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Who was the owner of The Geographer in 01/01/1898? | January 01, 1898 | {
"text": [
"Charles Sedelmeyer"
]
} | L2_Q45130_P127_8 | The Geographer is owned by Charles Sedelmeyer from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1898.
The Geographer is owned by Hendrick Sorgh from Jan, 1713 to Jan, 1720.
The Geographer is owned by Städel Museum from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1885.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets II from Jan, 1686 to Jan, 1712.
The Geographer is owned by Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato from Jan, 1875 to Jan, 1880.
The Geographer is owned by Jan Danser Nijman from Jan, 1785 to Jan, 1796.
The Geographer is owned by Isaac Pereire from Jan, 1866 to Jan, 1872.
The Geographer is owned by Maximilien Édouard Kann from Jan, 1872 to Jan, 1875.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets I from Jan, 1669 to Jan, 1686. | The GeographerThe Geographer (Dutch: "De geograaf") is a painting created by Dutch artist Johannes Vermeer in 1668–1669, and is now in the collection of the Städelsches Kunstinstitut museum in Frankfurt, Germany. It is closely related to Vermeer's "The Astronomer", for instance using the same model in the same dress, and has sometimes been considered a pendant painting to it. A 2017 study indicated that the canvas for the two works came from the same bolt of material.This is one of only three paintings Vermeer signed and dated (the other two are "The Astronomer" and "The Procuress").The geographer, dressed in a Japanese-style robe then popular among scholars, is shown to be "someone excited by intellectual inquiry", with his active stance, the presence of maps, charts, a globe and books, as well as the dividers he holds in his right hand, according to Arthur Wheelock Jr. "The energy in this painting [...] is conveyed most notably through the figure's pose, the massing of objects on the left side of the composition, and the sequence of diagonal shadows on the wall to the right." Vermeer made several changes in the painting that enhance the feeling of energy in the picture: the man's head was originally in a different position to the left of where the viewer now sees it, indicating the man perhaps was looking down, rather than peering out the window; the dividers he holds in his hand were originally vertical, not horizontal; a sheet of paper was originally on the small stool at the lower right, and removing it probably made that area darker.Details of the man's face are slightly blurred, suggesting movement (also a feature of Vermeer's "Mistress and Maid"), according to Serena Carr. His eyes are narrowed, perhaps squinting in the sunlight or an indication of intense thinking. Carr asserts that the painting depicts a "flash of inspiration" or even "revelation". The drawn curtain on the left and the position of the oriental carpet on the table—pushed back—are both symbols of revelation. "He grips a book as if he's about to snatch it up to corroborate his ideas."The globe was published in Amsterdam in 1618 by Jodocus Hondius. Terrestrial and celestial globes were commonly sold together, and the celestial globe in "The Astronomer" "was also a Hondius (Hendrick rather than Judocus)", another indication that the two paintings were created as pendant pieces, according to Cant. The globe is turned toward the Indian Ocean, where the Dutch East India Company was then active. Vermeer used an impasto technique to apply pointillé dots, not to indicate light reflected more strongly on certain points but to emphasize the dull ochre cartouche "frame" printed on the globe. Since the globe can be identified, we know the decorative cartouche includes a plea for information for future editions—reflecting the theme of revelation in the painting.The cartographic objects surrounding the man are some of the actual items a geographer would have: the globe, the dividers the man holds, a cross-staff (hung on the center post of the window), used to measure the angle of celestial objects like the sun or stars, and the chart the man is using, which (according to one scholar, James A. Welu) appears to be a nautical chart on vellum. The sea chart on the wall of "all the Sea coasts of Europe" has been identified as one published by Willem Jansz Blaeu. This accuracy indicates Vermeer had a source familiar with the profession. "The Astronomer", which seems to form a pendant with this painting, shows a similar, sophisticated knowledge of cartographic instruments and books, and the same young man modeled for both. That man himself may have been the source of Vermeer's correct display of surveying and geographical instruments, and possibly of his knowledge of perspective. Wheelock and others assert the model/source was probably Anthonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), a contemporary of Vermeer who was also born in Delft. The families of both men were in the textile business, and both families had a strong interest in science and optics. A "microscopist", van Leeuwenhoek was described after his death as being so skilled in "navigation, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and natural science ... that one can certainly place him with the most distinguished masteres of the art." Another image of van Leeuwenhoek (by the Delft artist Jan Verkolje) about 20 years later shows a broad face and straight nose, similar to Vermeer's model. At the time Vermeer painted the two works, the scientist would have been about 36 years old. He would have been actively studying for his examination for surveyor, which he passed on February 4, 1669. There is no documentary evidence for any kind of relationship between the two men during Vermeer's lifetime, although in 1676, van Leeuwenhoek was appointed a trustee for Vermeer's estate.The pose of the figure in Vermeer's painting "takes up precisely the position of Faust in Rembrandt's famous etching" (although facing the opposite direction), according to Lawrence Gowing. Similar arrangements can be found in drawings by Nicolaes Maes.For much of the painting's early history (until 1797), it was owned together with "The Astronomer", which it strongly resembles, and the two have long been considered pendants, although their measurements are not identical. The paintings were not among the works in the Dissius sale of 1696, a collection apparently originally owned by the artist's supposed patron, Pieter van Ruijven, and the earliest record of the painting is from 1713. Up until the late 18th century, they were referred to as "Astrologers". The pair were sold by an anonymous owner together in Rotterdam on April 27, 1713 (No. 10 or 11), for 300 florins (a "considerable sum", according to Wheelock). Hendrik Sorgh, an art broker, may have bought the paintings at that point. They were among his effects when he died in 1720, and both were sold on March 28 of that year in Amsterdam (No. 3 or 4 in the sale; for 160 florins; described as "An Astrologer" and "a repeat"). Govert Looten, a neighbor of Sorgh at the Keizersgracht in Amsterdam bought the paintings, which were sold from his estate on March 31, 1729 (this painting was No. 6 and went for 104 florins, both were described in the catalog as "sublimely and artfully painted"). Jacob Crammer Simmonsz of Amsterdam (1725-1778) owned the pair before 1778, hanging them in his home on the Prinsengracht (Simonsz also owned "The Lacemaker" and another Vermeer, now unknown, depicting a lady pouring wine). He sold "The Astronomer" and "The Geographer" together on November 25 of that year to a Huguenot banker, Jean Etiènne Fizeaux of Amsterdam, who owned "The Geographer" until his death in 1780. His widow owned the work until perhaps 1785. As of 1794 it was owned by Jan Danser Nijman of Amsterdam, who sold it on August 16, 1797 to Christiaan Josi, a publisher of prints, for 133 guilders. It later was bought by Arnoud de Lange of Amsterdam. This transaction separated the two paintings. De Lange sold it on December 12, 1803 for 360 florins. Sometime before 1821, the painting was owned by Johann Goll van Franckenstein Jr. of Velzen and Amsterdam. Pieter Hendrick Goll van Franckenstein of Amsterdam owned it before 1832, and he sold it on July 1, 1833 for 195 florins to a Nieuwenhuys. It was owned by Alexandre Dumont of Cambrai before 1860, who sold it through Thoré-Bũrger to Isaac Pereire of Paris, who owned it by 1866. It was sold on March 6, 1872. Max Kann of Paris owned the painting, perhaps that year, and it passed into the hands of Prince Demidoff of San Donato, near Florence, sometime before 1877, and stayed in his hands until he sold it on March 15, 1880. A.J. Bosch sold the painting in Vienna on April 28, 1885 (for Õs 8,000) to a Kohlbacher, who sold it to the Stãdelsches Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt.The work was exhibited in the "Exposition rétrospective, Tableaux anciens empruntés aux galeries particulières" held at the Palais des Champs-Elysées, Paris, 1866 ; at the exhibition of "Ouvrages de peinture exposés au profit de la colonisation de l'Algérie par les Alsaciens-Lorrains", Palais de la Présidence du Corps législatif, Paris, 1874 ; and in the "Vermeer, oorsprong en involved. Fabritius, de Hooch, de Witte" exhibition at the Museum Boymans-van Beuningen in Rotterdam, 1935. | [
"Adriaen Paets I",
"Städel Museum",
"Adriaen Paets II",
"Maximilien Édouard Kann",
"Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato",
"Hendrick Sorgh",
"Isaac Pereire",
"Jan Danser Nijman"
] |
|
Who was the owner of The Geographer in Jan 01, 1898? | January 01, 1898 | {
"text": [
"Charles Sedelmeyer"
]
} | L2_Q45130_P127_8 | The Geographer is owned by Charles Sedelmeyer from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1898.
The Geographer is owned by Hendrick Sorgh from Jan, 1713 to Jan, 1720.
The Geographer is owned by Städel Museum from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1885.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets II from Jan, 1686 to Jan, 1712.
The Geographer is owned by Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato from Jan, 1875 to Jan, 1880.
The Geographer is owned by Jan Danser Nijman from Jan, 1785 to Jan, 1796.
The Geographer is owned by Isaac Pereire from Jan, 1866 to Jan, 1872.
The Geographer is owned by Maximilien Édouard Kann from Jan, 1872 to Jan, 1875.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets I from Jan, 1669 to Jan, 1686. | The GeographerThe Geographer (Dutch: "De geograaf") is a painting created by Dutch artist Johannes Vermeer in 1668–1669, and is now in the collection of the Städelsches Kunstinstitut museum in Frankfurt, Germany. It is closely related to Vermeer's "The Astronomer", for instance using the same model in the same dress, and has sometimes been considered a pendant painting to it. A 2017 study indicated that the canvas for the two works came from the same bolt of material.This is one of only three paintings Vermeer signed and dated (the other two are "The Astronomer" and "The Procuress").The geographer, dressed in a Japanese-style robe then popular among scholars, is shown to be "someone excited by intellectual inquiry", with his active stance, the presence of maps, charts, a globe and books, as well as the dividers he holds in his right hand, according to Arthur Wheelock Jr. "The energy in this painting [...] is conveyed most notably through the figure's pose, the massing of objects on the left side of the composition, and the sequence of diagonal shadows on the wall to the right." Vermeer made several changes in the painting that enhance the feeling of energy in the picture: the man's head was originally in a different position to the left of where the viewer now sees it, indicating the man perhaps was looking down, rather than peering out the window; the dividers he holds in his hand were originally vertical, not horizontal; a sheet of paper was originally on the small stool at the lower right, and removing it probably made that area darker.Details of the man's face are slightly blurred, suggesting movement (also a feature of Vermeer's "Mistress and Maid"), according to Serena Carr. His eyes are narrowed, perhaps squinting in the sunlight or an indication of intense thinking. Carr asserts that the painting depicts a "flash of inspiration" or even "revelation". The drawn curtain on the left and the position of the oriental carpet on the table—pushed back—are both symbols of revelation. "He grips a book as if he's about to snatch it up to corroborate his ideas."The globe was published in Amsterdam in 1618 by Jodocus Hondius. Terrestrial and celestial globes were commonly sold together, and the celestial globe in "The Astronomer" "was also a Hondius (Hendrick rather than Judocus)", another indication that the two paintings were created as pendant pieces, according to Cant. The globe is turned toward the Indian Ocean, where the Dutch East India Company was then active. Vermeer used an impasto technique to apply pointillé dots, not to indicate light reflected more strongly on certain points but to emphasize the dull ochre cartouche "frame" printed on the globe. Since the globe can be identified, we know the decorative cartouche includes a plea for information for future editions—reflecting the theme of revelation in the painting.The cartographic objects surrounding the man are some of the actual items a geographer would have: the globe, the dividers the man holds, a cross-staff (hung on the center post of the window), used to measure the angle of celestial objects like the sun or stars, and the chart the man is using, which (according to one scholar, James A. Welu) appears to be a nautical chart on vellum. The sea chart on the wall of "all the Sea coasts of Europe" has been identified as one published by Willem Jansz Blaeu. This accuracy indicates Vermeer had a source familiar with the profession. "The Astronomer", which seems to form a pendant with this painting, shows a similar, sophisticated knowledge of cartographic instruments and books, and the same young man modeled for both. That man himself may have been the source of Vermeer's correct display of surveying and geographical instruments, and possibly of his knowledge of perspective. Wheelock and others assert the model/source was probably Anthonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), a contemporary of Vermeer who was also born in Delft. The families of both men were in the textile business, and both families had a strong interest in science and optics. A "microscopist", van Leeuwenhoek was described after his death as being so skilled in "navigation, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and natural science ... that one can certainly place him with the most distinguished masteres of the art." Another image of van Leeuwenhoek (by the Delft artist Jan Verkolje) about 20 years later shows a broad face and straight nose, similar to Vermeer's model. At the time Vermeer painted the two works, the scientist would have been about 36 years old. He would have been actively studying for his examination for surveyor, which he passed on February 4, 1669. There is no documentary evidence for any kind of relationship between the two men during Vermeer's lifetime, although in 1676, van Leeuwenhoek was appointed a trustee for Vermeer's estate.The pose of the figure in Vermeer's painting "takes up precisely the position of Faust in Rembrandt's famous etching" (although facing the opposite direction), according to Lawrence Gowing. Similar arrangements can be found in drawings by Nicolaes Maes.For much of the painting's early history (until 1797), it was owned together with "The Astronomer", which it strongly resembles, and the two have long been considered pendants, although their measurements are not identical. The paintings were not among the works in the Dissius sale of 1696, a collection apparently originally owned by the artist's supposed patron, Pieter van Ruijven, and the earliest record of the painting is from 1713. Up until the late 18th century, they were referred to as "Astrologers". The pair were sold by an anonymous owner together in Rotterdam on April 27, 1713 (No. 10 or 11), for 300 florins (a "considerable sum", according to Wheelock). Hendrik Sorgh, an art broker, may have bought the paintings at that point. They were among his effects when he died in 1720, and both were sold on March 28 of that year in Amsterdam (No. 3 or 4 in the sale; for 160 florins; described as "An Astrologer" and "a repeat"). Govert Looten, a neighbor of Sorgh at the Keizersgracht in Amsterdam bought the paintings, which were sold from his estate on March 31, 1729 (this painting was No. 6 and went for 104 florins, both were described in the catalog as "sublimely and artfully painted"). Jacob Crammer Simmonsz of Amsterdam (1725-1778) owned the pair before 1778, hanging them in his home on the Prinsengracht (Simonsz also owned "The Lacemaker" and another Vermeer, now unknown, depicting a lady pouring wine). He sold "The Astronomer" and "The Geographer" together on November 25 of that year to a Huguenot banker, Jean Etiènne Fizeaux of Amsterdam, who owned "The Geographer" until his death in 1780. His widow owned the work until perhaps 1785. As of 1794 it was owned by Jan Danser Nijman of Amsterdam, who sold it on August 16, 1797 to Christiaan Josi, a publisher of prints, for 133 guilders. It later was bought by Arnoud de Lange of Amsterdam. This transaction separated the two paintings. De Lange sold it on December 12, 1803 for 360 florins. Sometime before 1821, the painting was owned by Johann Goll van Franckenstein Jr. of Velzen and Amsterdam. Pieter Hendrick Goll van Franckenstein of Amsterdam owned it before 1832, and he sold it on July 1, 1833 for 195 florins to a Nieuwenhuys. It was owned by Alexandre Dumont of Cambrai before 1860, who sold it through Thoré-Bũrger to Isaac Pereire of Paris, who owned it by 1866. It was sold on March 6, 1872. Max Kann of Paris owned the painting, perhaps that year, and it passed into the hands of Prince Demidoff of San Donato, near Florence, sometime before 1877, and stayed in his hands until he sold it on March 15, 1880. A.J. Bosch sold the painting in Vienna on April 28, 1885 (for Õs 8,000) to a Kohlbacher, who sold it to the Stãdelsches Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt.The work was exhibited in the "Exposition rétrospective, Tableaux anciens empruntés aux galeries particulières" held at the Palais des Champs-Elysées, Paris, 1866 ; at the exhibition of "Ouvrages de peinture exposés au profit de la colonisation de l'Algérie par les Alsaciens-Lorrains", Palais de la Présidence du Corps législatif, Paris, 1874 ; and in the "Vermeer, oorsprong en involved. Fabritius, de Hooch, de Witte" exhibition at the Museum Boymans-van Beuningen in Rotterdam, 1935. | [
"Adriaen Paets I",
"Städel Museum",
"Adriaen Paets II",
"Maximilien Édouard Kann",
"Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato",
"Hendrick Sorgh",
"Isaac Pereire",
"Jan Danser Nijman"
] |
|
Who was the owner of The Geographer in 01/01/1898? | January 01, 1898 | {
"text": [
"Charles Sedelmeyer"
]
} | L2_Q45130_P127_8 | The Geographer is owned by Charles Sedelmeyer from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1898.
The Geographer is owned by Hendrick Sorgh from Jan, 1713 to Jan, 1720.
The Geographer is owned by Städel Museum from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1885.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets II from Jan, 1686 to Jan, 1712.
The Geographer is owned by Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato from Jan, 1875 to Jan, 1880.
The Geographer is owned by Jan Danser Nijman from Jan, 1785 to Jan, 1796.
The Geographer is owned by Isaac Pereire from Jan, 1866 to Jan, 1872.
The Geographer is owned by Maximilien Édouard Kann from Jan, 1872 to Jan, 1875.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets I from Jan, 1669 to Jan, 1686. | The GeographerThe Geographer (Dutch: "De geograaf") is a painting created by Dutch artist Johannes Vermeer in 1668–1669, and is now in the collection of the Städelsches Kunstinstitut museum in Frankfurt, Germany. It is closely related to Vermeer's "The Astronomer", for instance using the same model in the same dress, and has sometimes been considered a pendant painting to it. A 2017 study indicated that the canvas for the two works came from the same bolt of material.This is one of only three paintings Vermeer signed and dated (the other two are "The Astronomer" and "The Procuress").The geographer, dressed in a Japanese-style robe then popular among scholars, is shown to be "someone excited by intellectual inquiry", with his active stance, the presence of maps, charts, a globe and books, as well as the dividers he holds in his right hand, according to Arthur Wheelock Jr. "The energy in this painting [...] is conveyed most notably through the figure's pose, the massing of objects on the left side of the composition, and the sequence of diagonal shadows on the wall to the right." Vermeer made several changes in the painting that enhance the feeling of energy in the picture: the man's head was originally in a different position to the left of where the viewer now sees it, indicating the man perhaps was looking down, rather than peering out the window; the dividers he holds in his hand were originally vertical, not horizontal; a sheet of paper was originally on the small stool at the lower right, and removing it probably made that area darker.Details of the man's face are slightly blurred, suggesting movement (also a feature of Vermeer's "Mistress and Maid"), according to Serena Carr. His eyes are narrowed, perhaps squinting in the sunlight or an indication of intense thinking. Carr asserts that the painting depicts a "flash of inspiration" or even "revelation". The drawn curtain on the left and the position of the oriental carpet on the table—pushed back—are both symbols of revelation. "He grips a book as if he's about to snatch it up to corroborate his ideas."The globe was published in Amsterdam in 1618 by Jodocus Hondius. Terrestrial and celestial globes were commonly sold together, and the celestial globe in "The Astronomer" "was also a Hondius (Hendrick rather than Judocus)", another indication that the two paintings were created as pendant pieces, according to Cant. The globe is turned toward the Indian Ocean, where the Dutch East India Company was then active. Vermeer used an impasto technique to apply pointillé dots, not to indicate light reflected more strongly on certain points but to emphasize the dull ochre cartouche "frame" printed on the globe. Since the globe can be identified, we know the decorative cartouche includes a plea for information for future editions—reflecting the theme of revelation in the painting.The cartographic objects surrounding the man are some of the actual items a geographer would have: the globe, the dividers the man holds, a cross-staff (hung on the center post of the window), used to measure the angle of celestial objects like the sun or stars, and the chart the man is using, which (according to one scholar, James A. Welu) appears to be a nautical chart on vellum. The sea chart on the wall of "all the Sea coasts of Europe" has been identified as one published by Willem Jansz Blaeu. This accuracy indicates Vermeer had a source familiar with the profession. "The Astronomer", which seems to form a pendant with this painting, shows a similar, sophisticated knowledge of cartographic instruments and books, and the same young man modeled for both. That man himself may have been the source of Vermeer's correct display of surveying and geographical instruments, and possibly of his knowledge of perspective. Wheelock and others assert the model/source was probably Anthonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), a contemporary of Vermeer who was also born in Delft. The families of both men were in the textile business, and both families had a strong interest in science and optics. A "microscopist", van Leeuwenhoek was described after his death as being so skilled in "navigation, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and natural science ... that one can certainly place him with the most distinguished masteres of the art." Another image of van Leeuwenhoek (by the Delft artist Jan Verkolje) about 20 years later shows a broad face and straight nose, similar to Vermeer's model. At the time Vermeer painted the two works, the scientist would have been about 36 years old. He would have been actively studying for his examination for surveyor, which he passed on February 4, 1669. There is no documentary evidence for any kind of relationship between the two men during Vermeer's lifetime, although in 1676, van Leeuwenhoek was appointed a trustee for Vermeer's estate.The pose of the figure in Vermeer's painting "takes up precisely the position of Faust in Rembrandt's famous etching" (although facing the opposite direction), according to Lawrence Gowing. Similar arrangements can be found in drawings by Nicolaes Maes.For much of the painting's early history (until 1797), it was owned together with "The Astronomer", which it strongly resembles, and the two have long been considered pendants, although their measurements are not identical. The paintings were not among the works in the Dissius sale of 1696, a collection apparently originally owned by the artist's supposed patron, Pieter van Ruijven, and the earliest record of the painting is from 1713. Up until the late 18th century, they were referred to as "Astrologers". The pair were sold by an anonymous owner together in Rotterdam on April 27, 1713 (No. 10 or 11), for 300 florins (a "considerable sum", according to Wheelock). Hendrik Sorgh, an art broker, may have bought the paintings at that point. They were among his effects when he died in 1720, and both were sold on March 28 of that year in Amsterdam (No. 3 or 4 in the sale; for 160 florins; described as "An Astrologer" and "a repeat"). Govert Looten, a neighbor of Sorgh at the Keizersgracht in Amsterdam bought the paintings, which were sold from his estate on March 31, 1729 (this painting was No. 6 and went for 104 florins, both were described in the catalog as "sublimely and artfully painted"). Jacob Crammer Simmonsz of Amsterdam (1725-1778) owned the pair before 1778, hanging them in his home on the Prinsengracht (Simonsz also owned "The Lacemaker" and another Vermeer, now unknown, depicting a lady pouring wine). He sold "The Astronomer" and "The Geographer" together on November 25 of that year to a Huguenot banker, Jean Etiènne Fizeaux of Amsterdam, who owned "The Geographer" until his death in 1780. His widow owned the work until perhaps 1785. As of 1794 it was owned by Jan Danser Nijman of Amsterdam, who sold it on August 16, 1797 to Christiaan Josi, a publisher of prints, for 133 guilders. It later was bought by Arnoud de Lange of Amsterdam. This transaction separated the two paintings. De Lange sold it on December 12, 1803 for 360 florins. Sometime before 1821, the painting was owned by Johann Goll van Franckenstein Jr. of Velzen and Amsterdam. Pieter Hendrick Goll van Franckenstein of Amsterdam owned it before 1832, and he sold it on July 1, 1833 for 195 florins to a Nieuwenhuys. It was owned by Alexandre Dumont of Cambrai before 1860, who sold it through Thoré-Bũrger to Isaac Pereire of Paris, who owned it by 1866. It was sold on March 6, 1872. Max Kann of Paris owned the painting, perhaps that year, and it passed into the hands of Prince Demidoff of San Donato, near Florence, sometime before 1877, and stayed in his hands until he sold it on March 15, 1880. A.J. Bosch sold the painting in Vienna on April 28, 1885 (for Õs 8,000) to a Kohlbacher, who sold it to the Stãdelsches Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt.The work was exhibited in the "Exposition rétrospective, Tableaux anciens empruntés aux galeries particulières" held at the Palais des Champs-Elysées, Paris, 1866 ; at the exhibition of "Ouvrages de peinture exposés au profit de la colonisation de l'Algérie par les Alsaciens-Lorrains", Palais de la Présidence du Corps législatif, Paris, 1874 ; and in the "Vermeer, oorsprong en involved. Fabritius, de Hooch, de Witte" exhibition at the Museum Boymans-van Beuningen in Rotterdam, 1935. | [
"Adriaen Paets I",
"Städel Museum",
"Adriaen Paets II",
"Maximilien Édouard Kann",
"Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato",
"Hendrick Sorgh",
"Isaac Pereire",
"Jan Danser Nijman"
] |
|
Who was the owner of The Geographer in 01-Jan-189801-January-1898? | January 01, 1898 | {
"text": [
"Charles Sedelmeyer"
]
} | L2_Q45130_P127_8 | The Geographer is owned by Charles Sedelmeyer from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1898.
The Geographer is owned by Hendrick Sorgh from Jan, 1713 to Jan, 1720.
The Geographer is owned by Städel Museum from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1885.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets II from Jan, 1686 to Jan, 1712.
The Geographer is owned by Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato from Jan, 1875 to Jan, 1880.
The Geographer is owned by Jan Danser Nijman from Jan, 1785 to Jan, 1796.
The Geographer is owned by Isaac Pereire from Jan, 1866 to Jan, 1872.
The Geographer is owned by Maximilien Édouard Kann from Jan, 1872 to Jan, 1875.
The Geographer is owned by Adriaen Paets I from Jan, 1669 to Jan, 1686. | The GeographerThe Geographer (Dutch: "De geograaf") is a painting created by Dutch artist Johannes Vermeer in 1668–1669, and is now in the collection of the Städelsches Kunstinstitut museum in Frankfurt, Germany. It is closely related to Vermeer's "The Astronomer", for instance using the same model in the same dress, and has sometimes been considered a pendant painting to it. A 2017 study indicated that the canvas for the two works came from the same bolt of material.This is one of only three paintings Vermeer signed and dated (the other two are "The Astronomer" and "The Procuress").The geographer, dressed in a Japanese-style robe then popular among scholars, is shown to be "someone excited by intellectual inquiry", with his active stance, the presence of maps, charts, a globe and books, as well as the dividers he holds in his right hand, according to Arthur Wheelock Jr. "The energy in this painting [...] is conveyed most notably through the figure's pose, the massing of objects on the left side of the composition, and the sequence of diagonal shadows on the wall to the right." Vermeer made several changes in the painting that enhance the feeling of energy in the picture: the man's head was originally in a different position to the left of where the viewer now sees it, indicating the man perhaps was looking down, rather than peering out the window; the dividers he holds in his hand were originally vertical, not horizontal; a sheet of paper was originally on the small stool at the lower right, and removing it probably made that area darker.Details of the man's face are slightly blurred, suggesting movement (also a feature of Vermeer's "Mistress and Maid"), according to Serena Carr. His eyes are narrowed, perhaps squinting in the sunlight or an indication of intense thinking. Carr asserts that the painting depicts a "flash of inspiration" or even "revelation". The drawn curtain on the left and the position of the oriental carpet on the table—pushed back—are both symbols of revelation. "He grips a book as if he's about to snatch it up to corroborate his ideas."The globe was published in Amsterdam in 1618 by Jodocus Hondius. Terrestrial and celestial globes were commonly sold together, and the celestial globe in "The Astronomer" "was also a Hondius (Hendrick rather than Judocus)", another indication that the two paintings were created as pendant pieces, according to Cant. The globe is turned toward the Indian Ocean, where the Dutch East India Company was then active. Vermeer used an impasto technique to apply pointillé dots, not to indicate light reflected more strongly on certain points but to emphasize the dull ochre cartouche "frame" printed on the globe. Since the globe can be identified, we know the decorative cartouche includes a plea for information for future editions—reflecting the theme of revelation in the painting.The cartographic objects surrounding the man are some of the actual items a geographer would have: the globe, the dividers the man holds, a cross-staff (hung on the center post of the window), used to measure the angle of celestial objects like the sun or stars, and the chart the man is using, which (according to one scholar, James A. Welu) appears to be a nautical chart on vellum. The sea chart on the wall of "all the Sea coasts of Europe" has been identified as one published by Willem Jansz Blaeu. This accuracy indicates Vermeer had a source familiar with the profession. "The Astronomer", which seems to form a pendant with this painting, shows a similar, sophisticated knowledge of cartographic instruments and books, and the same young man modeled for both. That man himself may have been the source of Vermeer's correct display of surveying and geographical instruments, and possibly of his knowledge of perspective. Wheelock and others assert the model/source was probably Anthonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), a contemporary of Vermeer who was also born in Delft. The families of both men were in the textile business, and both families had a strong interest in science and optics. A "microscopist", van Leeuwenhoek was described after his death as being so skilled in "navigation, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and natural science ... that one can certainly place him with the most distinguished masteres of the art." Another image of van Leeuwenhoek (by the Delft artist Jan Verkolje) about 20 years later shows a broad face and straight nose, similar to Vermeer's model. At the time Vermeer painted the two works, the scientist would have been about 36 years old. He would have been actively studying for his examination for surveyor, which he passed on February 4, 1669. There is no documentary evidence for any kind of relationship between the two men during Vermeer's lifetime, although in 1676, van Leeuwenhoek was appointed a trustee for Vermeer's estate.The pose of the figure in Vermeer's painting "takes up precisely the position of Faust in Rembrandt's famous etching" (although facing the opposite direction), according to Lawrence Gowing. Similar arrangements can be found in drawings by Nicolaes Maes.For much of the painting's early history (until 1797), it was owned together with "The Astronomer", which it strongly resembles, and the two have long been considered pendants, although their measurements are not identical. The paintings were not among the works in the Dissius sale of 1696, a collection apparently originally owned by the artist's supposed patron, Pieter van Ruijven, and the earliest record of the painting is from 1713. Up until the late 18th century, they were referred to as "Astrologers". The pair were sold by an anonymous owner together in Rotterdam on April 27, 1713 (No. 10 or 11), for 300 florins (a "considerable sum", according to Wheelock). Hendrik Sorgh, an art broker, may have bought the paintings at that point. They were among his effects when he died in 1720, and both were sold on March 28 of that year in Amsterdam (No. 3 or 4 in the sale; for 160 florins; described as "An Astrologer" and "a repeat"). Govert Looten, a neighbor of Sorgh at the Keizersgracht in Amsterdam bought the paintings, which were sold from his estate on March 31, 1729 (this painting was No. 6 and went for 104 florins, both were described in the catalog as "sublimely and artfully painted"). Jacob Crammer Simmonsz of Amsterdam (1725-1778) owned the pair before 1778, hanging them in his home on the Prinsengracht (Simonsz also owned "The Lacemaker" and another Vermeer, now unknown, depicting a lady pouring wine). He sold "The Astronomer" and "The Geographer" together on November 25 of that year to a Huguenot banker, Jean Etiènne Fizeaux of Amsterdam, who owned "The Geographer" until his death in 1780. His widow owned the work until perhaps 1785. As of 1794 it was owned by Jan Danser Nijman of Amsterdam, who sold it on August 16, 1797 to Christiaan Josi, a publisher of prints, for 133 guilders. It later was bought by Arnoud de Lange of Amsterdam. This transaction separated the two paintings. De Lange sold it on December 12, 1803 for 360 florins. Sometime before 1821, the painting was owned by Johann Goll van Franckenstein Jr. of Velzen and Amsterdam. Pieter Hendrick Goll van Franckenstein of Amsterdam owned it before 1832, and he sold it on July 1, 1833 for 195 florins to a Nieuwenhuys. It was owned by Alexandre Dumont of Cambrai before 1860, who sold it through Thoré-Bũrger to Isaac Pereire of Paris, who owned it by 1866. It was sold on March 6, 1872. Max Kann of Paris owned the painting, perhaps that year, and it passed into the hands of Prince Demidoff of San Donato, near Florence, sometime before 1877, and stayed in his hands until he sold it on March 15, 1880. A.J. Bosch sold the painting in Vienna on April 28, 1885 (for Õs 8,000) to a Kohlbacher, who sold it to the Stãdelsches Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt.The work was exhibited in the "Exposition rétrospective, Tableaux anciens empruntés aux galeries particulières" held at the Palais des Champs-Elysées, Paris, 1866 ; at the exhibition of "Ouvrages de peinture exposés au profit de la colonisation de l'Algérie par les Alsaciens-Lorrains", Palais de la Présidence du Corps législatif, Paris, 1874 ; and in the "Vermeer, oorsprong en involved. Fabritius, de Hooch, de Witte" exhibition at the Museum Boymans-van Beuningen in Rotterdam, 1935. | [
"Adriaen Paets I",
"Städel Museum",
"Adriaen Paets II",
"Maximilien Édouard Kann",
"Pavel Pavlovich Demidov, 2nd Prince of San Donato",
"Hendrick Sorgh",
"Isaac Pereire",
"Jan Danser Nijman"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in Feb, 1897? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in 1897-02-02? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in 02/02/1897? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in Feb 02, 1897? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in 02/02/1897? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which employer did Philippa Fawcett work for in 02-Feb-189702-February-1897? | February 02, 1897 | {
"text": [
"Newnham College"
]
} | L2_Q450366_P108_0 | Philippa Fawcett works for University of Pretoria from Jan, 1902 to Jan, 1905.
Philippa Fawcett works for Newnham College from Jan, 1890 to Jan, 1902.
Philippa Fawcett works for London County Council from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1934. | Philippa FawcettPhilippa Garrett Fawcett (4 April 1868 – 10 June 1948) was an English mathematician and educationalist. She was the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. She taught at Newnham College, Cambridge, and at the normal school (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, and she became an administrator for the London County Council.Philippa Garrett Fawcett was born on 4 April 1868, the daughter of the suffragist Millicent Fawcett and Henry Fawcett MP, Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and Postmaster General in Gladstone's government. Her aunt was Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, the first English female doctor. When her father died, she and her mother went to live with Millicent's sister Agnes Garrett, who had set up an interior design business on Gower Street, Bloomsbury.Philippa Fawcett was educated at Bedford College, London (now Royal Holloway) and Newnham College, Cambridge which had been co-founded by her mother. In 1890 she became the first woman to obtain the top score in the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos exams. The results were highly publicised, with the top scorers receiving great acclaim. Her score was 13 per cent higher than the second highest, but she did not receive the title of Senior Wrangler, as only men were then ranked and women were listed separately. Women had been allowed to take the Tripos since 1880, after Charlotte Angas Scott was unofficially ranked as eighth wrangler. When the women's list was announced, Fawcett was described as "above the senior wrangler". No woman was officially awarded the first position until Ruth Hendry in 1992.An anonymous poem written in 1890 paying tribute to Fawcett's great achievement climaxes with the following two stanzas, mentioning the other respected mathematicians Arthur Cayley and George Salmon:Curve and angle let her con andParallelopipedon andParallelogramBy the river Cam.May she increase in knowledge dailyTill the great Professor CayleyOwns himself surpassedAnd admires aghast.Coming amidst the women's suffrage movement, Fawcett's feat gathered worldwide media coverage, spurring much discussion about women's capacities and rights. The lead story in the "Telegraph" the following day said:Following Fawcett's achievement in the Tripos, she won the Marion Kennedy scholarship at Cambridge through which she conducted research in fluid dynamics. Her published papers include "Note on the Motion of Solids in a Liquid".She was appointed a college lecturer in mathematics at Newnham College, a position she held for 10 years. In this capacity, her teaching abilities received considerable praise. One student wrote:Fawcett left Cambridge in 1902, when she was appointed as a lecturer to train mathematics teachers at the Normal School (teacher training college) in Johannesburg, then in Transvaal Colony, now part of the University of Pretoria, South Africa. She remained there, setting up schools throughout the country, until 1905, when she returned to Britain to take a position in the administration of education for London County Council. At the LCC, in her work developing secondary schools, she attained a high rank. Denied a Cambridge degree by reason of her sex, she was one of the steamboat ladies who travelled to Ireland between 1904 and 1907 to receive an "ad eundem" University of Dublin degree at Trinity College.Philippa Fawcett maintained strong links with Newnham College throughout her life. The Fawcett building (1938) was named in recognition of her contribution to the college, and that of her family. She died on 10 June 1948, two months after her 80th birthday, a month after the Grace that allowed women to be awarded the Cambridge BA degree received royal assent (see University_of_Cambridge#Women's_education).On the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, there exists 'Philippa Fawcett Drive', alongside roads named after other notable contributors to STEM subjects, such as Ada Lovelace, Charles Babbage and J. J. Thomson. | [
"London County Council",
"University of Pretoria"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in Jun, 1864? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in 1864-06-29? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in 29/06/1864? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in Jun 29, 1864? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in 06/29/1864? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan hold in 29-Jun-186429-June-1864? | June 29, 1864 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q13581086_P39_1 | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jul, 1887 to May, 1908.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jul, 1887.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1858 to Apr, 1859.
John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. | John St Aubyn, 1st Baron St LevanJohn St Aubyn, 1st Baron St Levan (23 October 1829 – 14 May 1908), known as Sir John St Aubyn, 2nd Baronet, from 1872 to 1887, was a British Liberal, and later Liberal Unionist, politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1858 until 1887 when he was raised to the peerage.St Aubyn was the son of Sir Edward St Aubyn, 1st Baronet, of St Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and his wife Emma (née Knollys), daughter of General William Knollys. He was educated at Eton, and at Trinity College, Cambridge. St Aubyn was Hon. Colonel of the 3rd Bttn Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. He was also a Deputy Lieutenant and J.P. for Cornwall, and Deputy Special Warden of the Stannaries. He was president of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall from 1891 to 1892.St Aubyn was elected Member of Parliament for Cornwall West as a Liberal in 1858, a seat he held until 1885 when the constituency was replaced under the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885. In his original election address, according to "The Times", he promised to vote for.:Whilst representing West Cornwall, he was always elected unopposed.At the 1885 general election, St Aubyn was elected as MP for St Ives in a contest that was fiercely contested. "The fight was severe", according to "The Times". He disagreed with William Ewart Gladstone over Irish Home Rule and sat as a Liberal Unionist from 1886 to 1887. In the latter year St Aubyn was raised to the peerage as Baron St Levan, of St Michael's Mount in the County of Cornwall.Lord St Levan married Lady Elizabeth Clementina, daughter of John Townshend, 4th Marquess Townshend, in 1856. They had six sons and seven daughters He died on 14 May 1908, aged 78. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son John (23 September 1857 – 1940). Lady St Levan died in 1910. | [
"Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in Feb, 2022? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in 2022-02-11? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in 11/02/2022? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in Feb 11, 2022? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in 02/11/2022? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the head of Esch-sur-Alzette in 11-Feb-202211-February-2022? | February 11, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Georges Mischo"
]
} | L2_Q16010_P6_25 | Léon Metz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909.
Josef Kohns is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1944.
Jean-Pierre Pierrard is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1920.
Arthur Useldinger is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1970 to Mar, 1978.
Jules Schreiner is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Nicolas Biwer is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1919.
Jacques Schmit is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1843 to Jan, 1861.
Victor Wilhelm is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1934.
Hubert Clément is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Jules Heisten is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Armand Spoo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1909 to Jan, 1911.
François-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1836 to Jan, 1841.
François Schaack is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 2000.
Theodor Feldhege is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.
Pierre Claude is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1861 to Jan, 1878.
Henri Motté is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1828 to Jan, 1830.
Otto Komp is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1879 to Aug, 1906.
Joseph Brebsom is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Dominique Stoffel is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1843.
Antoine Krier is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1965.
Vera Spautz is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 2013 to Nov, 2017.
Jean-Pierre Michels is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1912 to Feb, 1917.
Lydia Mutsch is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jun, 2000 to Dec, 2013.
Georges Mischo is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Johannes-Nepomuk Haas is the head of the government of Esch-sur-Alzette from Jan, 1814 to May, 1828. | Esch-sur-AlzetteEsch-sur-Alzette ( , or "Esch an der Alzig", ) is a commune with town status in south-western Luxembourg. It is the country's second "city", and its second-most populous commune, with a population of 35,040 inhabitants, . It lies in the south-west of the country, on the border with France and in the valley of the Alzette, which flows through the town. The town is usually referred to as just Esch; however, the full name distinguishes it from the village and commune of Esch-sur-Sûre which lies further north. The country's capital, Luxembourg City, is roughly to the north-east.For a long time Esch was a small farming village in the valley of the Uelzecht river. This changed when important amounts of iron ore were found in the area in the 1850s. With the development of the mines and the steel industry the town's population multiplied tenfold in a couple of decades. In 1911 the steel- and iron-producing company ARBED was founded. The development of the steel industry, especially in the south of the country, provided Luxembourg with sustained economic growth during the second half of the 19th century.In the 1970s, as a result of the steel crisis, the mines and many of the blast furnaces were shut down, the last one, in Esch-Belval, definitely halting its operations in 1997. The blast furnaces were replaced by an electric furnace that is fed with scrap metal rather than iron ore.Today the industrial wastelands on Belval left behind by the steel industry, are being redeveloped and converted into a new, modern town quarter. New cultural buildings such as the cinema Kinepolis Belval and the Rockhal, Luxembourg's biggest concert hall.The area around the old blast furnaces will host different structures of the University of Luxembourg, many research centres and the national archives.The Lankelz miniature railway operates on Sunday afternoons and public holidays from May to mid-October.Esch is home to the Conservatoire de Musique.The town has the longest shopping street in Luxembourg.Esch is governed by its communal council, consisting of 19 councillors. Elections take place to this body every 6 years, under a system of proportional representation. Currently the mayor is Vera Spautz, of the Luxembourg Socialist Workers' Party (LSAP). The governing majority on the council consists of the LSAP and The Greens.'G' denotes parties that went on to form the governing majority.The most recent elections were held on 8 October 2017; the results are listed below.After the elections, a coalition agreement was signed between 3 parties, the CSV, the Greens, and the DP, who will form the new governing majority on the council. The designated new mayor is Tom Schlesser of Dei Lénk. Esch is connected by the bus lines 1,2,3,4,5,7,12,13,15 and 17 of the communal public transport company T.I.C.E ("tramways intercommunales du canton Esch/Alzette", intercommunal tramway of the canton Esch/Alzette), which maintenance depot and headquarter is situated in Esch, and by lines 307, 312, 313 and 314 of the R.G.T.R.Esch-sur-Alzette is twinned with: | [
"Jean-Pierre Michels",
"Armand Spoo",
"Otto Komp",
"Dominique Stoffel",
"Johannes-Nepomuk Haas",
"Jacques Schmit",
"Jules Schreiner",
"Hubert Clément",
"Henri Motté",
"Theodor Feldhege",
"Lydia Mutsch",
"Victor Wilhelm",
"Jean-Pierre Pierrard",
"Josef Kohns",
"Vera Spautz",
"Joseph Brebsom",
"Arthur Useldinger",
"Antoine Krier",
"Dominique-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Léon Metz",
"François-Joseph Hoferlin",
"Nicolas Biwer",
"Pierre Claude",
"Jules Heisten",
"François Schaack"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in May, 2008? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in 2008-05-23? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in 23/05/2008? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in May 23, 2008? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in 05/23/2008? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca in 23-May-200823-May-2008? | May 23, 2008 | {
"text": [
"Ettore Ceriani"
]
} | L2_Q15139302_P488_5 | Luigi Bellotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1963.
Aldo Speranza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1996.
Luigi Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Silvio Accomando is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2020.
Chiara Massazza is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2013 to Aug, 2015.
Bruno Grampa is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1965.
Ettore Ceriani is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.
Narciso Ceriotti is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1986.
Michele Crespi is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2008.
Mariella Toia is the chair of La Famiglia Bustocca from Jun, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | La Famiglia BustoccaLa Famiglia Bustocca (in English: "The Bustocco Family") is an Italian cultural association with headquarters in Busto Arsizio, Province of Varese, Lombardy, in front of Palazzo Gilardoni, the Town Hall.The idea to create an association with the scope to preserve the traditions and spread the culture of the city of Busto Arsizio, born in 1950 by a group of six citizens with a passion for the History and the culture of Busto Arsizio. The purpose was also to keep alive the Bustocco dialect which has the advantage of clearly distinct from those of neighboring towns, such as to constitute a linguistic island in itself.Founder members who on 13 March 1951 gave birth to the association were Luigi Bellotti, Angelo Bottigelli, Enrico Crespi, Bruno Grampa, Nino Miglierina and Raffaele Montoli. The Statute was approved by Member Assembly on 22 April 1952. As patron of the association was chosen Blessed Giuliana of Busto.During its years of activity, "La Famiglia Bustocca" collected books and publications related to Busto Arsizio, its History, its dialect and its customs and traditions, by authors and researchers not only local.Every year the association offers to its members the "Almanacco della Famiglia Bustocca", a publication with articles and papers about local art and History, personality and events in Busto Arsizio. This publication every year is required from important libraries in Milan, Rome, Florence, Venice and from libraries of the neighboring towns.The "Consiglio" (council) consists of nine elements: "Regiù" (president), vice-Regiù, treasurer, secretary and five "missé" (councillors). The council is elected by members, while the positions of the councillors are divided among the elected members during the first board meeting.In "La Famiglia Bustocca", the president takes the name of "Regiù", term in Bustocco dialect which means "pater familias" (father of the family).Since 1951, the "Regiù" were: | [
"Narciso Ceriotti",
"Luigi Toia",
"Bruno Grampa",
"Silvio Accomando",
"Aldo Speranza",
"Chiara Massazza",
"Michele Crespi",
"Luigi Bellotti",
"Mariella Toia"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in May, 2018? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in 2018-05-26? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in 26/05/2018? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in May 26, 2018? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in 05/26/2018? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Who was the head of Prats de Lluçanès in 26-May-201826-May-2018? | May 26, 2018 | {
"text": [
"Isaac Peraire Soler"
]
} | L2_Q13814_P6_3 | Isaac Peraire Soler is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2019.
Ramon Vall i Ciuró is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 2003.
Ramon Besora i Torradeflot is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2007.
Jordi Bruch i Franch is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Lluís Vila i Vilalta is the head of the government of Prats de Lluçanès from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2015. | Prats de LluçanèsPrats de Lluçanès ((Officially and in Catalan, ; ) is a municipality in the "comarca" of Osona in Catalonia, Spain. It is situated in the west of the "comarca", on a plain between the Lluçanès and Merlès rivers, and is served by the C-154 road between Vic and Gironella.In 2015, the municipality voted to join a proposed new comarca of Lluçanès, of which it would be the capital, but the plan was put on hold due to insufficient support. | [
"Ramon Besora i Torradeflot",
"Jordi Bruch i Franch",
"Ramon Vall i Ciuró",
"Lluís Vila i Vilalta"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in Nov, 2021? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in 2021-11-24? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in 24/11/2021? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in Nov 24, 2021? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in 11/24/2021? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Martin Schulz hold in 24-Nov-202124-November-2021? | November 24, 2021 | {
"text": [
"chairperson",
"chairman of the Social Democratic Party"
]
} | L2_Q17905_P39_4 | Martin Schulz holds the position of chairman of the Social Democratic Party from Mar, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Martin Schulz holds the position of President of the European Parliament from Jul, 2014 to Jan, 2017.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the German Bundestag from Oct, 2017 to Oct, 2021.
Martin Schulz holds the position of parliamentary group leader from Jul, 2004 to Jan, 2012.
Martin Schulz holds the position of mayor from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1998.
Martin Schulz holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1999.
Martin Schulz holds the position of chairperson from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | Martin SchulzMartin Schulz (born 20 December 1955) is a German politician who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party 2017 to 2018, and has served as a Member of the Bundestag (MdB) since 2017. Previously he was President of the European Parliament from 2012 to 2017, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats from 2004 to 2012 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from Germany from 1994 to 2017.In November 2016, Schulz announced he would not seek a third term as President of the European Parliament, but instead would stand in 2017 as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship. In January 2017, Sigmar Gabriel announced he would not stand for re-election as party leader and as the SPD candidate for the German Chancellorship, Gabriel recommended Schulz as his replacement.After the elections of September 2017, which resulted in a postwar low for the SPD, Schulz declared the end of the existing Grand coalition under Angela Merkel and explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government. On 7 February 2018, coalition talks concluded and Schulz announced he would succeed Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister and leave his party chairmanship to Andrea Nahles. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz decided not to enter the new cabinet. On 13 February 2018 Schulz stepped down as party chair.Martin Schulz was born in the village of Hehlrath, which is now a part of Eschweiler in western Rhineland, near the Dutch and Belgian borders, as one of five children. His father, Albert Schulz, was a local policeman and belonged to a social democratic family; his mother, Clara, belonged to a conservative Catholic family and was active in the Christian Democratic Union. Having grown up in the border area between Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, Schulz has relatives in all three countries.After four years at primary school, from 1962 to 1966, Schulz attended the Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit) gymnasium, a private Roman Catholic school run by the Holy Ghost Fathers (or Spiritans), in Broich (now Würselen), a district of the town of Broichweiden, for nine years. As a teenager, he went to France on a school exchange programme. He left school without passing his Abitur after failing the 11th grade twice.From 1975 to 1977 Schulz then trained to be a bookseller. The next two years he worked for a number of publishing houses and bookshops. Schulz suffered from alcoholism and tried to commit suicide on 26 June 1980. After a successful rehab Schulz opened his own bookshop in Würselen in 1982.In 1974, at the age of 19, Schulz joined the SPD, became involved with the Young Socialists and in 1984 was elected to the Würselen Municipal Council, remaining a member for just over two electoral terms, to 1998, from 1987 onwards as mayor. At 31, he was then the youngest mayor in North Rhine-Westphalia. He held that office until 1998. As a municipal counselor he initiated the twinning of Würselen with the city of Morlaix in French Brittany, where he became friends with Marylise Lebranchu, who was the mayor and later became French Minister of Justice (2000–2002) and Minister for Public Services (2012–2016).In the 1994 European elections Schulz was elected to the European Parliament and between 2000 and 2004 was chair of the SPD delegation. Schulz has served on a number of committees, including the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He led the German delegation of the Socialist group (SPD members) from 2000 and was also a vice-chair of the Socialist Group in the EP. He was elected group leader in 2004, of the PSE Group, succeeding the Spaniard Enrique Barón Crespo, a position held until he was elected EP president. Since 2009, Schulz has also acted as the representative for European Affairs for Germany's SPD party and his views have deeply influenced his party's pro-European politics.In 2004 as Leader of the S&D group, Schulz introduced a motion in the European Parliament to refuse to give approval/consent to the Barroso Commission on the basis of the proposed appointment of Italian nominee Rocco Buttiglione and his publicly expressed homophobic views. A large majority of MEPs from the other political groups followed and consequently Buttiglione was withdrawn and replaced by Franco Frattini.By 2008, SPD chairman Kurt Beck has said he wanted Schulz to succeed Günter Verheugen as Germany's EU commissioner following the 2009 European elections; the post eventually went to Günther Oettinger.Following the 2009 European elections Schulz came to public attention when he insisted that his group should not immediately approve a second term of office for European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and instead, together with the Chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, proposed the Belgian Liberal Guy Verhofstadt as a candidate for that office. Following reassurances by Barroso, Schulz dropped his categorical opposition to him, insisting only that he should make certain political concessions to the Social Democrats. As a result, the majority of the group abstained on the confidence vote to Barroso.On 15 September 2011, members of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament unanimously nominated Schulz as their candidate for the President of the European Parliament. On 17 January 2012, Schulz was elected as President of the European Parliament, with 387 votes in favour out of 670 cast. Other candidates were Nirj Deva (142 votes) and Diana Wallis (141 votes).Together with EU Commission President Barroso and EU Council President Herman van Rompuy, Schulz collected the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the European Union. The Prize, honoring "over six decades [having] contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe", was awarded by a unanimous decision of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.As president of European Parliament, Schulz proved extremely adept at delicate diplomatic missions, such as his visit with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan following the 2016 coup attempt and his visit with Iranian President Hassan Rohani in November 2015 to "intensify dialogue" between the EU and Iran a few months after the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not run for a third term in January 2017, and instead return to German politics. He resigned his seat on 10 February 2017, leaving the European Parliament after more than twenty-two years.On 6 November 2013, Schulz was nominated as "candidate designate" by the Party of European Socialists – at the time the second-largest group in the 750-seat parliament –, with the aim to become the first candidate to be elected President of the European Commission by democratic elections. He was unopposed, as no other candidate stepped forward to challenge him in the race to be the socialist campaign figurehead. This kicked off a tour to all member states and particularly all member parties.On 1 March 2014, Schulz accepted the nomination of the Party of European Socialists in Rome. He was elected by 368 PES members out of 404, with only 2 votes against him. Prior to the vote, in what was widely seen as a clear signal to its European partners on the left that there are limits to their support for the EU, Britain's Labour Party had publicly spoken out against Schulz as the left's candidate, instead favouring Helle Thorning-Schmidt of Denmark's Social Democrats. Schulz launched his European campaign on 17 April in front of 1,600 socialist activists in Paris, promising to tackle taxes and social dumping. He ran against Conservative Jean-Claude Juncker, then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, and Liberal Guy Verhofstadt.However, when the Socialists came second in the European election behind the centre-right European People's Party (EPP), Germany's Social Democrats announced that they would accept one of Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives taking the German post on the European Commission if Schulz remained president of the European Parliament. The decision to back Juncker for the Commission's presidency instead was later endorsed at an informal meeting in Paris of eight Social Democratic leaders, including Thorning-Schmidt, Sigmar Gabriel of Germany and Werner Faymann of Austria. Accordingly, Schulz did not join the European Commission but remained in his current position.Since 1999, Schulz has been part of the SPD leadership under party chairmen Gerhard Schröder (1999–2004), Franz Müntefering (2004–05 and 2008–09), Matthias Platzeck (2005–06), Kurt Beck (2006–08) and Sigmar Gabriel (2009–17). Within the party, he serves as co-chairman of the Commission for International Politics, alongside Niels Annen. Schulz was an SPD delegate to the Federal Convention for the purpose of electing the President of Germany in 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2012. In the negotiations to form a coalition government following the 2013 federal elections, he was part of the wider leadership circle chaired by Angela Merkel, Horst Seehofer and Sigmar Gabriel. He also led the SPD delegation in the working group on European affairs; his co-chair of the CDU/CSU was fellow MEP Herbert Reul.During his 2014 campaign for the Presidency of the European Commission, Schulz established himself as a regular presence in German media on issues unconnected to the European Parliament elections that year. By 2015, German newspapers speculated that Schulz was interested in running for the chancellorship of Germany in the 2017 federal elections. In May 2016, he told weekly newspaper "Welt am Sonntag" that he would not enter the race to succeed Angela Merkel. In November 2016, Schulz announced that he would not seek a third term as president of the European Parliament, but would instead run for a seat on the German parliament in the 2017 elections, which reignited the chancellorship speculations. On 24 January 2017, Schulz was confirmed as the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor.On 24 January 2017, Schulz became the Social Democrats' candidate for chancellor in that year's Federal election. In March he was unanimously chosen as official head of the party, the first time in post-war Germany a leader of the SPD received no dissenting vote. Following the announcement of his nomination, his party gained an average of ten percentage points in public opinion polls. For a short period of time the SPD was close to the Union parties of Chancellor Merkel, during this time political observers regarded it possible that Schulz could unseat Merkel in the federal election on 24 September 2017. Polls also showed Schulz leading Merkel if Germans could elect their chancellor directly.With unemployment hitting new lows each month during the campaign, Schulz later struggled to gain traction with a message focusing on the ills of inequality in Germany. Shortly before the election, he refocused his campaign on the risk of a rekindled European migrant crisis. In July 2017, illness forced Schulz's campaign manager and friend Markus Engels to step down.In the federal elections on 24 September 2017, the Social Democrats slumped to 20.5 percent, a new postwar low.Within an hour of the first exit poll, Schulz confirmed statements by other senior party figures that the SPD would not renew its Grand coalition with the CDU under Angela Merkel but head into opposition. Schulz explicitly refused to serve in a Merkel government.However, after the attempt to form a "Jamaica coalition" between CDU/CSU, FDP and Greens failed in November 2017 and President Steinmeier asked him to reconsider, Schulz reverted his position and began coalition talks with the CDU/CSU parties.In February 2018, these coalition talks concluded successfully and Schulz announced he would succeed incumbent Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel as Foreign minister. After heavy public and internal criticism, Schulz stepped down as SPD Leader on 13 February 2018 and proposed Andrea Nahles as his replacement; and shortly thereafter he also gave up his attempt to become Foreign minister. The attempt to install Nahles as acting party leader faced severe criticism from several regional party associations as well as experts in constitutional law. The party executive nominated Nahles as the new leader, with Olaf Scholz, as the longest-serving deputy, taking over as acting party leader until the party conference on 22 April 2018.In December 2020, Schulz announced that he would not stand in the 2021 federal elections but instead resign from active politics by the end of the parliamentary term.Schulz is widely considered an ardent EU supporter. He has hailed European unification as being civilization's greatest achievement over the past century. In 2014, however, he argued it was also essential that responsibility was delegated away from Brussels and down to national, regional and local authorities, allowing the EU to focus on the big issues. As a result of Schulz's pro-Europeanism, both supporters and detractors have linked him with the slogan "MEGA" – "Make Europe Great Again" – as a parody of US President Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again".Schulz is committed to strengthening Europe and the European institutions. In 2016, he presented a ten-point plan for a reform of the EU with Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel. It calls for a "streamlining" of European structures and the establishment of a strong European government under the control of the European Parliament.Schulz has often emphasised that the European Union is the best way to banish the "demons of the twentieth century", such as racism, xenophobia and antisemitism. The "Jerusalem Post" criticised his words on antisemitism as "meaningless condemnations".After the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union in a membership referendum, Schulz warned in mid-2016: "If we break the instruments with which we banish the demons, we will set them free again." He is one of the 27 initiators of the Charter of Digital Fundamental Rights published in November 2016 Of the European Union.In December 2017, Schulz called for a new constitutional treaty for a "United States of Europe". He proposed that this constitution should be written by "a convention that includes civil society and the people" and that any state that declined to accept this proposed constitution should have to leave the bloc. His proposal is "likely to be met with some resistance from Merkel and other EU leaders".In front of the European Council on 19 December 2013, Schulz took responsibility for the initiation of the Cox-Kwaśniewski mission to Ukraine. In the same speech, he noted that Europe was still militarily dependent on the US, and that in many cases Europe would be quite incapable of carrying out a military operation without the support of the USA.Schulz was quoted in a newspaper report of his speech as having said: "If we wish to defend our values and interests, if we wish to maintain the security of our citizens, then a majority of MEPs consider that we need a headquarters for civil and military missions in Brussels and deployable troops," The External Action Service of HRUFASP Catherine Ashton had prepared a proposal, which was supported by France, Spain, Italy, Poland and Germany who together have QMV majority, to create a European Air Force composed of surveillance drones, heavy transport airplanes, and air-to-air refuelling planes. The debate was joined with a view presented by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who maintained that "Nato will remain the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security." Rasmussen's view prevailed on the Council at this time because QMV does not take effect in decisions of the European Council until 1 November 2014.Schulz believes that dignified work is a value in itself. For that reason, he says, he is not a proponent of the concept of unconditional basic income. However, Schulz is much in favour of decent wage agreements, secure and lasting jobs, employee participation in decision-making and the examination of the social justification for claims and payments.In an effort to improve relations between Europe and Cuba, Schulz led a European Parliament delegation to Havana for talks with Carlos Lage Dávila on lifting EU sanction against the countries in 2008.In 2014, Schulz delivered a speech to the Israeli Knesset, in which he criticised Israel for denying Palestinians a fair share of water resources in the occupied West Bank. The speech sparked a walk-out by several lawmakers from the far-right Jewish Home party, and drew a public rebuke from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.In 2015, amid the Ukrainian crisis, Schulz suspended a committee made up of Russian and EU lawmakers that meets several times a year to improve ties. When Russia barred entry to two politicians from the EU who had planned to attend the funeral in 2015 of murdered opposition figure Boris Nemtsov, Schulz criticised the barring as "a high affront to EU–Russia relations and the work of democratic institutions".In 2016, Schulz stated that Donald Trump is a problem "for the whole world," and linked the Trump phenomenon to far-right populism in Europe. He called Trump an "irresponsible man" who "boasts about not having a clue".On 2 July 2003, one day after Italy taking over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU, Schulz criticized Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy of his domestic policy. Berlusconi replied:Berlusconi later claimed he was referring to the comedy-series "Hogan's Heroes", where a slow-witted character named Sgt. Hans Georg Schultz, played by John Banner, starred. Even though Berlusconi insisted that he was just being ironic, his comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief diplomatic rift between the two.On 24 November 2010 the British MEP Godfrey Bloom caused a row in the European Parliament when he interrupted a speech by Martin Schulz, heckling him with the Nazi propaganda slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ('one people, one empire, one leader') and accusing him of being an 'undemocratic fascist'. Bloom later stated that he was referring to the fact that the indoctrination of the German people under the Nazi regime has long-lasting effects; "some Germans still find it difficult to accept diversity in Europe and differences of opinion". In the debate on the future of the Euro Stability Pact Schulz had criticised the role played by the United Kingdom, which was involved in the discussions despite not being a member of the eurozone, and said that some eurosceptics would take pleasure in the collapse of the European Union. Following the incident, the President of Parliament, Jerzy Buzek, excluded Bloom from the Chamber. The Dutch MEP Barry Madlener, from the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV – Freedom Party), then protested against that decision, on the grounds that Schulz himself had recently described the PVV MEP Daniël van der Stoep as a fascist, but had not been excluded from the Chamber.Schulz received criticism after having transformed the Twitter account that his staff had built up for his European Parliament presidency into his own personal account in order to use it as part of his candidature to the EU Commission.During his time as President of the European Parliament, Schulz removed a paragraph critical of his stewardship in a key committee report set for debate on 2 April 2014, thereby attracting a lot of negative attention. As a consequence, a large majority of the European Parliament voted on 4 April 2014 to invite Schulz to resign so that he would be able to campaign for the European elections.Lastly, Schulz was criticized about the tax-free daily allowance of €304 the President of the Parliament received, until 18 April 2014, which he received while he was campaigning to become President of the commission. This was paid for 365 days a year, in addition to his salary of 200 thousand euros per year. A member of parliament receives this daily allowance only for attending.In April 2017, the European Parliament, as part of its decision to discharge the financial year 2015, criticized two personnel matters where Schulz had been responsible for as President of Parliament. An employee of the parliament received an expatriation allowance of around 20,000 euros, even though his center of life had previously been in Berlin. The employee was a confidant of Schulz and later worked for the SPD as its campaign manager. Schulz was also accused of signing irregular promotions of close associates in a presidential decree that would have secured them financially advantageous posts beyond his departure. Schulz described the complaint as an election maneuver by "anti-Europeans, conservatives and Greens" and referred a decision of the European Anti-Fraud Office not to initiate an official investigation.On the day of the 2017 Federal Election, Schulz said he would under no circumstances become a minister of a government led by Angela Merkel or negotiate to form a Grand Coalition. After the SPD and Union parties finished their coalition talks on 6 February 2018, he made his intentions clear that he wanted to be Foreign Minister in the next government. This was met by heavy criticism from the party base, as Schulz was abandoning his word for a second time—the first being his vow not to enter coalition talks with Angela Merkel. The harshest criticism came from the incumbent Foreign Minister and his predecessor as SPD leader, Sigmar Gabriel. He accused Schulz and the Party leadership of not showing him the respect he deserves and being rude towards him. This public attack, coupled with internal pressure from the party leadership, led Schulz to retract prior statements and on 9 February 2018 he released a statement saying he would not enter into the new government; he resigned as leader of the SPD effective 13 February 2018.Schulz is married and has two children, Nico and Lina. He was raised Roman Catholic and is a lapsed Catholic.He suffered a period of alcoholism as a young man, after a knee injury put an end to his hopes of playing football.Besides German, Schulz speaks English, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch with varying degrees of fluency. | [
"President of the European Parliament",
"mayor",
"parliamentary group leader",
"member of the German Bundestag",
"member of the European Parliament"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in Apr, 2022? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in 2022-04-05? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in 05/04/2022? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in Apr 05, 2022? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in 04/05/2022? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Orenburg in 05-Apr-202205-April-2022? | April 05, 2022 | {
"text": [
"Marcel Lička"
]
} | L2_Q2095484_P286_3 | Konstantin Yemelyanov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2019 to May, 2020.
Marcel Lička is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Robert Yevdokimov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from Dec, 2011 to May, 2017.
Ilshat Aitkulov is the head coach of FC Orenburg from May, 2020 to Jun, 2020. | FC OrenburgFC Orenburg () is a Russian professional football club from Orenburg, founded in 1976. It plays in the Russian Football National League.It played professionally as Gazovik from 1976 to 1982 and from 1989 on. Before 1976 another Orenburg team, Lokomotiv Orenburg, played professionally, including 3 seasons in the second-highest Soviet First League in 1960–62. In 1989 Gazovik was called Progress Orenburg. Gazovik began Russian League at Zone 5 of Second League and relegated from Zone 6 from one to Third League in 1993. They stayed in Zone 5 of Third League until 1997 season, when they returned to third level. They finished Ural Povolzhye (Volga Region in Russian) as runner-up in 2006, 2007 and 2008 seasons and finally promoted to the Russian First League in 2010.On 2 May 2016, the club secured top-two finish in the 2015–16 Russian National Football League and with that, the promotion to the Russian Premier League for the 2016–17 season for the first time in club's history.On 25 May 2016, the club was renamed from its historical name FC Gazovik Orenburg to FC Orenburg.The club was relegated back to the second tier at the end of the 2016–17 season after losing a penalty shootout in the relegation playoffs to FC SKA-Khabarovsk. It was promoted back to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. It was relegated at the end of the 2019–20 Russian Premier League season. They were forced to forfeit two games late in the season due to COVID-19 infections in the squad and play more games with a weakened line-up. On 8 May 2021, they secured a second-place finish in the FNL and return to the Russian Premier League after one season in the second tier. However, Russian Football Union rejected the club's application for a RPL license on 5 May 2021 due to the stadium not passing capacity requirements and other conditions, and their appeal was rejected on 12 May 2021. The club considered filing a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport. On 24 May 2021, the club announced they will not file a lawsuit with CAS and will accept the RFU decision. They also announced that the club will begin the stadium reconstruction in June 2020 to bring it up to Premier League standards.Domestic Competitions2015–16, 2017–18"As of 27 June 2021, according to the official FNL website."Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Orenburg. | [
"Konstantin Yemelyanov",
"Robert Yevdokimov",
"Ilshat Aitkulov"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in Apr, 1998? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in 1998-04-04? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in 04/04/1998? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in Apr 04, 1998? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in 04/04/1998? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France in 04-Apr-199804-April-1998? | April 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Ernest-Antoine Seillière"
]
} | L2_Q3082595_P488_0 | Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jul, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Laurence Parisot is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jun, 2005 to Jan, 2013.
Ernest-Antoine Seillière is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Dec, 1997 to Jun, 2005.
Pierre Gattaz is the chair of Mouvement des Entreprises de France from Jan, 2013 to Jul, 2018. | Mouvement des Entreprises de FranceThe Mouvement des entreprises de France (MEDEF), or the Movement of the Enterprises of France, is the largest employer federation in France. Established in 1998, it replaced the Conseil national du patronat Français (CNPF), or the "National Council of the French Employers", which was founded in 1946.It has more than 750,000 member firms, 90 percent of them being small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with fewer than 50 employees. MEDEF is engaged in lobbying at local, regional, national, and EU-wide levels.Every year, MEDEF International organises a number of delegations of French business leaders with tangible projects to targeted countries, especially developing countries. MEDEF espouses “sustainable development”, raising companies’ awareness to the fact that environmental protection can also feature among their competitive advantages.Its current president, is Geoffrey Roux de Bezieux as of July 2018. | [
"Laurence Parisot",
"Geoffroy Roux de Bézieux",
"Pierre Gattaz"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in Nov, 1967? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in 1967-11-14? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in 14/11/1967? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in Nov 14, 1967? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in 11/14/1967? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé in 14-Nov-196714-November-1967? | November 14, 1967 | {
"text": [
"Jean-Marie Fortier"
]
} | L2_Q869068_P488_2 | Bertrand Blanchet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1973 to Oct, 1992.
Raymond Dumais is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1993 to Jul, 2001.
François-Xavier Ross is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1922 to Jul, 1945.
Albini LeBlanc is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Dec, 1945 to May, 1957.
Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Oct, 1968 to Apr, 1973.
Jean-Marie Fortier is the chair of Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé from Jan, 1965 to Apr, 1968. | Roman Catholic Diocese of GaspéThe Roman Catholic Diocese of Gaspé () (erected 5 May 1922) is a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Rimouski. | [
"Joseph Gilles Napoléon Ouellet",
"Bertrand Blanchet",
"François-Xavier Ross",
"Raymond Dumais",
"Albini LeBlanc"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in Mar, 1986? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in 1986-03-11? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in 11/03/1986? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in Mar 11, 1986? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in 03/11/1986? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband in 11-Mar-198611-March-1986? | March 11, 1986 | {
"text": [
"Hermann Kant"
]
} | L2_Q1205292_P488_2 | Anna Seghers is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1978.
Hermann Kant is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1990.
Bodo Uhse is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1952.
Rainer Kirsch is the chair of Deutscher Schriftstellerverband from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Deutscher SchriftstellerverbandDeutscher Schriftstellerverband (DSV) was an East German association of writers. It was founded in 1950 and renamed in 1973 as "Schriftstellerverband der DDR".The association considered itself an heir to the earlier traditions of the which had flourished in the 1920s but then, after 1933, been forced into line under the Hitler dictatorship and, in July 1933, found itself subsumed into the "National Association of German Writers" (""Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller""), a Nazi mandated successor organisation between 1933 and 1945.The DSV archives are now in the Academy of Arts Berlin. | [
"Anna Seghers",
"Rainer Kirsch",
"Bodo Uhse"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in Nov, 1964? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in 1964-11-05? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in 05/11/1964? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in Nov 05, 1964? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in 11/05/1964? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which employer did Sirje Tennosaar work for in 05-Nov-196405-November-1964? | November 05, 1964 | {
"text": [
"Endla Theatre"
]
} | L2_Q106633293_P108_0 | Sirje Tennosaar works for Endla Theatre from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1965.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Drama Theatre from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1967.
Sirje Tennosaar works for Estonian Television from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1996. | Sirje TennosaarSirje Tennosaar (née Sirje Arbi; 5 June 1943 – 23 April 2021) was a Soviet and Estonian actress and television presenter. She had major roles in the films ' (1962) and ' and in the television production "Maailm minuta" (1974) and in the television series "Kelgukoerad" (2009).Tennosaar was married to singer and journalist Kalmer Tennosaar from 1964 until 1978. Her daughter is actress Liina Tennosaar. She died on 23 April 2021, aged 77. | [
"Estonian Television",
"Estonian Drama Theatre"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in Aug, 1829? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in 1829-08-18? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in 18/08/1829? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in Aug 18, 1829? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in 08/18/1829? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in 18-Aug-182918-August-1829? | August 18, 1829 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7526168_P39_1 | Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826. | Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament". | [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in Jul, 1903? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in 1903-07-26? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in 26/07/1903? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in Jul 26, 1903? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in 07/26/1903? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Alexander Hamilton Thompson work for in 26-Jul-190326-July-1903? | July 26, 1903 | {
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
} | L2_Q18935980_P108_0 | Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for Durham University from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1921.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Leeds from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1939.
Alexander Hamilton Thompson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1897 to Jan, 1919. | A. Hamilton ThompsonAlexander Hamilton Thompson, CBE, FBA, FSA (1873–1952), usually known as A. Hamilton Thompson, was a historian. He was Professor of Medieval History at the University of Leeds from 1927 to 1939.Born on 7 November 1873 at Clifton, Bristol, he was the son of John Thompson, a priest, and his wife Annie Hastings, "née" Cooper (daughter of Canon David Cooper). He attended Clifton College from 1883 to 1890 and then St John's College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 1895 to read classics.After graduating, Thompson tutored in Europe until 1897, when he returned to the University of Cambridge as an extramural teacher; he was a lecturer for the Cambridge University Extension course until 1919. During this period, he began publishing books on English literature, the history and architecture of the English parish church and military architecture in medieval England. He was appointed a lecturer in English at Armstrong College, Newcastle, in 1919. He was promoted to a readership in medieval history and archaeology in 1921. In 1922, he was moved to the University of Leeds, where he was appointed reader in medieval history and promoted to professor two years later. He was then head of the Department of History from 1927 to 1939, when he retired. During this period, he published studies of buildings and editions of medieval records. He was the Ford Lecturer at the University of Oxford in 1932 and Birkbeck Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1933. He was a member of several public bodies responsible for historic buildings.Alongside three honorary doctorates, Thompson was elected a Member of the Royal Archaeological Institute in 1909, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1910 or 1911, and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1928. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1938 and served as president of the Royal Archaeological Institute from 1939 to 1945. He was the subject of a Festschrift in 1948. He died on 4 September 1952; his wife, Amy, with whom he had two children, had died in 1945. | [
"Durham University",
"University of Leeds"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in Jun, 2008? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in 2008-06-18? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in 18/06/2008? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in Jun 18, 2008? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in 06/18/2008? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Victoria Cowling work for in 18-Jun-200818-June-2008? | June 18, 2008 | {
"text": [
"University of Dundee"
]
} | L2_Q21264860_P108_2 | Victoria Cowling works for University of Dundee from Dec, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Victoria Cowling works for Dartmouth College from Sep, 2003 to Nov, 2007.
Victoria Cowling works for Princeton University from Jan, 2003 to Sep, 2003. | Victoria CowlingVictoria Haigh Cowling is an English biologist who received the Women in Cell Biology Early Career Medal from the British Society for Cell Biology in 2014. Cowling is Professor of Biology, Lister Institute Fellow, MRC Senior Fellow and Deputy Head of The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression at the University of Dundee.Victoria Cowling studied for a BA(Hons) in Natural Sciences at Cambridge University. She moved to the Imperial Cancer Research Fund (now part of the Francis Crick Institute) and was awarded a PhD for investigating the regulation of caspase activity during programmed cell death with Gerard Evan and Julian Downward. After postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College and Princeton University, with Mike Cole, investigating c-Myc oncogene function, Cowling set up her research group at the Division of Cell Signalling and Immunology, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee in 2007. In 2012, she joined the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, and in 2015 joined The Centre for Gene Regulation and Expression.During her postdoctoral studies at Dartmouth College, Victoria Cowling developed her interest in transcriptional control with her report that Myc can induce mRNA cap methylation. Since setting up her own group at the MRC-Phosphorylation and Ubiquitylation Unit, School of Life Sciences, University of Dundee, Cowling has continued to investigate the regulation and function of the mRNA cap, aiming to develop new therapies targeted at inhibiting tumour cell and parasite growth and proliferation.Victoria Cowling is married to Tristan Henderson, a computer scientist at St. Andrews University. They have two daughters. | [
"Dartmouth College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in Sep, 2017? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in 2017-09-23? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in 23/09/2017? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in Sep 23, 2017? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in 09/23/2017? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Which team did Halil Çolak play for in 23-Sep-201723-September-2017? | September 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Şanlıurfaspor"
]
} | L2_Q551618_P54_6 | Halil Çolak plays for Kasımpaşa S.K. from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2015.
Halil Çolak plays for Akhisar Belediyespor from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Halil Çolak plays for Şanlıurfaspor from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Halil Çolak plays for SC Cambuur from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Halil Çolak plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Halil Çolak plays for FC Utrecht from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Halil Çolakİbrahim Halil Çolak (born 29 January 1988) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for Balıkesirspor.Çolak was born in Birecik, Turkey, but was raised in Deventer, a city in the Dutch province of Overijssel. He is eligible for the Dutch and Turkish national football teams.Çolak started his career at local Deventer club IJsselstreek. He soon joined Go Ahead Eagles as a youth player. Go Ahead Eagles had a cooperation agreement with FC Twente, and he joined their youth academy. In 2007, he won the national youth championship with the FC Twente A-juniors.In the summer of 2007, Çolak was promoted the Twente's reserve squad, where he captured a place in the starting lineup under coach Cees Lok. Due to some good performances, he was called up by first team coach, Fred Rutten for the match against FC Utrecht. However, he didn't manage to become a part of the squad and was a reserve. On the last days of the transfer market in January 2008, Çolak signed a loan deal with Cambuur Leeuwarden.Çolak made his debut on 1 February 2008, two days after he was signed. His debut came in the home-match against FC Zwolle which ended in a 1–1 draw. He played the whole match. Çolak played 11 matches for Cambuur. He scored one goal.On 27 July 2008, Go Ahead Eagles signed Çolak on a one-year deal, which meant a return to his hometown of Deventer. In the first league match of the season, an away-match against VVV-Venlo, he was a 57th-minute substitute for Jeffrey Vlug. The game eventually ended in a 5–0 loss for Go Ahead.In the following match, a home game against Fortuna Sittard, Çolak was in the starting lineup and directly provided an assist. The ending result was 1–1.Some weeks after at a training session, he broke his fibula which ruled him out for a couple of weeks. On 23 November he made his comeback with a place in the starting lineup in the match against FC Den Bosch, which ended in a goalless draw (0–0). In total he played 23 matches in which he scored six times.On 24 April 2009, it became clear that Çolak would stay another season on loan with Go Ahead Eagles. A month later, the loan deal was converted into a final transition, which meant that he was now definitively a Go Ahead player. He signed a three-year contract. In the first half of the 2009–10 season, Çolak scored 10 goals in 21 matches, making him an important player for the Eagles. He also scored in the KNVB Cup, including against Eredivisie side Heracles Almelo. His good performances were not going unnoticed. It was rumoured that Galatasaray were interested in the services of the young Turkish winger.On 12 August 2010 he moved to Turkey and signed a five-year deal with Süper Lig side Kasımpaşa. On 26 March 2015, Çolak was released by Kasımpaşa.On 4 July 2015, Çolak was signed by Akhisarspor on a two-year contract. He would also play for İstanbulspor, Balıkesirspor and Samsunspor the following years. Being released from the latter in the summer of 2020, he rejoined Balıkesirspor in January 2021 after being a free agent for six months. | [
"Kasımpaşa S.K.",
"Akhisar Belediyespor",
"SC Cambuur",
"Go Ahead Eagles",
"FC Utrecht",
"FC Twente"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in Aug, 1976? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 1976-08-30? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 30/08/1976? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in Aug 30, 1976? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 08/30/1976? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 30-Aug-197630-August-1976? | August 30, 1976 | {
"text": [
"Hans-Dietrich Genscher"
]
} | L2_Q13124_P488_6 | Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.
Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.
Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001.
Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011.
Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968.
Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993.
Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988.
Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954.
Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. | Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right. | [
"Thomas Dehler",
"Reinhold Maier",
"Franz Blücher",
"Theodor Heuss",
"Erich Mende",
"Wolfgang Gerhardt",
"Guido Westerwelle",
"Philipp Rösler",
"Christian Lindner",
"Martin Bangemann",
"Klaus Kinkel",
"Walter Scheel",
"Otto Graf Lambsdorff"
] |
Subsets and Splits