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I went to a social gathering with a friend of mine recently. We talked with old friends, met some new people, and mingled, sampling conversations, mu-sic, food, and drink. As is our custom, we immediately shared our perceptions after leaving the party. “Did you notice how casually some people were dressed? ”my friend asked. Actually, I hadn ’t. I asked him what he thought of a man we had both met. “Wasn ’t he the most arrogant person? ”I asked. My friend hadn ’t seen anything to indicate so. As we continued to exchange im- pressions, I began to wonder if my friend had been at the same party interact- ing with the same people I had. I couldn’ t believe he hadn ’t noticed how weird the music was or realized how ill at ease the hostess seemed. My friend didn’ t understand how I had failed to recognize the architecture of the house or eventhe furniture I sat on. “I guess we learned one lesson, ”I said. “Never go to a party at their house again. ”My friend stared at me in disbelief. “Are you kid- ding?”he said. “I had a great time! ” How can two people participate in the same situation yet leave with very different impressions of what happened? The answer from the cognitive ap- proach to personality is that my friend and I have very different ways of pro-cessing information. Whereas I was attending to and processing information about the weirdness of the music and the arrogance of the guests, my friend entered the party prepared to notice clothing styles and furniture. Because we attended to different features of the party, we had very different perceptions of it and very different experiences. These different perceptions no doubt af- fected how we acted that night and how we will respond to future invitations. The cognitive approach explains differences in personality as differences in the way people process information. Because I have developed relativelystable ways of processing information in social settings, I probably respond to parties and other social gatherings in a similar way most of the time. Other people respond differently than I do because they consistently see something different from what I see. Cognitive models of personality have become popular in recent years, but they are not entirely new. An early predecessor can be found in Kurt Lewin ’s (1938) field theory of behavior. Lewin described the mental representationswe form of the important elements in our lives and how we organize those cognitive elements within our “life space. ”A more recent and, for the pur- poses of this book, more important cognitive personality theory was devel- oped by George Kelly. Since the publication of his book The Psychology of Personal Constructs in 1955, Kelly ’s work has evolved into a rich source of ideas for personality researchers and psychotherapists (Fransella, 2003,2005). It is interesting that Kelly did not think of himself as a cognitive psy- chologist. “I have been so puzzled over the early labeling of [my] theory as cognitive, ”he wrote, “that several years ago I set out to write another short book to make it clear that I wanted no part of cognitive theory ”(1969, p. 216). Despite his protests, Kelly ’s writings have become the starting point for many of the approaches to personality we now identify as “cognitive.”The Cognitive Approach 411
PERSONAL CONSTRUCT THEORY George Kelly ’s approach to personality begins with a unique conception of hu- mankind. He called it a man-the-scientist perspective. Like scientists, people constantly generate and test hypotheses about their world. Just as scientists try to predict and control the things they study, we all want to predict and control as many events in our lives as possible. Not knowing why things happen or how the people around us might act can be unsettling. So to satisfy our need for predictability, we engage in a process Kelly compared to template matching. That is, our ideas about the world are similar to transparent templates. Weplace these templates over the events we encounter. If they match, we retain the templates. If not, we modify them for a better prediction next time. For ex- ample, based on past observations, you may have generated a few hypothesesabout one of your instructors. One hypothesis is that this man is stuffy and arrogant. Whenever you see this instructor, you collect more information and compare the new data with your hypothesis. If it is verified (the instructor actsthe way stuffy people act), you continue using it. If not (outside of the class- room he is warm and charming), you discard the hypothesis and replace it with a new one. The process resembles the one used by scientists who retainand reject hypotheses based on empirical findings. Kelly called the cognitive structures we use to interpret and predict events personal constructs . No two people use identical personal constructs, and no two people organize their constructs in an identical manner. What do these constructs look like? Kelly described them as bipolar. That is, we classify rele- vant objects in an either or fashion within our constructs. When I meet someone for the first time, I might apply the personal constructs friendly – unfriendly, tall –short, intelligent –unintelligent, and masculine –feminine in constructing an image of this person. I might decide that this person isfriendly, tall, intelligent, and feminine. But this does not mean that we see the world as black and white with no shades of gray. After applying our first construct, we often use other bipolar constructs to determine the extent ofthe blackness or whiteness. For example, after determining that this new acquaintance is intelligent, I might then apply an academically intelligent – commonsense intelligent construct to get an even clearer picture of what this person is like. How can personal constructs be used to explain personality? Kelly main- tained that differences in personality result largely from differences in the way people “construe the world. ”If you and I interact with Jacob, I might use friendly –unfriendly, fun –boring, and outgoing –shyconstructs in forming my impression. But you might interpret Jacob in terms of refined –gross, sensitive – insensitive, and intelligent –unintelligent constructs. After we both talk to Jacob for a while, I might act as if I ’m interacting with a friendly, fun, and outgoing person. You might respond to Jacob as if dealing with a gross, insensitive, andunintelligent person. We ’re both in the same situation, but because we interpret that situation very differently, we respond in very different ways. In addition,because I tend to use these same constructs when meeting other individuals, Iprobably have a characteristic way I interact with people that is different from“Id on o tr e g a r dm y career in psychology as a ‘calling. ’ Everything aroundus‘calls, ’if we choose to heed. Itwas I who got myselfinto it and I who have pursued it. ” George Kelly412 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
yours. In other words, the relatively stable patterns in our behavior are the re- sult of the relatively stable way we construe the world. Personal Construct Systems To get a rough idea of your own personal constructs, ask yourself what youtend to notice about people when you first meet them. The first few thoughts that come to mind are probably some of the constructs you typically use to make sense of other people and their behavior. It is also possible that two people use the same constructs but construe the world differently. That is, I might think someone intelligent, and you might see the same person as unin- telligent. Further, two people ’s constructs might be similar on one pole but not the other. I might use an outgoing –reserved construct, whereas you use anoutgoing –melancholy construct. If that were the case, what I see as re- served behavior you might see as sadness. One reason you and I act differently from each other is that we use differ- ent constructs. Another reason is that we organize our constructs differently.After I determine that a new acquaintance appears friendly, I might want toGeorge Kelly 1905 –1967 George Alexander Kelly was born in a farming commu-nity near Wichita, Kansas, in1905. He attended FriendsUniversity in Wichita for 3 years before graduatingfrom Park College inMissouri in 1926. He was an active member of the intercollegiate debate teamduring these years and developed a keen ability tochallenge arguments and conventional positions.Although these skills would eventually become anasset, they may have kept him away from the field ofpsychology for many years. Kelly described his first psychology course as boring and unconvincing. Theinstructor spent considerable time discussing learningtheories, but Kelly was unimpressed. “The most I could make of it was that the S was what you had to have in order to account for the R, and the R was put there so the S would have something to account for, ”he wrote. “I never did find out what that arrow stood for ”(1969, pp. 46 –47). He was also skeptical when he first read Freud. “I don’t remember which one of Freud’ s books I was trying to read, ”he recalled, “but I do rememberthe mounting feeling of incredulity that anyone could write such nonsense, much less publish it ”(p. 47). After graduating with a degree in physics and mathematics, Kelly went to the University of Kansasto study educational sociology. After a series of odd jobs, including teaching speech and working as anaeronautical engineer, he went to the University ofEdinburgh to study education in 1929. While there,he developed a growing interest in psychology andreceived his PhD in psychology from the University ofIowa a few years later. Kelly spent the next 10 years at Fort Hays Kansas State College. During this time he set up a network ofclinics to provide psychological services to the poor anddestitute Dustbowl victims of the 1930s. “I listened to people in trouble, ”he wrote, “and tried to help them figure out what they could do about it” (p. 50). He soon came to see that what these people needed most was an explanation for what had happened to them and the ability to predict what would happen to them in the future. Personal construct theory evolved fromthis insight. After serving in the Navy in World War II,Kelly spent a year at the University of Maryland andthen 20 years at Ohio State University. He moved toBrandeis University in 1965 and died soon after. National Library of MedicinePersonal Construct Theory 413
know if the person is outgoing or quiet. We could diagram the relation be- tween my constructs this way: Friendly –Unfriendly Outgoing– Quiet Note that within this construct system, I could not see an unfriendly personas either outgoing or quiet, just unfriendly. On the other hand, you might use the same constructs but organize them this way: Friendly –Unfriendly Outgoing –Quiet Outgoing –Quiet In this case, whether you judge someone as friendly or unfriendly, you canstill judge that person as either outgoing or quiet. Of course, it is also possible to organize these same two constructs this way: Outgoing –Quiet Friendly –Unfriendly Friendly –Unfriendly In this case, after deciding someone is a quiet person, you might want to know if she is a quiet– friendly person or a quiet –unfriendly one. In short, not only do we use a limitless number of constructs to make sense of ourworld, but the ways we organize and use these constructs also are practically endless. Psychological Problems Like many personality theorists, Kelly was a practicing psychotherapist who applied his ideas about personality to treating psychological problems.However, unlike many theorists, Kelly rejected the notion that psychological disorders are caused by past traumatic experiences. Rather, he argued, people suffer from psychological problems because of defects in their construct sys- tems. Past experiences with an unloving parent or a tragic incident may ex- plain why people construe the world as they do, but they are not the cause of the person’ s problems. Kelly placed anxiety at the heart of most psychological problems. We be- come anxious when our personal constructs fail to make sense of the events in our lives. We have all had this experience on occasion. An upcoming inter-view will cause more anxiety if you have no idea who you will meet or what kind of questions you will be asked. Similarly, when you can ’t understand414 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
why certain people treat you the way they do or you don ’t know how to be- have in certain situations, you probably feel confused, disoriented, and anxi- ous. Relationship problems are particularly unsettling when you don’ t know why things are going poorly and have no idea how to put the relationship back on track. The problem is that construct systems are never perfect. For a variety of reasons, our constructs occasionally fail us. Most of the time, we simply gener- ate a new construct to replace the inadequate one. If you anticipate that a con-versation with Anna is going to be boring but then find it interesting, you will probably alter your expectations for future encounters with Anna. But failure to consider this new information lessens your ability to predict what will hap-pen the next time you interact with Anna. You may have experienced this frus- tration when you said to someone, “Ij u s td o n ’t understand you anymore. ” COGNITIVE PERSONALITY VARIABLES In the early days of behaviorism (Chapter 13), psychologists sometimes used a“black box ”metaphor to describe the relationship between stimuli and re- sponses. In this model, features in the environment (e.g., a loud noise) causebehaviors (e.g., running away). But what happens inside the organism be- tween the stimulus and response is unknown and unknowable, i.e., the black box. In contrast, it is exactly the elements between stimulus and response that are of greatest interest to cognitive personality psychologists. In recent years,these psychologists have introduced a large number of cognitive variables to account for individual differences (Mischel & Shoda, 1995, 2008; Shoda, Tiernan, & Mischel, 2002). Some of these cognitive variables, sometimescalled cognitive-affective units, are shown in Table 15.1. TABLE 15.1 Cognitive-Affective Units Encodings Categories (constructs) for encoding informa- tion about one ’s self, other people, events, and situations Expectations and Beliefs Expectations for what will happen in certain situations, for outcomes for certain behaviors, and for one ’s personal efficacy Affects Feelings, emotions, and emotional responses Goals and Values Individual goals and values, and life projects Competencies and Self-RegulatoryPlansPerceived abilities, plans, and strategies forchanging and maintaining one ’s behavior and internal states Source: From Kelly, George, A. A Theory of Personality: The Psychology of Personal Constructs . Copyright © 1955, 1963 by George A. Kelly, renewed 1983, 1991 by Gladys Kelly. Used by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.Cognitive Personality Variables 415
These cognitive variables are part of a complex system that links the situations we encounter with our behavior. An oversimplified illustration of this process is shown in Figure 15.1. How we react to features in the environ- ment, and even whether we notice these features, depends on our cognitive structures. Once perceived, various mental representations, such as expecta- tions, values and goals, interact with one another to determine how we respond to the situation. Notice also that, as in some of the social learning models, ourbehavior can then affect the situation. How do we explain individual differences within this cognitive frame- work? The answer is that each of us possesses a different set of mental repre-sentations. In addition, how easily we access certain kinds of information stored in memory varies from individual to individual. As a result, two people often react to the same situation differently. What one person hears as aclever retort someone else might take as an insult. A Christmas tree will re- mind one person of religious values, another of family and seasonal joy, and a third of sad memories from childhood. Schemas Let’s now return to the scene at the beginning of this chapter —the one in which my friend and I came away from the party with completely different impressions. Although we were exposed to essentially the same people andi jhgfedcbaFeatures of SituationsCognitive- Affective System Behaviors FIGURE 15.1 Cognitive Model of Personality Source: From “A Cognitive-Affective System Theory of Personality: Reconceptualizing Situations, Disposition, Dynamics, and Invariance in Personality Structure, ”by W. Mischel and Y. Shoda, Psychological Review , 1995, 102, 246 –148. Copyright © 1995 American Psychological Association.416 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
events, our experiences were quite different. One explanation for our different reactions is that my friend and I were using different schemas. Schemas are hypothetical cognitive structures that help us perceive, organize, process, and use information. Because there are so many stimuli to attend to in most situations, we need some way to make sense of the mass confusion around us. Imagine what the world must look like to a baby — what psychologist William James once referred to as a “buzzing, blooming confusion. ”The baby does not know what in all this confusion to pay atten- tion to and what to ignore. Of course, the mass of stimuli doesn ’t go away. Think about all the sounds and sights bombarding your senses at this verymoment. Fortunately, each of us has developed systems for identifying and at-tending to what is important and ignoring the rest. One of the main functions of schemas is to help us perceive features in our environment. Naturally, when something extremely important happensor someone possesses an attention-grabbing feature, everyone notices. If a 7- foot-tall man attends a party, everyone makes note of his height. But less con- spicuous features of an environment will probably not be noticed unless weenter the situation with a readiness to process that information. Actually, I seldom notice how tall people are. However, a friend of mine is very aware of other people’ s height (she is short). In schema terms, the reason she pays attention to height is that she has a well-developed schema for processing this information. Because I use different schemas to process information about others, she and I often have different impressions of people. Beyond helping to perceive certain features in our environment, schemas provide us with a structure within which to organize and process informa-tion. For example, I can incorporate a new piece of information about my mother into my existing knowledge of her because I have a well-defined mother schema. I can give you a well-organized description of her because the information is organized into one well-formed cognitive structure rather than scattered about as bits of information in various unrelated schemas. I also should be able to process information about my mother more readily than information about a woman I have never met. When asked if my motheris sociable, I should be able to answer more quickly than if asked whether the queen of England is sociable. Without a strong schema for the queen, it will take me longer to process whatever information I might have about her.Moreover, because my mother schema provides me with a framework within which to process and organize information, it is easier for me to use this in-formation. I should be able to recall information about my mother morereadily than information stored loosely in my memory. COGNITIVE REPRESENTATIONS OF THE SELF Of all the cognitive structures that organize and store memories, the most impor- tant mental representation is probably the one most unique to you. Beginning at a very early age, each of us develops a cognitive representation of ourselves. Psychologists sometimes refer to this representation as our self-concept. As with other personality constructs, researchers f ind that our self-concepts are relativelyCognitive Representations of the Self 417
stable over time (Markus & Kunda, 1986). Moreover, research indicates that cognitive representations of the self p lay a central role in the way we process in- formation and thus in how we interact with the world around us. Self-Schemas Surveys tell us that most Americans believe exercise is good for their physical and mental health. The majority of adults periodically take up jogging, swim- ming, aerobic dancing, or some other type of exercise program. However, alarge number of people rarely, if ever, exercise. And about half of those who begin an exercise program quit within the first year. Why do some people succeed in making exercise a part of their lives, whereas others fail? One ex-planation has to do with whether the would-be exerciser incorporates exercise into his or her self-schema. Self-schemas are cognitive representations of ourselves that we use to or- ganize and process self-relevant information (Markus, 1977, 1983). Your self- schema consists of the behaviors and attributes that are most important to you. Because each part of your life is not equally important, not everythingyou do becomes part of your self-schema. If both you and I occasionally play baseball and write poetry, we can ’t assume that these two activities play an equally important role in our self-schemas. Baseball might be an important part of how I think of myself, but not poetry, whereas the opposite might be the case for you. If you could see your self-schema, what would it look like? An example is shown in Figure 15.2. Basic information about you makes up the core of yourself-schema. This includes your name, information about your physical ap- pearance, and information about your relationships with significant people, such as with a spouse or parents. Although different for each of us, these SelfMemory MenParentsWine Clothing SchoolBasketballGeographyReligion FIGURE 15.2 Example of a Self-Schema Diagram418 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
basic elements are found in nearly everyone ’s self-schema. More interesting to personality psychologists are the unique features within your self-schema (Markus & Sentis, 1982; Markus & Smith, 1981). Returning to the exercise question, some people include athlete orphysically fit in their self-schemas. Another way of saying this is that these i ndividuals consider their athletic activities a part of who they are. Researchers find that people who incorpo- rate such identities into their self-schemas are more likely to stick with regu- lar exercise programs than those who do not (Kendzierski, 1988, 1990).When exercising becomes a part of who you are, you are much less likely to give it up when the weather turns bad or you experience a few aches and pains. Trait concepts, such as independence or friendliness, can also be part of your self-schema. That is, you might think of yourself as a friendly person. Ifthat is the case, you frequently evaluate your behavior by asking yourself,“Was that a friendly thing to do? ”However, it might never occur to me to evaluate my actions in terms of friendliness. In this example, friendliness is a feature of your self-schema, but not mine. Because the elements that consti-tute self-schemas vary from person to person, we process information about ourselves differently. And because of these individual differences in self- schemas, we behave differently. In one study, elementary school children with prosocial as a part of their self-schemas were more likely to give valu- able tokens to others than children who did not include prosocial as part of their self-concepts (Froming, Nasby, & McManus, 1998). In another investi-gation, men and women whose self-schemas included sexuality reported higher levels of sexual desire and stronger romantic attachments than those whose self-schemas did not include sexuality (Andersen, Cyranowski, & Espindle, 1999; Cyranowski & Andersen, 2000). One team of researchers found that Latino Americans were more likely than White Americans to in- clude simpatico (an interpersonal style emphasizing hospitality and gracious- ness) in their self-schemas (Holloway, Waldrip, & Ickes, 2009). Participants with simpatico as part of their self-schema were found to interact with others in a warmer, more engaged style. At this point, you may be asking how psychologists determine what a person ’s self-schema looks like. Although examining something as abstract as self-schemas presents a challenge, cognitive personality researchers have de- veloped some creative procedures to test their hypotheses. Essentially, these psychologists look at how people perceive and use information presented to them. For example, answer the following question yes or no: Are you a com-petitive person? When faced with this question on a personality inventory, some people answer immediately and decisively, whereas others have to pause to think about what it means to be competitive and whether they possessthose qualities. In taking the various personality tests in this book, you prob- ably found some items were easy to answer and some for which you simply couldn ’t make up your mind. According to a self-schema analysis, the items that were easy to answer are those for which you have a well-defined schema. People who say yes immediately when asked if they are competitive have a strong competitive schema that is part of their self-schema. The schemaCognitive Representations of the Self 419
enables them to understand the question and respond immediately. People without a strong competitive schema are unable to process the information as quickly. Much of the early research on self-schemas was based on this reasoning. Participants in one study were classified as possessing either a strong indepen- dence schema or a strong dependence schema or as aschematic (Markus, 1977). Later these participants were presented with a series of adjectives ona computer screen. Their task was to press either a ME or a NOT ME buttonto indicate whether the adjective described them. Fifteen of the adjectives were related to independence (for example, individualistic, outspoken ) and 15 to dependence (for example, conforming, submissive). As Figure 15.3 shows, people with strong independence schemas pressed the ME button quickly on the independence-related adjectives but took longer to respond on the dependence-related adjectives. Participants with strong dependence sche- mas responded in the opposite pattern. Aschematics showed no difference in making these judgments for any of the words. Researchers find similar results when they divide participants along other personality dimensions (Shah &Higgins, 2001). 2.02.5Latency in SecondsDependent Adjectives Independent AdjectivesWords Judged Self-Descriptive 2.02.5Latency in SecondsDependent Adjectives Independent AdjectivesWords Judged Not Self-DescriptiveDependentsParticipants: Aschematics Independents FIGURE 15.3 Mean Response Latencies for Adjectives Source: From “Self-schemata and processing information about the self, ”by H. Markus, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 1977, 35, 63 –78. Reprinted by permission of the American Psychological Association.420 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
In addition to allowing for rapid processing of schema-relevant information, self-schemas provide a framework for organizing and storing this information.Consequently, we would expect people to retrieve information from memory more readily when they have a strong schema for a topic than when the information is stored in a less organized manner. To test this hypothesis, researchers presented college students with a series of 40 questions on a computer screen (Rogers, Kuiper, & Kirker, 1977). Participants answered each question by pressing a YES or a NO button as quickly as possible. Thirty of thequestions were written so that people could answer easily without using their self-schemas to process the information. For these questions, participants simply answered whether a word was printed in big letters, whether it rhymedwith another word, or whether it meant the same thing as another word. However, for 10 questions participants had to decide whether the word described them. That is, they had to process the information through theirself-schemas. What the participants were not told was that afterward they would be asked to recall as many of the 40 words as possible. As shown in Figure 15.4, when participants answered questions about themselves, they were more likely to remember the information than when the question was processed in other ways. The researchers point to this finding as evidence for a self- schema. When asked whether a word describes them, participants processed the question through their self-schemas. Because information in our self- schemas is easy to access, the self-referent words were easier to remember 123Number of Words Recalled Big letters?Rhymes with?Means same as?Describes you? FIGURE 15.4 Mean Number of Words Recalled as a Function of Cue Question Source: From Rogers, et al. (1977). Self-reference and the encoding of personal information. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 35, 677 –688. Reprinted by permission of the American Psychological Association.Cognitive Representations of the Self 421
than those not processed through self-schemas. But might this finding be ex- plained in other ways? Could it be that the self-referent question was simplyharder than the other questions, thus causing participants to think about it more? Apparently not. When people are asked if a word describes a celebrity, they don’ t recall the words as well as when they are asked about themselves (Lord, 1980). Possible Selves Suppose two college students, Denise and Carlos, receive an identical poor grade in a course on deductive logic and argumentation. Neither of them is pleased with the grade, but Denise quickly dismisses it as a bad semester,whereas Carlos frets about the grade for weeks. Denise turns her attention to the next term, but Carlos looks over his final exam several times and thinks about taking another course in this area. Although many explanations canbe suggested to account for the two students ’different reactions, a key piece of information may be that Carlos is thinking about going to law school andbecoming a trial attorney someday, but Denise is not. A negative evaluationof his deductive logic and argumentation skills means something quite differ- ent to Carlos than it does to Denise. Our behavior is directed not only by cognitive representations of the way we think of ourselves at the moment, but also by representations of what wemight become. You might think about a future self with a lot of friends, with a medical degree, or with a physically fit body. Psychologists refer to these images as our possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Ruvolo & Markus, 1992; Vignoles, Manzi, Regalia, Jemmolo, & Scabini, 2008). Possible selves are cognitive representations of the kind of person we might become some- day. These include roles and occupations we aspire to, such as police officer or community leader, as well as the roles we fear we might fall into, such as alcoholic or divorced parent. Possible selves also include the attributes we think we might possess in the future, such as being a warm and loving per- son, an overworked and underappreciated employee, or a contributor to soci- ety. In a sense, possible selves represent our dreams and aspirations as well as our fears and anxieties. Like other personality constructs, possible selves are fairly stable over time (Frazier, Hooker, Johnson, & Kaus, 2000; Morfei, Hooker, Fiese, & Cordeiro, 2001). Possible selves serve two important functions (Markus & Nurius, 1986). First, they provide incentives for future behavior. When making decisions, we ask ourselves whether a choice will take us closer to or further awayfrom one of our future selves. A woman might enter an MBA program be- cause this decision moves her closer to becoming her powerful business exe- cutive possible self. A man might stop seeing old friends if he thinks the association could lead him to the criminal self he fears he might become. The second function of possible selves is to help us interpret the meaning of our behavior and the events in our lives. A man with a professional base- ball pitcher possible self will attach a very different meaning to an arm injury than someone who does not think of himself this way. A woman with a pos- sible self of cancer patient will react differently to small changes in her health422 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
than someone without this cognitive representation. In other words, we pay more attention to and have a stronger emotional reaction to events that arerelevant to our possible selves. Because possible selves guide many of our choices and reactions, they can be useful in predicting future behavior. Researchers have used measures ofpossible selves to look at such varied behaviors as binge drinking (Quinlan, Jaccard, & Blanton, 2006), academic performance (Oyserman et al., 2006), weight loss (Granberg, 2006), and adherence to an exercise program(Ouellette, Hessling, Gibbons, Reis-Bergan, & Gerrard, 2005). Other research has tied possible selves to problem behaviors. One team of investigators ex- amined possible selves in juvenile delinquents (Oyserman & Markus, 1990;Oyserman & Saltz, 1993). Significantly, more than one-third of the juvenile delinquents had developed a criminal possible self. In addition, very few of these adolescents possessed possible selves for more conventional goals, such as having a job. Because possible selves are indicative of our goals, fears, and aspirations, we should not be surprised if many of these youthful offenders were to become adult criminals. Researchers also find gender differences in the possible selves of young men and young women. In particular, female high school and college students are less likely than males to see themselves in traditionally masculine roles in the future. University women are less likely than men to have a possible self that includes a career in a math, science or business (Lips, 2004). Male stu- dents are less likely than women to see themselves in careers related to arts, culture, and communication. However, research also points to solutions for these gender discrepancies. High school girls who have female friends inter- ested in science and who receive encouragement from their peers are more likely to develop a scientist possible self (Stake & Nickens, 2005). Same- gender role models also help. High school girls who see women scientistsand business leaders are more likely to incorporate these occupations intotheir possible selves. People are more optimistic about reaching their hoped- for occupation when they know someone already in that position (Robinson, Davis, & Meara, 2003). Self Discrepancies While reading the previous section, you may have been struck by the simi- larities between possible selves and Carl Rogers’ description of the real-self and ideal-self (Chapter 11). Rogers described the difficulties people face when the person they are is very different from the person they would like to be. Cognitive personality psychologists have also explored the relation between different self-concepts. One approach, called self-discrepancy the- ory, proposes three different cognitive representations of self (Higgins, 1987, 1989). First, each of us possesses an actual self. The actual self con- tains all the information you have about the kind of person you are (or be- lieve you are), similar to the notion of self-concept used by other personalitypsychologists. Second, you also possess an ideal self, w h i c hi sy o u rm e n t a l image of the kind of person you would like to be. The ideal self includesyour dreams and aspirations and the goals you have set for yourself in life.Cognitive Representations of the Self 423
Third, there is the ought self. This is the self you believe you should be, the kind of person who fulfills all the duties and obligations various sources (parents, religion) have defined for you. Your ought self might be a devoted parent, a patriotic citizen, or someone who gets involved in community activities. According to the theory, we often compare the way we act (our actual self) with the way we want to be (ideal self) or the way we should be (ought self). Not surprisingly, we often fall short in these comparisons.Discrepancies between our actual self and ideal self result in disappointment, dejection, and sometimes sadness. This is the reaction of a would-be honors student who becomes lax in his or her study habits and receives low grades.On the other hand, discrepancies between the actual self and the ought self lead to agitation, anxiety, and guilt. These are the emotions we might expect when we act selfishly or take advant age of someone, in contrast with the generous and kind person we think we ought to be. As with other cognitive processes, this comparison is said to take place outside of conscious aware- ness. Thus you can experience sadness or guilt without being aware of whyyou feel that way. Researchers find support for many of the predictions generated from self-discrepancy theory. In particu lar, individuals made aware of a gap be- tween their actual and ideal self often experience sadness, whereas those with discrepant actual and ought selves suffer from anxiety (Cornette, Strauman, Abramson, & Busch, 2008; Hardin & Lakin, 2009; Petrocelli & Smith, 2005; Phillips & Silva, 2005; Renaud & McConnell, 2007). Researchers also find that, like other p ersonality variables, measures of an adult’s ideal-self and ought-self are fairly consistent over time (Strauman, 1996). Although little is known about how self-discrepancies affect emotions in other cultures, one study found Japanese undergraduates had larger discrepancies between their actual and ideal selves than did Canadianstudents (Heine & Lehman, 1999). Interestingly, this increase in self- criticism by the Japanese students did not translate into higher levels of depression. APPLICATION: COGNITIVE ( BEHAVIOR) PSYCHOTHERAPY The increased attention given to cognitive structures by personality research- ers in recent years has been paralleled by the growing popularity of cognitive approaches to psychotherapy. As described in Chapter 13, today many thera-pists combine cognitive approaches to therapy with procedures from traditional behavioral therapies. But whether they call themselves cognitive therapists or cognitive-behavior therapists, each identifies inappropriate thoughts as a causeof mood disorders and self-defeating behavior. People become anxious and depressed because they harbor anxiety-provoking and depressing thoughts. Consequently, the goal of most cognitive therapies is to help clients recognizeinappropriate thoughts and replace them with more appropriate ones. A cog- nitive therapist ’s role usually falls somewhere between that of the intrusive Freudian therapist and the Rogerian therapist who relies on the client for“The best scientist is one who approaches his subject [as] inti- mately as a clinician…and the best clini- cian is one who in-vites his client to joinhim in a controlled investigation of life. ” George Kelly424 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
clinical progress. Although clients must come to see how their cognitions affect their emotions and behaviors, the therapist plays an active role in theprocess. In addition to addressing current issues, cognitive psychologists often teach clients how to deal with future and recurring problems (Meichenbaum &Deffenbacher, 1988). One cause of recurring problems is self-defeating think- ing(Meichenbaum & Cameron, 1983). A man who suffers from shyness probably approaches a party telling himself something like this: “I don ’t know why I ’m going to this dumb party. No one ever wants to talk with me. And when they do, I usually sound awkward and stupid. ”This man has set himself up to fail. At the first awkward moment, he will conclude that thingsare going as poorly as anticipated. All the nervousness and embarrassment he dreaded are likely to follow. What can be done for this man? A cognitive therapist might try to re- place these self-defeating thoughts with more appropriate, positive ones. This is not to say the man should unrealistically expect that everything will go well. Rather, he should be prepared for some disappointments and failuresand learn to interpret these in appropriate ways. Some psychologists compare this process to inoculation. Like a medical vaccine that prevents a patient from becoming ill, the treatment is designed to keep negative thoughts from creating undue psychological distress. Like any approach to treatment, cognitive psychotherapy does not work for everyone and may be limited to psychological problems thatare based in irrational and self-defeat ing thinking. Nonetheless, the suc- cess many therapists have had with t his approach has been encouraging (Butler, Chapman, Forman, & Beck, 2006; Gaudiano, 2005). Cognitive-behavioral therapies have been found t o be especially effective for treat- ing emotional disorders like depressi on and anxiety (Hollon, Stewart, & Strunk, 2006; Vittengl, Clark, Dunn, & Jarrett, 2007). Not only do thesetreatments relieve the symptoms of e motional disorders, but people who have gone through cognitive-behavioral therapies are less likely to experi-ence a relapse in the future. Presumably these individuals have learnedhow to identify unhealthy thoughts and how to replace them with posi- tive ones. Rational Emotive Therapy One of the earliest advocates of cogni tive therapy was Albert Ellis, who de- veloped rational emotive therapy . Consistent with the tendency to blend cognitive and behavioral treatments, r ecently Ellis referr ed to his approach asrational emotive behavior therapy (Ellis, 2003). According to Ellis, peo- ple become depressed, anxious, upse t, and the like because of faulty rea- soning and a reliance on irrational be liefs. Ellis described this as an A-B-C process. For example, suppose your boyfriend/girlfriend calls tonight and tells you the relationship is over . This is the A, which Ellis calls the Activating experience . However, when clients seek out psychotherapy, they usually identify the reason as the C, the emotional Consequence .I n this case, you are probably depressed, guilty, or angry. But how did youApplication: Cognitive (Behavior) Psychotherapy 425
logically get from A to C? Why should a personal setback or loss cause such strong negative emotions? The answer is that you have used a middlestep in this sequence, B —the irrational Belief. The only way you could logically conclude from breaking up with your partner that you should be depressed is that you are also saying to yourself something like “It is nec- essary for me to be loved and approved by virtually every person in my life,”or“I can never be happy without this person.” Of course, when iso- lated like this, the belief is obviously irrational. But these irrational beliefs are so entrenched in our thoughts that it often takes professional help tosee the flaws in our thinking. Ellis maintained that each of us harbors and relies on a large number of these irrational beliefs. Imagine that you fail an important class (A). If youthen fall back on the irrational belief “I need to do well at everything to be considered worthwhile ”(B), you’ ll lead yourself to the conclusion that this is a catastrophe and therefore become excessively anxious (C). A rational emo- tive therapist would point out that, whereas failing is certainly an unfortunate event—and something you ’d prefer didn ’t happen —it does not warrant ex- treme anxiety. Expecting everything to work out well all the time will only lead to disappointment and frustration. Some of the more commonly used ir- rational beliefs are listed in Table 15.2. Ellis (1987) maintained that some of these beliefs are blatantly irrational and therefore easily identified and cor- rected during therapy. However, other beliefs are more subtle or trickier and thus are more resistant to change. The goal of rational emotive therapy is twofold. First, clients must see how they rely on irrational beliefs and thereby identify the fault in their rea-soning. Second, the therapist works with the client to replace irrational beliefs with rational ones. For example, instead of deciding that your romantic breakup is a reason to be depressed, you might tell yourself that, although you enjoy a stable romantic relationship and wish this one could have con-tinued, you know that not all relationships work out. You also know that this doesn ’t mean no one else can love you or that you are never going to have a good relationship again. Thus, whereas the A statement is the same—“I broke up with my partner ”—the B statement is different. Because the situation is identified as unpleasant but not catastrophic, there is no needto become overly depressed, the old C. In the following sample, taken from one of Ellis ’therapy sessions with a young woman (Ellis, 1971), you can see how a rational emotive thera-pist tries to change faulty thoughts: Client: Well, this is all a part of something that’ s bothered me for a long time. I ’m always afraid of making a mistake. Ellis: Why? What ’s the horror? C: I don’t know. E: You’re saying that you ’re a bitch, you ’re a louse when you make a mistake.426 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
C: But this is the way I ’ve always been. Every time I make a mistake, I die a thousand deaths over it. E: You blame yourself. But why? What ’s the horror? Is it going to make you better next time? Is it going to make you make fewer mistakes? C: No. E: Then why blame yourself? Why are you a louse for making a mistake? Who said so? C: I guess it ’s one of those feelings I have. E: One of those beliefs. The belief is: “I am a louse! ”And then you get the feeling: “Oh, how awful! How shameful! ”But the feeling follows the belief. And again, you ’re say- ing,“I should be different; I shouldn’ t make mistakes! ”instead of, “Oh, look: I made a mistake. It ’s undesirable to make mistakes. Now, how am I going to stop making one next time? ”… C: It might all go back to, as you said, the need for approval. If I don ’t make mistakes, then people will look up to me. If I do it all perfectly —TABLE 15.2 Some Common Irrational Beliefs Obvious Irrational Beliefs Because I strongly desire to perform important tasks competently and successfully, I absolutely must perform them well at all times. Because I strongly desire to be approved by people I find significant, I absolutely must always have their approval. Because I strongly desire people to treat me considerately and fairly, they absolutely must at all times and under all conditions do so. Because I strongly desire to have a safe, comfortable, and satisfying life, the condi- tions under which I live absolutely must at all times be easy, convenient, andgratifying. Subtle and Tricky Irrational Beliefs Because I strongly desire to perform important tasks competently and successfully, and because I want to succeed at them only some of the time, I absolutely mustperform these tasks well. Because I strongly desire to be approved by people I find significant, and because I only want a little approval from them, I absolutely must have it. Because I strongly desire people to treat me considerately and fairly, and because I am almost always considerate and fair to others, they absolutely must treat me well. Because I strongly desire to have a safe, comfortable, and satisfying life, and be- cause I am a nice person who tries to help others lead this kind of life, the condi-tions under which I live absolutely must be easy, convenient, and gratifying. Source: From “The impossibility of achieving consistently good mental health, ”by A. Ellis, American Psychologist , 1987, 42, 364 –375. Reprinted by permission of the American Psychological Association.Application: Cognitive (Behavior) Psychotherapy 427
E: Yes, that ’s part of it. That is the erroneous belief: that if you never make mistakes ev- erybody will love you and that it is necessary that they do. …But is it true? Suppose you never did make mistakes —would people love you? They ’d sometimes hate your guts, wouldn ’t they? Rational emotive therapists challenge clients to identify their irrational beliefs and see how these beliefs lead them to their faulty conclusions. Of course, thisis not easy. Most of us can readily identify what ’s wrong with our friends ’ thinking, but it ’s quite another matter when we ’re the ones with an emotional problem. Nonetheless, the success of rational emotive therapy with a largenumber of clients has contributed to the increased popularity of cognitive approaches to psychotherapy in recent years. ASSESSMENT: THE REPERTORY GRID TECHNIQUE George Kelly made personal constructs the key concept in his theory of personality as well as the focus of his approach to psychotherapy. But this emphasis created a bit of a problem. Specifically, how does one go about measuring a person’ s personal constructs? Of course, a therapist might obtain some idea of a client ’s construct system during the course of therapy sessions. But Kelly and his colleagues needed a more efficient way to examine con-struct systems that could then be communicated fairly easily to the client.Kelly’s answer was the Repertory Grid Technique. Kelly and his followers de- veloped several variations of this technique (Fransella, Bell, & Bannister,2003), but the essential procedure consists of two steps (Bell, 1990). First,the test taker creates a list of elements. The items on this list can be anything the individual encounters in life, but most often the list consists of specificpeople the test taker knows. Second, the test taker’ s personal constructs are elicited by comparing and contrasting various elements on the list. The most common version of the grid technique is the Role Construct Repertory Test, or more commonly, the Rep Test. A shortened version of the basic Rep Test procedure is presented on pages 433 –434. Therapists begin by asking clients to provide a list of 24 people from various personal experiences —for example, a teacher they liked, the most interesting person they know, and so on. The therapist then presents clients with three of the names from this list and asks, “In what important way are two of these peo- ple alike but different from the third?” A client might say that two of them arewarm people and that the third person is cold. In Kelly ’s terms, this client has used a warm– cold construct to categorize the three people. The process is repeated with three different names from the list. Perhaps this time the client will divide the people along an outgoing –shyor a generous –miserly construct. Kelly suggested that about 20 trials, or “sorts,”provide the therapist with a useful sample of the client ’s principal constructs. In one variation of the Rep Test, the therapist takes away one of the three names and replaces it with a new one. This procedure can be useful in identi-fying clients ’difficulties in applying new constructs to new situations. To ex- amine self-concepts, therapists sometimes present the client ’s name along with428 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
two names from the list. Again, clients are asked how two of the three are alike and one is different. Many therapists take the list of constructs gener- ated from the client ’s initial Rep Test and ask the client to evaluate each per- son on the list according to the construct. This step creates a grid similar to the one shown in Table 15.3 and allows the therapist and client to look for patterns across a broad set of information. The Repertory Grid Technique has been widely used by therapists and clinical psychologists to obtain a visual map of how clients and thosesuffering from various psychological disorders construe the world (Feixas,Erazo-Caicedo, Harter, & Bach, 2008; Winter, 2003). But the grid technique has also been used by researchers when studying such diverse topics as com- munication within a large organization (Coopman, 1997), teaching effective-ness (Chitsabesan, Corbett, Walker, Spencer, & Barton, 2006), profiles of specific criminal types (Horley, 1996), and career counseling (Savickas, 1997). One reviewer counted more than 3,000 studies using variations of the Repertory Grid Technique (Neimeyer, 2001). Like other assessment procedures, the grid technique also has its limita- tions. One concern is that, unlike other personality measures, the RepertoryGrid Technique does not generate a simple test score (Horley, 1996). Although various number-generating systems have been developed, the proce- dure still allows for a large degree of interpretation on the part of the thera- pist. Another limitation concerns the many assumptions underlying the test. One assumption when using the Rep Test is that the constructs clients provide are not limited to the people on the list but also would apply to new people in new situations. Another assumption is that the constructs elicited during the test have some degree of permanence. That is, we assume clients are not using these constructs for the first time in the testing session and never again. A re- lated assumption is that the people on the list are representative of the kind of people clients are likely to deal with in their daily lives. Constructs used only for unique people that clients rarely encounter are of little use in understand-ing how clients deal with the majority of people with whom they interact.TABLE 15.3 Sample Grid Mom Dad Sister Brother Boss Neighbor Friend Coworker Pleasant P U U U U U P U Unpleasant Trustworthy U U U U U U ? U Untrustworthy Competitive N N C C ? N C C Not CompetitiveWarm W C C C C C ? C Cold Intelligent N I I I I ? N I Not IntelligentFun D D D D D D F D DullAssessment: The Repertory Grid Technique 429
ASSESSING YOUR OWN PERSONALITY Personal Constructs To begin, write down the names of the following 12 people. Although a person may fit more than one category, you need to compile a list of 12 different people. If there is no one who fits a category, name someone whois similar to the category description. For example, if you do not have a brother, select someone who is like a brother to you. 1. A teacher you liked 2. A teacher you disliked 3. Your wife (husband) or boyfriend (girlfriend) 4. An employer, supervisor, or officer you found hard to get along with 5. An employer, supervisor, or officer you liked 6. Your mother 7. Your father 8. Brother nearest your age 9. Sister nearest your age 10. A person with whom you have worked who was easy to get along with 11. A person with whom you have worked who was hard to understand 12. A neighbor with whom you get along well Next, take three of these people at a time, as indicated by the numbers inthe following list. Then describe in what important way two of them are alike but different from the third. Put a word or phrase describing the two alike people in the Construct list and a description of the remaining person in the Contrast list. Names Construct Contrast 3, 6, 7 1, 4, 10 4, 7, 8 1, 6, 9 4, 5, 8 2, 11, 12 8, 9, 10 (continues)430 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
But the most precarious assumption made by test givers, according to Kelly, is that people are ableto describe the constructs they use. Unfortunately, the grid technique is subject to the inherent limits of our language. Although clients may supply words that come close to what they mean, these words may be inadequate. Kelly did not assume that words necessarily exist for describing all constructs. In fact, he described “preverbal ”constructs, those developed before we learn to speak. And even when clients do use appropriatewords, therapists may interpret those words differently. For example, a client ’s definition of aggressive may be quite different from a therapist ’s. In this case the therapist may still end up with a false impression of how the client viewsthe world. STRENGTHS AND CRITICISMS OF THE COGNITIVE APPROACH Strengths One strength of the cognitive approach to personality is that many of the ideasevolved out of and were developed through empirical research findings. Mostof the cognitive structures used to account for individual differences have been subjected to extensive investigation in controlled laboratory experiments. In many cases personality psychologists have borrowed ideas and research proce- dures from social and cognitive psychologists investigating similar phenomena. Moreover, cognitive models of personality have been modified as investigatorsNames Construct Contrast 2, 3, 5 5, 7, 11 1, 10, 12 This is an abbreviated version of Kelly’ s Rep Test (the Minimum Context Form). The test provides a quick idea of the constructs you use to organize information about the people you know and meet. You may want to com- pare your responses with those of other test takers. No doubt you will find a few overlapping constructs, but also many you hadn ’t thought of. Of course, these differences in personal constructs represent differences in personality that should translate into individual differences in your behavior. Scale: The Role Construct Repertory (Rep) Test Source: The Role Construct Repertory (REP) Test from A Theory of Personality: The Psychology of Personal Constructs by George A. Kelly. Copyright © 1955, 1963 by George A. Kelly, renewed 1983, 1991 by Gladys Kelly. Used by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.Strengths and Criticisms of the Cognitive Approach 431
learn more about cognitive structures and processes through their ongoing research. Another strength of the cognitive approach is that it fits well with the current mood, or Zeitgeist, of psychology. The number of journal articles and doctoral dissertations examining cognitive concepts has risen dramati- cally over the past few decades. Researchers in other areas of psychology, such as developmental and social psychologists, are working on related lines of research that often complement and extend what is known from the cogni-tive personality perspective. Related to the preceding point, cognitive approaches to psychotherapy have become particularly popular in recent years. Even therapists who identify withother approaches to personality sometimes incorporate aspects of cognitive therapy in their practice. A survey of practitioners in the Association for the Advancement of Behavior Therapy, a group originally composed of behaviortherapists, found that 67% described their therapy orientation as “cognitive be- havioral ”(Elliott et al., 1996). Nearly half said they occasionally use rational emotive therapy with their clients. Criticisms A frequent criticism of the cognitive approach is that the concepts are some-times too abstract for empirical research. What exactly is a “personal con- struct”or a“possible self ”? How do we know if a schema is being used? How many schemas are there, and how are they related? More important, how can we study their influence on behavior if we can ’t agree on clear oper- ational definitions? Some of the answers may come with more research, but the nature of cognitions probably renders them more nebulous than manyconstructs used by personality theorists. A related question is whether we need to introduce these concepts to account for individual differences in be havior. For example, strict behavior- ists might argue that they can explain the same phenomena with fewer con- structs. Introducing schemas or possible selves may be unnecessary and perhaps even an obstacle to understanding personality. Applying the law ofparsimony, it is incumbent upon cognitive theorists to demonstrate how their approach can explain personality better than other, less complicated approaches. Another source of concern about the cognitive approach to personality is that there is no single model to organize and guide theory and research.Basic questions about how various cognitive structures relate to one another and to other aspects of information processing, such as memory, remain unanswered. A related problem concer ns the relationship between the vari- ous cognitive structures different theorists have introduced. Is a personal construct different from a schema? A comprehensive model would help re- searchers understand precisely what these terms mean and how they are related.432 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
SUMMARY 1. The cognitive approach to personality describes consistent behavior pat- terns in terms of the way people process information. George Kelly was an early pioneer in this approach with his personal construct theory. Kelly maintained that we are motivated to make sense out of our world. He compared people to scientists, always striving for better predictions about what will happen to them. Kelly described the cognitive structures we use in this regard as personal constructs. He maintained that psycho- logical problems stem from anxiety, which results from a person ’s inabil- ity to predict events. 2. Psychologists have described a number of cognitive structures to help explain individual differences and intrapersonal processes. Schemas arecognitive structures that help us perceive, organize, and store information. 3. Perhaps the most important cognitive structures for personality psy- chologists are the cognitive representations we have for our selves. Much research in this area is concerned with self-schemas. Studies demonstrate that we perceive information more readily and recall itbetter when it is relevant to our self-schemas. Researchers also find that cognitive representations of future selves guide our behavior, but that discrepancies between different self-concepts can result in negative emotions. 4. Cognitive approaches to psychotherapy have become increasingly popu- lar in the last few decades. These therapies focus on changing the clients ’ thoughts. Albert Ellis, an early advocate of this approach, argued that people have emotional problems when they use irrational beliefs. Rational emotive therapy helps clients see how they use these beliefs and how to replace them with more rational ones. 5. Kelly introduced the Repertory Grid Technique to measure individual differences in personal constructs. In one example, test takers typicallydevelop a list of people in their lives and then divide these people into various categories. This procedure helps therapists see the constructs clients use to make sense of the world. Kelly acknowledged severalassumptions behind this approach, including that people can adequately communicate the constructs they use. 6. Among the strengths of the cognitive approach is its strong empirical background. The cognitive approach also fits nicely with the current trend in psychology toward cogniti ve explanations of behavior. Some critics of the cognitive approach have complained that many of the concepts used by cognitive theor ists are too abstract. Others have questioned whether it is always neces sary to introduce cognitions to explain behavior. The cognitive approach also suffers from the lack ofa general model to organize all of the work that falls under this approach.Summary 433
KEY TERMS personal constructs (p. 412) possible selves (p. 422) rational emotive therapy (p. 425) schema (p. 417) self-schema (p. 418) MEDIA RESOURCES Visit our website. Go to www.cengage.com/ psychology/burger to find online resources directly linked to your book, including quizzing, glossary, flashcards, and more.434 CHAPTER 15 The Cognitive Approach
CHAPTER16 The Cognitive Approach Relevant Research Cognitions and Aggression Gender, Memory, and Self-ConstrualCognitions and Depression Summary 435
If you think back to the first chapter, you may recall the story about the blind men trying to describe an elephant. The point was that obtaining a completeunderstanding of human personality requires that we examine personality from several different perspectives. Although each perspective offers useful in- formation, each also provides only a limited view of this complex topic. That lesson is clearly illustrated in this chapter. Each program of research examines from a cognitive perspective a topic covered elsewhere in the book. It ’sn o t that the research covered earlier is wrong or needs updating. Rather, the point is that we need to examine important topics from more than one perspective if we want to obtain a complete picture. We ’ll begin with aggression, a topic we’ve looked at in depth from a psychoanalytic and behavioral/social learning perspective. Next, we ’ll return to the topic of gender. In addition to the many gender differences we ’ve touched on throughout the book, researchers find that men and women also differ in the way they remember information. Finally, we ’ll examine cognitive explanations for depression, another topic that has surfaced often in this book. Investigators find that the way we process in- formation plays a crucial role in this psychological disorder. Psychologists alsolook at cognitive styles to identify those who might be vulnerable to future bouts of depression. COGNITIONS AND AGGRESSION Imagine you are strolling alone through a park. Two teenage boys walking about 30 feet behind you suddenly quicken their pace and draw closer. What is your reaction? Perhaps the boys are in a hurry to get somewhere. Perhaps they are simply more energetic and walk faster than you do. Maybe they are interested in catching up to you to ask for the time or directions. Or maybe they want to harm you. This situation, like many we encounter, contains a fair degree of ambiguity, and people react to it differently. How you respond to this situation depends on how you interpret it. Whether you see the circumstances as threatening, annoying, or benign willcause you to run away, prepare to fight, or move out of the way. This ex-ample illustrates a key concept that cognitive researchers rely on when try- ing to predict aggressive behavior. It ’s not enough to know that a person is high in aggressiveness, has just witnessed someone model aggression, or has a history of being rewarded for violence. Although all of these variables play a role, a full understanding of aggressive behavior requires that we also ex- amine the cognitions that come into play when people encounter a poten- tially threatening or dangerous situation (Anderson & Huesmann, 2003; Crick & Dodge, 1994; Fontaine & Dod ge, 2006; Wilkowski & Robinson, 2008). General Aggression Model Whether a potentially violent encounter passes uneventfully or leads to ag- gression depends on a large number of factors. To explain this process, one team of psychologists have combined decades of research findings into a436 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
General Aggression Model (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a). As shown in Figure 16.1, the model begins with a social encounter with the potential for triggering aggression. This might be an insult, a threat, a shove, or any action that could be interpreted along these lines. How we respond to the event de- pends first on the kind of person we are and the kind of situation we are in. Because of differences in traits, attitudes, past experiences, genetic predisposi- tions, etc., some people are more prone to aggression than others. Moreover, some situations lend themselves to violence more than others. Aggression ismore likely when the situation includes provocation, frustration and elements that we associate with violence (visual cues, words, noises). But psychologists looking at the process from a cognitive perspective argue that these personal and situational factors are important only to theextent that they are tied to and activate aggression-relation thoughts and emotions. Some people are more prone to making these cognitive associa-tions than others. For a highly aggressi ve person, even a mild insult can gen- erate hostile thoughts and anger. Cog nitive psychologists would say that these individuals have a well-developed and easily accessible network of Social Encounters Person Hostile Thoughts and Emotions Aggression Scripts Appraisal and DecisionSituation Thoughtful ActionImpulsive Action FIGURE 16.1 General Aggression Model Source: Adapted from Anderson and Bushman (2002a).Cognitions and Aggression 437
hostile cognitions. Aspects of the situation that the person associates with aggression activate these hostile cogniti ons. These situational variables in- clude visual aggressive cues, such as weapons, fists, and blood, but also in- clude any sounds, smells, or sights that the person cognitively links to hostile thoughts. People recently exposed to violent images, such as scenes from violent mo- vies or violent video games, also have highly accessible hostile cognitions. Similarly, frustrated people are likely to have highly accessible hostile thoughts.Individuals who frequently expose themselves to violent images may have chronically accessible hostile cognitions. In a sense, these people move through their worlds ready to think aggressively about whatever they might encounter. Among the hostile cognitions potentially activated in this process are ag- gressive behavior scripts . These are potential patterns of behavior that have been learned and sometimes practiced. In many cases, the aggressive scripthas been learned by watching aggressive models. Even though you may never have punched someone in the face, you have seen the behavior modeled often enough in your life that you probably could act out this script if you needed to.Aggressive scripts that have been practiced are even more likely to be acted out. People can practice aggressive scripts simply by imagining themselves taking an aggressive action or by reliving in their minds a violent sequence they may have experienced or seen. People also practice aggressive scripts when they physically rehearse the behavior, such as during karate drills or target practice. The more accessible the behavior script, the more likely the individual will act aggressively. This cognitive analysis helps us understand why violent movies and tele- vision programs sometimes lead to aggression. Recall from Chapter 14 thatpeople often imitate acts of aggression. However, researchers find that partici- pants frequently act in violent ways not modeled in the movie or program. Psychologists explain this effect in terms of hostile thoughts and emotionsthat are primed by the violent images (Anderson & Huesmann, 2003). When violent memories and thoughts are primed and therefore highly accessible, the likelihood that the viewer will act aggressively increases. Consistent with thisanalysis, a large number of studies find exposure to violent movies or violent video games increases aggressive thoughts (Carlson, Marcus-Newhall, & Miller, 1990; Todorov & Bargh, 2002). Even exposure to songs with violentlyrics has been found to increase aggressive thoughts and feelings (Anderson, Carnagey, & Eubanks, 2003; Fischer & Greitemeyer, 2006). Aggressive cognitions not only trigger aggressive behavior scripts, they also affect the way we interpret situations. Returning to the example of the teenageboys in the park, if hostile thoughts and emotions were easily accessible (per- haps you just came from a violent movie), you might very well interpret thesituation as a threat, perhaps even one that called for an aggressive reaction on your part. However, psychologists are quick to point out that a great deal of aggression takes place in a more-or-less automatic or impulsive manner(Berkowitz, 2008; Fontaine & Dodge, 2006). Sometimes when someone steps on our toes or bumps us from behind we respond without thinking. In these in- stances, highly accessible hostile cognitions can be particularly dangerous.438 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
Reactive Aggression in Boys Common observation confirms what researchers know about aggression in adolescents and preadolescents. Boys are much more likely to engage in phys- ical acts of aggression than girls (Card, Stucky, Sawalani, & Little, 2008). Needless to say, this aggression creates numerous problems for the aggressive boys as well as for those around them. Researchers are particularly interested in boys who exhibit reactive aggression , i.e., angry, hostile aggression in re- sponse to frustration or provocation. These are the boys who react to a little teasing by threatening to beat up the teaser and who turn an accidental bump in the hallway into a fist fight. To better understand these reactions, some psychologists examine the way these boys interpret potentially aggression-provoking situations. Oneteam of researchers presented a series of hypothetical situations to boys with a history of reactive aggression (Crick & Dodge, 1996). For example, in onescenario another student breaks the boy’ s radio while the boy is out of the room. For each situation, the boys were asked why the other student did what he did and whether the act was intentional. As shown in Figure 16.2, the boys with a history of reactive aggression were more likely to see the act as intentional and hostile than were nonaggressive boys. Another way to say this is that the aggressive boys had chronically accessible hostile thoughts that led them to interpret harmless acts as threatening. Not surprisingly, researchers find that these types of interpretations often lead to aggression (Dodge, 2006; Dodge et al., 2003). If the attributions some boys make for unintentional acts are responsible for reactive aggression, then programs designed to reduce physical aggression Attri butionMore Intentional Less Intentional Grade Level3/4Aggressive BoysNonaggressive Boys 5/69 87 6 5 FIGURE 16.2 Mean Attribution Score Source: Adapted from Crick and Dodge (1996).Cognitions and Aggression 439
in schools could benefit from focusing on those attributions. This was the ap- proach taken by one team of investigators (Metropolitan Area Child StudyResearch Group, 2007). The researchers first identified elementary school children who were at risk for acting violently. Beginning in Grades 2 and 3, some of these children attended 40 one-hour sessions over a 2-year period in which they learned, among other things, how to respond in effective, non- violent ways to conflict and threats. Other children were randomly assigned to a control group that did not attend the sessions. At the beginning and atthe end of the 2-year study, the researchers presented the children with sce- narios and asked the children how they would probably react to the situa- tions. Among the children who came from moderate-income neighborhoods,there was a tendency for those in the control group to become more aggres- sive as they became older. However, the children in the intervention condi- tion showed a decrease in aggressive tendencies over the same periodof time. GENDER, MEMORY, AND SELF-CONSTRUAL The next time you want to stir things up at a dull social gathering, raise thisquestion: Do men or women have better memories? Inevitably, I find peoplecome to the defense of their own gender. Men complain about times their spouses forgot to pay bills or fill the gas tank, and women point out the way their husbands overlook anniversaries and the names of in-laws. Although these responses reflect more than an ounce of stereotype, they also highlight observations psychologists make about gender and memory. Research sug- gests men and women do not differ in their general ability to memorize andrecall information. However, investigators often find differences in what men and women remember. Consider a study in which men and women were asked to recall several different kinds of information (Seidlitz & Diener, 1998). Participants first were given 3 minutes to list as many positive and negative events as they could recall from the previous 3 years of their lives. Later the participantswere asked to recall, among other things, emotional events from the previous year and from a randomly selected 1-hour interval from the previous week. Participants were also given a limited amount of time to recall events fromAmerican history. Who had the better recall? As shown in Figure 16.3, the answer depends on what kind of information the participants were asked to remember. Thewomen recalled significantly more personal events than the men. This was true for both negative events and positive events. On the other hand, men did better recalling the impersonal information about American history. In short, women were better able to remember happy occasions with friends and times they embarrassed themselves, whereas men recalled better the facts they had learned in school or read about. Psychologists explain these differences in memory by pointing to the way people process self-relevant information. Specifically, investigators identify two differences in the way men and women organize information in memory.440 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
First, the genders differ in the extent to which self-relevant information is as- sociated with emotions. Second, men and women differ in the extent to whichinformation about themselves is connected with information about personal relationships. Emotional Memories From an early age, females learn to pay attention to their emotions and the emotions of others. Consequently, women are more likely than men to en-code information about themselves in terms of emotions (Bloise & Johnson, 2007; Feldman Barrett, Lane, Sechrest, & Schwartz, 2000; Kuebli, Butler, & Fivush, 1995). And if women organize their memories around emotions, we should not be surprised to find that they are better able to recall both positive and negative emotional experiences (Fujita, Diener, & Sandvik, 1991). Memories for both happy and sad experiences should be more accessible for women.Moreover, the cognitive link between one emotional memory and another should be stronger for women than men. Thus recalling one sad experience is likely to trigger another sad memory for women, but perhaps not for men. Number of Events Recalled Past 3 Y earsPast Ye arPast WeekMenWomen16 1514 13 121110 Personal Experiences 9 87 6 Historical Facts FIGURE 16.3 Number of Events Recalled Source: Adapted from “Sex differences in the recall of affective experience, ”by L. Seidlitz and E. Diener, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 74, 1998, p. 262 –271. Copyright © 1998 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission of the author.Gender, Memory, and Self-Construal 441
These gender differences were demonstrated in a study in which adult men and women were asked to recall childhood experiences (Davis, 1999). Participants were cued with a series of emotional words and phrases, such as “feeling rejected” or“getting something you really wanted. ”As shown in Figure 16.4, women recalled more emotional memories from childhood than did men. Moreover, this was true for each emotion examined, whether positive or negative. When the investigator compared similar recall in male and femalestudents in grades 3, 5, 8, and 11, she found a similar pattern. That is, regard- less of age, females are better able to recall emotional memories than males. Interestingly, the researcher found no gender differences when men and womenwere asked to recall nonemotional memories. This tendency for women to recall more emotional memories could help explain why women suffer from depression more often than men (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001). Not only do women remember sad experiences more often than men, but recalling one unhappy incident is also likely to activate memo- ries about other sad events. Memories About Relationships Another line of research looks at the extent to which men and women consider relationships when they organize self-relevant information. Drawing from the work on individualist and collectivist cultures (Chapter 1), some psychologists argue that the way men and women are raised in our society causes them to form different cognitive representations of themselves (Cross & Madson, 1997). Men are said to develop independent self-construals .T h a ti s ,m e n ’ss e l f - concepts are relatively unrelated to the cognitive representations they have for510152025 Guilty Self-Conscious Fear Angry Sad HappyNumber of Memories Recalled Recall ConditionsWomen Men FIGURE 16.4 Recall of Emotional Childhood Memories Source: From “Gender differences in autobiographical memory of childhood emotional experience, ”by P. J. Davis, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 1999, 76, 498 –510. Copyright © 1999 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission of the American Psychological Association.442 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
other people. On the other hand, women in our society tend to develop inter- dependent self-construals . Their self-concepts are highly related to the cognitive representations they have of others and their relationships with those people. In particular, these cognitive representations are tied to those with whom women feel close and personal relations (Gabriel & Gardner, 1999). Put another way, relationships with friends and loved ones are an impor- tant part of how women think of themselves. It ’s not just that they enjoy their relationships more than men, but rather that women are more likely to define themselves in terms of the relationships they share with others. Returning to the memory data, perhaps one reason women recall certain kinds of experi- ences more readily than men is that these events may have involved otherpeople. Because of their interdependent self-construal, information involving relationships is more accessible for women than for men. Consistent with this analysis, several studies find women are more likely than men to define themselves in terms of their relationships (Guimond, Chatard, ASSESSING YOUR OWN PERSONALITY Self-Construal Indicate the extent to which you agree with the following statements. Use a 7-point scale to indicate your response, with 1 ¼Strongly disagree and 7¼Strongly agree. 1. My close relationships are an important reflection of who I am. 2. When I feel very close to someone, it often feels to me like that person is an important part of who I am. 3. I usually feel a strong sense of pride when someone close to me has an important accomplishment. 4. I think one of the most important parts of who I am can be captured by looking at my close friends and understandingwho they are. 5. When I think of myself, I often think of my close friends or family also. 6. If a person hurts someone close to me, I feel personally hurt as well. 7. In general, my close relationships are an important part of my self-image. 8. Overall, my close relationships have very little to do with how I feel about myself. 9. My close relationships are unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am. 10. My sense of pride comes from knowing who I have as close friends. 11. When I establish a close friendship with someone, I usually develop a strong sense of identification with that person. (continues)Gender, Memory, and Self-Construal 443
Martinot, Crisp, & Redersdorff, 2006). Participants in one investigation were asked simply to list as many statements as they could in response to the question “Who am I? ”(Mackie, 1983). Compared to male participants, the women in the study included more statements about their roles as parents and family members. Similar findings were uncovered when elementary and high school students were asked to “tell us about yourself ”(McGuire & McGuire, 1982). Another group of researchers gave participants a camera with 12-exposure film and asked them to take (or have someone else take) photographs that “describe who you are as you see yourself ”(Clancy & Dollinger, 1993). In other words, the photographs provided a rough indication of the cognitive representationsthe men and women held of themselves. As shown in Figure 16.5, the women ’s photographs were more likely to include other people. When the women por-trayed the way they thought of themselves, they chose to include pictures withbest friends and loved ones. In contrast, the men more often portrayed their self-concept with images of themselves alone. Other research finds gender differences in the way men and women per- ceive and recall information about significant people in their lives. Participants in one study were asked if certain words described them, their best friend, a group they belong to, or the president of the United States (Josephs, Markus, & Tafarodi, 1992). As described in the previous chapter, researchers assume information processed through a strong schema will be more accessible than information processed through weaker schemas. When participants were later asked to recall as many of the words as possible, the women remembered words processed through their best friend and group schemas better than the men. Married couples in another study were asked to talk about their first date together, their last vacation together, and a re- cent argument between the two of them (Ross & Holmberg, 1992). TheTo obtain your score, reverse the answer values for items 8 and 9 (that is, 1¼7, 2¼6, etc.). Then add all 11 answer values together. High scores indicate a tendency to think of oneself in terms of your relationships withclose others. That is, those scoring high on the scale have self-concepts closely tied to the cognitive representations they have of the people they feel emotionally closest to (Cross, Morris, & Gore, 2002). You can compare your score with those obtained from a sample of American undergraduates(Cross, Bacon, & Morris, 2000): Men Women Total Mean 52.89 55.11 54.10 Standard Deviation 8.07 10.03 9.29 Scale: The Relational-Interdependent Self-Construal Scale Source: Copyright © 1998 by the American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission. Cross, S. E., Bacon, P. L., & Morris, M. L. (2000). The relational-interdependent self-construal and relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 78, 791 –808. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.78.4.791. No further reproduction or distribution is permitted without written permission from the American Psychological Association.444 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
stories told by the wives were more vivid and contained more details than those described by the husbands. In short, evidence from many sources makes a strong case that men and women differ in the way they store and recall in- formation about relationships and thus about themselves. COGNITIONS AND DEPRESSION For a moment, try to think of a time when you felt a little depressed. One ofthe first things you may notice is that this is relatively easy if you already feel a little down today and relatively difficult if you feel pretty good. Depressed people not only remember sad experiences more easily but may also have dif- ficulty keeping themselves from generating one depressing thought after an- other. Sad people easily recall times when they felt lonely and unloved. They tend to dwell on their problems and worry about all the things that might gowrong. They recall embarrassing mishaps, things they wish they had never said, and experiences they wish they could erase. Even when good things hap- pen, depressed people look for the gray cloud to go with the silver lining. Justgot accepted into a good school? Think of all that pressure and what happens if you fail. Been invited to a party? What if you don ’t know anyone or you embarrass yourself there? In short, when you ’re depressed, your mind fills with depressing thoughts. These observations make it clear that depressing thoughts are tied to de- pressing feelings. This is why psychologists increasingly are turning to cogni- tive approaches to understand depression. Although negative thoughts are often considered a symptom of depression, the cognitive perspective argues that these thoughts can also cause people to become depressed (Clark, Beck, & Alford, 1999). Psychologists sometimes describe the thoughts of depressed012345Females Males Self Alone Self With OthersNumber of Photographs FIGURE 16.5 Number of Photographs Used to Portray Self Source: With kind permission from Springer Science+Business Media: “Photographic depictions of the self: Gender and age differences in social connectedness, ”by S. M. Clancy and S. J. Dollinger, Sex Roles , 29, 477–495 (1993). Copyright © 1993 by Plenum Publishing Corporation. Reprinted by permission of Springer.Cognitions and Depression 445
people as a depressive cognitive triad (Beck, 1972). That is, depressed people typically have negative thoughts about themselves, are pessimistic about the future, and tend to interpret ongoing experiences in a negative manner. Many psychologists look for clues about the causes and treatment of de- pression by examining the way people perceive, organize, and recall emotion-ally laden information (Rusting, 1998). Among other questions, these investigators want to know if some people are prone to depression because of the way they process information. We ’ll look at two concepts investigators use in this research —depressive schemas and negative cognitive style. Depressive Schemas Each day we encounter some good events, a few bad events, and an occa-sional incident with ambiguous emotional meaning. Which ones will you think about today and which will you ignore? From a cognitive perspective, the happiest people are those who pay attention to the positive information, dismiss the negative information, and interpret the ambiguous information as positively as possible. In fact, most of us have an unrealistically positive out- look on life (Taylor, 1989). We believe we are better than most at almosteverything we do, certain that good things will happen to us, and convinced unfortunate events happen to other people. Because most of us look at life through rose-colored glasses, we remain content and in good psychologicalhealth (Alloy & Abramson, 1988). Unfortunately, many people look at life through glasses that are tinted blue. Psychologists from a cognitive perspective say that depressed peopleprocess information through an active depressive schema (Clark et al., 1999; Kuiper & Derry, 1981; Kuiper, MacDonald, & Derry, 1983). A depressive schema is a cognitive structure containing memories about and associations with depressing events and thoughts. People processing information through this schema attend to negative information, ignore positive information, and interpret ambiguous information in a depressing way. They also recall de- pressing memories easily and often associate current sad experiences with sad incidents from their past. In short, depressed people are set to process informa- tion in a way that keeps negative thoughts prominent and positive thoughts away. Little wonder, then, that these people remain depressed. Researchers have developed a number of procedures to study depressive schemas. Along with clinical observations about how depressed people thinkand act, these experiments provide an impressive body of evidence pointing to the role of cognitive structures in the development and maintenance of de- pression. Much of the evidence for depressive schemas comes from studies employing the self-schema research techniques described in the previous chap- ter. Researchers sometimes ask depressed and nondepressed individuals to an- swer questions about a series of words. In one study, depressed patientsresponded to a list of adjectives by pressing a YES or a NO button to indicate if the word described them (Derry & Kuiper, 1981). Half the words were re- lated to depression (for example, bleak, dismal, helpless ), and half were not. The researchers then surprised the participants by giving them 3 minutes to recall as many of the words as they could.446 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
The results of the study are shown in Figure 16.6. As predicted, depressed patients remembered the depression-associated words better, whereas two groups of nondepressed participants recalled the other words better. Thisfinding has been replicated with clinically depressed patients (Lim & Kim, 2005) and mildly depressed college students (Moilanen, 1993). Depressed people recall words like dismal and helpless better because they process these words through a depressive schema. They are more likely to attend to the depression-related words, associate them with aspects of themselves, and readily recall them later on. If depressed people process information through a depressive schema, we would also expect them to recall sad memories more readily than people whoare not depressed. If I ask you to quickly think of something that happened toyou in high school, most likely you will think of a pleasant time. You might recall a star performance in a play or perhaps just the fun you had hanging out with friends. But if you are a little depressed today, you might instead re- call a test you failed or a time you were rejected by friends. This is because people processing information through a depressive schema have greater ac- cess to the depressing memories stored there. When you are depressed, it should not take long to recall times when you were sad, lonely, or embar- rassed because using a depressive schema makes these memories readily accessible. This easy access to sad memories was demonstrated in an experiment with depressed clients (Clark & Teasdale, 1982). Clients were given a series10203040Percentage of Words Recalled Depressed PatientsNondepressed PatientsNondepressed NormalsDepression- Associated Words Nondepression- Associated Words FIGURE 16.6 Proportion of Self-Descriptive Words Recalled with Self-Referent Processing Source: From “Schematic processing and self-reference in clinical depression, ”by P. A. Derry and N. A. Kuiper, Journal of Abnormal Psychology , 1981, 90, 286 –297.Cognitions and Depression 447
of words (such as train, ice ) and asked to recall a real-life experience each word brought to mind. For example, a client might describe a train ride to visit her favorite aunt or a time she missed a train. Clients were tested twice, once when they were feeling particularly depressed and once when they were less depressed. As shown in Figure 16.7, most of the memories recalled during the depressed period were unhappy ones. However, when clients were less de- pressed, they recalled happier experiences. Presumably the depressive schemas were activated more when the clients ’depression levels were higher. A similar pattern is found when depressed people are asked to think about the future. Depressed individuals in one study could more easily come up with reasons something bad is likely to happen to them someday than could nondepressedparticipants (Vaughn & Weary, 2002). Because depressed people filter information through a depressive schema, they also tend to interpret ambiguous information in the most negative lightpossible. When depressed people consider their performances, they tend to dwell on what they did wrong and fail to give themselves enough credit for what they did right (Crowson & Cromwell, 1995; Moretti et al., 1996).Participants in one study were given the choice of looking at either the favor- able or unfavorable scores from a battery of tests they had taken (Giesler, Josephs, & Swann, 1996). Eighty-two percent of the depressed participants chose the unfavorable feedback, significantly more than the nondepressed participants. Thus, if an instructor tells a depressed student he did well on five essay answers but was a little weak on one, the student will most likely 30405060Percentage of Recalled Experiences When More DepressedWhen Less DepressedHappy Experiences Unhappy Experiences FIGURE 16.7 Percentages of Happy and Unhappy Experiences Recalled Source: From “Diurnal variation in clinical depression and accessibility of memories of positive and negative experiences, ”by D. M. Clark and J. D. Teasdale, Journal of Abnormal Psychology , 1982, 91, 87 –95. Reprinted by permission of the American Psychological Association.448 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
focus his or her attention on the one weak answer and conclude that the per- formance was poor. Not surprisingly, depressive thoughts go hand-in-hand with other depres- sion symptoms, such as sad mood and decreased activity. Cognitive theorists see the causal arrow between depressive cognitions and these other symptoms running both ways (Clark et al., 1999). That is, depressing thoughts can cause depression, and depression can lead to an increase in depressing thoughts. However, several studies suggest that although negative thoughts decline aspeople recover from an episode of depression, the underlying cognitive network often remains in place (Dozois & Dobson, 2001; Hedlund & Rude, 1995; Ilardi & Craighead, 1999; Ingram & Ritter, 2000; Segal, Gemar, & Williams, 1999).If a strong depressive schema stays intact, the individual may be vulnerable to future bouts of depression (Havermans, Nicolson, & deVries, 2007; Lewinsohn, Joiner, & Rohde, 2001). In fact, people with strong depressiveschemas may face a daily battle to fend off depression. Formerly depressed patients in one study showed an increase in negative thoughts simply after lis- tening to a sad piece of music (Gemar, Segal, Sagrati, & Kennedy, 2001). Negative Cognitive Style In Chapter 14 we looked at research on learned helplessness. As you recall, psychologists initially demonstrated this effect in dogs that failed to escape from electric shocks after first experiencing inescapable shocks. The dogs learned they were helpless in one situation and inappropriately generalized that perception to the new situation. Not long after the demonstrations with animals, researchers found that people also sometimes generalize helpless feel- ings to controllable situations. Similarities between learned helplessness parti-cipants and depressed patients led some psychologists to propose learned helplessness as a model for understanding depression. However, investigators soon found the simple model used to explain ani- mal behavior was insufficient for understanding learned helplessness in peo-ple. Human research participants reacted to some uncontrollable situations with helplessness, but not others. Feelings of helplessness generalized to sometasks, but not every task. People exposed to inescapable noise sometimes be- came less motivated, but occasionally motivation increased (Costello, 1978; Depue & Monroe, 1978; Roth, 1980). The limitations of the original model led some investigators to argue that negative life experiences alone are not sufficient to produce depression.Rather, how we interpret these events is the key (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Miller & Norman, 1979). If you attribute the loss of a job to a general lack of skills and aptitude that will keep you from getting a good job anywhere else, you may be headed for depression. However, if you fail an algebra class and conclude it ’s because this particular instructor used a strange and unfair grading system, it is unlikely you’ ll generalize feelings of helplessness to other math classes or other subjects. Psychologists soon observed individual differences in the way people ex- plain the events they encounter. In particular, researchers identified whatCognitions and Depression 449
they called a negative cognitive style. Individuals who possess a negative cognitive style tend to attribute their problems to stable (enduring) and global (widespread) causes. They also tend to anticipate the most dreadful conse- quences and often believe the problem is the result of or reflects their own per- sonal shortcomings. Investigators have developed procedures to measure the extent to which people rely on this type of thinking (Alloy et al., 2000; Beevers, Strong, Meyer, Pilkonis, & Miller, 2007; Peterson et al., 1982; Peterson & Villanova, 1988). Like other personality variables, negative cognitive styletends to be fairly stable over time (Burns & Seligman, 1989; Hankin, 2008). Not surprisingly, researchers find that negative cognitive style is related to depression (Goldberg, Gerstein, Wenze, Beck & Welker, 2008; Haeffel et al.,2003; Hankin, Fraley, & Abela, 2005; Lau & Eley, 2008; Otto et al., 2007; Riso et al., 2003). People who interpret negative events as the result of personal shortcomings that are enduring and widespread are vulnerable to depressionwhen one of life ’s unfortunate experiences inevitably comes their way. One pair of investigators looked at the psychological effects of physical and emo- tional abuse in a group of battered women (Palker-Corell & Marcus, 2004).The researchers contacted the women within 2 weeks after their arrival at a battered women ’s shelter. They found the women with a negative cognitive style suffered from depression and other symptoms of trauma more often than the women who did not rely on this style of thinking. Another study looked at emotional reactions following a strong earthquake (Greening, Stoppelbein, & Docter, 2002). Participants with a negative cognitive style were more likely to be depressed after the earthquake than those without this cognitive style. Investigators also use negative cognitive style to predict who might be vul- nerable to future episodes of depression (Evans, Heron, Lewis, Araya, &Wolke, 2005; Fresco, Alloy, & Reilly-Harrington, 2006; Lewinsohn et al., 2001; Robinson & Alloy, 2003). One team of researchers measured negative cognitive style in incoming college freshmen (Alloy, Abramson, Whitehouse,Hogan, Panzarella, & Rose, 2006). They divided the students into those who had previously suffered from an episode of depression and those who had not. The researchers contacted the students again every 6 weeks for the next2 1/2 years. As shown in Figure 16.8, the students who were identified as high risk for depression based on their negative cognitive style were much more likely to experience at least one episode of major depression during this timethan the other students. This was not only the case for those who had bouts of depression prior to college, but also for those who had never before suffered from depression. In fact, the high-risk students in the latter group were 6 timesmore likely to experience depression than their low-risk classmates. We should also note that the link between cognitive style and depression may be affected by culture. Recall from earlier chapters that people in collec-tivist cultures tend to emphasize their role in the community, whereas people in individualistic cultures focus on their individual aspirations and accomplish- ments. One team of researchers found that college students in China (a collec-tivist culture) had a more pessimistic cognitive style than American students (Lee & Seligman, 1997). Consistent with their individualistic emphasis, the Americans were more likely to attribute successes to their own efforts and450 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
failures to other people or unfortunate circumstances. However, another inves- tigation comparing American and Chinese students found that the kinds of ex-planations that predict depression in the United States are also associated with depression in China (Anderson, 1999). Thus, although the way people in two cultures typically explain events may be different, the cognitive style that leads to depression is the same. SUMMARY 1. Psychologists have looked at the role of hostile cognitions in aggressive behavior. They find that aggressive responses are more likely when asituation activates hostile thoughts and emotions. Hostile cognitionsinclude aggressive behavior scripts. When hostile cognitions are highly accessible, the likelihood of acting aggressively increases. Boys with a history of reacting to minor events aggressively tend to interpret uninten-tional acts as deliberate and hostile. 2. Some psychologists have looked at differences in men ’s and women ’s abilities to recall certain kinds of information. These researchers findevidence that women are more likely than men to organize self-relevant information around emotions. Women also have been found to have strong cognitive connections between mental representations of themselvesand the mental representations they have of close friends and loved ones. 3. The cognitive approach assumes that depressing thoughts are an impor- tant cause of depression. Depressed people are said to process informa- tion through a depressive schema. Depressed people recall depressing information and remember depressing events more readily than non- depressed people. Other researchers look at negative cognitive style. People who tend to interpret negative events in terms of enduring and widespread causes are more prone to depression than those who do not rely on this cognitive style.25 20 15 10 No Prior DepressionLow Risk High Risk Prior Depression30 5Percent Experiencing Major Depression FIGURE 16.8 Students Experiencing Depression Source: Alloy et al. (2006).Summary 451
KEY TERMS depressive cognitive triad (p. 446) depressive schema (p. 446)negative cognitive style (p. 450) MEDIA RESOURCES Visit our website. Go to www.cengage. com/psychology/burger to find online resources directly linked to your book, including quizzing, glossary, flashcards, and more.452 CHAPTER 16 The Cognitive Approach
GLOSSARY absorption The ability to become highly involved in sensory and imaginative experiences. achievement goals Targets people aspire to in achievement situations. affect intensity The strength or degree to which people typically experience their emotions. anal stage The psychosexual stage of development in which the anal region is the primary erogenous zone. androgyny A personality trait consisting of masculine as well as feminine characteristics. anima/animus The archetype that is the feminine side of the male (anima) or the masculine side of the female (animus). archetypes Primordial images that predispose us to comprehend the world in a particular manner. avoidance coping strategies Coping strategies designed to distract us from thinking about the source of anxiety. behavior modification Therapy procedures based on operant conditioning and classical conditioning principles. behavioral approach system A hypothetical biological system that is focused on seeking out and achievingpleasurable goals.behavioral inhibition system A hypothetical biological system that is focused on avoiding dangerous andunpleasant experiences. behavioral validation A method for establishing a test ’s validity by predicting behavior from test scores. Big Five The five basic dimensions of personality found in many factor analytic studies. case study method An in-depth examination of one person or one group. catharsis A release of tension or anxiety. central traits The 5 to 10 traits that best describe a person’ s personality. cerebral asymmetry Higher levels of brain activity in one cerebral hemisphere than the other. classical conditioning Learning resulting from pairing a conditioned stimulus with a new, unconditioned stimulus. collective unconscious The part of the unconscious mind containing thoughts, images, and psychic characteristics common to all members of a culture. collectivist culture Culture that emphasizes the importance of belonging to a larger group, such as a family, tribe, or nation. conditional/unconditional positive regard Acceptance and respect forpeople either only when they act as we desire (conditional) or regardless of their behavior (unconditional). congruent validity A method for establishing a test ’s validity by correlating the test scores with other measures of the same construct. conscious In Freud ’s topographic model, the part of personality that contains the thoughts we are currently aware of. construct validity The extent to which a test measures the hypothetical construct it is designed to measure. contingencies of self-worth The domains of self-concept an individual uses to evaluate his or her self. coping strategies Conscious efforts to reduce anxiety in the face of a perceived threat. correlation coefficient A statistic that indicates the strength and direction of a relationship between two variables. defense mechanisms Devices the ego uses to keep threatening material out of awareness and thereby reduce or avoidanxiety. defensive pessimism The tendency to attend to and worry about failure on upcoming tasks in a strategic effort tomotivate oneself to do well. deficiency motive A need that is reduced when the object of the need is attained. 453
denial A defense mechanism in which a person denies the existence of a fact. dependent variable The experimental variable measured by the experimenter and used to compare groups. depressive cognitive triad Three elements that describe a depressed person’ s cognitions: negative views of the self, pessimism, and interpretingevents in a negative manner. depressive schema A cognitive structure that allows people to readily make negative associations. discriminant validity A method for establishing a test ’s validity by demonstrating that its scores do not correlate with the scores of theoreticallyunrelated measures. discrimination A learned tendency to respond only to stimuli that result in reinforcement and not to similar, but unrewarded, stimuli. displacement A defense mechanism in which a response is directed at a nonthreatening target instead of the unconsciously preferred one. dispositional optimism The extent to which a person typically adopts an optimistic or pessimistic approach to dealing with life ’s challenges. egoIn Freud ’s structural model, the part of personality that considers externalreality while mediating between the demands of the id and the superego. emotional affectivity The extent to which people typically experience positive and negative emotions. emotional expressiveness The extent to which people outwardly express their emotions. emotion-focused strategies Coping strategies designed to reduce emotional distress. evaluation apprehension A strong concern about receiving negative evaluations from others. face validity A method for establishing a test ’s validity in which test items appear to measure what the test was designed to measure. factor analysis A statistical procedure used to determine the number of dimensions in a data set. fixation Tying up psychic energy at one psychosexual stage, which results in adult behaviors characteristic of that stage.free association A procedure used in psychoanalysis in which patients say whatever comes into their mind. Freudian slip A seemingly innocent misstatement that reveals unconscious associations. fully functioning person A psycho- logically healthy individual who is able to enjoy life as completely as possible. generalization The tendency to respond to stimuli similar to the one used in the initial conditioning. goodness of fit model A model proposing that a child performs best when the demands of the environmentmatch with his or her temperament. growth need A need that leads to personal growth and that persists after the need object is attained. hierarchy of needs In Maslow ’s theory, the order in which human needs demand attention. Human Figure Drawing test A projective test in which test takers are asked simply to draw a person. hypothesis A formal prediction about the relationship between two or more variables that is logically derived from a theory. idIn Freud ’s structural model, the part of personality concerned with immediate gratification of needs. idiographic approach A method of studying personality through in-depth analysis of one individual and the dimensions relevant to that person’ s personality. independent variable The experimental variable used to divide participants into groups. individualistic culture Culture that places great emphasis on individual needs and accomplishments. inhibited/uninhibited children Inhibited children show strong anxiety about novel and unfamiliar situations; uninhibited children show very little ofthis anxiety. intellectualization A defense mechanism in which the emotional content of threatening material is removed before itis brought into awareness. internal consistency The extent to which test items are interrelated and thus appear to measure the same construct. learned helplessness The cognitive, motivational, and emotional deficits thatfollow a perceived lack of control over important aversive events. libido The limited amount of psychic energy that powers mental activity. locus of control A personality trait that divides people along a continuum according to the extent to which theybelieve what happens to them and others is controllable. manipulated independent variable An independent variable for which participants have been randomly assigned to an experimental group. masculinity –femininity A personality trait indicating the extent to which a person possesses sex-typed character- istics, with masculine characteristics atone end of the trait continuum and feminine characteristics at the other end. need for Achievement The motive to engage in and succeed at entrepreneurial achievement behavior. negative cognitive style A style of processing information in which people attribute their problems to stable and global causes, anticipate dreadful consequences, and believe the problemsreflect their own personal shortcomings. neodissociation theory Hilgard ’s theory, which maintains that consciousness is divided into aware and unaware parts during hypnosis. nomothetic approach A method of understanding personality that compares many people along the same personality dimensions. nonmanipulated independent variable An independent variable for which condition assignment is determined by a characteristic of the participant. observational learning Learning that results from watching or hearing about a person modeling the behavior. operant conditioning Learning resulting from the response an organism receives following a behavior. optimal experience A state of happiness and satisfaction characterized by absorption in a challenging and personally rewarding task. oral stage The psychosexual stage of development in which the mouth, lips, and tongue are the primary erogenous zones. personal constructs In Kelly ’s theory, the bipolar cognitive structures through which people process information.454 GLOSSARY
personal narratives Assessment procedure that asks individuals to provide autobiographical descriptions of important events in their lives. personality Consistent behavior patterns and intrapersonal processes originating within the individual. person-by-situation approach An approach to understanding behavior that maintains behavior is a function of the person as well as the situation. phallic stage The psychosexual stage of development in which the genital region is the primary erogenous zone and in which the Oedipus complexdevelops. possible selves Cognitive representations of the kind of people we think we might become some day. preconscious In Freud ’s topographic model, the part of personality that contains thoughts that can be broughtinto awareness with little difficulty. primordial images The images that make up the collective unconscious.problem-focused strategies Coping strategies directed at taking care of the problem causing the anxiety. projection A defense mechanism in which one ’s own unconscious thoughts and impulses are attributed to other people. projective tests Tests designed to assess unconscious material by asking test takers to respond to ambiguous stimuli. psychoanalysis The system of psychotherapy developed by Freud that focuses on uncovering the unconscious material responsible for a patient ’s disorder. psychogenic need In Murray ’s theory, a relatively stable predisposition toward a type of action. psychosexual stages of development The innate sequence of development made up of stages characterized by primaryerogenous zones and sexual desires. Q-Sort An assessment procedure in which test takers distribute personal descriptions along a continuum. rational emotive therapy A psychotherapy procedure introduced byEllis that examines the irrational reasoning causing emotional problems. reaction formation A defense mechanism in which people act in a manner opposite to their unconscious desires. reciprocal determinism The notion that external determinants of behavior, internal determinants of behavior, and behavior all influence one another. reliability The extent to which a test measures consistently. repression A defense mechanism in which the ego pushes threatening material out of awareness and into the unconscious. Rorschach inkblot test A projective test in which test takers are asked to describe what they see in a series of inkblots. schema A hypothetical cognitive structure used to process information. self-actualization A state of personal growth in which people fulfill their true potential. self-disclosure The act of revealing intimate information about oneself to another person. self-efficacy A person’ s expectancy that he or she can successfully perform a given behavior. self-esteem Evaluation of one ’s self- concept, usually measured in terms of a relatively stable and global assessment of how a person feels about him- or herself. self-regulation The ability to develop and apply rewards and punishments for internal standards of behavior. self-schema A schema consisting of aspects of a person ’s life most important to him or her. shadow The archetype that contains the evil side of humanity. social anxiety A trait dimension indicating the extent to which people experience anxiety during socialencounters or when anticipating socialencounters. social desirability The extent to which test takers tend to respond to items in a manner that presents them in a positivelight.statistical significance The likelihood that a research finding represents a genuine effect rather than a chance fluctuation of measurement. striving for superiority The primary motivational force in Adler ’s theory, which is the person’ s effort to overcome feelings of inferiority.structural model Freud ’s model of personality that divides personality into the id, the ego, and the superego. subception The perception of information at a less-than-conscious level. sublimation A defense mechanism in which threatening unconscious impulses are channeled into socially acceptable behaviors. superego In Freud ’s structural model, the part of personality that represents society ’s values. temperaments General behavioral predispositions present in infancy andassumed to be inherited. Thanatos The self-destructive (death) instinct, which is often turned outward in the form of aggression. Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) A projective test in which test takers are asked to tell stories about a series ofambiguous pictures. theory A general statement about the relationship between constructs or events. topographic model Freud ’s original model of personality structure, in which personality is divided into three differentlevels of awareness. trait A dimension of personality used to categorize people according to the degree to which they manifest aparticular characteristic. twin-study method A procedure for examining the role of genetics on personality in which pairs of monozygotic and dizygotic twins are compared. unconscious In Freud ’s topographic model, the part of personality that contains material that cannot easily be brought into awareness. validity The extent to which a test measures what it is designed to measure.GLOSSARY 455
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NAME INDEX Abela, J. R. Z., 450 Ablow, J. C., 163Aboud, F., 78 Abramson, L. Y., 424, 446, 449 –450 Accortt, E. E., 246 Adams, N. E., 363Adler, N. E., 129 Affleck, G., 15 Ahadi, S. A., 230 –232 Ainsworth, M. D. S., 140Albino, A., 130, 145 Alden, L. E., 203 Aldwin, C. M., 130Alford, B. A., 445Ali, S., 364 Allard, L. M., 145 –146 Allen, A., 168 Allen, J., 145Allen, J. J. B., 246 Allen, M., 312 Allen, M., 318Alloy, L. B., 446, 450Allport, G. W., 149, 153 –154 Almagor, M., 163Alper, C. M., 320Altman, I., 311, 335Altman, J., 128 Alvarenga, M., 196 Amir, N., 201Amirkhan, J. H., 263 Anderman, E. M., 193 Anderman, L. H., 193 Anders, S. L., 144Andersen, B. L., 419Anderson, C. A., 134, 200, 319, 391, 394 –395, 436 –438, 451Anderson, K. B., 134 Angelo, K. M., 263Angie, A., 262 Angleitner, A., 150, 176, 255 Ansbacher, H. L., 98 Ansbacher, R. R., 98Antill, J. K., 381, 383 Antonen, M., 216 Antoni, M. H., 215Antrobus, J. S., 74Araya, R., 450 Archer, J. A., 316 Archer, J., 248Archibald, F. S., 320Arkin, A. M., 74 Arkin, R. M., 203, 400 Armeli, S., 159Arneson, J. J., 177Arnkoff, D. B., 367 Arnold, M. L., 118 Aron, A., 145Aron, E. N., 145Arroyo, J. A., 130 Arthur, W., 162 Asendorpf, J. B., 161Aserinsky, E., 74Ashton, M. C., 163 –164 Aspinwall, L. G., 214, 216Atherton, S. C., 203Atkins, D. C., 368 Atkinson, G., 91 Atkinson, G. R., 11 Atkinson, J. W., 184Aube, J., 384Auerbach, S. M., 130 Austenfeld, J. L., 130Austin, T., 309 Averill, J. R., 126, 335, 338Aviles, F. E., 136 Avitzur, E., 405 Bach, L., 429 Bacon, P. L., 444 Bagby, R. M., 175 Bailey, J. M., 62, 269Baird, B. M., 262Baker, E. L., 87 Baker, L. A., 259 Baker, S. R., 215Balabanis, M. H., 364Baldwin, A. S., 364 Baldwin, M. W., 202 Baldwin, S. A., 368Bandura, A., 351, 353, 356 –357, 362 –364, 378, 387 Bannister, D., 428Barbaranelli. C., 364Barber, A. M., 240Barber, T. X., 88, 90 –92 Barbo, E., 266Bardos, A. N., 60Bargh, J. A., 438Bar-Haim, Y., 233 Barkin, A., 320 Barlett, C. P., 394Barlow, D. H., 238 Barnes, M., 266, 269 Barnes, R. D., 382 Barnett, B., 80Baron, R. A., 83Barrett, K. C., 142 Barrett, M. S., 309 503
Barrett, P., 227 Barrick, M. R., 171 –172 Barron, K. E., 193 Barron, W. L., 83Barry, J. E., 319Bartholomew, K., 142, 320 Bartholow, B. D., 394 Bartlett, M. Y., 272Barton, J. R., 429 Bartussek, D., 246 Basgall, J. A., 405 Bata. I., 197Bates, J. E., 248Batten, P. G., 324 Batty, G. D., 406 Baucom, D. H., 368, 381Bauder, D., 390Bauer, J. J., 364 Baumeister, R. F., 137 –138, 169, 237 Bauminger, N., 312 Baxter, C. E., 91Beall, S. K., 313 Beard, C., 201 Beaubien, J. M., 192Beaulieu-Prevost, D., 91Bechtle, R., 116 Beck, A. T., 58, 400, 425, 445 –446, 450 Becker, D., 386 Beevers, C. G., 450 Belanger, K. A., 84 Belgrave, F. Z., 310 Bell, N. J., 383Bell, R. C., 428Bem, D. J., 168 Bem, S. L., 379, 381 Ben-Ari, A., 210, 212Benassi, V. A., 404Benet-Martinez, V., 10, 163 Bengston, P. L., 298 Benham, G., 92Ben Hamida, S., 269, 272Benjamin, A. J., 7, 195, 394 Bennett, P., 407 –408 Bera, S., 144 Bereson, K. R.,Berg, J. H., 324 Berkman, L. F., 320 Berkow, I., 317Berkowitz, L., 83, 133 –134, 438 Berman, J. S., 309 Berman, M. E., 7 Berman, M. I., 272Bernston, G. G., 320 –321 Berry, D. S., 206 Berry, J. D., 321 Berry, J. M., 195Bettencourt, B. A., 7, 195, 407 Beyer, J., 363 Bianchi, E. C., 116 Biederman, J., 235Billings, D. W., 209Bissonnette, V., 202 Bhar, S. S., 58Bhatia, A., 83 Blankenship, V., 184 Blanton, H., 213, 423 Blatt, S. J., 76, 142Blehar, M. C., 140Bleidorn, W., 150 Bleske, A. L., 236 Bless, H., 292Block, J., 9, 80, 163, 298 Block, J. H., 9 Bloise, S. M., 441 Bodenlos, J. S., 406Bodner, E., 400Boldizar, J. P., 389 Boldry, J., 145 Bolduc, D., 377Bonacci, A. M., 136Bonanno, G. A., 364 Bond, M., 79 Bono, J. E., 405Booth, R. J., 316Booth-Kewley, S., 165 Borkenau, P., 255 Borod, J. C., 314Bossio, L. M., 215Bouas, H. K., 193 Bouchard, T. J., 252 Boudreaux, E. D., 406Bourbeau, L. S., 142 Bouvrette, A., 329 Bovbjerg, D. H., 360 Bower, E., 201Bowers, S. P., 381Bowker, A., 242 Bowlby, J., 140 Bowman, P. J., 118Boyatzis, R. E., 187Bradbury, T. N., 146, 384 Bragg, M. E., 319 Branch, O., 394Brantley, P. J., 406Brashears, M. E., 317 Brass, D. J., 136 Braverman, J., 270Brebner, J., 262Brenman, M., 87, 89 Brennan, K. A., 142, 144 Bridges, N. A., 214, 309Briggs, S. R., 163 –164, 202 Brilliant, M. A., 78 Brissette, I., 206, 215 Britt, T. W., 168 –169 Brockner, J., 325 –326 Brodkin, J. D., 400 Brody, J. E., 50 Brody, L. R., 78Brook, A. T., 328 Brook, J. S., 391 Brooks, K. P., 206 Brooks-Gunn, J., 382Brower, A. M., 217Brown, J., 398 Brown, J. D., 212, 325, 327Brown, M., 62 Brown, R. J., 73 Brown, S., 390 Bruch, M. A., 201, 320Brunhart, S. M., 216Brunner, R., 233 Brunstein, J. C., 185 Bryant, C. M., 161Bryant, J., 83 Buchholz, E. S., 335 Buckley, M. E., 297 Buhler, C., 318Buigas, R. A., 175Buijsse, B., 216 Buis, T., 175 Bulkeley, K., 74Bullock, W. A., 226Bunde, J., 196 Burge, D., 146 Burger, J. M., 172, 270, 335, 337, 400, 404 Burgess, C. A., 91 Burke, B. W., 163 Burleson, M. H., 320Burns, J. W., 364Burns, L. R., 205 Burr, R., 165 Busch, A. M., 424Bush, A. L., 330 Bushman, B. J., 136 –138, 391 –392, 393 –394, 437 Buss, A. H., 200 –201, 230 Buss, D. M., 236 –238, 265 –267, 269 –270 Bussey, K., 378 Bustamante, V., 74Butcher, J. N., 175Butera, F., 192 Butler, A. C., 425 Butler, J. M., 299Butler, S., 441Buunk, B. P., 213 Byrne, B. M., 382 Byrne, D., 128 Caccioppo, J. T., 196, 205, 319 –321 Cain, D. J., 296, 301, 307 Cairns, R. B., 7Caldwell, D. F., 172Calkins, S. D., 233 Calverley, D. S., 92 Camara, W. J., 62, 173Cameron, C. L., 128Cameron, J., 371 Cameron, L. D., 316 Cameron, R., 425Campbell, J. B., 261Campbell, J. D., 212, 326, 328 Campbell, L., 145 Campbell, S. M., 384Campbell, V. L., 62, 175Campos, J. J., 142 Canevello, A., 330504 NAME INDEX
Canli, T., 226, 260 Cantor, J. R., 83 Cantor, N., 217 Caperchione, C., 320Cappella, E., 404Caprara, G. V., 364 Card, N. A., 439 Carey, B., 50Carey, G., 7, 206, 252 Carlozzi, B. L., 315 Carlson, M., 135, 438 Carnagey, N. L., 394, 438Carnelley, K. B., 146Carnevale, P. J. D., 382 Carosella, G. M., 86 Carr, D. E., 82Carroll, J. M., 205Carter, S. E., 217 Carter-Saltzman, L., 257 Carvajal, S. C., 216Carver, C. S., 129, 142, 185, 205, 212 –215, 316 Caspi, A., 170, 206, 230 –232, 255 –256 Catalano, R., 132Catanzaro, S. J., 320Cattell, H. E. P., 159 Cattell, R. B., 160 Cavallero, C., 71Cepeda-Benito, A., 316 Cervone, D., 188 Chachere, J. G., 391 Chadha, S., 80Chaikin, A. L., 311 –312 Chalmers, A., 213 Chance, J. E., 351 Chang, E. C., 213 –214, 217 Chao,G. T., 171Chaplin, W. F., 80 Chapman, J. E., 425 Charles, S. T., 205Chase, S. K., 330Chason, S., 312 Chastain, R. L., 316 Chatard, S., 443Chavanon, M., 246Cheek, J. M., 200 –201 Chelune, G. J., 324Chen, H., 379Cheng, C., 130, 381Cherry, M., 78 Chess, S., 239 –242 Cheung, M., 130 Chia, R., 405Chipperfield, J. G., 399 Chipuer, H. M., 255 Chitsabesan, P., 429Choi, D-W, 332 Choi, I., 332 Christensen, A., 368 Christensen, K., 9, 252Christensen, P. N., 321Church, A. T., 10, 163 Churchill, S. L., 242Clair, S. D., 216 Clancy, S. M., 444 Clark, C. L., 142 Clark, D. A., 445 –447, 449 Clark, L. A., 165, 168, 204 –206, 230, 425 Clark, M. S., 312Clark, R. A., 184Clearfield, M. W., 377 Cleveland, H. H., 101 Clore, G. L., 210 Coccaro, E. F., 7Coe, W. C., 88 –89, 91 Cohen, D. B., 74 Cohen, L. H., 159, 381 Cohen, P., 379, 391Cohen, S., 197, 206 –207, 263, 320 Cohn, N. B., 310 Colder, C. R., 206, 315 Colder, M., 315Cole, S. G., 202Coleman, M., 384 Collins, A., 144 Collins, N. L., 144 –146, 310 Comer, R., 195Compas, B. E., 129 Comstock, G., 389, 391 Conger, R. D., 161Conley, J. J., 227 Constantinople, A., 379 Conti, D., 50 Conti, R., 293Contrada, R. J., 197Conway, F., 215 Conway, M. A., 119 Cook, A., 330Cook, O., 319Cook, S. W., 128 Coolidge, C., 82 Coolidge, F. L., 80Cooper, C., 262Cooper, H. M., 241, 262, 403 –404 Cooper, M. L., 130, 145, 329Cooper, S. M., 242Cooper, S. R., 177Cooper, T., 195 Coopman, S. J., 429 Coplan, R. J., 240, 242Corbett, S., 429Cordeiro, A. M., 422 Cordova, J. V., 212 Corley, R., 256Cornell, D. G., 248Cornelius, J. S., 266 Cornette, M. M., 424 Cosby, M., 270Cossette, L., 377 Costa, P. T., 129, 159 –160, 163, 177, 196, 205, 255, 270 Costello, C. G., 449 Council, J. R., 91 Couper, D. J., 196 Cournoyer, R. J., 78Cowan, C. P., 163Cowan, P. A., 163 Cowen, E. I., 240 Cowles, A., 408 Cox-Fuenzalida, L., 229, 262Crabbe, J., 258 Crabbe, J. C., 242 Craig, J., 384Craighead, W. E., 449Craik, K. H., 15 Cramer, K. M., 319, 337 Cramer, P., 76, 78, 80Cramer, R. E., 266, 269Crandall, R., 288 Crane, E. C., 212 Crane, F. G., 212Crawford, E., 320Crawford, T., 379 Creighton, A., 92 Crick, F., 75Crick, N. R., 436, 439Crisp, R. J., 444 Crocker, J., 328 –330 Cromwell, R. L., 448 Cronkite, R. C., 129Cropanzano, R. S., 2090 Cross, S. E., 442, 444 Crossen, C., 334Crost, N. W., 246Crowson, J. J., 448 Csikszentmihalyi, I. S., 291 Csikszentmihalyi, M., 291 –293, 334 Cunningham, J. A., 312 Cunningham, J. D., 381 Cunningham, M. R., 206 Curran, J. P., 203Cury, F., 191Cutler, S. E., 209 Cutmore, T. R. H., 360 Cutrona, C. E., 318 –319 Cyranowski, J. M., 419 Dadds, M. R., 360 Da Fonseca, D., 191Daniels, D., 259Daniels, J., 292 Danoff-Burg, S., 386 Dalsky, D. J., 264Danoff-Burg, S., 128Darnon, C., 192 David, D., 74 Davidson, J., 73Davidson, K., 76, 80, 84, 297 Davidson, K. W., 197 Davidson, R. J., 244 –246 Davila, J., 146 Davis, J. D., 310Davis, K. E., 144 Davis, K. L., 423 Davis, P. J., 442Davis, R., 344Davis, S. F., 344 Davison, J., 195NAME INDEX 505
Dawes, R. M., 62 Day, N. E., 399 Deary, I. J., 406 Deaux, K., 382De Boeck, P., 184de Castro, B. O., 394 Deckers, L., 82 Deffenbacher, J., 197, 425DeFranc, W., 78 DeFries, J. C., 252, 256 de Kort, Y. A. W., 337 del Valle, C. H. C., 217Demakis, G. J., 175Dembroski, T. M., 196 DeNeve, K. M., 262, 403 Denson, T. F., 136DePaulo, B. M., 201 –202 De Pelsmacker, P., 209 Depner, C., 187 Depue, R. A., 404, 449de Rivera, J., 50Derlega, V. J., 310 –312 Derr, W. R., 326Derry, P. A., 446de Sales French, R., 320De Schipper, J. C., 242 Desjardins, S., 73 de St. Aubin, E., 118DeSteno, D., 272 Detre, T., 195 Deutsch, C. L., 382 De Vellis, B. M., 398De Vellis, R. F., 398de Vries, M. W., 449 DeWolfe, D. J., 130 Diamond, A., 118Dickens, W. T., 253Di Dio, L., 384 Diefenbach, M., 206 Diehl, M., 142Diener, E., 11, 205, 209 –210, 227, 263 –264, 332 –333, 440 –441 Diener, M., 333Digman, J., 159, 163DiLalla, L. F., 252Dill, K. E., 394 –395 DiMatteo, M. R., 210Dindia, K., 312Dion, K. K., 144Dion, K. L., 144 Di Paula, A., 328 Dobson, K. S., 449Docter, R., 450Dodge, K. A., 129, 436, 438 –439 Dodgson, P. G., 327Dollard, J., 131Dollinger, S. J., 405, 444 Domhoff, B., 71, 75 Dompnier, B., 192 Donderi, D. C., 73Donnellan, M. B., 161Donnelly, D. A., 316 Donnerstein, E., 389 –391Donovan, J. J., 171 Doob, A. N., 131 –132, 135 Dooley, D., 132 Doucet, C., 229Douvan, E., 187Doyle, W. J., 320 Dozois, D. J. A., 449 Draguns, J. G., 11Dubow, E. F., 391 Dubreuil, D. L., 89 du Chene, T., 91 Dufour, C. L., 404Duke, T., 73Dull, W. R., 201 Dunbar, E., 50 Duncan, J. H., 203Duncan, K. E., 117Dunn, T. W., 425 Durante, K. M., 266 Durbin, C. E., 297Dutton, K. A., 325, 327Dwivedi, Y., 400 Dwyer, J., 215 Dwyer, K. A., 207Dyce, J. A., 165Dyrenforth, P. S., 262 Eagly, A. H., 247, 270 Earleywine, M., 136 Eastwick, P. W., 270 Eaves, L., 259 Eby, L. T., 403Eccles, J., 187Eder, D., 81 Edge, K., 128 Eggleston, T., 213Egloff, B., 205Eisenberg, J. G., 391 Eisenberger, R., 371 Eisenbud, L., 377Eisler, R. M., 195Ekman, P., 244 Eley, T. C., 450 Elliot, A. J., 185, 191, 193Elliott, A. J., 365, 432Elliott, R., 296 Ellis, A., 425 –426 Ellman, S. J., 74 Elnick, A. B., 142Else-Quest, N. M., 231 Emde, R. N., 248 Emerson, T., 201Emmons, R. A., 205, 209, 212, 264Endler, N. S., 166 Epstein, J. A., 202 Epstein, S., 167 –168 Erazo-Caicedo, M. I., 429 Erez, A., 405 Ericksen, A. J., 163 Erickson, M. H., 87Erikson, E. H., 105 –106, 111 Ernst, J. M., 319 Eron, L. D., 7, 132, 391Escobar, O., 386 Espindle, D., 419 Etaugh, C., 377 Eubanks, J., 394, 438Evans, D. E., 230Evans, F. B., 62 Evans, J., 450 Evans, R. I., 216, 355 Evans, S., 377 Evans, W. P., 404 Evon, D., 364 Ey, S., 129 Eysenck, H. J., 164, 224 –229, 259 Eysenck, S. B. G., 224, 227 –228 Fairey, P. J., 326 Fancher, R. E., 43Fanning, J. R., 7 Farabee, D. J., 202 Farber, B. A., 308 –309, 312 Farley, F., 228Fassler, O., 89, 92 Fearn, M., 246 Feeney, J. A., 142, 145 –146 Feinglos, M. N., 206Feingold, A., 269 Feist, G. J., 161 Feixas, G., 429Feldman Barrett, L., 310, 441Fenichel, O., 79 Ferguson, S. M., 400 Fernengel, K., 196Fiese, B. H., 422Finch, J. F., 270 Fincham, F. D., 384 Findley, M. J., 404Finkel, D., 145, 258 Finkel, E. J., 270 Finkelstein, L. E., 315 Fins, A., 74Finzi-Dottan, R., 312Fioravanti, M., 299 Fisch, M., 382 Fischer, A. H., 210Fischer, A. R., 11Fischer, P., 438 Fischer, R., 142, 213 Fischetti, M., 203Fisher, M., 40Fivush, R., 441 Flanagan, M., 394 Fletcher, B., 129Fletcher, G. J. O., 269Flinn, J. A., 379 Floderus-Myrhed, B., 259 Flora, J., 322Flory, J. D., 197Flynn, J. R., 253 Foa, E. B., 129 Fodor, E. M., 185Folkman, S., 128 –129 Fonagy, P., 58 Fontaine, R. G., 436, 438506 NAME INDEX
Ford, M. B., 146 Ford, R. Q., 76 Forman, E. M., 425 Foulkes, D., 71Fox, N. A., 233, 245Fraley, R. C., 146, 450 Frankel, A., 322 Frankel, B. S., 325Fransella, F., 411, 428 Frattaroli, J., 314 –316 Frazier, L. D., 422Frazier, P. A., 272Fredickson, B. L., 329Freemon, J. A., 320 Freidrich-Cofer, L., 391 Frensch, K. M., 118Fresco, D. M., 450Freud, A., 79 Freud, S., 47, 53 –55, 57 –58, 81, 91, 115 Friberg, L., 260 Friedman, L. C., 214Friedman, H. S., 162, 210, 212, 216 Friedman, M., 193 Friesen, M., 269Friesen, W. V., 244Frist, W. H., 212 Fritz, H. L., 320, 384 –385 Froming, W. J., 419 Fromm, E., 117 Fry, G., 92 Fujita, F., 263, 441 Fulker, D. W., 256, 259Funder, D. C., 166, 170 Gabbard, G. O., 58 Gabriel, S., 443Gabrielidis, C., 266Gacono, C. B., 62 Gaeddert, W. P., 188 Gagne, M., 128Gale, C. R., 406Gallagher, F. M., 327 Gallagher, K. C., 240 Gallo, L. C., 196Gangestad, S. W., 248Ganiban, J. M., 231 Ganong, L. H., 384 Gao, D., 163Garb, H. N., 62 –63 Garcia, J., 371 Garcia, S., 202 Gardner, W. L., 443Gaschke, Y. N., 205Gasper, K., 217 Gastorf, J. W., 194 Gatz, M., 205Gaudiano, B. A., 425 Geary, D. C., 265 Gee, C. B., 212 Geen, R. G., 137, 262, 391 –392 Geers, A. L., 213Geleijnse, K. M., 216 Gemar, M. C., 449Gendlin, E. T., 280 Gentile, D. A., 395 George, W. H., 368 Geraerts, E., 50Gerrard, M., 213, 423Gershoff, E. T., 389 Gershuny, B. S., 129 Gerald, K., 196Gerstein, R. K., 450 Gersten, J. C., 391 Gersten, M., 239 Geshuri, Y., 387Gest, S. D., 233, 235Geuens, M., 209 Gibbons, F. X., 213, 423 Gibson, H. B., 228Gidron, Y., 197Giesler, R. B., 448 Gilbert, L., 382 Gill, M. M., 87, 89Gillespie, N. A., 258, 260Gilliland, K., 226, 229 Gillum, B., 9 Gillum, R., 9Gilroy, F. D., 384Giltay, E. J., 216 Gjerde, P. F., 9 Glasberg, R., 78Glass, C. R., 203 Glass, D. C., 194 –195, 206 Glazer, K., 196Gleser, G. C., 76Glisky, M. L., 91Gohm, C. L., 210, 264 Gol, A. R., 128 Goldberg, J. F., 450Goldberg, L. R., 159, 163 –164, 170 –171 Goldsmith, H. H., 142, 231 Gonzales-Roma, V., 205 Good, T. E., 241Gooding, R. Z., 171Goodwin, R., 319 Gorassini, D. R., 92 Gordon, A. H., 210Gore, J. S., 444Gorsuch, R. L., 164 Goswick, R. A., 320 –321 Gotay, C. C., 195 Gottesman, I. I., 252Gough, H. G., 299 Gouze, M., 9 Graef, R., 334Graham, J. W., 404Graham, S. M., 312 Granberg, E., 423 Gray, E. K., 163Gray, J. A., 226 Graziano, W. G., 161 –162, 176, 231, 270 Green, B. L., 382Green, J. P., 88, 91Green, L. R., 319 Greenberg, J. M., 201Greenberg, R., 74 Greene, K., 310 Greenier, K. D., Greening, L., 450Greitemeyer, T., 438Greve, W., 327 Grich, J., 145 –146 Grigorenko, E. L., 253 Grimm, L. G., 195 Grob, A., 227 Gronnerod, C., 62 Gross, J. J., 210 Grotevant, H. D., 297 Grothe, K. B., 406 Grove, J. R., 189 Gruber, C., 233Gruzelier, J. H., 91Guerra, N. G., 132, 389 Guichard, A. C., 146 Guimaraes, F. S., 400Guimond, S., 443 Gullone, E., 320 Gunderson, J. G., 58 Gunlicks, M., 145Gunthert, K. C., 159Gur, R. C., 246 Guyll, M., 197 Gwaltney, C. J., 364 Haaga, D. A. F., 206 Haan, B., 313 Haans, A., 337Habashi, M. M., 161Haeffel, C. J., 450 Haemmerlie, F. M., 203 Hagemann, D., 205, 246Hager, J. L., 371Hair, E. C., 176 Haig, J., 163 Hall, C., 405Hall, C. S., 70 –71 Hall, J. A., 380 –381 Hall, M. H., 277, 285 Hallam, J. R., 327Hallmark, R., 62, 175Hallquist, M. N., 88 Hamaker, S., 206 Hamamura, T., 331Hamer, R. J., 201Hammen, C., 146 Hammer, A. L., 213 Handler, L., 60Handley, G. W., 88Hankin, B. L., 450 Hanley-Dunn, P., 321 Hanrahan, S. J., 189Hansell, S., 206Hansen, J. S., 206 Hansen, R. D., 129 Hanson, R. K., 62Harackiewicz, J., 193, 371, 382Hardin, E. E., 424 Har-Even, D., 312NAME INDEX 507
Harmon-Jones, E., 246 Harris, C. R., 272 Harris, M. B., 134 Harris, R., 394Harrison, A. A., 264Harrist, A. W., 315 Harrist, S., 315 Hart, H. M., 118Harter, S. L., 429 Hartman, K. A., 408 Hartshorne, H., 166 Harvey, J. H., 312Harvey, R. J., 200Haselton, M. G., 266 Hatfield, E., 266 Haselton, M. G., 236Hasselbach, P., 406Havermans, R., 449 Hawkley, L. C., 329 –321 Hawks, E., 209 Hawley, C. W., 261,Hayden, E. P., 297 Haydon, K. C., 144 Haynes, S. G., 196Haynes, S. N., 366Hazan, C., 141 –142, 145 Headey, B., 263Heath, A. C., 259Heatherton, T. F., 325 Hebblethwaithe, S., 118 Heckhausen, J., 399 Hedlund, S., 449Heery, E. A., 201Heim, M., 319 Heimberg, R. G., 201 Heimpel, S. A., 326 –327 Heine, S. J., 213, 331 –332, 424 Heinrich, L. M., 320 Heinricks, N., 203 Helbraun, E., 335Helgeson, V. S., 126, 312, 320, 378, 381, 384 –386 Helm, B., 321Helmreich, R. L., 184, 379Helms, J. E., 175Hemenover, S. H., 316 Henderson, H. A., 233 Hendrick, S. S., 312Henriques, J. B., 246Herbst, J. H., 338 Herbst, K. C., 100 Heron, J., 450Herrnstein, R. J., 253Hervig, L. K., 165 Hessling, R. M., 314, 316, 423 Hewig, J., 246Hewitt, E. C., 89 Hibbard, S., 76 Higgins, C. A., 172 Higgins, E. T., 420, 423Higgins, R. L., 406Hilgard, E. R., 88, 91 Hill, C. E., 71, 309Hill, G. J., 203 Hilsenroth, M. J., 62 Hiroto, D. S., 397 Hobbs, S. A., 322Hockenbury, D., 322Hof, J., 196 Hoffman, L. W., 257 Hogan, M. E., 450Hogan, R., 171 Hojnoski, R. L., 62 Holcom, M. L., 202 Holcroft, C., 196Hollon, S. D., 425Holloway, R. A., 419 Holloway, S., 262 Holmberg, D., 444Holmes, A., 119Hoobler, J. M., 136 Hooker, K., 213, 422 Hoover, C. W., 201Hopkins, J. R., 105Hopkinson, P. J., 246 Horley, J., 429 Horn, J., 160Horn, J. M., 256Horney, K. D., 113 –114 Hornstein, G. A., 312Horowitz, L. M., 142, 320, 322Hough, R., 132 House, R. J., 187 Houshi, F., 73 Houston, B. K., 197Howard, M. L., 89Howell, D. C., 129 Hoyt, I. P., 91 Hoyt, M. F., 74Huang, J. Y., 312Hubbard, B., 162 Huesmann, L. R., 7, 132, 389, 391, 436, 438 Huff, L., 325 Huff, M., 197 Hui, C. H., 188 Hunsley, J., 62Hunt, J. M., 166Hurtz, G. M., 171 Huston, A. C., 391 Hutchinson, C., 213Hyde, J. S., 187, 231 Iacono, W., 258 Ialongo, N., 377Ickes, W., 145, 201 –202, 382 –383, 419 Ihilevich, D., 76 Ilardi, S. S., 449 Ilgen, M., M., 364Illingworth, K. S. S., 217 Ingram, R. E., 449 Inouye, D. K., 398 Inouye, J., 163 Jaccard, J., 423 Jackson, B., 197Jackson, C. J., 227 Jackson, D. N., 164, 171 Jackson, L. A., 377, 382 Jackson, S. A., 292Jacobs, D. R., 197Jaffe, K., 146 Jahoda, M., 63, 69 Jang, K. L., 255Janicki, D., 126 Janicki-Devers, D., 320 Janoff-Bulman, R., 316 Jarrett, R. B., 425Jefferson, T., 100Jeffery, R. W., 364 Jeffrey, A., 309 Jemmolo, S., 422Jenkins, C. D., 193, 195Jenkins, S. R., 187 Jensen, A. R., 253 Jensen, M. P., 86Jensen-Campbell, L. A., 161, 176, 231, 270 Jing, H., 331Joca, S. R. L., 400 Johansson, B., 406 John, O. P., 159, 163, 210 Johnson, B. T., 197 Johnson, C., 334Johnson, E. A., 80Johnson, H. H., 195 Johnson, J. G., 391 –392 Johnson, K. A., 202 Johnson, L. M., 266Johnson, M. K., 441 Johnson, P. M., 422 Johnson, T. B., 318Johnson, W., 255, 258 Joiner, T. E., 320, 449 Joireman, J., 163 Jome, L. M., 11Jones, A., 288Jones, E., 40, 64 Jones, M., 320 Jones, R. E., 209Jones, S. C., 215Jones, W. H., 320 –322 Jorgensen, R. S., 197Jorgensen, S. J., 246Josephs, R. A., 444, 448Jourard, S. M., 308, 312 Judge, T. A., 171 –172, 405 Jung, C. G., 102 –104 Justice, L. M., 241 Kaflowitz, N. G., 320 Kagan, J., 232 –235 Kahn, J. H., 314, 316Kahn, M. L., 313 Kaiser, F. G., 337 Kalechstein, A. D., 404Kallio, S., 89Kamen-Siegel, L., 215 Kandler, C., 150508 NAME INDEX
Kang, S-M., 331 Kaplan, A., 191 –193 Kaplan, G. D., 408 Kaprio, J., 259Karney, B. R., 146Karpinski, A., 330 Karraker, K. H., 377 Kasen, S., 279, 391Kashdan, T. B., 201 Kashy, D. A., 145, 321 Kasimatis, M., 263 Kasmer, J. A., 164Kasser, T., 7Kaster-Bundgaard, J., 365 Katon, W., 130 Katsanis, J., 88Katsura, H., 331Katz, I. M., 212 Kaus, C. R., 422 Kawabata, Y., 332Kawachi, I., 196Keefe, R. C., 266 Keelan, J. P. R., 144 –145 Keller, J., 292 Keller, J. W., 175Kelley, K., 240 Kelly, A. E., 316 Kelly, G. A., 411, 413, 431Kemp, A. H., 246 Kendler, K. S., 259 Kendzierski, D., 419 Kennedy, S. J., 449Kenny, C., 316Kenny, D. A., 201 Kenrick, D. T., 266, 270, 382 Kent, G., 359Keogh, B. K., 240 –242 Kern, M. L., 162 Kernis, M. H., 325 Kessler, R. C., 142, 259Ketelaar, T., 264Khaw, K-T., 399 Kidd, K. K., 253 Kiecolt-Glaser, J. K., 196, 320Kiefer, A. K., 330Kihlstrom, J. F., 87, 91 Kim, J-H., 447 Kim, S., 246Kimiecik, J. C., 292Kim-Prieto, C., 332 King, D. W., 129 King, L. A., 129, 212, 316Kingsley, D., 15Kirk, S. B., 128 Kirker, W. S., 421 Kirkpatrick, L. A., 144 –145 Kirsch, I., 86, 88 –89, 91 Kirsch, M., 171 Kirschenbaum, H., 280 Kitayama, S., 10 –11, 331 –332 Kivimaki, M., 213Klein, D. C., 401 Klein, D. N., 297Kleinke, C. L., 313 Kleinman, A., 11 Kleitman, N., 74 Klinesmith, J. 7Kling, K. C., 187Klinger, B. I., 92 Klohnen, E. C., 144 Klonowicz, T., 406Klusas, J. A., 316 Knapp, S., 309 Knee, C. R., 330 Knight, P. D., 202Knowles, E. S., 179Knox, J., 89, 92 Knox, S., 309 Kobasa, S. C., 407Koelling, R. A., 371Koester, N. H., 320, 324 Koestner, R., 384 Kohler, S. S., 171Kolodziej, M. E., 197Konecni, V. J., 135 Konold, T. R., 240 Kop, W. J., 320Korabik, K., 382Koriat, A., 126 Korn, J. H., 344 Koskenvuo, M., 259Kowalski, R. M., 202 –203 Kozak, M., 74 Kraft, M., 163 Krahe, B., 395Kram, M. L., 400Kramer, G. L., 400 Krantz, D. S., 196 Kring, A. M., 201, 209 –211 Krokoff, L. J., 84Kromhout, D., 216 Krueger, R. F., 255, 258 Kubzansky, L. D., 197Kuebli, J., 441Kuhlman, D. M., 163 Kuhlman, T. L., 81, 85 Kuiper, N. A., 84, 421, 446Kulick, J. A., 382Kulick, W., 81 Kulka, A., 187 Kuncel, N. R., 170, 177Kunda, Z., 418Kuppens, P. 332 Kurdek, L. A., 383 Kusulas, J. W., 165Kwon, P., 80 Labouvie-Vief, G., 142 LaFraniere, S., 177Lagace-Seguin, D. G., 240 LaGasse, L., 233 Lago, T., 319 Lahey, B. B., 159Lai, J. C. L., 214Laing, W. N., 326 Lake, M. A., 377Lake, R. P., 337 Lakin, J. L., 424 Lamb, M. E., 142 Lamke, L. K., 383Lamnin, A. D., 316Landau, S. F., 133 Landy, F. J., 171 Lane, J. D., 206Lane, R. D., 441 Langens, T. A., 316 Langer, E. J., 391, 398 –399 Langinvainio, H., 259 Langston, C. A., 217Larsen, J. T., 205 Larsen, R. J., 207, 209 –210, 263 –264 Larson, D. G., 316 Larson, R. W., 334 –337 Lassiter, G. D., 213 Lau, J. Y. F., 450 Lau, R. R., 408Lauder, W., 320Laurence, J-R., 91 Laurenceau, J-P, 310 Lavee, Y., 210, 212Lax, E., 293Lazarus, R. S., 126, 128 –129 Lazzari, R., 299Le, K., 262Leak, G. K., 83 Leary, M. R., 200 –203, 237, 338 LeBeau, L. S., 217Ledley, D. R., 201Lee, K., 163Lee, M., 337 Lee, Y-T., 213, 450 Leedham, B., 212Leen-Felder, E. W., 209Lefcourt, H. M., 84, 403 LeFevre, J., 292 Lefkowitz, E. S., 381Lefkowitz, M. M., 391Lehavor, K., 309 Lehman, D. R., 213, 332, 424 Lehman, J. M., 215 Leichsenring, F., 58LeMay, C. S., 202 Lenney, E., 379, 381 Lens, W., 184Lent, R. W., 364Leon, G. R., 9 Lepore, S. J., 315 –316, 381 Lerner, H., 76 Lerner, P., 76Lester, P., 83 Leszczynski, J. P., 379 Leue, A., 246Leventhal, E. A., 206Leventhal, H., 206 Levin, I., 321 Levin, R. A., 175Levine, A., 404Levy, B. R., 129, 315 Levy, K. N., 142NAME INDEX 509
Lewin, K., 411 Lewin, T., 177 Lewinsohn, P. M., 449 –450 Lewis, G., 450 Lewis, M., 118Lewis-Fernandez, R., 11 Li, M. P., 266 Liddy, S. J., 91Lilienfeld, S. O., 62 –63, 89 Lim, S-L., 447 Linde, J. A., 364 Linder, J. R., 395Lindsay, J. L., 134Linville, P. W., 190 Lips, H. M., 423 Lipsitt, L. P., 233Liss, M. B., 377Littig, L. W., 187 Little, T. D., 439 Liu, J., 163Liu, J. H., 142Livesley, W. J., 255 Lloyd, G. K., 400 Lockard, J. S., 178Loehlin, J. C., 255 –256 Long, B. C., 214 Long, C. R., 335, 338 Long, F. Y., 228Lopez, F. G., 364 Lopez, S. J., 301 Lord, C. G., 422 Lowell, E. L., 184Lozinski, R. H., 207Luben, R., 399 Lucas, R. E., 227, 262 Lueck, L., 246Luhtanen, R. K., 329 –330 Lumley, V., 365 Luria, Z., 377 Luthans, F., 364Lynch, P. J., 395Lynch, R., 197 Lyness, S. A., 195 Lynn, R., 227Lynn, S. J., 86, 88 –90, 92 Lytton, H., 256 MacCallum, R. C., 101 MacDonald, D. A., 164MacDonald, M. R., 446 MacGregor, M. W., 76, 80, 297 McAdams, D. P., 4, 117 –119 McAndrew, F. T., 7McCarthy, E. D., 391 McCaskill, C. C., 206 McCauley, Ch., 398McCauley, Cl., 82 McCeney, M. K., 196 McClearn, G. E., 260 McClelland, D. C., 184 –185, 187 McCloskey, M. S., 7McClure, E. B., 210 McConkey, K. M., 91McConnell, A. M., 424 McCrae, R. R., 100, 129, 159 –160, 163 –164, 176 –177, 205, 255, 270 McCrary, F., 338 McGhee, P. E., 85McGovern, A. R., 315 McGrath, M. J., 74 McGraw, A. P., 205McGregor, H. A., 191 McGue, M., 9, 252, 258 McGuire, C. V., 444 McGuire, M. T., 237McGuire, P. A., 84McGuire, W. J., 444 McInman, A., 189 McIntyre, C. W., 206McKellar, J., 364McKenzie, S. D., 84 McKillop, K. J., 315 McLean, K. C., 118McManus, J., 419McNalley, R. J., 50 McNaughton, N., 226 McPherson, M., 317Mackie, M., 444Maddux, J. E., 203 Madson, L., 442 Maehr, M. L., 191 –193 Magai, C., 215 Magnus, K., 263 Mahalik, J. R., 78 Mahoney, M. J., 367Maides, S., 407Maier, G. W., 185 Maier, M. A., 193 Maier, S. F., 395, 398, 400 –401 Main, K. J., 202Maiuro, R. D., 130 Major, B., 382 Malcuit, G., 377Mallon, S. D., 15Manis, M., 175 Mannell, R., 334 Manning-Ryan, B., 266Mansfield, E., 118 –119 Mansi, C., 422 Manstead, A. S. R., 210 Manwell, L. A., 326Marcotte, E., 73Marcus, D-K., 450 Marcus-Newhall, A., 135, 438 Margarett, J., 379Marien, M., 196Markey, C. N., 163 Markey, P. M., 163 Marks, G., 404Markus, H., 10 –11, 331 –332, 418 –420, 422 –423, 444 Marmot, M., 206 Maroto, J. J., 216Marsh, H. W., 381 –382 Marsh, S. C., 404 Marshall, G. N., 165Marshall, M. A., 212, 327 Marshall, T. C., 321 Martin, A., 362 Martin, C. L., 203, 377Martin, L. R., 216Martin, R., 197 Martin, R. A., 84 Martin, T., 227Martinez, J. C., 404Martinot, D., 444 Martyna, W., 381 Maruna, S., 118Marx, R., 320Masi, C.M., 321 Maslow, A. H., 279, 284, 286 –287, 290, 296, 334 Mateos, P. M., 217 Mathersul, d., 246 Matthews, K. A., 196 –197, 216 Matthews, W. J., 62 Matto, H. C., 60Maxwell, S. E., 321 May, M. A., 166 Mayer, J. D., 4, 205Mayman, M., 175Mayne, T. J., 58, 63, 296 Mead, A. D., 159 Meadows, S., 201 Meara, N. M., 423Measelle, J. R., 163 Mednick, M., 187 Meece, J. L., 193Meeker, W. B., 90Meichenbaum, D., 425 Meissner, W. W., 117 Meleshko, K. G. A., 203Melges, F. T., 404Melkman, R., 126 Mellman, T. A., 74 Menzaghi, F., 400Mershon, B., 164Meyer, B., 450 Meyer, G. J., 205 Meyerowitz, B. E., 212Michalski, R. L., 100Michela, J. L., 319 Mickelson, K. D., 142 Mikulincer, M., 145, 364, 400, 405Miles, D. R., 7 Miller, G. E., 248, 320 Miller, I. W., 449 –450 Miller, J. L., 175 Miller, L. C., 310Miller, M. G., 270 Miller, N., 135 –137, 438 Miller, N. E., 131 –132 Miller-Herringer, T., 210 Milling, L. S., 86 Mills, D. E., 84 Miltenberger, R. G., 365Min, K-H., 321Mineka, S., 269, 359 Miner, K. N., 316510 NAME INDEX

Subsets and Splits