lexical tone in Rutooro in an earlier publication (Kaji, 2017). Tucker (1964) is also of the opinion that there are no tones attested in RunyoroRutooro. Things are, however, different in Runyankore-Rukiga. Sentences 5 to 10 above are clear examples of grammatical tone in Runyankore-Rukiga. Although tones are fully attested both at lexical and grammatical level in Runyankore-Rukiga, it appears that there has been a process of tone levelling among the younger generations of the speakers of Runyankore-Rukiga. Runyankore-Rukiga has two basic tones, the high tone marked ( ) ), or H , and the low tone marked (), or L. As already pointed out, tones are distinctive both at lexical and grammatical levels. According to Taylor (1959, 1978), the predominant in RunyankoreRukiga lexical tones are categorised as follows, though in a modified form: Verbs Due to the tone levelling phenomenon, all the above could be pronounced with low tone by some speakers.
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Non-Verbs
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The above examples can be summarised as follows: (a) Verbs that are infinitive usually have only two tone classes: one characterised by low tone only, the other characterised by the presence of a high tone. (b) Nouns are also in two classes: one with low tone only, and the other by the presence of high tone appearing in different patterns with low tone.
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Methodological Approach
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We shall attempt to account for the major similarities and differences at phonetic and phonological levels among the major dialects of Runyakitara. In order to do this, one has of necessity to adopt a comparative approach. The different dialects will therefore be examined both individually and collectively in order to discern what unites them or separates them. The ultimate aim will be to show that despite the differences, these dialects have a common underlying system that, most likely, accounts for their mutual intelligibility. Such conclusions would, however, be partial in character since in this part we are dealing only with the phonological aspect of the language.
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The Sounds of Runyakitara
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In order to identify the distinctive sounds of a language, it is important to make an inventory of as many sounds as may exist in a language. From this pool of sounds, one can determine those that are more pertinent than others. As indicated earlier, we shall limit ourselves to the most common sounds produced by the speakers of Runyoro, Rutooro, Runyankore and Rukiga. This is not to do justice to a language characterized by numerous dialects; but because of various limitations, we shall limit ourselves to this. The charts below contain the most common Runyakitara sounds in the four major dialects.
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Chart 4: Rk
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From the four charts above, Runyankore has the highest number of consonantal sounds (26) followed by Rutooro (25), Runyoro (24) and Rukiga has the lowest number (23). We shall see, however, later, that the slightly higher number of sounds in Runyankore than in the other dialects is essentially due to the fact that in Ankore, there are two distinct social groups, the Bahima and the Bairu, with each group having some special characteristics in pronunciation. This situation does not arise among the speakers of the other three dialects. We note that sounds that are not common to all dialects are: We note here that most of the exceptions are found in Runyankore. But here, again, it is because of the two varieties of Runyankore. In fact, the sounds ts,kg ts,k g , and gg g g all belong to the Bahima. This would mean, then, that the non-Bahima are quite close to the Rukiga speakers in pronouncing their consonants. From the charts, we also note that the Rukiga speakers have the least number of exceptions in their consonants; that is, all their consonants are shared with at least one other dialect. Following is a list of examples to illustrate the utilisation of the above sounds:
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Examples with
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f f It is clear from these examples that, in Runyoro-Rutooro and Rukiga, f f and l l appear in complementary distribution; that is, the sounds appearing before and after l l are different from those appearing before and after f f. This can be illustrated as follows: In all the other environments, which are the majority of the cases, the production will be f f, as in i….i i….i, like omubiri (body), pronounced [omubifi] or e….e e….e, like ekikere (Rn/Rt) (Rn/Rt) (frog), pronounced [ekikefe] and many other possible environments. Note, however, that l l and f f appearing at word initial, have different conditions of appearance; for example:
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Remarks
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The word okulira/okurira, "to cry"," can be written exceptionally with a short or long vowel; i.e., okurra or okuurra or okura. The older generation in Rutooro tends to use okuurra rather than okurra, thus respecting the rule of vowel lengthening before rr . The younger generation tends to shorten the rr rr both in okurra and in okura (one hardly hears okuura). After all, in this other case, there is no rolled r r as such and therefore the lengthening of the vowel before rr rr need not necessarily apply although it does apply in the other cases as shown in the examples of the fifth stage. 2. It has been pointed out that Runyakitara speakers, especially from Ibanda area, also sometimes use a fricative r[r] r[r] rather than the rolled [i]. This would mean that after the fourth stage [omurro], in Runyankore, there would be a fifth stage again in Runyankore [omuro] and the Rutooro fifth stage [omuиio] would become the sixth stage, while the Runyoro sixth stage [omuиio] would become the seventh. It has, however, been noted that the pronunciation by the people of Ibanda [omu{o],] who are Rutagwenda speakers, is influenced by Rutooro and by Runyankore. In this particular case, Rutooro seems to have had the upper hand. 3. Standard Runyoro-Rutooro adopted the spelling of omurro (Rutooro) rather than omuиro (Runyoro) or omuliro (Runyoro). Among other things, the considerations here might have been the following: (a) The Runyoro pronunciation of omuuro can bring confusion with other words with different meanings (homonyms). Compare:
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Rn
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It is clear that the words in columns 1 and 3 in Runyoro are homonymous. (b) The other reason why the Rutooro omurro was preferred to the Runyoro omuliro or omuuro is that the first version omuliro seems to have some Luganda influence, a language not included in the Runyakitara group. Before leaving the study of the sounds l,f,rr l,f,rr and r r, it should be noted that the above sounds are pronounced as d d when preceded by the alveolar nasal n n. Examples include: Note that in the last example with rr rr, only the first r r becomes d d while the second r r remains r r. This is an exceptional case in Runyakitara where the syllable structure of the type VCVCV or CVNCV or CVCW/YV etc. now also includes the structure: CVndrC as in nindra above.
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J and 3
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These two sounds are very frequent in Runyankore-Rukiga but of very limited use in Runyoro-Rutooro. It should be noted first that the sound transcribed as f f is usually written a sh in Runyankore-Rukiga orthography while 3 is written as j j. To begin with, the distribution of f f is very limited in Runyoro-Rutooro although heard among older generations and 3 is non-existent there. As for
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J
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J, the following examples are for Runyoro-Rutooro. The original pronunciation seems to have been h h, the form used in spellings. This can be confirmed by the verb kuhya (to burn) in the following usages: In the two examples above, h h can be replaced by f f or s s by some speakers. However, if we take the form: tu-hi-ire we are burnt The only sound acceptable is h h and not f f or s s. The sounds f f and s s, therefore, only appear when h h is followed by the palatal continuant y y. Otherwise, h h is maintained. The pronunciation of hy hy in Runyoro-Rutooro is more complex than is shown in the chart above. It seems most Banyoro pronounce an hy hy, which is close to a velar fricative +y +y, something like: omuXyo (the sound often heard among some Basoga speakers, in Lumasaba or in Luluya). Others do pronounce: omuhyo; while others pronounce: omuhyo with the h h totally dropped; omufyo could also be heard among some. In Rutooro, the order seems to be as follows: omuhyo omufyo omusyo omuyo omuhya. As pointed out earlier, Banyoro and Batooro of the older generations (and some younger ones) also use / generally in the same conditions as the Banyankore and the Bakiga although the Runyoro-Rutooro / (sh) tends to be a bit softer than the Runyankore-Rukiga one. Examples include: w w and y y w w and y y may also play the role of full consonants in the CVCV syllable structure such as: From the syllabic point of view, w w here is used fully as a consonant followed by a vowel, thus respecting the usual Bantu structure of CVCV. However, such examples with w w are fairly rare in Runyakitara. Luganda has much more of such a structure, where usually in Runyakitara w w is replaced by h h. Below are some examples. On the other hand, y y falls in well with the usual structure of CVCV as shown in the following examples: Apart from the cases examined above, the sounds f f and 3 are to be found in abundance in Runyankore-Rukiga. Below is a list of some of the many words in which these sounds can be found: It should be noted that while the usual equivalent pronunciation of f f in RunyoroRutooro is s s, that of 3 is j j as shown in the following examples: As mentioned in the chapter on orthography, the letters ' zh zh ' would have better represented the sound 3 in Runyankore-Rukiga orthography than the present j j and would have corresponded to sh, which represents the unvoiced. In this case, Runyankore-Rukiga seems to have been influenced by the older Runyoro-Rutooro orthography, where the letter ' j j ' is more representative of the sound [j] [j]. c,j,ky c,j,ky and gy gy The palatal sounds c c and j j are frequent in Runyakitara. They are very distinct in RunyoroRutooro whereas, in Runyankore-Rukiga, they are often variations of the velars k k and g g. Here, we give examples of c c and j j used as distinct sounds: (a) (b) Ry/Rk Ry/Rk
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The Vowels
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Runyakitara vowels are, as a whole, less complex than the consonants, at least from the articulatory point of view. There are, all in all, five vowels that have a distinctive feature of length, such that every short vowel can be lengthened with a change in the meaning of a word. The following chart illustrates the Runyakitara vowels: As a general rule, all the five vowels are fairly close in pronunciation to the cardinal vowels. Examples are: Runyakitara also has a few diphthongs, the most common being: ei,oi ei,oi and ai ai for Ry/Rk Ry/Rk, and oi oi and ai for Rn/Rt Rn/Rt. Diphthongs may or may not appear at word boundaries. Examples: In Runyankore-Rukiga and sometimes Runyoro, the diphthong ei ei is often used as a class prefix, where, in Rutooro, the prefix i i is used: As seen in chapter 8 , the diphthong written as ai‾
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ai
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is often pronounced as ei‾
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ei
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: In Rutooro, the diphthong ei ei seems to be restricted to the presence of the reflexible −e −e - in the verb: The diphthong oi oi is frequent, particularly in Runyoro-Rutooro:
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The Phonemes of Runyakitara
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Phonetics is the study of the nature of sounds in a language while phonology concentrates on those sounds in a language that are of special significance and that enable one to differentiate one word from another or an utterance from another. We shall now look at the phonemes of Runyakitara, or those sounds that one can call distinctive. In order to do this, we shall use the notion of minimal pairs as used by the Prague school to determine which sounds are phonemes and which ones are not. We shall proceed by grouping the sounds according to their place of articulation and then analyse the sounds in each group.
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The Bilabials
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The bilabials to be analysed are p,b,β,m p,b,β,m and w.b w.b and β β are usually said to be variants of the same phoneme, as follows:
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i) Conditional Variants
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b b and β β are in complementary distribution, with b b occurring after a nasal and β β elsewhere, as shown in the following examples: In the above cases, b b and β β are conditional variants of the same phoneme, or allophones.
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ii) Free Variants
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b b and β β are free variants in the following areas: In loan words, one usually finds b b. One may also hear: In Runyoro-Rutooro particularly, there is also free variation between β β and b b when they appear at the beginning of a sentence, for example: It is however argued that β/b β/b can be considered as distinct phonemes because there exists at least one minimal pair: This simple example is not really convincing because, in the first place, kaba (kabba) is not only a fairly rare word but it is also foreign. There is, however, also a similar word that is quite indigenous: Unless more examples are found, it might be safer to continue considering β β and b b as conditional or full variants. p/b/p/ p/b/p/ and /b/(orβ) /b/(orβ) are usually distinct phonemes as shown below: /m/ /m/ is also a distinct phoneme as in: (ku) βamba βamba to crucify (e) mamba type of fish (eki) βuga βuga town (eki) muga disabled person /w/ /w/ This sound has a problem as far as its phonemic status is concerned. It usually appears as a semi-consonant. When it appears as a consonant, it is usually at a morphological boundary where it seems to be a variant of a vowel, for example: Minimal pairs are almost non-existent except in such farfetched examples as: Provisionally, we may therefore conclude that, despite its limited distribution, w w is a phoneme in Runyakitara .
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The Labiodentals
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In spite of the limited frequency and distribution of v v as seen earlier, /f/ /f/ and /v/ /v/ are phonemes of the language. Minimal pairs include: (eki)feera idiot, halfwit (aka)veera plastic bag eviini (Rn/Rt) (Rn/Rt) wine ediini religion
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Dentals and Alveolars
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This group has the largest number of sounds which include t,d,ts,n,l,f,rr,Y,s,z,∫ t,d,ts,n,l,f,rr,Y,s,z,∫ and 3 . To begin with, the dental t t and the alveolar t t are free variants of the same phoneme. It has already been said that the dental t t is the most common among the Runyakitara speakers while the alveolar t t is mostly restricted among the Runyoro speakers. The two are therefore regional variants. Otherwise, /t/ whether represented by the dental t t or the alveolar t t, is a distinct phoneme as exemplified by the following minimal pairs: The examples above show that both /t/ /t/ and /d/ /d/ are distinct phonemes. On the other hand, as has been pointed out earlier, ts ts is not a distinct phoneme since it occurs in free variation with s s. It is therefore, a variant of s s. However, /s/ /s/ can be a distinct phoneme as attested in the following examples: /n/ is also a distinct phoneme: (oku)siga to sow (oku)niga to strangle (as above) We have already seen that l l and r r are conditional variants and in Runyoro-Rutooro, we indicated the environments in which the two occur. We can take /r/ /r/ as the basic phoneme (with the variant l l ). This can be illustrated by the following minimal pairs. As regards /rr/ /rr/, it can be considered as a distinct phoneme. Minimal pairs for /rr/ /rr/ include (particularly in Rutooro): /s/ and /z/ are also distinct phonemes. We have already seen that ts ts is a free variant of s s, but elsewhere /s/ can be attested as a phoneme. The last two examples above show that /f/ /f/ is a distinct phoneme in RunyankoreRukiga. The next example shows that /3/ /3/ is also a distinct phoneme in Runyankore-Rukiga. We note, however, that in Runyoro-Rutooro, ∫ ∫ is a free variant of h h and s s as in omuhyo or omu§yo or omusyo (a knife). In Runyankore-Rukiga, minimal pairs where ∫ ∫ and 3 are attested to include: Although it is agreed that s s and ∫ ∫ are distinct phonemes at least in Runyankore-Rukiga, there are sometimes tendencies to use s s instead of ∫ ∫ as free variants of the same phoneme among some of the native speakers as in the following examples:
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Palatals and Velars
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The palatals and velars are c,j,ny,y,k,g,ky c,j,ny,y,k,g,k y and gy g y and we include here the glottal h./c/ h./c/ and /j/ /j/ are distinct phonemes in both Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga, but as we have already seen, they can also be conditional variants of k k and g g when the latter appear before i i and y y. As distinct phonemes /c/ /c/ and /j/ /j/ and n n can be found in the following minimal pairs. /n/ /n/ and /y/ /y/ are also phonemes in Runyakitara as in: The velars /k/ /k/ and /g/ /g/ are distinct phonemes in Runyakitara but, as we have already seen, among some Runyankore speakers, the conditional variants ky k y and gy g y can be used. Examples of /k/ /k/ and /g/ /g/ as distinct phonemes can be seen in the following minimal pairs: The last two examples show that /h/ /h/ is also a distinct phoneme.
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The Vowels
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The procedure for identifying the vowel phonemes is the same as for consonants. We have already indicated further up that length is a distinctive feature in Runyakitara vowels and have provided minimal pairs. A few examples below will suffice to show that the five basic vowels of Runyakitara are also phonemes. We should note, however, that the distinctive feature of length in vowels is often neutralised in the following environments: i) before nasal compounds, for example: In that position, vowels are always pronounced long and therefore length ceases to be a distinctive feature. ii) after w w and y y compounds; for example: iii) In Rutooro ( particularly before the rolled (rr), for example: obuterre [obuteerre] slippery ground okuturra [okutuurra] to transmit disease okuserra [okuseerra] to search okuburra [okußuurra] to open one's eyes In all the above examples, length cannot serve as a distinctive feature for vowels because it is predictable.
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Summary of Consonantal and Vocalic Phonemes
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By taking into account the phonemic description made of the Runyakitara sounds, one can propose the following phonological systems for the two major dialects and for Runyakitara as a whole. Chart 6: Rn/Rt Chart 7: Ry/Rk Chart 8: Runyakitara The charts above reflect the various phonemes identified in each dialect. The different free and conditional variants are therefore not indicated here. The Runyoro-Rutooro dialect has one phoneme less than Runyankore-Rukiga because, while it has one phoneme, /rr/ /rr/, which Runyankore-Rukiga does not have, the latter has two phonemes,
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/J/
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/J/ and /3/ /3/, which Runyoro-Rutooro does not have. The whole system is therefore made up of the total phonemes attested in the two sub-systems. As regards vowels, it is clear that Runyakitara has five long and five short vowels.
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