Confucius wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confucius
Confucius - Wikipedia
2001-10-21
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<table><tbody><tr><th><p>Confucius</p></th></tr><tr><td>孔子</td></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius_Tang_Dynasty.jpg"></a><div><p>Imaginary portrait by <a href="/wiki/Wu_Daozi">Wu Daozi</a> (685–758), <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang dynasty</a></p></div></td></tr><tr><th>Born</th><td><p>Kǒng Qiū</p><br /><abbr>c.</abbr> 551 BCE<br /><div><p>Zou, <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">State of Lu</a><br />(modern-day <a href="/w/index.php?title=%E5%8D%97%E8%BE%9B%E9%95%87&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Nanxin</a> [<a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%8D%97%E8%BE%9B%E9%95%87">zh</a>], <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a>, <a href="/wiki/Shandong">Shandong</a>, <a href="/wiki/China">China</a>)</p></div></td></tr><tr><th>Died</th><td><abbr>c.</abbr> 479 BCE (aged 71–72)<br /><div><p><a href="/wiki/Si_River">Si River</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">State of Lu</a></p></div></td></tr><tr><th>Resting place</th><td><a href="/wiki/Cemetery_of_Confucius">Cemetery of Confucius</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">State of Lu</a></td></tr><tr><th>Spouse</th><td><a href="/w/index.php?title=Lady_Qiguan&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Lady Qiguan</a></td></tr><tr><th>Children</th><td><a href="/w/index.php?title=Kong_Li&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Kong Li</a> (son) <br /> Kong Jiao (daughter)</td></tr><tr><th>Family</th><td><a href="/wiki/Shuliang_He">Shuliang He</a> (father) <br /> <a href="/wiki/Yan_Zhengzai">Yan Zhengzai</a> (mother)</td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th>Era</th><td><a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a><br />(<a href="/wiki/Ancient_philosophy">Ancient philosophy</a>)</td></tr><tr><th>Region</th><td><a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosophy</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/List_of_schools_of_philosophy">School</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a></td></tr><tr><th>Notable students</th><td><a href="/wiki/Yan_Hui">Yan Hui</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zengzi">Zengzi</a><br /><a href="/wiki/Disciples_of_Confucius">Disciples of Confucius</a></td></tr><tr><th><p>Main interests</p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Moral_philosophy">Ethics</a>, <a href="/wiki/Education">education</a>, <a href="/wiki/Music">music</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-auto-1">[1]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Poetry">poetry</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Political_philosophy">political philosophy</a>, <a href="/wiki/Social_philosophy">Social philosophy</a></td></tr><tr><th><p>Notable ideas</p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Golden_Rule">Golden Rule</a></td></tr><tr><td><div>
<div><p>Influences</p></div>
<ul><li><div>
<ul><li>Cultural values of the <a href="/wiki/Xia_dynasty">Xia</a>, <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang</a> and <a href="/wiki/Western_Zhou_dynasty">Western Zhou dynasties</a><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFung2008163-3">[3]</a></sup></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/I_Ching">I Ching</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Rites">Book of Rites</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Poetry">Classic of Poetry</a></i></li></ul>
</div></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><td><div>
<div><p>Influenced</p></div>
<ul><li><div><p>Virtually all subsequent <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosophy</a>, particularly <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a>, <a href="/wiki/Xun_Kuang">Xun Kuang</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Shouren</a>, the <a href="/wiki/Neotaoism">Neotaoists</a>, as well as <a href="/wiki/Han_Yu">Han Yu</a> and the <a href="/wiki/Neoconfucianism">Neoconfucians</a>. Also influenced multiple <a href="/wiki/Western_philosophy">Western thinkers</a> including <a href="/wiki/Niels_Bohr">Niels Bohr</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Benjamin_Franklin">Benjamin Franklin</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Allen_Ginsberg">Allen Ginsberg</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-10">[10]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-11">[11]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-12">[12]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Jefferson">Thomas Jefferson</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-13">[13]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-14">[14]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-15">[15]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz">Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz</a>, <a href="/wiki/Robert_Cummings_Neville">Robert Cummings Neville</a>, <a href="/wiki/Alexander_Pope">Alexander Pope</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-16">[16]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-17">[17]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Ezra_Pound">Ezra Pound</a>, <a href="/wiki/Fran%C3%A7ois_Quesnay">François Quesnay</a>, <a href="/wiki/Friedrich_Schiller">Friedrich Schiller</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-18">[18]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-19">[19]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Voltaire">Voltaire</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-22">[22]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-23">[23]</a></sup> and <a href="/wiki/Christian_Wolff_(philosopher)">Christian Wolff</a></p></div></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Confucius</th></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Kongzi_(Chinese_characters).svg"></a><p>"Confucius (<i>Kǒngzǐ</i>)" in <a href="/wiki/Seal_script">seal script</a> (top) and <a href="/wiki/Kaishu">regular</a> (bottom) Chinese characters</p></td></tr><tr><th>Chinese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Chinese_language">Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94%E5%AD%90">孔子</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Kǒngzǐ</td></tr><tr><th>Literal meaning</th><td>"Master Kǒng"</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Kǒngzǐ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Bopomofo">Bopomofo</a></th><td>ㄎㄨㄥˇ   ㄗˇ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Koongtzyy</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Kʻung<sup>3</sup>-tzŭ<sup>3</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Mandarin">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Kǔngd</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[kʰʊ̌ŋ.tsɹ̩̀]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Wu_Chinese">Romanization</a></th><td>Khon-tzy</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Húngjí</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Hung2zi2</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[hǒŋ.tsǐː]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Khóng-chú</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Khóng-tsú</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>khúwng tsí</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter_(1992)">Baxter (1992)</a></th><td>*khongʔ tsɨʔ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter–Sagart_(2014)">Baxter–Sagart (2014)</a></th><td>*[k]ʰˤoŋʔ tsəʔ</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Kong Qiu</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Chinese_language">Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94">孔</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E4%B8%98">丘</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Kǒng Qiū</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Kǒng Qiū</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Bopomofo">Bopomofo</a></th><td>ㄎㄨㄥˇ   ㄑㄧㄡ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Koong Chiou</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Kʻung<sup>3</sup> Chʻiu<sup>1</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Mandarin">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Kǔng Chyōu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[kʰʊ̀ŋ tɕʰjóʊ]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Wu_Chinese">Romanization</a></th><td>Khon Chieu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hakka_Chinese">Hakka</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Guangdong_Romanization#Hakka">Romanization</a></th><td>Kung<sup>3</sup> Hiu<sup>1</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Húng Yāu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Hung2 Jau1</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[hǒŋ jɐ́u]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Khóng Khiu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Khóng Khiu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>K<sup>h</sup>úwng K<sup>h</sup>juw</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter–Sagart_(2014)">Baxter–Sagart (2014)</a></th><td>*[k]ʰˤoŋʔ [k]ʷʰə</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p><b>Confucius</b> ( <a href="/wiki/Help:Pronunciation_respelling_key"><i>kən-FEW-shəs</i></a>; <a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Chinese</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94">孔</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%A4%AB">夫</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%90">子</a>; <a href="/wiki/Pinyin">pinyin</a>: <i>Kǒng Fūzǐ</i>, "Master Kǒng"; or commonly <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94">孔</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%90">子</a>; <i>Kǒngzǐ</i>; <abbr>c.</abbr> 551 – <abbr>c.</abbr> 479 BCE) was a <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosopher</a> and politician of the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a> who is traditionally considered the paragon of Chinese sages. Confucius's teachings and philosophy underpin <a href="/wiki/East_Asian_cultural_sphere">East Asian culture and society</a>, remaining influential across <a href="/wiki/China">China</a> and <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asia</a> to this day.<sup><a href="#cite_note-24">[24]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius considered himself a transmitter for the values of <a href="/wiki/Ancient_China">earlier periods</a> which he claimed had been abandoned in his time. His philosophical teachings, called <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>, emphasized personal and governmental morality, correctness of <a href="/wiki/Social_relationships">social relationships</a>, justice, kindness, and sincerity. His followers competed with many other schools during the <a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a> era, only to be <a href="/wiki/Suppression_of_monasteries">suppressed</a> in favor of the <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalists</a> during the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a>. After the collapse of Qin and the victory of <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han</a> over <a href="/wiki/Chu-Han_Contention">Chu</a>, Confucius's thoughts received official sanction in the new government. During the <a href="/wiki/Tang_Dynasty">Tang</a> and <a href="/wiki/Song_Dynasty">Song</a> dynasties, Confucianism developed into a system known in the West as <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a>, and later as <a href="/wiki/New_Confucianism">New Confucianism</a>. Confucianism was part of the Chinese social fabric and way of life; to Confucians, everyday life was the arena of religion.<sup><a href="#cite_note-25">[25]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius is traditionally credited with having authored or edited many of the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_classics">Chinese classic texts</a>, including all of the <a href="/wiki/Five_Classics">Five Classics</a>, but modern scholars are cautious of attributing specific assertions to Confucius himself. <a href="/wiki/Aphorism">Aphorisms</a> concerning his teachings were compiled in the <i><a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a></i>, but only many years after his death.
</p><p>Confucius's principles have commonality with Chinese tradition and belief. With <a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">filial piety</a>, he championed strong family loyalty, <a href="/wiki/Ancestor_veneration_in_China">ancestor veneration</a>, and respect of elders by their children and of husbands by their wives, recommending family as a basis for ideal government. He espoused the <a href="/wiki/Golden_Rule">Golden Rule</a>, "Do not do unto others what you do not want done to yourself".
</p>
<h2>Name</h2>
<p>
The name "Confucius" is a <a href="/wiki/Latinisation_of_names">Latinized</a> form of the <a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Mandarin Chinese</a> <i>Kǒng Fūzǐ</i> (孔夫子, "Master Kong"), and was coined in the late 16th century by the early <a href="/wiki/Jesuit_China_missions">Jesuit missionaries to China</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENivison1999752-26">[26]</a></sup> Confucius's <a href="/wiki/Chinese_surname#Xing">clan name</a> was Kong (孔, <small><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">OC</a>:</small>*‍kʰˤoŋʔ) and his given name was Qiu (丘, <small><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">OC</a>:</small>*‍[k]ʷʰə). His "<a href="/wiki/Courtesy_name">courtesy name</a>", a capping (<i>guan</i>: 冠) given at <a href="/wiki/Coming_of_age">his coming of age ceremony</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHunter201750-27">[27]</a></sup> and by which he would have been known to all but his older family members, was Zhongni (仲尼, <small><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">OC</a>:</small>*‍N-‍truŋ-‍s nr[əj]), the "Zhòng" indicating that he was the second son in his family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENivison1999752-26">[26]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWilkinson2015133-28">[28]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Life</h2>
<h3>Early life</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chinese_plain_5c._BC-en.svg"></a></p><div><p>Lu can be seen in China's northeast.</p></div></div>
<p>It is thought that Confucius was born on September 28, 551 BCE,<sup><a href="#cite_note-birth-29">[29]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194925-30">[30]</a></sup> in Zou (<a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E9%84%92">鄒</a>, in modern <a href="/wiki/Shandong">Shandong</a> province).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194925-30">[30]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERainey201016-31">[31]</a></sup> The area was notionally controlled by the <a href="/wiki/List_of_Zhou_kings">kings</a> of <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty">Zhou</a> but effectively independent under the local lords of <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a>, who ruled from the nearby city of Qufu. His father <a href="/wiki/Kong_He">Kong He</a> (or Shuliang He) was an elderly commandant of the local Lu garrison.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge1887260-32">[32]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Family_tree_of_Confucius_in_the_main_line_of_descent">His ancestry</a> traced back through the <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">dukes of Song</a> to the <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang dynasty</a> which had preceded the Zhou.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge1887259-33">[33]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYao199729-34">[34]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYao200023-35">[35]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERainey201066-36">[36]</a></sup> Traditional accounts of Confucius's life relate that Kong He's grandfather had migrated the family from Song to Lu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194926-37">[37]</a></sup>
</p><p>Kong He died when Confucius was three years old, and Confucius was raised by his mother <a href="/wiki/Yan_Zhengzai">Yan Zhengzai</a> (<a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E9%A1%8F">顏</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%BE%B5">徵</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%9C%A8">在</a>) in poverty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-confu-38">[38]</a></sup> His mother later died at less than 40 years of age.<sup><a href="#cite_note-confu-38">[38]</a></sup> At age 19 he married <a href="/w/index.php?title=Lady_Qiguan&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Lady Qiguan</a> (亓官氏), and a year later the couple had their first child, their son <a href="/w/index.php?title=Kong_Li&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Kong Li</a> (孔鯉).<sup><a href="#cite_note-confu-38">[38]</a></sup> Qiguan and Confucius later had two daughters together, one of whom is thought to have died as a child and one was named Kong Jiao (孔姣).<sup><a href="#cite_note-39">[39]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius was educated at schools for commoners, where he studied and learned the <a href="/wiki/Six_Arts">Six Arts</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-40">[40]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius was born into the class of <i><a href="/wiki/Four_occupations">shi</a></i> (士), between the aristocracy and the common people. He is said to have worked in various government jobs during his early 20s, and as a bookkeeper and a caretaker of sheep and horses, using the proceeds to give his mother a proper burial.<sup><a href="#cite_note-confu-38">[38]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-buryl-41">[41]</a></sup> When his mother died, Confucius (aged 23) is said to have <a href="/wiki/Ancestor_veneration_in_China#Mourning">mourned for three years</a>, as was the tradition.<sup><a href="#cite_note-buryl-41">[41]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Political career</h3>
<p>In Confucius's time, the state of <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a> was headed by a ruling ducal house.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946274–275-42">[42]</a></sup> Under the duke were <a href="/wiki/Three_Huan">three aristocratic families</a>, whose heads bore the title of viscount and held hereditary positions in the Lu bureaucracy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275-43">[43]</a></sup> The Ji family held the position "Minister over the Masses", who was also the "Prime Minister"; the Meng family held the position "Minister of Works"; and the Shu family held the position "Minister of War".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275-43">[43]</a></sup> In the winter of 505 BCE, Yang Hu—a retainer of the Ji family—rose up in rebellion and seized power from the Ji family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275-43">[43]</a></sup> However, by the summer of 501 BCE, the three hereditary families had succeeded in expelling Yang Hu from Lu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275-43">[43]</a></sup> By then, Confucius had built up a considerable reputation through his teachings, while the families came to see the value of proper conduct and righteousness, so they could achieve loyalty to a legitimate government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276-44">[44]</a></sup> Thus, that year (501 BCE), Confucius came to be appointed to the minor position of governor of a town.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276-44">[44]</a></sup> Eventually, he rose to the position of Minister of Crime.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276-44">[44]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius desired to return the authority of the state to the duke by dismantling the fortifications of the city—strongholds belonging to the three families.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> This way, he could establish a centralized government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> However, Confucius relied solely on diplomacy as he had no military authority himself.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> In 500 BCE, Hou Fan—the governor of Hou—revolted against his lord of the Shu family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> Although the Meng and Shu families unsuccessfully besieged Hou, a loyalist official rose up with the people of Hou and forced Hou Fan to flee to the <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi state</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> The situation may have been in favor for Confucius as this likely made it possible for Confucius and his disciples to convince the aristocratic families to dismantle the fortifications of their cities.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> Eventually, after a year and a half, Confucius and his disciples succeeded in convincing the Shu family to raze the walls of Hou, the Ji family in razing the walls of Bi, and the Meng family in razing the walls of Cheng.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> First, the Shu family led an army towards their city Hou and tore down its walls in 498 BCE.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius,_fresco_from_a_Western_Han_tomb_of_Dongping_County,_Shandong_province,_China.jpg"></a></p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius_and_Laozi,_fresco_from_a_Western_Han_tomb_of_Dongping_County,_Shandong_province,_China.jpg"></a></p></div></div>
<p>Soon thereafter, Gongshan Furao (also known as Gongshan Buniu), a retainer of the Ji family, revolted and took control of the forces at Bi.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36-46">[46]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277–278-47">[47]</a></sup> He immediately launched an attack and entered the capital Lu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277-45">[45]</a></sup> Earlier, Gongshan had approached Confucius to join him, which Confucius considered as he wanted the opportunity to put his principles into practice but he gave up on the idea in the end.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36-46">[46]</a></sup> Confucius disapproved the use of a violent revolution by principle, even though the Ji family dominated the Lu state by force for generations and had exiled the previous duke.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36-46">[46]</a></sup> Creel (1949) states that, unlike the rebel Yang Hu before him, Gongshan may have sought to destroy the three hereditary families and restore the power of the duke.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194935-48">[48]</a></sup> However, Dubs (1946) is of the view that Gongshan was encouraged by Viscount Ji Huan to invade the Lu capital in an attempt to avoid dismantling the Bi fortified walls.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277–278-47">[47]</a></sup> Whatever the situation may have been, Gongshan was considered an upright man who continued to defend the state of Lu, even after he was forced to flee.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194935-48">[48]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278-49">[49]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the revolt by Gongshan, <a href="/wiki/Zhong_You">Zhong You</a> had managed to keep the duke and the three viscounts together at the court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278-49">[49]</a></sup> Zhong You was one of the disciples of Confucius and Confucius had arranged for him to be given the position of governor by the Ji family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278–279-50">[50]</a></sup> When Confucius heard of the raid, he requested that Viscount Ji Huan allow the duke and his court to retreat to a stronghold on his palace grounds.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup> Thereafter, the heads of the three families and the duke retreated to the Ji's palace complex and ascended the Wuzi Terrace.<sup><a href="#cite_note-chin07-30-52">[52]</a></sup> Confucius ordered two officers to lead an assault against the rebels.<sup><a href="#cite_note-chin07-30-52">[52]</a></sup> At least one of the two officers was a retainer of the Ji family, but they were unable to refuse the orders while in the presence of the duke, viscounts, and court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup> The rebels were pursued and defeated at Gu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-chin07-30-52">[52]</a></sup> Immediately after the revolt was defeated, the Ji family razed the Bi city walls to the ground.<sup><a href="#cite_note-chin07-30-52">[52]</a></sup>
</p><p>The attackers retreated after realizing that they would have to become rebels against the state and their lord.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup> Through Confucius' actions, the Bi officials had inadvertently revolted against their own lord, thus forcing Viscount Ji Huan's hand in having to dismantle the walls of Bi (as it could have harbored such rebels) or confess to instigating the event by going against proper conduct and righteousness as an official.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup> Dubs (1949) suggests that the incident brought to light Confucius' foresight, practical political ability, and insight into human character.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup>
</p><p>When it was time to dismantle the city walls of the Meng family, the governor was reluctant to have his city walls torn down and convinced the head of the Meng family not to do so.<sup><a href="#cite_note-chin07-30-52">[52]</a></sup> The <i><a href="/wiki/Zuozhuan">Zuozhuan</a></i> recalls that the governor advised against razing the walls to the ground as he said that it made Cheng vulnerable to the <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi state</a> and cause the destruction of the Meng family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup> Even though Viscount Meng Yi gave his word not to interfere with an attempt, he went back on his earlier promise to dismantle the walls.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279-51">[51]</a></sup>
</p><p>Later in 498 BCE, Duke Ding personally went with an army to lay siege to Cheng in an attempt to raze its walls to the ground, but he did not succeed.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946280-53">[53]</a></sup> Thus, Confucius could not achieve the idealistic reforms that he wanted including restoration of the legitimate rule of the duke.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDubs1946280–281-54">[54]</a></sup> He had made powerful enemies within the state, especially with Viscount Ji Huan, due to his successes so far.<sup><a href="#cite_note-dubs46-281-55">[55]</a></sup> According to accounts in the <i><a href="/wiki/Zuozhuan">Zuozhuan</a></i> and <i><a href="/wiki/Shiji">Shiji</a></i>, Confucius departed his homeland in 497 BCE after his support for the failed attempt of dismantling the fortified city walls of the powerful Ji, Meng, and Shu families.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel198613-56">[56]</a></sup> He left the state of Lu without resigning, remaining in self-exile and unable to return as long as Viscount Ji Huan was alive.<sup><a href="#cite_note-dubs46-281-55">[55]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Exile</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Journey_of_Confucius.png"></a></p><div><p>Map showing the journey of Confucius to various states between 497 BCE and 484 BCE.</p></div></div>
<p>The <i><a href="/wiki/Shiji">Shiji</a></i> stated that the neighboring <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi state</a> was worried that Lu was becoming too powerful while Confucius was involved in the government of the Lu state.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENylanWilson201017-57">[57]</a></sup> According to this account, Qi decided to sabotage Lu's reforms by sending 100 good horses and 80 beautiful dancing girls to the duke of Lu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENylanWilson201017-57">[57]</a></sup> The duke indulged himself in pleasure and did not attend to official duties for three days. Confucius was disappointed and resolved to leave Lu and seek better opportunities, yet to leave at once would expose the misbehavior of the duke and therefore bring public humiliation to the ruler Confucius was serving. Confucius therefore waited for the duke to make a lesser mistake. Soon after, the duke neglected to send to Confucius a portion of the sacrificial meat that was his due according to custom, and Confucius seized upon this pretext to leave both his post and the Lu state.
</p><p>After Confucius's resignation, he began a long journey or set of journeys around the <a href="/wiki/Ancient_Chinese_states">principality states</a> of north-east and central China including <a href="/wiki/Wei_(Spring_and_Autumn_Period)">Wey</a>, <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">Song</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zheng_(state)">Zheng</a>, <a href="/wiki/Cao_(state)">Cao</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a>, <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chen_(state)">Chen</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Cai_(state)">Cai</a> (and a failed attempt to go to <a href="/wiki/Jin_(Chinese_state)">Jin</a>). At the courts of these states, he expounded his political beliefs but did not see them implemented.<sup><a href="#cite_note-58">[58]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Return home</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confuciustombqufu.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>According to the <i><a href="/wiki/Zuozhuan">Zuozhuan</a></i>, Confucius returned home to his native Lu when he was 68, after he was invited to do so by Ji Kangzi, the chief minister of Lu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-return-59">[59]</a></sup> The <i>Analects</i> depict him spending his last years teaching 72 or 77 <a href="/wiki/Disciples_of_Confucius">disciples</a> and transmitting the old wisdom via a set of texts called the <a href="/wiki/Five_Classics">Five Classics</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>During his return, Confucius sometimes acted as an advisor to several government officials in Lu, including Ji Kangzi, on matters including governance and crime.<sup><a href="#cite_note-return-59">[59]</a></sup>
</p><p>Burdened by the loss of both his son and his favorite disciples, he died at the age of 71 or 72 from natural causes. Confucius was buried in <a href="/wiki/Cemetery_of_Confucius">Kong Lin cemetery</a> which lies in the historical part of <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a> in the Shandong Province.<sup><a href="#cite_note-60">[60]</a></sup> The original tomb erected there in memory of Confucius on the bank of the <a href="/wiki/Si_River">Sishui River</a> had the shape of an axe. In addition, it has a raised brick platform at the front of the memorial for offerings such as <a href="/wiki/Sandalwood">sandalwood</a> incense and fruit.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h2>Philosophy</h2>
<p>Although Confucianism is often followed in a religious manner by the Chinese, many argue that its values are secular and that it is, therefore, less a religion than a secular morality. Proponents argue, however, that despite the secular nature of Confucianism's teachings, it is based on a worldview that is religious.<sup><a href="#cite_note-61">[61]</a></sup> Confucianism discusses elements of the <a href="/wiki/Diyu">afterlife</a> and views concerning <a href="/wiki/Tian">Heaven</a>, but it is relatively unconcerned with some spiritual matters often considered essential to religious thought, such as the nature of <a href="/wiki/Chinese_soul">souls</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>In the <i><a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a></i>, Confucius presents himself as a "transmitter who invented nothing". He puts the greatest emphasis on the importance of study, and it is the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_character">Chinese character</a> for study (<a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%B8">學</a>) that opens the text. Far from trying to build a systematic or <a href="/wiki/Religious_formalism">formalist</a> theory, he wanted his disciples to master and internalize older classics, so that their deep thought and thorough study would allow them to relate the moral problems of the present to past political events (as recorded in the <i>Annals</i>) or the past expressions of commoners' feelings and noblemen's reflections (as in the poems of the <i><a href="/wiki/Shi_Jing">Book of Odes</a></i>).<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h3>Ethics</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Rongo_Analects_02.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>One of the deepest teachings of Confucius may have been the superiority of personal exemplification over explicit rules of behavior. His moral teachings emphasized self-cultivation, emulation of moral exemplars, and the attainment of skilled judgment rather than knowledge of rules. Confucian ethics may, therefore, be considered a type of <a href="/wiki/Virtue_ethics">virtue ethics</a>. His teachings rarely rely on reasoned argument, and ethical ideals and methods are conveyed indirectly, through <a href="/wiki/Allusion">allusion</a>, <a href="/wiki/Innuendo">innuendo</a>, and even <a href="/wiki/Tautology_(rhetoric)">tautology</a>. His teachings require examination and context to be understood. A good example is found in this famous anecdote:
</p>
<blockquote>
<p>廄焚。子退朝，曰：傷人乎？不問馬。
</p><p>
When the stables were burnt down, on returning from court Confucius said, "Was anyone hurt?" He did not ask about the horses.</p><p>— <cite><i>Analects</i> X.11 (tr. <a href="/wiki/Arthur_Waley">Waley</a>), 10–13 (tr. <a href="/wiki/James_Legge">Legge</a>), or X-17 (tr. <a href="/wiki/D.C._Lau">Lau</a>)</cite></p></blockquote>
<p>By not asking about the horses, Confucius demonstrates that the sage values human beings over property (which animals seem to represent in this example); readers are led to reflect on whether their response would follow Confucius's and to pursue self-improvement if it would not have.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>One of his teachings was a variant of the <a href="/wiki/Golden_Rule">Golden Rule</a>, sometimes called the "<a href="/wiki/Silver_Rule">Silver Rule</a>" owing to its negative form:
</p>
<blockquote>
<p>子貢問曰：有一言而可以終身行之者乎？子曰：其恕乎！己所不欲、勿施於人。
</p><p>
Zi Gong [a disciple] asked: "Is there any one word that could guide a person throughout life?" The Master replied: "How about 'reciprocity'! Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself."</p><p>— <cite><i>Analects</i> XV.24, tr. David Hinton</cite></p></blockquote>
<p>Often overlooked in Confucian ethics are the virtues to the self: sincerity and the cultivation of knowledge. Virtuous action towards others begins with virtuous and sincere thought, which begins with knowledge. A virtuous disposition without knowledge is susceptible to corruption, and virtuous action without sincerity is not true righteousness. Cultivating knowledge and sincerity is also important for one's own sake; the superior person loves learning for the sake of learning and righteousness for the sake of righteousness.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The Confucian theory of ethics as exemplified in <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucian)">lǐ</a></i> (禮) is based on three important conceptual aspects of life: (a) ceremonies associated with sacrifice to ancestors and deities of various types, (b) social and political institutions, and (c) the etiquette of daily behavior. Some believed that <i>lǐ</i> originated from the heavens, but Confucius stressed the development of <i>lǐ</i> through the actions of sage leaders in human history. His discussions of <i>lǐ</i> seem to redefine the term to refer to all actions committed by a person to build the ideal society, rather than those conforming with canonical standards of ceremony.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>In the early Confucian tradition, <i>lǐ</i> was doing the proper thing at the proper time; balancing between maintaining existing norms to perpetuate an ethical social fabric, and violating them in order to accomplish ethical good. Training in the <i>lǐ</i> of past sages, cultivates virtues in people that include ethical judgment about when <i>lǐ</i> must be adapted in light of situational contexts.
</p><p>In Confucianism, the concept of <i>li</i> is closely related to <i>yì</i> (義), which is based upon the idea of reciprocity. <i>Yì</i> can be translated as <a href="/wiki/Righteousness">righteousness</a>, though it may mean what is ethically best to do in a certain context. The term contrasts with action done out of <a href="/wiki/Selfishness">self-interest</a>. While pursuing one's own self-interest is not necessarily bad, one would be a better, more righteous person if one's life was based upon following a path designed to enhance the greater good. Thus an outcome of <i>yì</i> is doing the right thing for the right reason.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Just as action according to <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucian)">lǐ</a></i> should be adapted to conform to the aspiration of adhering to <i>yì</i>, so <i>yì</i> is linked to the core value of <i>rén</i> (仁).<i><a href="/wiki/Ren_(Confucianism)">Rén</a></i> consists of five basic virtues: seriousness, generosity, sincerity, diligence, and kindness.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Bonevac09-40-62">[62]</a></sup> <i>Rén</i> is the virtue of perfectly fulfilling one's responsibilities toward others, most often translated as "benevolence" or "humaneness"; translator <a href="/wiki/Arthur_Waley">Arthur Waley</a> calls it "Goodness" (with a capital <i>G</i>), and other translations that have been put forth include "authoritativeness" and "selflessness". Confucius's moral system was based upon <a href="/wiki/Empathy">empathy</a> and understanding others, rather than divinely ordained rules. To develop one's spontaneous responses of <i>rén</i> so that these could guide action intuitively was even better than living by the rules of <i>yì</i>. Confucius asserts that virtue is a mean between extremes. For example, the properly generous person gives the right amount – not too much and not too little.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Bonevac09-40-62">[62]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Politics</h3>
<p>Confucius's political thought is based upon his ethical thought. He argued that the best government is one that rules through "rites" (<i>lǐ</i>) and people's <a href="/wiki/Natural_morality">natural morality</a>, and <i>not</i> by using bribery and coercion. He explained that this is one of the most important analects: "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame. If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of the shame, and moreover will become good." (<i>Analects</i> 2.3, tr. Legge). This "sense of shame" is an internalisation of <a href="/wiki/Duty">duty</a>, where the punishment precedes the evil action, instead of following it in the form of laws as in <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Confucius looked nostalgically upon earlier days, and urged the Chinese, particularly those with political power, to model themselves on earlier examples. In times of division, chaos, and endless wars between feudal states, he wanted to restore the <a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a> (天命) that could unify the "world" (天下, "all under Heaven") and bestow peace and prosperity on the people. Because his vision of personal and social perfections was framed as a revival of the ordered society of earlier times, Confucius is often considered a great proponent of <a href="/wiki/Conservatism">conservatism</a>, but a closer look at what he proposes often shows that he used (and perhaps twisted) past institutions and rites to push a new political agenda of his own: a revival of a unified royal state, whose rulers would succeed to power on the basis of their moral merits instead of lineage. These would be rulers devoted to their people, striving for personal and social <a href="/wiki/Perfection">perfection</a>, and such a ruler would spread his own virtues to the people instead of imposing proper behavior with laws and rules.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>While Confucius supported the idea of government ruling by a virtuous king, his ideas contained a number of elements to limit the power of rulers. He argued for representing <a href="/wiki/Truth">truth</a> in language, and <a href="/wiki/Honesty">honesty</a> was of paramount importance. Even in <a href="/wiki/Facial_expression">facial expression</a>, truth must always be represented.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> Confucius believed that if a ruler is to lead correctly, by action, that orders would be unnecessary in that others will follow the proper actions of their ruler. In discussing the relationship between a king and his subject (or a father and his son), he underlined the need to give due respect to superiors. This demanded that the subordinates must advise their superiors if the superiors are considered to be taking a course of action that is wrong. Confucius believed in ruling by example, if you lead correctly, orders by force or punishment are not necessary.<sup><a href="#cite_note-63">[63]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Music and poetry</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Manuscript_from_Shanghai_Museum_1.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Confucius heavily promoted the use of music with rituals or the rites order. The scholar <a href="/wiki/Li_Zehou">Li Zehou</a> argued that Confucianism is based on the idea of rites. Rites serve as the starting point for each individual and that these sacred social functions allow each person's human nature to be harmonious with reality. Given this, Confucius believed that "music is the harmonization of heaven and earth; the rites is the order of heaven and earth". Thus the application of music in rites creates the order that makes it possible for society to prosper.<sup><a href="#cite_note-auto-1">[1]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Confucian approach to music was heavily inspired by the <a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Poetry">Shijing</a> and the <a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Music">Classic of Music</a>, which was said to be the sixth Confucian classic until it was lost during the <a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Han Dynasty</a>. The Shijing serves as one of the current Confucian classics and is a book on poetry that contains a diversified variety of poems as well as folk songs. Confucius is traditionally ascribed with compiling these classics within his school.<sup><a href="#cite_note-64">[64]</a></sup> In the Analects, Confucius described the importance of the art in the development of society:<sup><a href="#cite_note-Confucius,_The_Analects_-_17-65">[65]</a></sup>
</p>
<blockquote><p>The Master said, "My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?<br />
"The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.<br />
"They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation.<br />
"They teach the art of sociability.<br />
"They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.<br />
"From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one's father, and the remoter one of serving one's prince.<br />
"From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Confucius,_The_Analects_-_17-65">[65]</a></sup>
</p></blockquote>
<h2>Legacy</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Louvre_Conseil_Etat_Confucius.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Confucius's teachings were later turned into an elaborate set of rules and practices by his numerous disciples and followers, who organized his teachings into the Analects.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKnechtgesShih2010645-66">[66]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201025-67">[67]</a></sup> Confucius's disciples and his only grandson, <a href="/wiki/Zisi">Zisi</a>, continued his philosophical school after his death.<sup><a href="#cite_note-68">[68]</a></sup> These efforts spread Confucian ideals to students who then became officials in many of the royal courts in China, thereby giving Confucianism the first wide-scale test of its <a href="/wiki/Dogma">dogma</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Two of Confucius's most famous later followers emphasized radically different aspects of his teachings. In the centuries after his death, <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> (孟子) and <a href="/wiki/Xun_Zi">Xun Zi</a> (荀子) both composed important teachings elaborating in different ways on the fundamental ideas associated with Confucius. <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> (4th century BCE) articulated the innate goodness in human beings as a source of the ethical intuitions that guide people towards <i>rén</i>, <i>yì</i>, and <i>lǐ</i>, while <a href="/wiki/Xun_Zi">Xun Zi</a> (3rd century BCE) underscored the realistic and materialistic aspects of Confucian thought, stressing that morality was inculcated in society through tradition and in individuals through training. In time, their writings, together with the <i>Analects</i> and other core texts came to constitute the philosophical corpus of Confucianism.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>This realignment in Confucian thought was parallel to the development of <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>, which saw filial piety as self-interest and not a useful tool for a ruler to create an effective state.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> A disagreement between these two political philosophies came to a head in 223 BCE when the <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin state</a> conquered all of China. <a href="/wiki/Li_Si">Li Si</a>, Prime Minister of the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a>, convinced <a href="/wiki/Qin_Shi_Huang">Qin Shi Huang</a> to abandon the Confucians' recommendation of awarding fiefs akin to the <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Dynasty">Zhou Dynasty</a> before them which he saw as being against to the Legalist idea of centralizing the state around the ruler. When the Confucian advisers pressed their point, Li Si had many Confucian scholars killed and their books burned—considered a huge blow to the philosophy and Chinese scholarship.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Under the succeeding <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han</a> and <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang</a> dynasties, Confucian ideas gained even more widespread prominence. Under <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wu_of_Han">Wudi</a>, the works of Confucius were made the official imperial philosophy and required reading for civil service examinations in 140 BCE which was continued nearly unbroken until the end of the 19th century. As <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a> lost support by the time of the Han, the main philosophical contenders were Legalism, which Confucian thought somewhat absorbed, the teachings of <a href="/wiki/Laozi">Laozi</a>, whose focus on more spiritual ideas kept it from direct conflict with Confucianism, and the new <a href="/wiki/Buddhist">Buddhist</a> religion, which gained acceptance during the <a href="/wiki/Southern_and_Northern_Dynasties">Southern and Northern Dynasties</a> era. Both Confucian ideas and Confucian-trained officials were relied upon in the <a href="/wiki/Ming_Dynasty">Ming Dynasty</a> and even the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_Dynasty">Yuan Dynasty</a>, although <a href="/wiki/Kublai_Khan">Kublai Khan</a> distrusted handing over provincial control to them.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>During the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a>, the scholar <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> (1130–1200 CE) added ideas from <a href="/wiki/Daoism">Daoism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> into Confucianism. In his life, Zhu Xi was largely ignored, but not long after his death, his ideas became the new orthodox view of what Confucian texts actually meant. Modern historians view Zhu Xi as having created something rather different and call his way of thinking <i><a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a></i>. Neo-Confucianism held sway in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam until the 19th century.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:LifeAndWorksOfConfucius1687.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The works of Confucius were first translated into European languages by <a href="/wiki/Jesuit_China_missions">Jesuit missionaries</a> in the 16th century during the late <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a>. The first known effort was by <a href="/wiki/Michele_Ruggieri">Michele Ruggieri</a>, who returned to Italy in 1588 and carried on his translations while residing in <a href="/wiki/Salerno">Salerno</a>. <a href="/wiki/Matteo_Ricci">Matteo Ricci</a> started to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and a team of Jesuits—<a href="/wiki/Prospero_Intorcetta">Prospero Intorcetta</a>, <a href="/wiki/Philippe_Couplet">Philippe Couplet</a>, and two others—published a translation of several <a href="/wiki/Confucian_canon">Confucian works</a> and an overview of <a href="/wiki/History_of_China">Chinese history</a> in Paris in 1687.<sup><a href="#cite_note-69">[69]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-parker77-25-70">[70]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Fran%C3%A7ois_No%C3%ABl_(missionary)">François Noël</a>, after failing to persuade <a href="/wiki/Pope_Clement_XI">Clement XI</a> that <a href="/wiki/Chinese_ancestral_veneration">Chinese veneration of ancestors</a> and <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucius</a> <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Rites_controversy">did not constitute idolatry</a>, completed the Confucian canon at <a href="/wiki/Prague">Prague</a> in 1711, with more scholarly treatments of the other works and the first translation of the <a href="/wiki/Mengzi_(book)">collected works</a> of <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-71">[71]</a></sup> It is thought that such works had considerable importance on European thinkers of the period, particularly among the <a href="/wiki/Deists">Deists</a> and other philosophical groups of the <a href="/wiki/Age_of_Enlightenment">Enlightenment</a> who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into <a href="/wiki/Western_world">Western civilization</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-parker77-25-70">[70]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHobson2004194–195-72">[72]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the modern era Confucian movements, such as <a href="/wiki/New_Confucianism">New Confucianism</a>, still exist, but during the <a href="/wiki/Cultural_Revolution">Cultural Revolution</a>, Confucianism was frequently attacked by leading figures in the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Communist_Party">Chinese Communist Party</a>. This was partially a continuation of the condemnations of Confucianism by intellectuals and activists in the early 20th century as a cause of the ethnocentric close-mindedness and refusal of the <a href="/wiki/Qing_Dynasty">Qing Dynasty</a> to modernize that led to the tragedies that befell China in the 19th century.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Confucius's works are studied by scholars in many other Asian countries, particularly those in the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_cultural_sphere">Chinese cultural sphere</a>, such as Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. Many of those countries still hold the traditional memorial ceremony every year.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Among <a href="/wiki/Tibetans">Tibetans</a>, Confucius is often worshipped as a holy king and master of magic, divination and astrology. <a href="/wiki/Tibetan_Buddhists">Tibetan Buddhists</a> see him as learning divination from the Buddha <a href="/wiki/Manjushri">Manjushri</a> (and that knowledge subsequently reaching Tibet through <a href="/wiki/Princess_Wencheng">Princess Wencheng</a>), while <a href="/wiki/Bon">Bon</a> practitioners see him as being a reincarnation of <a href="/wiki/Tonpa_Shenrab_Miwoche">Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche</a>, the legendary founder of Bon.<sup><a href="#cite_note-73">[73]</a></sup>
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Ahmadiyya_Muslim_Community">Ahmadiyya Muslim Community</a> believes Confucius was a <a href="/wiki/Prophets_of_Islam">Divine Prophet</a> of God, as were <a href="/wiki/Lao-Tzu">Lao-Tzu</a> and other eminent Chinese personages.<sup><a href="#cite_note-74">[74]</a></sup>
</p><p>In modern times, <a href="/wiki/7853_Confucius">Asteroid 7853</a>, "Confucius", was named after the Chinese thinker.<sup><a href="#cite_note-75">[75]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Disciples</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:The_Classic_of_Filial_Piety_(%E9%96%8B%E5%AE%97%E6%98%8E%E7%BE%A9%E7%AB%A0_%E7%95%AB).jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Confucius began teaching after he turned 30, and taught more than 3,000 students in his life, about 70 of whom were considered outstanding. His disciples and the early Confucian community they formed became the most influential intellectual force in the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201386-76">[76]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> historian <a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a> dedicated a chapter in his <i><a href="/wiki/Records_of_the_Grand_Historian">Records of the Grand Historian</a></i> to the biographies of Confucius's disciples, accounting for the influence they exerted in their time and afterward. Sima Qian recorded the names of 77 disciples in his collective biography, while <i><a href="/wiki/Kongzi_Jiayu">Kongzi Jiayu</a></i>, another early source, records 76, not completely overlapping. The two sources together yield the names of 96 disciples.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201387-77">[77]</a></sup> Twenty-two of them are mentioned in the <i><a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a></i>, while the <i><a href="/wiki/Mencius_(book)">Mencius</a></i> records 24.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194930-78">[78]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius did not charge any tuition, and only requested a symbolic gift of a bundle of dried meat from any prospective student. According to his disciple <a href="/wiki/Duanmu_Ci">Zigong</a>, his master treated students like doctors treated patients and did not turn anybody away.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201387-77">[77]</a></sup> Most of them came from <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a>, Confucius's home state, with 43 recorded, but he accepted students from all over China, with six from the state of <a href="/wiki/Wey_(state)">Wey</a> (such as Zigong), three from <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin</a>, two each from <a href="/wiki/Chen_(state)">Chen</a> and <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a>, and one each from <a href="/wiki/Cai_(state)">Cai</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">Song</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201387-77">[77]</a></sup> Confucius considered his students' personal background irrelevant, and accepted noblemen, commoners, and even former criminals such as Yan Zhuoju and <a href="/wiki/Gongye_Chang">Gongye Chang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201388-79">[79]</a></sup> His disciples from richer families would pay a sum commensurate with their wealth which was considered a ritual donation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen201387-77">[77]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius's favorite disciple was <a href="/wiki/Yan_Hui">Yan Hui</a>, most probably one of the most impoverished of them all.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194930-78">[78]</a></sup> Sima Niu, in contrast to Yan Hui, was from a hereditary noble family hailing from the Song state.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194930-78">[78]</a></sup> Under Confucius's teachings, the disciples became well learned in the principles and methods of government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> He often engaged in discussion and debate with his students and gave high importance to their studies in history, poetry, and ritual.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> Confucius advocated loyalty to principle rather than to individual acumen, in which reform was to be achieved by persuasion rather than violence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> Even though Confucius denounced them for their practices, the aristocracy was likely attracted to the idea of having trustworthy officials who were studied in morals as the circumstances of the time made it desirable.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> In fact, the disciple <a href="/wiki/Zhong_You">Zilu</a> even died defending his ruler in <a href="/wiki/Wey_(state)">Wey</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup>
</p><p>Yang Hu, who was a subordinate of the Ji family, had dominated the Lu government from 505 to 502 and even attempted a coup, which narrowly failed.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> As a likely consequence, it was after this that the first disciples of Confucius were appointed to government positions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932-80">[80]</a></sup> A few of Confucius's disciples went on to attain official positions of some importance, some of which were arranged by Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194931-81">[81]</a></sup> By the time Confucius was 50 years old, the Ji family had consolidated their power in the Lu state over the ruling ducal house.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194933-82">[82]</a></sup> Even though the Ji family had practices with which Confucius disagreed and disapproved, they nonetheless gave Confucius's disciples many opportunities for employment.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194933-82">[82]</a></sup> Confucius continued to remind his disciples to stay true to their principles and renounced those who did not, all the while being openly critical of the Ji family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECreel194932–33-83">[83]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Visual portraits</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E5%AD%94%E5%AD%90%E8%81%96%E8%B9%9F%E5%9C%96.png"></a></p></div> 
<p>No contemporary painting or sculpture of Confucius survives, and it was only during the <a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Han Dynasty</a> that he was portrayed visually. Carvings often depict his legendary meeting with <a href="/wiki/Laozi">Laozi</a>. Since that time there have been many portraits of Confucius as the ideal philosopher. An early verbal portrayal of Confucius is found in the chapter "External Things" (外物; <i>Wàiwù</i>) of the book <i><a href="/wiki/Zhuangzi_(book)">Zhuangzi</a></i> (莊子; <i>Zhuāngzǐ</i>), finished in about 3rd BCE, long after Confucius's death.<sup><a href="#cite_note-84">[84]</a></sup> The oldest known portrait of Confucius has been unearthed in the tomb of the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> ruler <a href="/wiki/Marquis_of_Haihun">Marquis of Haihun</a> (died 59 BCE). The picture was painted on the wooden frame to a polished bronze mirror.<sup><a href="#cite_note-85">[85]</a></sup>
</p><p>In former times, it was customary to have a portrait in <a href="/wiki/Temple_of_Confucius">Confucius Temples</a>; however, during the reign of <a href="/wiki/Hongwu_Emperor">Hongwu Emperor</a> (Taizu) of the <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a>, it was decided that the only proper portrait of Confucius should be in the <a href="/wiki/Temple_of_Confucius,_Qufu">temple</a> in his home town, <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a> in Shandong. In other temples, Confucius is represented by a memorial tablet. In 2006, the China Confucius Foundation commissioned a standard portrait of Confucius based on the <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang dynasty</a> portrait by <a href="/wiki/Wu_Daozi">Wu Daozi</a>.
</p><p>The South Wall <a href="/wiki/Frieze">Frieze</a> in the courtroom of the <a href="/wiki/Supreme_Court_of_the_United_States">Supreme Court of the United States</a> depicts Confucius as a teacher of harmony, learning, and virtue.<sup><a href="#cite_note-86">[86]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Fictional portrayals</h3>
<p>There have been two film adaptations of Confucius' life: the 1940 film <a href="/wiki/Confucius_(1940_film)"><i>Confucius</i></a> starring Tang Huaiqiu, and the 2010 film <a href="/wiki/Confucius_(2010_film)"><i>Confucius</i></a> starring <a href="/wiki/Chow_Yun-fat">Chow Yun-fat</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h3>Memorials</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:First_Entrance_Gate_of_the_Temple_of_Confucius,_Ching-hai.jpg"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:20130918-%E5%98%89%E5%AE%9A%E5%AD%94%E5%BA%99-2.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Soon after Confucius's death, <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a>, his home town, became a place of devotion and remembrance. The <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> <i><a href="/wiki/Records_of_the_Grand_Historian">Records of the Grand Historian</a></i> records that it had already become a place of pilgrimage for ministers. It is still a major destination for cultural tourism, and many people visit his grave and the surrounding temples. In Sinic cultures, there are many temples where representations of the <a href="/wiki/Gautama_Buddha">Buddha</a>, <a href="/wiki/Laozi">Laozi</a>, and Confucius are found together. There are also many <a href="/wiki/Temple_of_Confucius">temples</a> dedicated to him, which have been used for Confucian ceremonies.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Followers of Confucianism have a tradition of holding spectacular memorial ceremonies of Confucius (祭孔) every year, using ceremonies that supposedly derived from Zhou Li (周禮) as recorded by Confucius, on the date of Confucius's birth. In the 20th century, this tradition was interrupted for several decades in mainland China, where the official stance of the Communist Party and the State was that Confucius and Confucianism represented reactionary <a href="/wiki/Feudalism">feudalist</a> beliefs which held that the subservience of the people to the <a href="/wiki/Aristocracy_(class)">aristocracy</a> is a part of the natural order. All such ceremonies and rites were therefore banned. Only after the 1990s did the ceremony resume. As it is now considered a veneration of Chinese history and tradition, even Communist Party members may be found in attendance.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>In Taiwan, where the Nationalist Party (<a href="/wiki/Kuomintang">Kuomintang</a>) strongly promoted Confucian beliefs in ethics and behavior, the tradition of the memorial ceremony of Confucius (祭孔) is supported by the government and has continued without interruption. While not a national holiday, it does appear on all printed calendars, much as <a href="/wiki/Father%27s_Day">Father's Day</a> or <a href="/wiki/Christmas">Christmas Day</a> do in the Western world.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>In <a href="/wiki/South_Korea">South Korea</a>, a grand-scale memorial ceremony called <a href="/wiki/Seokjeon_Daeje">Seokjeon Daeje</a> is held twice a year on Confucius's birthday and the anniversary of his death, at <a href="/wiki/Hyanggyo">Confucian academies</a> across the country and <a href="/wiki/Sungkyunkwan">Sungkyunkwan</a> in Seoul.<sup><a href="#cite_note-87">[87]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Descendants</h3>
<p>Confucius's descendants were repeatedly identified and honored by successive imperial governments with titles of nobility and official posts. They were honored with the rank of a <a href="/wiki/Marquess">marquis</a> 35 times since <a href="/wiki/Gaozu_of_Han">Gaozu</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a>, and they were promoted to the rank of <a href="/wiki/Duke">duke</a> 42 times from the <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang dynasty</a> to the <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a>. <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong of Tang</a> first bestowed the title of "Duke Wenxuan" on Kong Suizhi of the 35th generation. In 1055, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Renzong_of_Song">Emperor Renzong of Song</a> first bestowed the title of "<a href="/wiki/Duke_Yansheng">Duke Yansheng</a>" on Kong Zongyuan of the 46th generation.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>During the <a href="/wiki/Southern_Song_dynasty">Southern Song dynasty</a>, the Duke Yansheng Kong Duanyou fled south with the Song Emperor to <a href="/wiki/Quzhou">Quzhou</a> in Zhejiang, while the newly established <a href="/wiki/Jin_dynasty_(1115%E2%80%931234)">Jin dynasty (1115–1234)</a> in the north appointed Kong Duanyou's brother Kong Duancao who remained in Qufu as Duke Yansheng.<sup><a href="#cite_note-88">[88]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-89">[89]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-90">[90]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-91">[91]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-92">[92]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-93">[93]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-94">[94]</a></sup> From that time up until the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a>, there were two Duke Yanshengs, one in the north in Qufu and the other in the south at Quzhou. An invitation to come back to Qufu was extended to the southern Duke Yansheng Kong Zhu by the Yuan-dynasty Emperor Kublai Khan. The title was taken away from the southern branch after Kong Zhu rejected the invitation,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJpgPA187_187–188]-95">[95]</a></sup> so the northern branch of the family kept the title of Duke Yansheng. The southern branch remained in Quzhou where they live to this day. Confucius's descendants in Quzhou alone number 30,000.<sup><a href="#cite_note-96">[96]</a></sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Reliable_sources">unreliable source?</a></i>]</sup> The <a href="/wiki/Hanlin_Academy">Hanlin Academy</a> rank of Wujing boshi <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E4%BA%94%E7%B6%93%E5%8D%9A%E5%A3%AB">五經博士</a> was awarded to the southern branch at Quzhou by a Ming Emperor while the northern branch at Qufu held the title Duke Yansheng.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Wilson2002-97">[97]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJqwujingboshidescendantpgPA188_188]-98">[98]</a></sup> The leader of the southern branch is 孔祥楷 Kong Xiangkai.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJpgPA189_189]-99">[99]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 1351, during the reign of Emperor <a href="/wiki/Toghon_Tem%C3%BCr">Toghon Temür</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a>, 53rd-generation descendant Kong Huan (孔浣)'s second son Kong Shao (孔昭) moved from China to Korea during the <a href="/wiki/Goryeo">Goryeo Dynasty</a>, and was received courteously by <a href="/wiki/Queen_Noguk">Princess Noguk</a> (the Mongolian-born wife of the future king <a href="/wiki/Gongmin_of_Goryeo">Gongmin</a>). After being naturalized as a Korean citizen, he changed the <a href="/wiki/Hanja">hanja</a> of his name from "昭" to "紹" (both pronounced <i>so</i> in Korean),<sup><a href="#cite_note-100">[100]</a></sup> married a Korean woman and bore a son (Gong Yeo (<a href="/wiki/Korean_language">Korean</a>: 공여; <a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a>: 孔帤), 1329–1397), therefore establishing the Changwon Gong clan (<a href="/wiki/Korean_language">Korean</a>: 창원 공씨; <a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a>: 昌原 孔氏), whose ancestral seat was located in <a href="/wiki/Changwon">Changwon</a>, <a href="/wiki/South_Gyeongsang_Province">South Gyeongsang Province</a>. The clan then received an <a href="/wiki/Korean_nobility">aristocratic rank</a> during the succeeding <a href="/wiki/Joseon">Joseon dynasty</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-101">[101]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-102">[102]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-103">[103]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-104">[104]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-105">[105]</a></sup> In 1794, during the reign of King <a href="/wiki/Jeongjo_of_Joseon">Jeongjo</a>, the clan then changed its name to <a href="/wiki/Qufu_Kong_clan">Gokbu Gong clan</a> (<a href="/wiki/Korean_language">Korean</a>: 곡부 공씨; <a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a>: 曲阜 孔氏) in honor of Confucius's birthplace <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a> (<a href="/wiki/Korean_language">Korean</a>: 곡부; <a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a>: 曲阜; <a href="/wiki/Revised_Romanization_of_Korean">RR</a>: <i>Gokbu</i>).<sup><a href="#cite_note-106">[106]</a></sup>
</p><p>Famous descendants include actors such as <a href="/wiki/Gong_Yoo">Gong Yoo</a> (real name Gong Ji-cheol (공지철)) and <a href="/wiki/Gong_Hyo-jin">Gong Hyo-jin</a> (공효진); and artists such as male idol group <a href="/wiki/B1A4">B1A4</a> member <a href="/wiki/Gongchan">Gongchan</a> (real name Gong Chan-sik (공찬식)), singer-songwriter <a href="/wiki/Minzy">Minzy</a> (real name Gong Min-ji (공민지)), as well as her great aunt, traditional folk dancer <a href="/w/index.php?title=Gong_Ok-jin&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Gong Ok-jin</a> [<a href="https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EA%B3%B5%EC%98%A5%EC%A7%84">ko</a>] (공옥진).
</p><p>Despite repeated dynastic change in China, the title of Duke Yansheng was bestowed upon successive generations of descendants until it was abolished by the <a href="/wiki/Nationalist_government">Nationalist government</a> in 1935. The last holder of the title, <a href="/wiki/Kung_Te-cheng">Kung Te-cheng</a> of the 77th generation, was appointed <a href="/wiki/Sacrificial_Official_to_Confucius">Sacrificial Official to Confucius</a>. Kung Te-cheng died in October 2008, and his son, Kung Wei-yi, the 78th lineal descendant, died in 1989. Kung Te-cheng's grandson, <a href="/wiki/Kung_Tsui-chang">Kung Tsui-chang</a>, the 79th lineal descendant, was born in 1975; his great-grandson, Kung Yu-jen, the 80th lineal descendant, was born in Taipei on January 1, 2006. Te-cheng's sister, Kong Demao, lives in mainland China and has written a book about her experiences growing up at the family estate in Qufu. Another sister, Kong Deqi, died as a young woman.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Demao-107">[107]</a></sup> Many descendants of Confucius still live in Qufu today.
</p><p>A descendant of Confucius, <a href="/wiki/H._H._Kung">H. H. Kung</a>, was the <a href="/wiki/Premier_of_the_Republic_of_China">Premier of the Republic of China</a>. One of his sons, <a href="/w/index.php?title=Kong_Lingjie&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Kong Lingjie</a> [<a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94%E4%BB%A4%E5%82%91">zh</a>] (孔令傑), married <a href="/wiki/Debra_Paget">Debra Paget</a><sup><a href="#cite_note-i-108">[108]</a></sup> who gave birth to Gregory Kung (孔德基).
</p><p>Confucius's family, the Kongs, have the longest recorded extant pedigree in the world today. The father-to-son family tree, now in its 83rd generation,<sup><a href="#cite_note-109">[109]</a></sup> has been recorded since the death of Confucius. According to the <a href="/wiki/Confucius_Genealogy_Compilation_Committee">Confucius Genealogy Compilation Committee</a> (CGCC), he has two million known and registered descendants, and there are an estimated three million in all.<sup><a href="#cite_note-yanl-110">[110]</a></sup> Of these, several tens of thousands live outside of China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-yanl-110">[110]</a></sup> In the 14th century, a Kong descendant went to Korea, where an estimated 34,000 descendants of Confucius live today.<sup><a href="#cite_note-yanl-110">[110]</a></sup> One of the main lineages fled from the Kong ancestral home in <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a> during the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Civil_War">Chinese Civil War</a> in the 1940s and eventually settled in Taiwan.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Demao-107">[107]</a></sup> There are also branches of the Kong family who have converted to Islam after marrying Muslim women, in Dachuan in Gansu province in the 1800s,<sup><a href="#cite_note-111">[111]</a></sup> and in 1715 in <a href="/wiki/Xuanwei">Xuanwei</a> in Yunnan province.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Zhou-112">[112]</a></sup> Many of the Muslim Confucius descendants are descended from the marriage of Ma Jiaga (馬甲尕), a Muslim woman, and Kong Yanrong (孔彥嶸), 59th generation descendant of Confucius in the year 1480, and are found among the <a href="/wiki/Hui_people">Hui</a> and <a href="/wiki/Dongxiang_people">Dongxiang</a> peoples.<sup><a href="#cite_note-113">[113]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-114">[114]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-115">[115]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-116">[116]</a></sup> The new genealogy includes the Muslims.<sup><a href="#cite_note-117">[117]</a></sup> Kong Dejun (孔德軍) is a prominent Islamic scholar and Arabist from Qinghai province and a 77th generation descendant of Confucius.
</p><p>Because of the huge interest in the Confucius family tree, there was a project in China to test the DNA of known family members of the collateral branches in mainland China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-118">[118]</a></sup> Among other things, this would allow scientists to identify a common Y chromosome in male descendants of Confucius. If the descent were truly unbroken, father-to-son, since Confucius's lifetime, the males in the family would all have the same Y chromosome as their direct male ancestor, with slight mutations due to the passage of time.<sup><a href="#cite_note-119">[119]</a></sup> The aim of the genetic test was to help members of collateral branches in China who lost their genealogical records to prove their descent. However, in 2009, many of the collateral branches decided not to agree to DNA testing.<sup><a href="#cite_note-seedmagazine-120">[120]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Bryan_Sykes">Bryan Sykes</a>, professor of genetics at <a href="/wiki/Oxford_University">Oxford University</a>, understands this decision: "The Confucius family tree has an enormous cultural significance ... It's not just a scientific question."<sup><a href="#cite_note-seedmagazine-120">[120]</a></sup> The DNA testing was originally proposed to add new members, many of whose family record books were lost during 20th century upheavals, to the Confucian family tree.<sup><a href="#cite_note-121">[121]</a></sup> The main branch of the family which fled to Taiwan was never involved in the proposed DNA test at all.
</p><p>In 2013 a DNA test performed on multiple different families who claimed descent from Confucius found that they shared the same Y chromosome as reported by <a href="/wiki/Fudan_University">Fudan University</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-122">[122]</a></sup>
</p><p>The fifth and most recent edition of the Confucius genealogy was printed by the CGCC.<sup><a href="#cite_note-zhouccgc09-123">[123]</a></sup> It was unveiled in a ceremony at Qufu on September 24, 2009.<sup><a href="#cite_note-zhouccgc09-123">[123]</a></sup> Women are now included for the first time.<sup><a href="#cite_note-124">[124]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>References</h2>
<h3>Citations</h3>
<div>
<ol>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-25">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://www.worldhistory.org/Confucianism/">"Confucianism"</a>. <i>World History Encyclopedia</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210417151257/https://www.worldhistory.org/Confucianism/">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-04-17. Retrieved 2020-11-04.</cite>
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENivison1999752_26-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENivison1999752_26-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNivison1999">Nivison 1999</a>, p. 752.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHunter201750_27-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFHunter2017">Hunter 2017</a>, p. 50.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWilkinson2015133_28-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWilkinson2015">Wilkinson 2015</a>, p. 133.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-birth_29-0">^</a></b> <cite>Hugan, Yong (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA4"><i>Confucius: A Guide for the Perplexed</i></a>. A&amp;C Black. p. 3. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4411-9653-8"><bdi>978-1-4411-9653-8</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170416224536/https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA4">Archived</a> from the original on 2017-04-16.</cite>
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194925_30-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194925_30-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 25.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERainey201016_31-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFRainey2010">Rainey 2010</a>, p. 16.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge1887260_32-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLegge1887">Legge 1887</a>, p. 260.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge1887259_33-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLegge1887">Legge 1887</a>, p. 259.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEYao199729_34-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYao1997">Yao 1997</a>, p. 29.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEYao200023_35-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYao2000">Yao 2000</a>, p. 23.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERainey201066_36-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFRainey2010">Rainey 2010</a>, p. 66.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194926_37-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 26.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-confu_38-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-confu_38-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-confu_38-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-confu_38-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Huang, Yong (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;q=confucius+age+19+marry+qiguan&amp;pg=PA4"><i>Confucius: A Guide for the Perplexed</i></a>. A&amp;C Black. p. 4. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4411-9653-8"><bdi>978-1-4411-9653-8</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210419122052/https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;q=confucius+age+19+marry+qiguan&amp;pg=PA4">Archived</a> from the original on April 19, 2021. Retrieved August 12, 2015.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-39">^</a></b> <cite>Schuman, Michael (2015). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=wb6DBQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PT25"><i>Confucius: And the World He Created</i></a>. Basic Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-465-04057-5"><bdi>978-0-465-04057-5</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170416230225/https://books.google.com/books?id=wb6DBQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PT25">Archived</a> from the original on 2017-04-16.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-40">^</a></b> <cite>Huang, Yong (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA4"><i>Confucius: A Guide for the Perplexed</i></a>. A&amp;C Black. pp. 4–5. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4411-9653-8"><bdi>978-1-4411-9653-8</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170416224536/https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA4">Archived</a> from the original on 2017-04-16.</cite>
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-buryl_41-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-buryl_41-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Burgan, Michael (2008). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=vM8GCpBncjEC&amp;pg=PT12"><i>Confucius: Chinese Philosopher and Teacher</i></a>. Capstone. p. 23. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7565-3832-3"><bdi>978-0-7565-3832-3</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170416230252/https://books.google.com/books?id=vM8GCpBncjEC&amp;pg=PT12">Archived</a> from the original on April 16, 2017. Retrieved August 12, 2015.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946274–275_42-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, pp. 274–275.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275_43-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275_43-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275_43-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275_43-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, p. 275.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276_44-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276_44-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946275–276_44-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, pp. 275–276.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-7"><sup><i><b>h</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277_45-8"><sup><i><b>i</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, p. 277.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36_46-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36_46-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194935–36_46-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, pp. 35–36.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277–278_47-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946277–278_47-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, pp. 277–278.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194935_48-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194935_48-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 35.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278_49-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278_49-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, p. 278.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946278–279_50-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, pp. 278–279.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946279_51-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, p. 279.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-chin07-30_52-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-chin07-30_52-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-chin07-30_52-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-chin07-30_52-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-chin07-30_52-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFChin2007">Chin 2007</a>, 30.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946280_53-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, p. 280.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDubs1946280–281_54-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, pp. 280–281.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-dubs46-281_55-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-dubs46-281_55-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDubs1946">Dubs 1946</a>, 281.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel198613_56-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFRiegel1986">Riegel 1986</a>, p. 13.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENylanWilson201017_57-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENylanWilson201017_57-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNylanWilson2010">Nylan &amp; Wilson 2010</a>, p. 17.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-return_59-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-return_59-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Huang, Yong (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;q=confucius+return+68+lu&amp;pg=PA28"><i>Confucius: A Guide for the Perplexed</i></a>. A&amp;C Black. pp. 27–28. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4411-9653-8"><bdi>978-1-4411-9653-8</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210605225242/https://books.google.com/books?id=1R9MAQAAQBAJ&amp;q=confucius+return+68+lu&amp;pg=PA28">Archived</a> from the original on June 5, 2021. Retrieved August 13, 2015.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-74">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAhmadn.d.">Ahmad n.d.</a>, <a href="http://www.alislam.org/library/books/revelation/part_2_section_3.html">online</a>.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen201387_77-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen201387_77-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen201387_77-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen201387_77-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFShen2013">Shen 2013</a>, p. 87.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194930_78-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194930_78-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194930_78-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 30.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932_80-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 32.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194931_81-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 31.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194933_82-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194933_82-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, p. 33.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECreel194932–33_83-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFCreel1949">Creel 1949</a>, pp. 32–33.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-84">^</a></b> <i>Zhuangzi</i>, "External Things". <a href="https://ctext.org/zhuangzi/what-comes-from-without#n2947">Chinese original</a>: 「老萊子之弟子出薪，遇仲尼，反以告曰： 『有人於彼，<b>修上而趨下，末僂而後耳，</b>視若營四海，不知其誰氏之子。 』老萊子曰：『 是丘也，召而來！』」. <a href="/wiki/Burton_Watson">Burton Watson</a>'s <a href="https://terebess.hu/english/chuangtzu3.html#26">translation</a>: "A disciple of Lao Lai-tzu was out gathering firewood when he happened to meet Confucius. He returned and reported, 'There's a man over there <b>with a long body and short legs, his back a little humped and his ears set way back,</b> who looks as though he were trying to attend to everything within the four seas. I don't know who it can be.' Lao Lai-tzu said, 'That's Kung Ch'iu. Tell him to come over here!'"
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-85">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170222200723/http://www.kaogu.cn/en/News/New_discoveries/2017/0221/57185.html">"Confucius depicted on mirror"</a>. <i>The Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences</i>. Archived from <a href="http://www.kaogu.cn/en/News/New_discoveries/2017/0221/57185.html">the original</a> on 22 February 2017. Retrieved 22 February 2017.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-86">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/northandsouthwalls.pdf">"US Supreme Court Courtroom Friezes"</a> (PDF). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20190713031226/https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/northandsouthwalls.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 13 July 2019. Retrieved 19 February 2019.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-87">^</a></b> <cite>Dunbar, Jon. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150418040456/http://www.raskb.com/content/confirmed-pls-pay-upon-registration-sungkyunkwan-confucian-ceremony">"Sungkyunkwan Confucian Ceremony"</a>. <i>RASKB</i>. Royal Asiatic Society Korea Branch. Archived from <a href="http://www.raskb.com/content/confirmed-pls-pay-upon-registration-sungkyunkwan-confucian-ceremony">the original</a> on 18 April 2015. Retrieved 8 April 2015.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-88">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160913134503/http://www.npm.gov.tw/hotnews/9910seminar/download/en/B10.pdf">"Descendants and Portraits of Confucius in the Early Southern Song"</a> (PDF). Archived from <a href="http://www.npm.gov.tw/hotnews/9910seminar/download/en/B10.pdf">the original</a> (PDF) on 2016-09-13. Retrieved 2016-05-03.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-89">^</a></b> <cite>Banning, B. Paul. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20161006175402/http://aas2.asian-studies.org/absts/1995abst/china/csess45.htm">"AAS Abstracts: China Session 45"</a>. <i>aas2.asian-studies.org</i>. Archived from <a href="http://aas2.asian-studies.org/absts/1995abst/china/csess45.htm">the original</a> on 2016-10-06.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-90">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://archive.today/20150318220616/https://www.asian-studies.org/absts/1995abst/china/csess45.htm">"On Sacred Grounds: The Material Culture and Ritual Formation of the Confucian Temple in Late Imperial China"</a>. <i>Association for Asian Studies</i>. Archived from <a href="https://www.asian-studies.org/absts/1995abst/china/csess45.htm">the original</a> on 2015-03-18. Retrieved 2014-08-05.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-91">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248653434">"The Ritual Formation of Confucian Orthodoxy and the Descendants of the Sage"</a>. <i>ResearchGate</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20181025071014/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248653434">Archived</a> from the original on 2018-10-25. Retrieved 2016-05-03.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-92">^</a></b> <cite>Wilson, Thomas A. <a href="http://academics.hamilton.edu/asian_studies/home/CultTemp/sitePages/temple.html">"Cult of Confucius"</a>. <i>academics.hamilton.edu</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160318225825/http://academics.hamilton.edu/asian_studies/home/culttemp/sitePages/temple.html">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-03-18. Retrieved 2016-05-03.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-93">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160304065123/http://en.chinatefl.com/Platform/cityfeature_241_5_48.html">"Quzhou City Guides"</a>. <i>China TEFL Network</i>. Archived from <a href="http://en.chinatefl.com/Platform/cityfeature_241_5_48.html">the original</a> on 2016-03-04.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-94">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/english/2006/Sep/182656.htm">"Confucius Anniversary Celebrated"</a>. <i>China Internet Information Center</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150914162656/http://www.china.org.cn/english/2006/Sep/182656.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 2015-09-14.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJpgPA187_187–188]_95-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFJansenKleinMeyer2014">Jansen, Klein &amp; Meyer 2014</a>, pp. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlXAwAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA187">187–188</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-96">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/english/2006/Sep/182656.htm">"Confucius Anniversary Celebrated"</a>. China Daily. September 29, 2006. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150914162656/http://www.china.org.cn/english/2006/Sep/182656.htm">Archived</a> from the original on September 14, 2015.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Wilson2002_97-0">^</a></b> <cite>Thomas A. Wilson (2002). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=T4XXAAAAMAAJ&amp;q=wujing+boshi+descendant"><i>On Sacred Grounds: Culture, Society, Politics, and the Formation of the Cult of Confucius</i></a>. Harvard University Asia Center. pp. 69, 315. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-00961-5"><bdi>978-0-674-00961-5</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210809161803/https://books.google.com/books?id=T4XXAAAAMAAJ&amp;q=wujing+boshi+descendant">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-08-09. Retrieved 2016-04-21.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJqwujingboshidescendantpgPA188_188]_98-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFJansenKleinMeyer2014">Jansen, Klein &amp; Meyer 2014</a>, p. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlXAwAAQBAJ&amp;q=wujing+boshi+descendant&amp;pg=PA188">188</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEJansenKleinMeyer2014[httpsbooksgooglecombooksidGNlXAwAAQBAJpgPA189_189]_99-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFJansenKleinMeyer2014">Jansen, Klein &amp; Meyer 2014</a>, p. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlXAwAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA189">189</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-100">^</a></b> Due to a <a href="/wiki/Naming_taboo">naming taboo</a> regarding the birth name of the fourth king of Goryeo <a href="/wiki/Gwangjong_of_Goryeo">Gwangjong</a>, born "Wang So" (<a href="/wiki/Korean_language">Korean</a>: 왕소; <a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a>: 王昭).
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-101">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://archive.today/20150204113943/http://www.qz.gov.cn/English/Recent/201405/t20140519_278510.htm">"Descendants of Confucius in South Korea Seek Roots in Quzhou"</a>. <i>Quzhou.China</i>. 2014-05-19. Archived from <a href="http://www.qz.gov.cn/English/Recent/201405/t20140519_278510.htm">the original</a> on 2015-02-04. Retrieved February 4, 2015.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-102">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://en.people.cn/90001/90777/90851/6355971.html">"South Korea home to 80,000 descendants of Confucius"</a>. <i>People's Daily l</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160828231834/http://en.people.cn/90001/90777/90851/6355971.html">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-08-28.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-103">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029_4.htm">"New Confucius Genealogy out next year"</a>. <i>China Internet Information Center</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20161010172506/http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029_4.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-10-10.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-104">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2016-03/11/content_37999541.htm">"China Exclusive: Korean Confucius descendants trace back to ancestor of family tree"</a>. <i>China Internet Information Center</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160601040417/http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2016-03/11/content_37999541.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-06-01.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-105">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160729171433/http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-03/11/c_135179011.htm">"China Exclusive: Korean Confucius descendants trace back to ancestor of family tree"</a>. <i>Xinhuanet</i>. Archived from <a href="http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-03/11/c_135179011.htm">the original</a> on 2016-07-29.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-106">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://terms.naver.com/entry.nhn?docId=1062982&amp;cid=200000000&amp;categoryId=200000185&amp;mobile"><i>Doosan Encyclopedia 공 孔</i></a>. <a href="/wiki/Doosan_Encyclopedia">Doosan Encyclopedia</a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220121173837/https://terms.naver.com/entry.naver?docId=1062982&amp;mobile=&amp;cid=40942&amp;categoryId=31639">Archived</a> from the original on 2022-01-21. Retrieved 2017-10-20.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Demao_107-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Demao_107-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFKongKeRoberts1988">Kong, Ke &amp; Roberts 1988</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-i_108-0">^</a></b> <cite>Bacon, James (April 21, 1962). <a href="https://www.newspapers.com/clip/2595390/independent/">"Debra Paget Weds Oilman, Nephew of Madame Chiang"</a>. <i>Independent</i>. Long Beach, California. p. 11. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150613031957/http://www.newspapers.com/clip/2595390/independent/">Archived</a> from the original on June 13, 2015. Retrieved June 11, 2015 – via <a href="/wiki/Newspapers.com">Newspapers.com</a>.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-109">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFChina_Economic_Net2009">China Economic Net 2009</a>, <a href="http://en.ce.cn/National/culture/200901/04/t20090104_17866318.shtml">online</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-yanl_110-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-yanl_110-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-yanl_110-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFYan2008">Yan 2008</a>, <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20080226170803/http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-02/16/content_7616027.htm">online</a>.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-111">^</a></b> <cite>Jing, Jun (1998). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=3leAld7M7p0C&amp;pg=PA26"><i>The Temple of Memories: History, Power, and Morality in a Chinese Village</i></a>. Stanford University Press. p. 26. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8047-6492-6"><bdi>978-0-8047-6492-6</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20151017235941/https://books.google.com/books?id=3leAld7M7p0C&amp;pg=PA26#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false">Archived</a> from the original on 2015-10-17.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Zhou_112-0">^</a></b> <cite>Zhou, Jing. <a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029_3.htm">"New Confucius Genealogy out next year"</a>. china.org.cn. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20161010100750/http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029_3.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-10-10. Retrieved 2010-06-28.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-113">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://culture.people.com.cn/n/2014/1214/c172318-26204615.html">"孔子后裔中有14个少数民族 有宗教信仰也传承家风 – 文化 – 人民网"</a>. <i>People's Daily</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160819191838/http://culture.people.com.cn/n/2014/1214/c172318-26204615.html">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-08-19.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-114">^</a></b> <cite>李典典. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20161006175521/http://big5.taiwan.cn/zppd/MMWZ/201412/t20141215_8361279.htm">"孔子後裔有14個少數民族 外籍後裔首次入家譜_台灣網"</a>. <i>big5.taiwan.cn</i>. Archived from <a href="http://big5.taiwan.cn/zppd/MMWZ/201412/t20141215_8361279.htm">the original</a> on 2016-10-06.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-115">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://culture.people.com.cn/GB/7158766.html">"西北生活着孔子回族后裔 – 文化 – 人民网"</a>. <i>People's Daily</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160409143206/http://culture.people.com.cn/GB/7158766.html">Archived</a> from the original on 2016-04-09.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-116">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160828231811/http://unn.people.com.cn/GB/7119528.html">"孔子后裔有回族 – 地方 – 人民网"</a>. <i>People's Daily</i>. Archived from <a href="http://unn.people.com.cn/GB/7119528.html">the original</a> on 2016-08-28. Retrieved 2016-03-29.</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-117">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.rmhb.com.cn/chpic/htdocs/english/200704/9-1.htm">rmhb.com.cn</a> (<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Link_rot">permanent dead link</a></i>]</sup>)
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-118">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMinistry_of_Commerce_of_the_PRC2006">Ministry of Commerce of the PRC 2006</a>, <a href="http://ye2.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/chinanews/200606/20060602462372.html">online</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-119">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/english/culture/171840.htm">"DNA Testing Adopted to Identify Confucius Descendants"</a>. China Internet Information Center. 19 June 2006. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20120112213638/http://www.china.org.cn/english/culture/171840.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 12 January 2012. Retrieved 31 May 2009.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-seedmagazine_120-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-seedmagazine_120-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFQiu2008">Qiu 2008</a>, <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090722140229/http://seedmagazine.com/content/article/inheriting_confucius/">online</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-121">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBandao2007">Bandao 2007</a>, <a href="http://eng.bandao.cn/newsdetail.asp?id=4644">online</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-122">^</a></b> <cite>Chen, Stephen (13 November 2013). <a href="http://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/technology/article/1354787/study-finds-single-bloodline-among-self-claimed-confucius">"Study finds single bloodline among self-claimed Confucius descendants"</a>. <i>South China Morning Post</i>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150403044929/http://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/technology/article/1354787/study-finds-single-bloodline-among-self-claimed-confucius">Archived</a> from the original on 3 April 2015.</cite>
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-zhouccgc09_123-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-zhouccgc09_123-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFZhou2008">Zhou 2008</a>, <a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029.htm">online</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-124">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFChina_Daily2007">China Daily 2007</a>, <a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2007-02/02/content_800011.htm">online</a>.
</li>
</ol></div>
<h3>Bibliography</h3>
<div>
<ul><li><cite>Ahmad, Mirza Tahir (n.d.). <a href="http://www.alislam.org/library/books/revelation/part_2_section_3.html">"Confucianism"</a>. Ahmadiyya Muslim Community. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20121003035638/http://www.alislam.org/library/books/revelation/part_2_section_3.html">Archived</a> from the original on 3 October 2012. Retrieved 7 November 2010.</cite></li>
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<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Herrlee_Glessner_Creel">Creel, H. G.</a> (1949). <a href="https://archive.org/details/confuciusmanmyth00cree"><i>Confucius: The Man and the Myth</i></a>. New York: John Day Company.</cite></li>
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<li><cite>Hobson, John M. (2004). <i>The Eastern origins of Western civilisation</i> (Reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-54724-6"><bdi>978-0-521-54724-6</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Chin, Ann-ping (2007). <a href="https://archive.org/details/authenticconfuci00chin"><i>The Authentic Confucius: A Life of Thought and Politics</i></a>. New York: Scribner. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7432-4618-7"><bdi>978-0-7432-4618-7</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20110707013208/http://eng.bandao.cn/newsdetail.asp?id=4644">"Confucius Descendants Say DNA Testing Plan Lacks Wisdom"</a>. Bandao. 21 August 2007. Archived from <a href="http://eng.bandao.cn/newsdetail.asp?id=4644">the original</a> on 7 July 2011.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2007-02/02/content_800011.htm">"Confucius Family Tree to Record Female Kin"</a>. <i>China Daily</i>. 2 February 2007. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20130602095336/http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2007-02/02/content_800011.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 2 June 2013. Retrieved 30 May 2009.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-09/24/content_8733256.htm">"Confucius' Family Tree Recorded Biggest"</a>. <i>China Daily</i>. 24 September 2009. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20121024075013/http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-09/24/content_8733256.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 24 October 2012. Retrieved 24 September 2009.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Hunter, Michael (2017). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=nI72DQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA50"><i>Confucius Beyond the Analects</i></a>. <a href="/wiki/Brill_Publishers">BRILL</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-9-004-33902-6"><bdi>978-9-004-33902-6</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210809161736/https://books.google.com/books?id=nI72DQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA50">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-08-09. Retrieved 2021-04-09.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Bernhard_Karlgren">Karlgren, Bernhard</a> (1972) [1923]. <i>Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese</i>. <a href="/wiki/Dover_Publications">Dover Books</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="http://en.ce.cn/National/culture/200901/04/t20090104_17866318.shtml">"Confucius family tree revision ends with 2 mln descendants"</a>. China Economic Net. 4 January 2009. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20121101092536/http://en.ce.cn/National/culture/200901/04/t20090104_17866318.shtml">Archived</a> from the original on 1 November 2012. Retrieved 30 May 2009.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=SBHHBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA21">"Chapter 2"</a>. In Olberding, Amy (ed.). <i>Dao Companion to the Analects</i>. Springer. pp. 21–36. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-94-007-7112-3"><bdi>978-94-007-7112-3</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20191225135029/https://books.google.com/books?id=SBHHBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA21">Archived</a> from the original on 2019-12-25. Retrieved 2018-10-27.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/David_R._Knechtges">Knechtges, David R.</a>; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=mED9Vx10WokC&amp;pg=645">"<i>Lunyu</i> 論語"</a>. In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). <i>Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One</i>. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-19127-3"><bdi>978-90-04-19127-3</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210620161629/https://books.google.com/books?id=mED9Vx10WokC&amp;pg=645">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-06-20. Retrieved 2018-10-27.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Fung, Yiu-ming (2008). "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia". In Richey, Jeffrey (ed.). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=w8vSE2lN0H4C"><i>Teaching Confucianism</i></a>. Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-804256-3"><bdi>978-0-19-804256-3</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20210415083241/https://books.google.com/books?id=w8vSE2lN0H4C">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-04-15. Retrieved 2021-02-21.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Hutton, Eric L. (11 June 2019) [26 May 2016]. <a href="https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195396577/obo-9780195396577-0290.xml">"Confucius"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Oxford_Bibliographies_Online">Oxford Bibliographies</a>: Philosophy</i>. Oxford: <a href="/wiki/Oxford_University_Press">Oxford University Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093%2FOBO%2F9780195396577-0290">10.1093/OBO/9780195396577-0290</a>.</cite> (subscription required)</li>
<li><cite>Jansen, Thomas; Klein, Thoralf; Meyer, Christian (2014). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlXAwAAQBAJ"><i>Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity in China: Transnational Religions, Local Agents, and the Study of Religion, 1800–Present</i></a>. Brill. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-27151-7"><bdi>978-90-04-27151-7</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20211025215513/https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlXAwAAQBAJ">Archived</a> from the original on 2021-10-25. Retrieved 2016-04-21.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kong, Demao; Ke, Lan; Roberts, Rosemary (1988). <i>The house of Confucius</i> (Translated ed.). London: Hodder &amp; Stoughton. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-340-41279-4"><bdi>978-0-340-41279-4</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/James_Legge">Legge, James</a> (1887), "<a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica,_Ninth_Edition/Confucius">Confucius</a>", <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica,_Ninth_Edition/Volume_VI"><i>Encyclopaedia Britannica, </i>9th ed., Vol. VI<i></i></a>, pp. 258–265</cite>.</li>
<li><cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20110707040804/http://ye2.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/chinanews/200606/20060602462372.html">"DNA test to clear up Confucius confusion"</a>. Ministry of Commerce of the People's Republic of China. 18 June 2006. Archived from <a href="http://ye2.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/chinanews/200606/20060602462372.html">the original</a> on 7 July 2011. Retrieved 31 May 2009.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/David_Shepherd_Nivison">Nivison, David Shepherd</a> (1999). "The Classical Philosophical Writings – Confucius". In <a href="/wiki/Michael_Loewe">Loewe, Michael</a>; <a href="/wiki/Edward_Shaughnessy">Shaughnessy, Edward</a> (eds.). <a href="https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory00loew"><i>The Cambridge History of Ancient China</i></a>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. <a href="https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory00loew/page/n782">752</a>–759. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-47030-8"><bdi>978-0-521-47030-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Nylan, Michael; Wilson, Thomas A. (2010). <a href="https://archive.org/details/livesofconfucius00nyla"><i>Lives of Confucius: Civilization's Greatest Sage through the Ages</i></a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-385-51069-1"><bdi>978-0-385-51069-1</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Parker, John (1977). <a href="https://archive.org/details/windowsintochina00park_0"><i>Windows into China: The Jesuits and their books, 1580–1730</i></a>. Boston: Trustees of the Public Library of the City of Boston. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-89073-050-8"><bdi>978-0-89073-050-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Phan, Peter C. (2012). "Catholicism and Confucianism: An intercultural and interreligious dialogue". <i>Catholicism and interreligious dialogue</i>. New York: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-982787-9"><bdi>978-0-19-982787-9</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Rainey, Lee Dian (2010). <i>Confucius &amp; Confucianism: The essentials</i>. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4051-8841-8"><bdi>978-1-4051-8841-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Richey, Jeffrey L. (28 August 2018). <a href="https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199920082/obo-9780199920082-0163.xml">"Confucius"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Oxford_Bibliographies_Online">Oxford Bibliographies</a>: Chinese Studies</i>. Oxford: <a href="/wiki/Oxford_University_Press">Oxford University Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093%2FOBO%2F9780199920082-0163">10.1093/OBO/9780199920082-0163</a>.</cite> (subscription required)</li>
<li><cite>Riegel, Jeffrey K. (1986). "Poetry and the legend of Confucius's exile". <i>Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>. <b>106</b> (1): 13–22. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F602359">10.2307/602359</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/602359">602359</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Riegel, Jeffrey (2012). <a href="http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2012/entries/confucius/">"Confucius"</a>. <i>The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</i>. Stanford University. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20131202061214/http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2012/entries/confucius/">Archived</a> from the original on 2013-12-02. Retrieved 2012-03-25.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Jane_Qiu">Qiu, Jane</a> (13 August 2008). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090722140229/http://seedmagazine.com/content/article/inheriting_confucius/">"Inheriting Confucius"</a>. Seed Magazine. Archived from the original on 22 July 2009. Retrieved 31 May 2009.</cite><code>{{<a href="/wiki/Template:Cite_web">cite web</a>}}</code>: CS1 maint: unfit URL (<a href="/wiki/Category:CS1_maint:_unfit_URL">link</a>)</li>
<li><cite>Shen, Vincent (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cgDFBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA86"><i>Dao Companion to Classical Confucian Philosophy</i></a>. Springer. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-481-2936-2"><bdi>978-90-481-2936-2</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20191011233113/https://books.google.com/books?id=cgDFBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA86">Archived</a> from the original on 2019-10-11. Retrieved 2018-12-04.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Endymion_Wilkinson">Wilkinson, Endymion</a> (2015). <i>Chinese History: A New Manual</i> (4th ed.). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-08846-7"><bdi>978-0-674-08846-7</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Yan, Liang (16 February 2008). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20121022002217/http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-02/16/content_7616027.htm">"Updated Confucius family tree has two million members"</a>. Xinhua. Archived from <a href="http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-02/16/content_7616027.htm">the original</a> on 22 October 2012. Retrieved 30 May 2009.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Yao, Xinzhong (1997). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=BN47m0BHtLkC"><i>Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study of Jen and Agape</i></a>. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-898723-76-9"><bdi>978-1-898723-76-9</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20201021150349/https://books.google.com/books?id=BN47m0BHtLkC">Archived</a> from the original on 2020-10-21. Retrieved 2015-11-07.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Yao, Xinzhong (2000). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=tAE2OJ9bPG0C"><i>An Introduction to Confucianism</i></a>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-64430-3"><bdi>978-0-521-64430-3</bdi></a>. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20200729120529/https://books.google.com/books?id=tAE2OJ9bPG0C">Archived</a> from the original on 2020-07-29. Retrieved 2015-11-07.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Zhou, Jing (31 October 2008). <a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029.htm">"New Confucius Genealogy out next year"</a>. China Internet Information Center. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20081103060844/http://www.china.org.cn/china/features/content_16696029.htm">Archived</a> from the original on 3 November 2008. Retrieved 1 November 2008.</cite></li></ul>
</div>
<h2>Further reading</h2>
<p><i>See <a href="#CITEREFRichey2018">Richey 2018</a> and <a href="#CITEREFHutton2019">Hutton 2019</a> for extensive bibliographies</i>
</p>
<div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Jonathan_Clements">Clements, Jonathan</a> (2008). <i>Confucius: A Biography</i>. Stroud, Gloucestershire, England: Sutton Publishing. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7509-4775-6">978-0-7509-4775-6</a>.</li>
<li>Confucius (1997). <i>Lun yu</i>, (in English <i>The Analects of Confucius</i>). Translation and notes by Simon Leys. New York: W.W. Norton. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-393-04019-4">0-393-04019-4</a>.</li>
<li>Confucius (2003). <i>Confucius: Analects – With Selections from Traditional Commentaries</i>. Translated by E. Slingerland. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. (Original work published c. 551–479 BCE) <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-87220-635-1">0-87220-635-1</a>.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Herrlee_Glessner_Creel">Creel, Herrlee Glessner</a> (1949). <i>Confucius and the Chinese Way</i>. New York: Harper.</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Herrlee_Glessner_Creel">Creel, Herrlee Glessner</a> (1953). <a href="https://archive.org/details/chinesethoughtfr00cree"><i>Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse-tung</i></a>. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.</cite></li>
<li>Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2005). "Confucianism: An Overview". In Encyclopedia<i> of Religion</i> (Vol. C, pp. 1890–1905). Detroit: MacMillan Reference</li>
<li><cite>Dawson, Raymond (1982). <i>Confucius</i>. Oxford: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-287536-5"><bdi>978-0-19-287536-5</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Fingarette, Hebert (1998). <a href="https://archive.org/details/confuciussecular00fing"><i>Confucius : the secular as sacred</i></a>. Long Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-57766-010-1"><bdi>978-1-57766-010-1</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kaizuka, Shigeki (1956). <i>Confucius. His life and thought</i>. London: G. Allen and Unwin.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Ssu-ma Ch'ien (1974). <i>Records of the Historian</i>. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Hong Kong: Commercial Press.</cite></li>
<li>Sterckx, Roel. <i>Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding.</i> London: Penguin, 2019.</li>
<li>Van Norden, B.W., ed. (2001). <i>Confucius and the Analects: New Essays</i>. New York: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-513396-X">0-19-513396-X</a>.</li></ul>
</div>
<h2>External links</h2>
<ul><li><cite>Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/confucius/">"Confucius"</a>. In <a href="/wiki/Edward_N._Zalta">Zalta, Edward N.</a> (ed.). <i><a href="/wiki/Stanford_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/confuciu">"Confucius"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p00547k8">Confucius</a> on <a href="/wiki/In_Our_Time_(radio_series)"><i>In Our Time</i></a> at the <a href="/wiki/BBC">BBC</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20130124210603/http://confucius.org/">Multilingual web site on Confucius and the Analects</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20171020011747/http://faculty.vassar.edu/brvannor/Mypapers/DaoofKongzi.pdf">The Dao of Kongzi</a>, introduction to the thought of Confucius.</li>
<li><a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/author/1180">Works by Confucius</a> at <a href="/wiki/Project_Gutenberg">Project Gutenberg</a></li>
<li><a href="https://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28subject%3A%22Confucius%22%20OR%20creator%3A%22Confucius%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Confucius%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Confucius%22%29%20OR%20%28%22551-479%22%20AND%20Confucius%29%29%20AND%20%28-mediatype:software%29">Works by or about Confucius</a> at <a href="/wiki/Internet_Archive">Internet Archive</a></li>
<li><a href="https://librivox.org/author/3104">Works by Confucius</a> at <a href="/wiki/LibriVox">LibriVox</a> (public domain audiobooks) </li>
<li><a href="http://digital.library.upenn.edu/webbin/gutbook/lookup?num=4094">Confucian Analects</a> (Project Gutenberg release of James Legge's Translation)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.wfu.edu/~moran/zhexuejialu/Analects_PEM.html">Core philosophical passages</a> in the <i>Analects of Confucius</i>.</li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 Name
 * 2 Life
 + 2.1 Early life
 + 2.2 Political career
 + 2.3 Exile
 + 2.4 Return home
 * 3 Philosophy
 + 3.1 Ethics
 + 3.2 Politics
 + 3.3 Music and poetry
 * 4 Legacy
 + 4.1 Disciples
 + 4.2 Visual portraits
 + 4.3 Fictional portrayals
 + 4.4 Memorials
 + 4.5 Descendants
 * 5 References
 + 5.1 Citations
 + 5.2 Bibliography
 * 6 Further reading
 * 7 External links
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 Confucius

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 For other uses, see Confucius (disambiguation).

 Confucius        
 孔子        
 Imaginary portrait by Wu Daozi (685–758), Tang dynasty       
         Kǒng Qiū  
 Born        c. 551 BCE  
         Zou, State of Lu 
         (modern-day Nanxin [ zh ] , Qufu, Shandong, China) 
 Died        c. 479 BCE (aged 71–72) 
         Si River, State of Lu 
 Resting place        Cemetery of Confucius, State of Lu 
 Spouse        Lady Qiguan  
 Children        Kong Li (son)  
         Kong Jiao (daughter) 
 Family        Shuliang He (father) 
         Yan Zhengzai (mother) 
         
 Era        Hundred Schools of Thought 
         (Ancient philosophy) 
 Region        Chinese philosophy 
 School        Confucianism  
 Notable students        Yan Hui, Zengzi 
         Disciples of Confucius 
 Main interests        Ethics, education, music,[1] poetry,[2] political philosophy, Social philosophy
 Notable ideas        Confucianism, Golden Rule 
 Influences        
 *        
 + Cultural values of the Xia, Shang and Western Zhou dynasties[3]       
 + I Ching        
 + Book of Rites        
 + Classic of Poetry        
 Influenced        
 * Virtually all subsequent Chinese philosophy, particularly Mencius, Xun Kuang, Zhu Xi, Wang Shouren, the Neotaoists, as well as Han Yu and the Neoconfucians. Also influenced multiple Western thinkers including Niels Bohr,[4][5][6] Benjamin Franklin,[7][8][9] Allen Ginsberg,[10][11][12] Thomas Jefferson,[13][14][15] Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Robert Cummings Neville, Alexander Pope,[16][17] Ezra Pound, François Quesnay, Friedrich Schiller,[18][19][20] Voltaire,[21][22][23] and Christian Wolff
         
 
 Confucius  
  
 "Confucius (Kǒngzǐ)" in seal script (top) and regular (bottom) Chinese characters
 Chinese name  
 Chinese  孔子 
  
 Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒngzǐ 
  
 Literal meaning  "Master Kǒng"
 Transcriptions  
 Standard Mandarin  
 Hanyu Pinyin Kǒngzǐ 
 Bopomofo ㄎㄨㄥˇ ㄗˇ 
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Koongtzyy 
 Wade–Giles Kʻung 3 -tzŭ 3 
 Yale Romanization Kǔngd 
 IPA [kʰʊ̌ŋ.tsɹ̩̀] 
 Wu  
 Romanization Khon-tzy 
 Yue: Cantonese  
 Yale Romanization Húngjí 
 Jyutping Hung2zi2 
 IPA [hǒŋ.tsǐː] 
 Southern Min  
 Hokkien POJ Khóng-chú 
 Tâi-lô Khóng-tsú 
 Middle Chinese  
 Middle Chinese khúwng tsí 
 Old Chinese  
 Baxter (1992) * khongʔ tsɨʔ 
 Baxter–Sagart (2014) * [k]ʰˤoŋʔ tsəʔ 
  
 Kong Qiu  
 Chinese  孔丘 
  
 Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒng Qiū 
  
 Transcriptions  
 Standard Mandarin  
 Hanyu Pinyin Kǒng Qiū 
 Bopomofo ㄎㄨㄥˇ ㄑㄧㄡ 
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Koong Chiou 
 Wade–Giles Kʻung 3 Chʻiu 1 
 Yale Romanization Kǔng Chyōu 
 IPA [kʰʊ̀ŋ tɕʰjóʊ] 
 Wu  
 Romanization Khon Chieu 
 Hakka  
 Romanization Kung 3 Hiu 1 
 Yue: Cantonese  
 Yale Romanization Húng Yāu 
 Jyutping Hung2 Jau1 
 IPA [hǒŋ jɐ́u] 
 Southern Min  
 Hokkien POJ Khóng Khiu 
 Tâi-lô Khóng Khiu 
 Middle Chinese  
 Middle Chinese K h úwng K h juw 
 Old Chinese  
 Baxter–Sagart (2014) * [k]ʰˤoŋʔ [k]ʷʰə 
  
  
 

 Confucius (/ k ən ˈ f j uː ʃ ə s / kən- FEW -shəs; Chinese: 孔夫子; pinyin: Kǒng Fūzǐ , "Master Kǒng"; or commonly 孔子; Kǒngzǐ ; c. 551 – c. 479 BCE ) was a Chinese philosopher and politician of the Spring and Autumn period who is traditionally considered the paragon of Chinese sages. Confucius's teachings and philosophy underpin East Asian culture and society, remaining influential across China and East Asia to this day.[24]

 Confucius considered himself a transmitter for the values of earlier periods which he claimed had been abandoned in his time. His philosophical teachings, called Confucianism, emphasized personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, kindness, and sincerity. His followers competed with many other schools during the Hundred Schools of Thought era, only to be suppressed in favor of the Legalists during the Qin dynasty. After the collapse of Qin and the victory of Han over Chu, Confucius's thoughts received official sanction in the new government. During the Tang and Song dynasties, Confucianism developed into a system known in the West as Neo-Confucianism, and later as New Confucianism. Confucianism was part of the Chinese social fabric and way of life; to Confucians, everyday life was the arena of religion.[25]

 Confucius is traditionally credited with having authored or edited many of the Chinese classic texts, including all of the Five Classics, but modern scholars are cautious of attributing specific assertions to Confucius himself. Aphorisms concerning his teachings were compiled in the Analects, but only many years after his death.

 Confucius's principles have commonality with Chinese tradition and belief. With filial piety, he championed strong family loyalty, ancestor veneration, and respect of elders by their children and of husbands by their wives, recommending family as a basis for ideal government. He espoused the Golden Rule, "Do not do unto others what you do not want done to yourself".

 Name

 The name "Confucius" is a Latinized form of the Mandarin Chinese Kǒng Fūzǐ ( 孔夫子 , "Master Kong"), and was coined in the late 16th century by the early Jesuit missionaries to China.[26] Confucius's clan name was Kong ( 孔 , OC: *‍ kʰˤoŋʔ ) and his given name was Qiu ( 丘 , OC: *‍ [k]ʷʰə ). His "courtesy name", a capping (guan: 冠 ) given at his coming of age ceremony,[27] and by which he would have been known to all but his older family members, was Zhongni ( 仲尼 , OC: *‍ N-‍truŋ-‍s nr[əj] ), the "Zhòng" indicating that he was the second son in his family.[26][28]

 Life

 Early life

 Lu can be seen in China's northeast.

 It is thought that Confucius was born on September 28, 551 BCE,[29][30] in Zou (鄒, in modern Shandong province).[30][31] The area was notionally controlled by the kings of Zhou but effectively independent under the local lords of Lu, who ruled from the nearby city of Qufu. His father Kong He (or Shuliang He) was an elderly commandant of the local Lu garrison.[32] His ancestry traced back through the dukes of Song to the Shang dynasty which had preceded the Zhou.[33][34][35][36] Traditional accounts of Confucius's life relate that Kong He's grandfather had migrated the family from Song to Lu.[37]

 Kong He died when Confucius was three years old, and Confucius was raised by his mother Yan Zhengzai (顏徵在) in poverty.[38] His mother later died at less than 40 years of age.[38] At age 19 he married Lady Qiguan ( 亓官氏 ), and a year later the couple had their first child, their son Kong Li ( 孔鯉 ).[38] Qiguan and Confucius later had two daughters together, one of whom is thought to have died as a child and one was named Kong Jiao ( 孔姣 ).[39]

 Confucius was educated at schools for commoners, where he studied and learned the Six Arts.[40]

 Confucius was born into the class of shi ( 士 ), between the aristocracy and the common people. He is said to have worked in various government jobs during his early 20s, and as a bookkeeper and a caretaker of sheep and horses, using the proceeds to give his mother a proper burial.[38][41] When his mother died, Confucius (aged 23) is said to have mourned for three years, as was the tradition.[41]

 Political career

 In Confucius's time, the state of Lu was headed by a ruling ducal house.[42] Under the duke were three aristocratic families, whose heads bore the title of viscount and held hereditary positions in the Lu bureaucracy.[43] The Ji family held the position "Minister over the Masses", who was also the "Prime Minister"; the Meng family held the position "Minister of Works"; and the Shu family held the position "Minister of War".[43] In the winter of 505 BCE , Yang Hu—a retainer of the Ji family—rose up in rebellion and seized power from the Ji family.[43] However, by the summer of 501 BCE , the three hereditary families had succeeded in expelling Yang Hu from Lu.[43] By then, Confucius had built up a considerable reputation through his teachings, while the families came to see the value of proper conduct and righteousness, so they could achieve loyalty to a legitimate government.[44] Thus, that year (501 BCE ), Confucius came to be appointed to the minor position of governor of a town.[44] Eventually, he rose to the position of Minister of Crime.[44]

 Confucius desired to return the authority of the state to the duke by dismantling the fortifications of the city—strongholds belonging to the three families.[45] This way, he could establish a centralized government.[45] However, Confucius relied solely on diplomacy as he had no military authority himself.[45] In 500 BCE , Hou Fan—the governor of Hou—revolted against his lord of the Shu family.[45] Although the Meng and Shu families unsuccessfully besieged Hou, a loyalist official rose up with the people of Hou and forced Hou Fan to flee to the Qi state.[45] The situation may have been in favor for Confucius as this likely made it possible for Confucius and his disciples to convince the aristocratic families to dismantle the fortifications of their cities.[45] Eventually, after a year and a half, Confucius and his disciples succeeded in convincing the Shu family to raze the walls of Hou, the Ji family in razing the walls of Bi, and the Meng family in razing the walls of Cheng.[45] First, the Shu family led an army towards their city Hou and tore down its walls in 498 BCE .[45]

 A Western Han (202 BCE – 9 CE ) fresco depicting Confucius (and Laozi), from a tomb of Dongping County, Shandong province, China

 Soon thereafter, Gongshan Furao (also known as Gongshan Buniu), a retainer of the Ji family, revolted and took control of the forces at Bi.[46][47] He immediately launched an attack and entered the capital Lu.[45] Earlier, Gongshan had approached Confucius to join him, which Confucius considered as he wanted the opportunity to put his principles into practice but he gave up on the idea in the end.[46] Confucius disapproved the use of a violent revolution by principle, even though the Ji family dominated the Lu state by force for generations and had exiled the previous duke.[46] Creel (1949) states that, unlike the rebel Yang Hu before him, Gongshan may have sought to destroy the three hereditary families and restore the power of the duke.[48] However, Dubs (1946) is of the view that Gongshan was encouraged by Viscount Ji Huan to invade the Lu capital in an attempt to avoid dismantling the Bi fortified walls.[47] Whatever the situation may have been, Gongshan was considered an upright man who continued to defend the state of Lu, even after he was forced to flee.[48][49]

 During the revolt by Gongshan, Zhong You had managed to keep the duke and the three viscounts together at the court.[49] Zhong You was one of the disciples of Confucius and Confucius had arranged for him to be given the position of governor by the Ji family.[50] When Confucius heard of the raid, he requested that Viscount Ji Huan allow the duke and his court to retreat to a stronghold on his palace grounds.[51] Thereafter, the heads of the three families and the duke retreated to the Ji's palace complex and ascended the Wuzi Terrace.[52] Confucius ordered two officers to lead an assault against the rebels.[52] At least one of the two officers was a retainer of the Ji family, but they were unable to refuse the orders while in the presence of the duke, viscounts, and court.[51] The rebels were pursued and defeated at Gu.[52] Immediately after the revolt was defeated, the Ji family razed the Bi city walls to the ground.[52]

 The attackers retreated after realizing that they would have to become rebels against the state and their lord.[51] Through Confucius' actions, the Bi officials had inadvertently revolted against their own lord, thus forcing Viscount Ji Huan's hand in having to dismantle the walls of Bi (as it could have harbored such rebels) or confess to instigating the event by going against proper conduct and righteousness as an official.[51] Dubs (1949) suggests that the incident brought to light Confucius' foresight, practical political ability, and insight into human character.[51]

 When it was time to dismantle the city walls of the Meng family, the governor was reluctant to have his city walls torn down and convinced the head of the Meng family not to do so.[52] The Zuozhuan recalls that the governor advised against razing the walls to the ground as he said that it made Cheng vulnerable to the Qi state and cause the destruction of the Meng family.[51] Even though Viscount Meng Yi gave his word not to interfere with an attempt, he went back on his earlier promise to dismantle the walls.[51]

 Later in 498 BCE , Duke Ding personally went with an army to lay siege to Cheng in an attempt to raze its walls to the ground, but he did not succeed.[53] Thus, Confucius could not achieve the idealistic reforms that he wanted including restoration of the legitimate rule of the duke.[54] He had made powerful enemies within the state, especially with Viscount Ji Huan, due to his successes so far.[55] According to accounts in the Zuozhuan and Shiji, Confucius departed his homeland in 497 BCE after his support for the failed attempt of dismantling the fortified city walls of the powerful Ji, Meng, and Shu families.[56] He left the state of Lu without resigning, remaining in self-exile and unable to return as long as Viscount Ji Huan was alive.[55]

 Exile

 Map showing the journey of Confucius to various states between 497 BCE and 484 BCE.

 The Shiji stated that the neighboring Qi state was worried that Lu was becoming too powerful while Confucius was involved in the government of the Lu state.[57] According to this account, Qi decided to sabotage Lu's reforms by sending 100 good horses and 80 beautiful dancing girls to the duke of Lu.[57] The duke indulged himself in pleasure and did not attend to official duties for three days. Confucius was disappointed and resolved to leave Lu and seek better opportunities, yet to leave at once would expose the misbehavior of the duke and therefore bring public humiliation to the ruler Confucius was serving. Confucius therefore waited for the duke to make a lesser mistake. Soon after, the duke neglected to send to Confucius a portion of the sacrificial meat that was his due according to custom, and Confucius seized upon this pretext to leave both his post and the Lu state.

 After Confucius's resignation, he began a long journey or set of journeys around the principality states of north-east and central China including Wey, Song, Zheng, Cao, Chu, Qi, Chen, and Cai (and a failed attempt to go to Jin). At the courts of these states, he expounded his political beliefs but did not see them implemented.[58]

 Return home

 Tomb of Confucius in Kong Lin cemetery, Qufu, Shandong Province

 According to the Zuozhuan, Confucius returned home to his native Lu when he was 68, after he was invited to do so by Ji Kangzi, the chief minister of Lu.[59] The Analects depict him spending his last years teaching 72 or 77 disciples and transmitting the old wisdom via a set of texts called the Five Classics.[ citation needed ]

 During his return, Confucius sometimes acted as an advisor to several government officials in Lu, including Ji Kangzi, on matters including governance and crime.[59]

 Burdened by the loss of both his son and his favorite disciples, he died at the age of 71 or 72 from natural causes. Confucius was buried in Kong Lin cemetery which lies in the historical part of Qufu in the Shandong Province.[60] The original tomb erected there in memory of Confucius on the bank of the Sishui River had the shape of an axe. In addition, it has a raised brick platform at the front of the memorial for offerings such as sandalwood incense and fruit.[ citation needed ]

 Philosophy

 Part of a series on 
 Confucianism 
  
 Early history 
 Spring and Autumn period 
 * Confucius 
 Warring States period 
 * Mencius 
 * Xunzi 
 Western Han 
 * Dong Zhongshu 
 * Gongsun Hong 
 Fundamental concepts 
 * Tian 
 * Ganying 
 * Zhengming 
 * Xiao 
 Sangang Wuchang 
 * Li 
 * Ren 
 * Xin 
 * Yi 
 * Zhi 
 Schools 
 * Neo-Confucianism 
 * Han Learning 
 * Taigu school 
 * Lingnan Confucianism 
 * New Confucianism 
 * Progressive Confucianism 
 Hermeneutic schools 
 * Old Text 
 * New Text 
 Confucianism by country 
 * Korea 
 * Japan 
 * Indonesia 
 * United States 
 Confucian texts 
 * Ruzang 
 Five Classics 
 * Classic of Poetry 
 * Book of Documents 
 * Book of Rites 
 * Book of Changes 
 * Spring and Autumn Annals 
 Four Books 
 * Analects 
 * Mencius 
 * Doctrine of the Mean 
 * Great Learning 
 Other texts 
 * Three Commentaries 
 * Rites of Zhou 
 * Ceremonial Rites 
 * Classic of Filial Piety 
 * Erya 
 Organization 
 * Confucian ritual religion 
 * Temple of Confucius 
 Confucian churches and sects 
 * Holy Confucian Church 
 * Indonesian Confucian Church 
 * Universal Church of the Way and its Virtue
 * Phoenix churches 
 * Xuanyuanism 
 * Shengdao 
 * v 
 * t 
 * e 
 
 Main article: Confucianism

 Although Confucianism is often followed in a religious manner by the Chinese, many argue that its values are secular and that it is, therefore, less a religion than a secular morality. Proponents argue, however, that despite the secular nature of Confucianism's teachings, it is based on a worldview that is religious.[61] Confucianism discusses elements of the afterlife and views concerning Heaven, but it is relatively unconcerned with some spiritual matters often considered essential to religious thought, such as the nature of souls.[ citation needed ]

 In the Analects, Confucius presents himself as a "transmitter who invented nothing". He puts the greatest emphasis on the importance of study, and it is the Chinese character for study (學) that opens the text. Far from trying to build a systematic or formalist theory, he wanted his disciples to master and internalize older classics, so that their deep thought and thorough study would allow them to relate the moral problems of the present to past political events (as recorded in the Annals) or the past expressions of commoners' feelings and noblemen's reflections (as in the poems of the Book of Odes).[ citation needed ]

 Ethics

 Main article: Confucian ethics
 The Analects

 One of the deepest teachings of Confucius may have been the superiority of personal exemplification over explicit rules of behavior. His moral teachings emphasized self-cultivation, emulation of moral exemplars, and the attainment of skilled judgment rather than knowledge of rules. Confucian ethics may, therefore, be considered a type of virtue ethics. His teachings rarely rely on reasoned argument, and ethical ideals and methods are conveyed indirectly, through allusion, innuendo, and even tautology. His teachings require examination and context to be understood. A good example is found in this famous anecdote:

 廄焚。子退朝，曰：傷人乎？不問馬。

 When the stables were burnt down, on returning from court Confucius said, "Was anyone hurt?" He did not ask about the horses.

 — Analects X.11 (tr. Waley), 10–13 (tr. Legge), or X-17 (tr. Lau)

 By not asking about the horses, Confucius demonstrates that the sage values human beings over property (which animals seem to represent in this example); readers are led to reflect on whether their response would follow Confucius's and to pursue self-improvement if it would not have.[ citation needed ]

 One of his teachings was a variant of the Golden Rule, sometimes called the "Silver Rule" owing to its negative form:

 子貢問曰：有一言而可以終身行之者乎？子曰：其恕乎！己所不欲、勿施於人。

 Zi Gong [a disciple] asked: "Is there any one word that could guide a person throughout life?" The Master replied: "How about 'reciprocity'! Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself."

 — Analects XV.24, tr. David Hinton

 Often overlooked in Confucian ethics are the virtues to the self: sincerity and the cultivation of knowledge. Virtuous action towards others begins with virtuous and sincere thought, which begins with knowledge. A virtuous disposition without knowledge is susceptible to corruption, and virtuous action without sincerity is not true righteousness. Cultivating knowledge and sincerity is also important for one's own sake; the superior person loves learning for the sake of learning and righteousness for the sake of righteousness.[ citation needed ]

 The Confucian theory of ethics as exemplified in lǐ ( 禮 ) is based on three important conceptual aspects of life: (a) ceremonies associated with sacrifice to ancestors and deities of various types, (b) social and political institutions, and (c) the etiquette of daily behavior. Some believed that lǐ originated from the heavens, but Confucius stressed the development of lǐ through the actions of sage leaders in human history. His discussions of lǐ seem to redefine the term to refer to all actions committed by a person to build the ideal society, rather than those conforming with canonical standards of ceremony.[ citation needed ]

 In the early Confucian tradition, lǐ was doing the proper thing at the proper time; balancing between maintaining existing norms to perpetuate an ethical social fabric, and violating them in order to accomplish ethical good. Training in the lǐ of past sages, cultivates virtues in people that include ethical judgment about when lǐ must be adapted in light of situational contexts.

 In Confucianism, the concept of li is closely related to yì ( 義 ), which is based upon the idea of reciprocity. Yì can be translated as righteousness, though it may mean what is ethically best to do in a certain context. The term contrasts with action done out of self-interest. While pursuing one's own self-interest is not necessarily bad, one would be a better, more righteous person if one's life was based upon following a path designed to enhance the greater good. Thus an outcome of yì is doing the right thing for the right reason.[ citation needed ]

 Just as action according to lǐ should be adapted to conform to the aspiration of adhering to yì, so yì is linked to the core value of rén ( 仁 ).Rén consists of five basic virtues: seriousness, generosity, sincerity, diligence, and kindness.[62] Rén is the virtue of perfectly fulfilling one's responsibilities toward others, most often translated as "benevolence" or "humaneness"; translator Arthur Waley calls it "Goodness" (with a capital G), and other translations that have been put forth include "authoritativeness" and "selflessness". Confucius's moral system was based upon empathy and understanding others, rather than divinely ordained rules. To develop one's spontaneous responses of rén so that these could guide action intuitively was even better than living by the rules of yì. Confucius asserts that virtue is a mean between extremes. For example, the properly generous person gives the right amount – not too much and not too little.[62]

 Politics

 Confucius's political thought is based upon his ethical thought. He argued that the best government is one that rules through "rites" (lǐ) and people's natural morality, and not by using bribery and coercion. He explained that this is one of the most important analects: "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame. If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of the shame, and moreover will become good." (Analects 2.3, tr. Legge). This "sense of shame" is an internalisation of duty, where the punishment precedes the evil action, instead of following it in the form of laws as in Legalism.[ citation needed ]

 Confucius looked nostalgically upon earlier days, and urged the Chinese, particularly those with political power, to model themselves on earlier examples. In times of division, chaos, and endless wars between feudal states, he wanted to restore the Mandate of Heaven ( 天命 ) that could unify the "world" ( 天下 , "all under Heaven") and bestow peace and prosperity on the people. Because his vision of personal and social perfections was framed as a revival of the ordered society of earlier times, Confucius is often considered a great proponent of conservatism, but a closer look at what he proposes often shows that he used (and perhaps twisted) past institutions and rites to push a new political agenda of his own: a revival of a unified royal state, whose rulers would succeed to power on the basis of their moral merits instead of lineage. These would be rulers devoted to their people, striving for personal and social perfection, and such a ruler would spread his own virtues to the people instead of imposing proper behavior with laws and rules.[ citation needed ]

 While Confucius supported the idea of government ruling by a virtuous king, his ideas contained a number of elements to limit the power of rulers. He argued for representing truth in language, and honesty was of paramount importance. Even in facial expression, truth must always be represented.[ citation needed ] Confucius believed that if a ruler is to lead correctly, by action, that orders would be unnecessary in that others will follow the proper actions of their ruler. In discussing the relationship between a king and his subject (or a father and his son), he underlined the need to give due respect to superiors. This demanded that the subordinates must advise their superiors if the superiors are considered to be taking a course of action that is wrong. Confucius believed in ruling by example, if you lead correctly, orders by force or punishment are not necessary.[63]

 Music and poetry

 Main article: Ritual and music system
 The Shijing or Classic of Poetry

 Confucius heavily promoted the use of music with rituals or the rites order. The scholar Li Zehou argued that Confucianism is based on the idea of rites. Rites serve as the starting point for each individual and that these sacred social functions allow each person's human nature to be harmonious with reality. Given this, Confucius believed that "music is the harmonization of heaven and earth; the rites is the order of heaven and earth". Thus the application of music in rites creates the order that makes it possible for society to prosper.[1]

 The Confucian approach to music was heavily inspired by the Shijing and the Classic of Music, which was said to be the sixth Confucian classic until it was lost during the Han Dynasty. The Shijing serves as one of the current Confucian classics and is a book on poetry that contains a diversified variety of poems as well as folk songs. Confucius is traditionally ascribed with compiling these classics within his school.[64] In the Analects, Confucius described the importance of the art in the development of society:[65]

 The Master said, "My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?
 "The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.
 "They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation.
 "They teach the art of sociability.
 "They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.
 "From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one's father, and the remoter one of serving one's prince.
 "From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants."[65]

 Legacy

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 Confucius together with Moses and Muhammad among the greatest legislators of the past, by Jean-Baptiste Mauzaisse (1827), Louvre Palace

 Confucius's teachings were later turned into an elaborate set of rules and practices by his numerous disciples and followers, who organized his teachings into the Analects.[66][67] Confucius's disciples and his only grandson, Zisi, continued his philosophical school after his death.[68] These efforts spread Confucian ideals to students who then became officials in many of the royal courts in China, thereby giving Confucianism the first wide-scale test of its dogma.[ citation needed ]

 Two of Confucius's most famous later followers emphasized radically different aspects of his teachings. In the centuries after his death, Mencius ( 孟子 ) and Xun Zi ( 荀子 ) both composed important teachings elaborating in different ways on the fundamental ideas associated with Confucius. Mencius (4th century BCE ) articulated the innate goodness in human beings as a source of the ethical intuitions that guide people towards rén, yì, and lǐ, while Xun Zi (3rd century BCE ) underscored the realistic and materialistic aspects of Confucian thought, stressing that morality was inculcated in society through tradition and in individuals through training. In time, their writings, together with the Analects and other core texts came to constitute the philosophical corpus of Confucianism.[ citation needed ]

 This realignment in Confucian thought was parallel to the development of Legalism, which saw filial piety as self-interest and not a useful tool for a ruler to create an effective state.[ citation needed ] A disagreement between these two political philosophies came to a head in 223 BCE when the Qin state conquered all of China. Li Si, Prime Minister of the Qin dynasty, convinced Qin Shi Huang to abandon the Confucians' recommendation of awarding fiefs akin to the Zhou Dynasty before them which he saw as being against to the Legalist idea of centralizing the state around the ruler. When the Confucian advisers pressed their point, Li Si had many Confucian scholars killed and their books burned—considered a huge blow to the philosophy and Chinese scholarship.[ citation needed ]

 Under the succeeding Han and Tang dynasties, Confucian ideas gained even more widespread prominence. Under Wudi, the works of Confucius were made the official imperial philosophy and required reading for civil service examinations in 140 BCE which was continued nearly unbroken until the end of the 19th century. As Mohism lost support by the time of the Han, the main philosophical contenders were Legalism, which Confucian thought somewhat absorbed, the teachings of Laozi, whose focus on more spiritual ideas kept it from direct conflict with Confucianism, and the new Buddhist religion, which gained acceptance during the Southern and Northern Dynasties era. Both Confucian ideas and Confucian-trained officials were relied upon in the Ming Dynasty and even the Yuan Dynasty, although Kublai Khan distrusted handing over provincial control to them.[ citation needed ]

 During the Song dynasty, the scholar Zhu Xi (1130–1200 CE ) added ideas from Daoism and Buddhism into Confucianism. In his life, Zhu Xi was largely ignored, but not long after his death, his ideas became the new orthodox view of what Confucian texts actually meant. Modern historians view Zhu Xi as having created something rather different and call his way of thinking Neo-Confucianism. Neo-Confucianism held sway in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam until the 19th century.[ citation needed ]

 Confucius, Philosopher of the Chinese, published by Jesuit missionaries at Paris in 1687.

 The works of Confucius were first translated into European languages by Jesuit missionaries in the 16th century during the late Ming dynasty. The first known effort was by Michele Ruggieri, who returned to Italy in 1588 and carried on his translations while residing in Salerno. Matteo Ricci started to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and a team of Jesuits—Prospero Intorcetta, Philippe Couplet, and two others—published a translation of several Confucian works and an overview of Chinese history in Paris in 1687.[69][70] François Noël, after failing to persuade Clement XI that Chinese veneration of ancestors and Confucius did not constitute idolatry, completed the Confucian canon at Prague in 1711, with more scholarly treatments of the other works and the first translation of the collected works of Mencius.[71] It is thought that such works had considerable importance on European thinkers of the period, particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilization.[70][72]

 In the modern era Confucian movements, such as New Confucianism, still exist, but during the Cultural Revolution, Confucianism was frequently attacked by leading figures in the Chinese Communist Party. This was partially a continuation of the condemnations of Confucianism by intellectuals and activists in the early 20th century as a cause of the ethnocentric close-mindedness and refusal of the Qing Dynasty to modernize that led to the tragedies that befell China in the 19th century.[ citation needed ]

 Confucius's works are studied by scholars in many other Asian countries, particularly those in the Chinese cultural sphere, such as Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. Many of those countries still hold the traditional memorial ceremony every year.[ citation needed ]

 Among Tibetans, Confucius is often worshipped as a holy king and master of magic, divination and astrology. Tibetan Buddhists see him as learning divination from the Buddha Manjushri (and that knowledge subsequently reaching Tibet through Princess Wencheng), while Bon practitioners see him as being a reincarnation of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche, the legendary founder of Bon.[73]

 The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community believes Confucius was a Divine Prophet of God, as were Lao-Tzu and other eminent Chinese personages.[74]

 In modern times, Asteroid 7853, "Confucius", was named after the Chinese thinker.[75]

 Disciples

 Main article: Disciples of Confucius
 Zengzi (right) kneeling before Confucius (center), as depicted in a painting from the Illustrations of the Classic of Filial Piety, Song dynasty

 Confucius began teaching after he turned 30, and taught more than 3,000 students in his life, about 70 of whom were considered outstanding. His disciples and the early Confucian community they formed became the most influential intellectual force in the Warring States period.[76] The Han dynasty historian Sima Qian dedicated a chapter in his Records of the Grand Historian to the biographies of Confucius's disciples, accounting for the influence they exerted in their time and afterward. Sima Qian recorded the names of 77 disciples in his collective biography, while Kongzi Jiayu, another early source, records 76, not completely overlapping. The two sources together yield the names of 96 disciples.[77] Twenty-two of them are mentioned in the Analects, while the Mencius records 24.[78]

 Confucius did not charge any tuition, and only requested a symbolic gift of a bundle of dried meat from any prospective student. According to his disciple Zigong, his master treated students like doctors treated patients and did not turn anybody away.[77] Most of them came from Lu, Confucius's home state, with 43 recorded, but he accepted students from all over China, with six from the state of Wey (such as Zigong), three from Qin, two each from Chen and Qi, and one each from Cai, Chu, and Song.[77] Confucius considered his students' personal background irrelevant, and accepted noblemen, commoners, and even former criminals such as Yan Zhuoju and Gongye Chang.[79] His disciples from richer families would pay a sum commensurate with their wealth which was considered a ritual donation.[77]

 Confucius's favorite disciple was Yan Hui, most probably one of the most impoverished of them all.[78] Sima Niu, in contrast to Yan Hui, was from a hereditary noble family hailing from the Song state.[78] Under Confucius's teachings, the disciples became well learned in the principles and methods of government.[80] He often engaged in discussion and debate with his students and gave high importance to their studies in history, poetry, and ritual.[80] Confucius advocated loyalty to principle rather than to individual acumen, in which reform was to be achieved by persuasion rather than violence.[80] Even though Confucius denounced them for their practices, the aristocracy was likely attracted to the idea of having trustworthy officials who were studied in morals as the circumstances of the time made it desirable.[80] In fact, the disciple Zilu even died defending his ruler in Wey.[80]

 Yang Hu, who was a subordinate of the Ji family, had dominated the Lu government from 505 to 502 and even attempted a coup, which narrowly failed.[80] As a likely consequence, it was after this that the first disciples of Confucius were appointed to government positions.[80] A few of Confucius's disciples went on to attain official positions of some importance, some of which were arranged by Confucius.[81] By the time Confucius was 50 years old, the Ji family had consolidated their power in the Lu state over the ruling ducal house.[82] Even though the Ji family had practices with which Confucius disagreed and disapproved, they nonetheless gave Confucius's disciples many opportunities for employment.[82] Confucius continued to remind his disciples to stay true to their principles and renounced those who did not, all the while being openly critical of the Ji family.[83]

 Visual portraits

 Portrait by Qiu Ying (1494–1552), Ming dynasty

 No contemporary painting or sculpture of Confucius survives, and it was only during the Han Dynasty that he was portrayed visually. Carvings often depict his legendary meeting with Laozi. Since that time there have been many portraits of Confucius as the ideal philosopher. An early verbal portrayal of Confucius is found in the chapter "External Things" ( 外物 ; Wàiwù ) of the book Zhuangzi ( 莊子 ; Zhuāngzǐ ), finished in about 3rd BCE, long after Confucius's death.[84] The oldest known portrait of Confucius has been unearthed in the tomb of the Han dynasty ruler Marquis of Haihun (died 59 BCE ). The picture was painted on the wooden frame to a polished bronze mirror.[85]

 In former times, it was customary to have a portrait in Confucius Temples; however, during the reign of Hongwu Emperor (Taizu) of the Ming dynasty, it was decided that the only proper portrait of Confucius should be in the temple in his home town, Qufu in Shandong. In other temples, Confucius is represented by a memorial tablet. In 2006, the China Confucius Foundation commissioned a standard portrait of Confucius based on the Tang dynasty portrait by Wu Daozi.

 The South Wall Frieze in the courtroom of the Supreme Court of the United States depicts Confucius as a teacher of harmony, learning, and virtue.[86]

 Fictional portrayals

 There have been two film adaptations of Confucius' life: the 1940 film Confucius starring Tang Huaiqiu, and the 2010 film Confucius starring Chow Yun-fat.[ citation needed ]

 Memorials

 First entrance gate of the Temple of Confucius in Zhenhai
 The Temple of Confucius in Jiading, now a suburb of Shanghai. The Jiading Temple of Confucius now operates a museum devoted to the imperial exam formerly administered at the temples.

 Soon after Confucius's death, Qufu, his home town, became a place of devotion and remembrance. The Han dynasty Records of the Grand Historian records that it had already become a place of pilgrimage for ministers. It is still a major destination for cultural tourism, and many people visit his grave and the surrounding temples. In Sinic cultures, there are many temples where representations of the Buddha, Laozi, and Confucius are found together. There are also many temples dedicated to him, which have been used for Confucian ceremonies.[ citation needed ]

 Followers of Confucianism have a tradition of holding spectacular memorial ceremonies of Confucius ( 祭孔 ) every year, using ceremonies that supposedly derived from Zhou Li ( 周禮 ) as recorded by Confucius, on the date of Confucius's birth. In the 20th century, this tradition was interrupted for several decades in mainland China, where the official stance of the Communist Party and the State was that Confucius and Confucianism represented reactionary feudalist beliefs which held that the subservience of the people to the aristocracy is a part of the natural order. All such ceremonies and rites were therefore banned. Only after the 1990s did the ceremony resume. As it is now considered a veneration of Chinese history and tradition, even Communist Party members may be found in attendance.[ citation needed ]

 In Taiwan, where the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) strongly promoted Confucian beliefs in ethics and behavior, the tradition of the memorial ceremony of Confucius ( 祭孔 ) is supported by the government and has continued without interruption. While not a national holiday, it does appear on all printed calendars, much as Father's Day or Christmas Day do in the Western world.[ citation needed ]

 In South Korea, a grand-scale memorial ceremony called Seokjeon Daeje is held twice a year on Confucius's birthday and the anniversary of his death, at Confucian academies across the country and Sungkyunkwan in Seoul.[87]

 Descendants

 See also: Family tree of Confucius in the main line of descent

 Confucius's descendants were repeatedly identified and honored by successive imperial governments with titles of nobility and official posts. They were honored with the rank of a marquis 35 times since Gaozu of the Han dynasty, and they were promoted to the rank of duke 42 times from the Tang dynasty to the Qing dynasty. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang first bestowed the title of "Duke Wenxuan" on Kong Suizhi of the 35th generation. In 1055, Emperor Renzong of Song first bestowed the title of "Duke Yansheng" on Kong Zongyuan of the 46th generation.[ citation needed ]

 During the Southern Song dynasty, the Duke Yansheng Kong Duanyou fled south with the Song Emperor to Quzhou in Zhejiang, while the newly established Jin dynasty (1115–1234) in the north appointed Kong Duanyou's brother Kong Duancao who remained in Qufu as Duke Yansheng.[88][89][90][91][92][93][94] From that time up until the Yuan dynasty, there were two Duke Yanshengs, one in the north in Qufu and the other in the south at Quzhou. An invitation to come back to Qufu was extended to the southern Duke Yansheng Kong Zhu by the Yuan-dynasty Emperor Kublai Khan. The title was taken away from the southern branch after Kong Zhu rejected the invitation,[95] so the northern branch of the family kept the title of Duke Yansheng. The southern branch remained in Quzhou where they live to this day. Confucius's descendants in Quzhou alone number 30,000.[96][ unreliable source? ] The Hanlin Academy rank of Wujing boshi 五經博士 was awarded to the southern branch at Quzhou by a Ming Emperor while the northern branch at Qufu held the title Duke Yansheng.[97][98] The leader of the southern branch is 孔祥楷 Kong Xiangkai.[99]

 In 1351, during the reign of Emperor Toghon Temür of the Yuan dynasty, 53rd-generation descendant Kong Huan ( 孔浣 )'s second son Kong Shao ( 孔昭 ) moved from China to Korea during the Goryeo Dynasty, and was received courteously by Princess Noguk (the Mongolian-born wife of the future king Gongmin). After being naturalized as a Korean citizen, he changed the hanja of his name from "昭" to "紹" (both pronounced so in Korean),[100] married a Korean woman and bore a son (Gong Yeo (Korean: 공여 ; Hanja: 孔帤 ), 1329–1397), therefore establishing the Changwon Gong clan (Korean: 창원 공씨 ; Hanja: 昌原 孔氏 ), whose ancestral seat was located in Changwon, South Gyeongsang Province. The clan then received an aristocratic rank during the succeeding Joseon dynasty.[101][102][103][104][105] In 1794, during the reign of King Jeongjo, the clan then changed its name to Gokbu Gong clan (Korean: 곡부 공씨 ; Hanja: 曲阜 孔氏 ) in honor of Confucius's birthplace Qufu (Korean: 곡부 ; Hanja: 曲阜 ; RR: Gokbu).[106]

 Famous descendants include actors such as Gong Yoo (real name Gong Ji-cheol (공지철)) and Gong Hyo-jin (공효진); and artists such as male idol group B1A4 member Gongchan (real name Gong Chan-sik (공찬식)), singer-songwriter Minzy (real name Gong Min-ji (공민지)), as well as her great aunt, traditional folk dancer Gong Ok-jin [ ko ] (공옥진).

 Despite repeated dynastic change in China, the title of Duke Yansheng was bestowed upon successive generations of descendants until it was abolished by the Nationalist government in 1935. The last holder of the title, Kung Te-cheng of the 77th generation, was appointed Sacrificial Official to Confucius. Kung Te-cheng died in October 2008, and his son, Kung Wei-yi, the 78th lineal descendant, died in 1989. Kung Te-cheng's grandson, Kung Tsui-chang, the 79th lineal descendant, was born in 1975; his great-grandson, Kung Yu-jen, the 80th lineal descendant, was born in Taipei on January 1, 2006. Te-cheng's sister, Kong Demao, lives in mainland China and has written a book about her experiences growing up at the family estate in Qufu. Another sister, Kong Deqi, died as a young woman.[107] Many descendants of Confucius still live in Qufu today.

 A descendant of Confucius, H. H. Kung, was the Premier of the Republic of China. One of his sons, Kong Lingjie [ zh ] (孔令傑), married Debra Paget[108] who gave birth to Gregory Kung ( 孔德基 ).

 Confucius's family, the Kongs, have the longest recorded extant pedigree in the world today. The father-to-son family tree, now in its 83rd generation,[109] has been recorded since the death of Confucius. According to the Confucius Genealogy Compilation Committee (CGCC), he has two million known and registered descendants, and there are an estimated three million in all.[110] Of these, several tens of thousands live outside of China.[110] In the 14th century, a Kong descendant went to Korea, where an estimated 34,000 descendants of Confucius live today.[110] One of the main lineages fled from the Kong ancestral home in Qufu during the Chinese Civil War in the 1940s and eventually settled in Taiwan.[107] There are also branches of the Kong family who have converted to Islam after marrying Muslim women, in Dachuan in Gansu province in the 1800s,[111] and in 1715 in Xuanwei in Yunnan province.[112] Many of the Muslim Confucius descendants are descended from the marriage of Ma Jiaga ( 馬甲尕 ), a Muslim woman, and Kong Yanrong ( 孔彥嶸 ), 59th generation descendant of Confucius in the year 1480, and are found among the Hui and Dongxiang peoples.[113][114][115][116] The new genealogy includes the Muslims.[117] Kong Dejun ( 孔德軍 ) is a prominent Islamic scholar and Arabist from Qinghai province and a 77th generation descendant of Confucius.

 Because of the huge interest in the Confucius family tree, there was a project in China to test the DNA of known family members of the collateral branches in mainland China.[118] Among other things, this would allow scientists to identify a common Y chromosome in male descendants of Confucius. If the descent were truly unbroken, father-to-son, since Confucius's lifetime, the males in the family would all have the same Y chromosome as their direct male ancestor, with slight mutations due to the passage of time.[119] The aim of the genetic test was to help members of collateral branches in China who lost their genealogical records to prove their descent. However, in 2009, many of the collateral branches decided not to agree to DNA testing.[120] Bryan Sykes, professor of genetics at Oxford University, understands this decision: "The Confucius family tree has an enormous cultural significance ... It's not just a scientific question."[120] The DNA testing was originally proposed to add new members, many of whose family record books were lost during 20th century upheavals, to the Confucian family tree.[121] The main branch of the family which fled to Taiwan was never involved in the proposed DNA test at all.

 In 2013 a DNA test performed on multiple different families who claimed descent from Confucius found that they shared the same Y chromosome as reported by Fudan University.[122]

 The fifth and most recent edition of the Confucius genealogy was printed by the CGCC.[123] It was unveiled in a ceremony at Qufu on September 24, 2009.[123] Women are now included for the first time.[124]

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 112. ^ Zhou, Jing. "New Confucius Genealogy out next year". china.org.cn. Archived from the original on 2016-10-10 . Retrieved 2010-06-28 .
 113. ^ "孔子后裔中有14个少数民族 有宗教信仰也传承家风 – 文化 – 人民网". People's Daily. Archived from the original on 2016-08-19.
 114. ^ 李典典. "孔子後裔有14個少數民族 外籍後裔首次入家譜_台灣網". big5.taiwan.cn. Archived from the original on 2016-10-06.
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 Bibliography

 * Ahmad, Mirza Tahir (n.d.). "Confucianism". Ahmadiyya Muslim Community. Archived from the original on 3 October 2012 . Retrieved 7 November 2010 .
 * Bonevac, Daniel; Phillips, Stephen (2009). Introduction to world philosophy. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515231-9.
 * Creel, H. G. (1949). Confucius: The Man and the Myth. New York: John Day Company.
 * Dubs, Homer H. (1946). "The political career of Confucius". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 66 (4): 273–282. doi:10.2307/596405. JSTOR 596405.
 * Hobson, John M. (2004). The Eastern origins of Western civilisation (Reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-54724-6.
 * Chin, Ann-ping (2007). The Authentic Confucius: A Life of Thought and Politics. New York: Scribner. ISBN 978-0-7432-4618-7.
 * "Confucius Descendants Say DNA Testing Plan Lacks Wisdom". Bandao. 21 August 2007. Archived from the original on 7 July 2011.
 * "Confucius Family Tree to Record Female Kin". China Daily. 2 February 2007. Archived from the original on 2 June 2013 . Retrieved 30 May 2009 .
 * "Confucius' Family Tree Recorded Biggest". China Daily. 24 September 2009. Archived from the original on 24 October 2012 . Retrieved 24 September 2009 .
 * Hunter, Michael (2017). Confucius Beyond the Analects. BRILL. ISBN 978-9-004-33902-6. Archived from the original on 2021-08-09 . Retrieved 2021-04-09 .
 * Karlgren, Bernhard (1972) [1923]. Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Dover Books.
 * "Confucius family tree revision ends with 2 mln descendants". China Economic Net. 4 January 2009. Archived from the original on 1 November 2012 . Retrieved 30 May 2009 .
 * Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN 978-94-007-7112-3. Archived from the original on 2019-12-25 . Retrieved 2018-10-27 .
 * Knechtges, David R.; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). "Lunyu 論語". In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3. Archived from the original on 2021-06-20 . Retrieved 2018-10-27 .
 * Fung, Yiu-ming (2008). "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia". In Richey, Jeffrey (ed.). Teaching Confucianism. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-804256-3. Archived from the original on 2021-04-15 . Retrieved 2021-02-21 .
 * Hutton, Eric L. (11 June 2019) [26 May 2016]. "Confucius". Oxford Bibliographies: Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/OBO/9780195396577-0290. (subscription required)
 * Jansen, Thomas; Klein, Thoralf; Meyer, Christian (2014). Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity in China: Transnational Religions, Local Agents, and the Study of Religion, 1800–Present. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-27151-7. Archived from the original on 2021-10-25 . Retrieved 2016-04-21 .
 * Kong, Demao; Ke, Lan; Roberts, Rosemary (1988). The house of Confucius (Translated ed.). London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 978-0-340-41279-4.
 * Legge, James (1887), "Confucius", Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., Vol. VI, pp. 258–265.
 * "DNA test to clear up Confucius confusion". Ministry of Commerce of the People's Republic of China. 18 June 2006. Archived from the original on 7 July 2011 . Retrieved 31 May 2009 .
 * Nivison, David Shepherd (1999). "The Classical Philosophical Writings – Confucius". In Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward (eds.). The Cambridge History of Ancient China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 752–759. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.
 * Nylan, Michael; Wilson, Thomas A. (2010). Lives of Confucius: Civilization's Greatest Sage through the Ages. ISBN 978-0-385-51069-1.
 * Parker, John (1977). Windows into China: The Jesuits and their books, 1580–1730. Boston: Trustees of the Public Library of the City of Boston. ISBN 978-0-89073-050-8.
 * Phan, Peter C. (2012). "Catholicism and Confucianism: An intercultural and interreligious dialogue". Catholicism and interreligious dialogue. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-982787-9.
 * Rainey, Lee Dian (2010). Confucius & Confucianism: The essentials. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-8841-8.
 * Richey, Jeffrey L. (28 August 2018). "Confucius". Oxford Bibliographies: Chinese Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/OBO/9780199920082-0163. (subscription required)
 * Riegel, Jeffrey K. (1986). "Poetry and the legend of Confucius's exile". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 106 (1): 13–22. doi:10.2307/602359. JSTOR 602359.
 * Riegel, Jeffrey (2012). "Confucius". The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University. Archived from the original on 2013-12-02 . Retrieved 2012-03-25 .
 * Qiu, Jane (13 August 2008). "Inheriting Confucius". Seed Magazine. Archived from the original on 22 July 2009 . Retrieved 31 May 2009 .{{cite web}} : CS1 maint: unfit URL ( link )
 * Shen, Vincent (2013). Dao Companion to Classical Confucian Philosophy. Springer. ISBN 978-90-481-2936-2. Archived from the original on 2019-10-11 . Retrieved 2018-12-04 .
 * Wilkinson, Endymion (2015). Chinese History: A New Manual (4th ed.). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center. ISBN 978-0-674-08846-7.
 * Yan, Liang (16 February 2008). "Updated Confucius family tree has two million members". Xinhua. Archived from the original on 22 October 2012 . Retrieved 30 May 2009 .
 * Yao, Xinzhong (1997). Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study of Jen and Agape. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. ISBN 978-1-898723-76-9. Archived from the original on 2020-10-21 . Retrieved 2015-11-07 .
 * Yao, Xinzhong (2000). An Introduction to Confucianism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-64430-3. Archived from the original on 2020-07-29 . Retrieved 2015-11-07 .
 * Zhou, Jing (31 October 2008). "New Confucius Genealogy out next year". China Internet Information Center. Archived from the original on 3 November 2008 . Retrieved 1 November 2008 .

 Further reading

 See Richey 2018 and Hutton 2019 for extensive bibliographies

 * Clements, Jonathan (2008). Confucius: A Biography. Stroud, Gloucestershire, England: Sutton Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7509-4775-6.
 * Confucius (1997). Lun yu, (in English The Analects of Confucius). Translation and notes by Simon Leys. New York: W.W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-04019-4.
 * Confucius (2003). Confucius: Analects – With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Translated by E. Slingerland. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. (Original work published c. 551–479 BCE ) ISBN 0-87220-635-1.
 * Creel, Herrlee Glessner (1949). Confucius and the Chinese Way. New York: Harper.
 * Creel, Herrlee Glessner (1953). Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse-tung. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2005). "Confucianism: An Overview". In Encyclopedia of Religion (Vol. C, pp. 1890–1905). Detroit: MacMillan Reference
 * Dawson, Raymond (1982). Confucius. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-287536-5.
 * Fingarette, Hebert (1998). Confucius : the secular as sacred. Long Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press. ISBN 978-1-57766-010-1.
 * Kaizuka, Shigeki (1956). Confucius. His life and thought. London: G. Allen and Unwin.
 * Ssu-ma Ch'ien (1974). Records of the Historian. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Hong Kong: Commercial Press.
 * Sterckx, Roel. Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding. London: Penguin, 2019.
 * Van Norden, B.W., ed. (2001). Confucius and the Analects: New Essays. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-513396-X.

 External links

 Confucius at Wikipedia's sister projects
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 * Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. "Confucius". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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 * The Dao of Kongzi, introduction to the thought of Confucius.
 * Works by Confucius at Project Gutenberg
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Confucius    孔子       Imaginary portrait by Wu Daozi (685–758), Tang dynasty      Born  Kǒng Qiū  c. 551 BCE  Zou, State of Lu (modern-day Nanxin [zh], Qufu, Shandong, China)     Died  c. 479 BCE (aged 71–72)   Si River, State of Lu      Resting place  Cemetery of Confucius, State of Lu    Spouse  Lady Qiguan    Children  Kong Li (son)  Kong Jiao (daughter)   Family  Shuliang He (father)  Yan Zhengzai (mother)       Era  Hundred Schools of Thought (Ancient philosophy)   Region  Chinese philosophy     School   Confucianism    Notable students  Yan Hui, Zengzi  Disciples of Confucius     Main interests   Ethics, education, music, [1]  poetry, [2]  political philosophy, Social philosophy     Notable ideas   Confucianism, Golden Rule     
 Influences 
  
 Cultural values of the Xia, Shang and Western Zhou dynasties  [3]  
  I Ching  
  Book of Rites  
  Classic of Poetry   
  
     
 Influenced 
   Virtually all subsequent Chinese philosophy, particularly Mencius, Xun Kuang, Zhu Xi, Wang Shouren, the Neotaoists, as well as Han Yu and the Neoconfucians. Also influenced multiple Western thinkers including Niels Bohr, [4]   [5]   [6]  Benjamin Franklin, [7]   [8]   [9]  Allen Ginsberg, [10]   [11]   [12]  Thomas Jefferson, [13]   [14]   [15]  Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Robert Cummings Neville, Alexander Pope, [16]   [17]  Ezra Pound, François Quesnay, Friedrich Schiller, [18]   [19]   [20]  Voltaire, [21]   [22]   [23]  and Christian Wolff    
    
   Confucius      "Confucius (Kǒngzǐ)" in seal script (top) and regular (bottom) Chinese characters    Chinese name    Chinese   孔子         Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒngzǐ   Literal meaning "Master Kǒng"       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒngzǐ    Bopomofo  ㄎㄨㄥˇ   ㄗˇ    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Koongtzyy    Wade–Giles  Kʻung3-tzŭ3     Yale Romanization  Kǔngd    IPA   [kʰʊ̌ŋ.tsɹ̩̀]     Wu     Romanization  Khon-tzy    Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Húngjí    Jyutping  Hung2zi2    IPA   [hǒŋ.tsǐː]     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Khóng-chú    Tâi-lô  Khóng-tsú    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  khúwng tsí    Old Chinese     Baxter (1992)  *khongʔ tsɨʔ    Baxter–Sagart (2014)  *[k]ʰˤoŋʔ tsəʔ       Kong Qiu    Chinese   孔 丘         Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒng Qiū       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Kǒng Qiū    Bopomofo  ㄎㄨㄥˇ   ㄑㄧㄡ    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Koong Chiou    Wade–Giles  Kʻung3 Chʻiu1     Yale Romanization  Kǔng Chyōu    IPA   [kʰʊ̀ŋ tɕʰjóʊ]     Wu     Romanization  Khon Chieu    Hakka     Romanization  Kung3 Hiu1     Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Húng Yāu    Jyutping  Hung2 Jau1    IPA   [hǒŋ jɐ́u]     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Khóng Khiu    Tâi-lô  Khóng Khiu    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  Khúwng Khjuw    Old Chinese     Baxter–Sagart (2014)  *[k]ʰˤoŋʔ [k]ʷʰə       
 Confucius (  kən-FEW-shəs ; Chinese: 孔 夫 子; pinyin: Kǒng Fūzǐ, "Master Kǒng"; or commonly 孔 子; Kǒngzǐ; c. 551 – c. 479 BCE) was a Chinese philosopher and politician of the Spring and Autumn period who is traditionally considered the paragon of Chinese sages. Confucius's teachings and philosophy underpin East Asian culture and society, remaining influential across China and East Asia to this day. [24] 
 Confucius considered himself a transmitter for the values of earlier periods which he claimed had been abandoned in his time. His philosophical teachings, called Confucianism, emphasized personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, kindness, and sincerity. His followers competed with many other schools during the Hundred Schools of Thought era, only to be suppressed in favor of the Legalists during the Qin dynasty. After the collapse of Qin and the victory of Han over Chu, Confucius's thoughts received official sanction in the new government. During the Tang and Song dynasties, Confucianism developed into a system known in the West as Neo-Confucianism, and later as New Confucianism. Confucianism was part of the Chinese social fabric and way of life; to Confucians, everyday life was the arena of religion. [25] 
 Confucius is traditionally credited with having authored or edited many of the Chinese classic texts, including all of the Five Classics, but modern scholars are cautious of attributing specific assertions to Confucius himself. Aphorisms concerning his teachings were compiled in the  Analects , but only many years after his death.
 Confucius's principles have commonality with Chinese tradition and belief. With filial piety, he championed strong family loyalty, ancestor veneration, and respect of elders by their children and of husbands by their wives, recommending family as a basis for ideal government. He espoused the Golden Rule, "Do not do unto others what you do not want done to yourself".
Name
The name "Confucius" is a Latinized form of the Mandarin Chinese Kǒng Fūzǐ (孔夫子, "Master Kong"), and was coined in the late 16th century by the early Jesuit missionaries to China. [26]  Confucius's clan name was Kong (孔,  OC:*‍kʰˤoŋʔ) and his given name was Qiu (丘,  OC:*‍[k]ʷʰə). His "courtesy name", a capping (guan: 冠) given at his coming of age ceremony, [27]  and by which he would have been known to all but his older family members, was Zhongni (仲尼,  OC:*‍N-‍truŋ-‍s nr[əj]), the "Zhòng" indicating that he was the second son in his family. [26]   [28] 
Life
Early life
      Lu can be seen in China's northeast.  
It is thought that Confucius was born on September 28, 551 BCE, [29]   [30]  in Zou (鄒, in modern Shandong province). [30]   [31]  The area was notionally controlled by the kings of Zhou but effectively independent under the local lords of Lu, who ruled from the nearby city of Qufu. His father Kong He (or Shuliang He) was an elderly commandant of the local Lu garrison. [32]  His ancestry traced back through the dukes of Song to the Shang dynasty which had preceded the Zhou. [33]   [34]   [35]   [36]  Traditional accounts of Confucius's life relate that Kong He's grandfather had migrated the family from Song to Lu. [37] 
 Kong He died when Confucius was three years old, and Confucius was raised by his mother Yan Zhengzai (顏 徵 在) in poverty. [38]  His mother later died at less than 40 years of age. [38]  At age 19 he married Lady Qiguan (亓官氏), and a year later the couple had their first child, their son Kong Li (孔鯉). [38]  Qiguan and Confucius later had two daughters together, one of whom is thought to have died as a child and one was named Kong Jiao (孔姣). [39] 
 Confucius was educated at schools for commoners, where he studied and learned the Six Arts. [40] 
 Confucius was born into the class of  shi  (士), between the aristocracy and the common people. He is said to have worked in various government jobs during his early 20s, and as a bookkeeper and a caretaker of sheep and horses, using the proceeds to give his mother a proper burial. [38]   [41]  When his mother died, Confucius (aged 23) is said to have mourned for three years, as was the tradition. [41] 
Political career
In Confucius's time, the state of Lu was headed by a ruling ducal house. [42]  Under the duke were three aristocratic families, whose heads bore the title of viscount and held hereditary positions in the Lu bureaucracy. [43]  The Ji family held the position "Minister over the Masses", who was also the "Prime Minister"; the Meng family held the position "Minister of Works"; and the Shu family held the position "Minister of War". [43]  In the winter of 505 BCE, Yang Hu—a retainer of the Ji family—rose up in rebellion and seized power from the Ji family. [43]  However, by the summer of 501 BCE, the three hereditary families had succeeded in expelling Yang Hu from Lu. [43]  By then, Confucius had built up a considerable reputation through his teachings, while the families came to see the value of proper conduct and righteousness, so they could achieve loyalty to a legitimate government. [44]  Thus, that year (501 BCE), Confucius came to be appointed to the minor position of governor of a town. [44]  Eventually, he rose to the position of Minister of Crime. [44] 
 Confucius desired to return the authority of the state to the duke by dismantling the fortifications of the city—strongholds belonging to the three families. [45]  This way, he could establish a centralized government. [45]  However, Confucius relied solely on diplomacy as he had no military authority himself. [45]  In 500 BCE, Hou Fan—the governor of Hou—revolted against his lord of the Shu family. [45]  Although the Meng and Shu families unsuccessfully besieged Hou, a loyalist official rose up with the people of Hou and forced Hou Fan to flee to the Qi state. [45]  The situation may have been in favor for Confucius as this likely made it possible for Confucius and his disciples to convince the aristocratic families to dismantle the fortifications of their cities. [45]  Eventually, after a year and a half, Confucius and his disciples succeeded in convincing the Shu family to raze the walls of Hou, the Ji family in razing the walls of Bi, and the Meng family in razing the walls of Cheng. [45]  First, the Shu family led an army towards their city Hou and tore down its walls in 498 BCE. [45] 
             
Soon thereafter, Gongshan Furao (also known as Gongshan Buniu), a retainer of the Ji family, revolted and took control of the forces at Bi. [46]   [47]  He immediately launched an attack and entered the capital Lu. [45]  Earlier, Gongshan had approached Confucius to join him, which Confucius considered as he wanted the opportunity to put his principles into practice but he gave up on the idea in the end. [46]  Confucius disapproved the use of a violent revolution by principle, even though the Ji family dominated the Lu state by force for generations and had exiled the previous duke. [46]  Creel (1949) states that, unlike the rebel Yang Hu before him, Gongshan may have sought to destroy the three hereditary families and restore the power of the duke. [48]  However, Dubs (1946) is of the view that Gongshan was encouraged by Viscount Ji Huan to invade the Lu capital in an attempt to avoid dismantling the Bi fortified walls. [47]  Whatever the situation may have been, Gongshan was considered an upright man who continued to defend the state of Lu, even after he was forced to flee. [48]   [49] 
 During the revolt by Gongshan, Zhong You had managed to keep the duke and the three viscounts together at the court. [49]  Zhong You was one of the disciples of Confucius and Confucius had arranged for him to be given the position of governor by the Ji family. [50]  When Confucius heard of the raid, he requested that Viscount Ji Huan allow the duke and his court to retreat to a stronghold on his palace grounds. [51]  Thereafter, the heads of the three families and the duke retreated to the Ji's palace complex and ascended the Wuzi Terrace. [52]  Confucius ordered two officers to lead an assault against the rebels. [52]  At least one of the two officers was a retainer of the Ji family, but they were unable to refuse the orders while in the presence of the duke, viscounts, and court. [51]  The rebels were pursued and defeated at Gu. [52]  Immediately after the revolt was defeated, the Ji family razed the Bi city walls to the ground. [52] 
 The attackers retreated after realizing that they would have to become rebels against the state and their lord. [51]  Through Confucius' actions, the Bi officials had inadvertently revolted against their own lord, thus forcing Viscount Ji Huan's hand in having to dismantle the walls of Bi (as it could have harbored such rebels) or confess to instigating the event by going against proper conduct and righteousness as an official. [51]  Dubs (1949) suggests that the incident brought to light Confucius' foresight, practical political ability, and insight into human character. [51] 
 When it was time to dismantle the city walls of the Meng family, the governor was reluctant to have his city walls torn down and convinced the head of the Meng family not to do so. [52]  The  Zuozhuan  recalls that the governor advised against razing the walls to the ground as he said that it made Cheng vulnerable to the Qi state and cause the destruction of the Meng family. [51]  Even though Viscount Meng Yi gave his word not to interfere with an attempt, he went back on his earlier promise to dismantle the walls. [51] 
 Later in 498 BCE, Duke Ding personally went with an army to lay siege to Cheng in an attempt to raze its walls to the ground, but he did not succeed. [53]  Thus, Confucius could not achieve the idealistic reforms that he wanted including restoration of the legitimate rule of the duke. [54]  He had made powerful enemies within the state, especially with Viscount Ji Huan, due to his successes so far. [55]  According to accounts in the  Zuozhuan  and  Shiji , Confucius departed his homeland in 497 BCE after his support for the failed attempt of dismantling the fortified city walls of the powerful Ji, Meng, and Shu families. [56]  He left the state of Lu without resigning, remaining in self-exile and unable to return as long as Viscount Ji Huan was alive. [55] 
Exile
      Map showing the journey of Confucius to various states between 497 BCE and 484 BCE.  
The  Shiji  stated that the neighboring Qi state was worried that Lu was becoming too powerful while Confucius was involved in the government of the Lu state. [57]  According to this account, Qi decided to sabotage Lu's reforms by sending 100 good horses and 80 beautiful dancing girls to the duke of Lu. [57]  The duke indulged himself in pleasure and did not attend to official duties for three days. Confucius was disappointed and resolved to leave Lu and seek better opportunities, yet to leave at once would expose the misbehavior of the duke and therefore bring public humiliation to the ruler Confucius was serving. Confucius therefore waited for the duke to make a lesser mistake. Soon after, the duke neglected to send to Confucius a portion of the sacrificial meat that was his due according to custom, and Confucius seized upon this pretext to leave both his post and the Lu state.
 After Confucius's resignation, he began a long journey or set of journeys around the principality states of north-east and central China including Wey, Song, Zheng, Cao, Chu, Qi, Chen, and Cai (and a failed attempt to go to Jin). At the courts of these states, he expounded his political beliefs but did not see them implemented. [58] 
Return home
     
According to the  Zuozhuan , Confucius returned home to his native Lu when he was 68, after he was invited to do so by Ji Kangzi, the chief minister of Lu. [59]  The Analects depict him spending his last years teaching 72 or 77 disciples and transmitting the old wisdom via a set of texts called the Five Classics.[ citation needed ]
 During his return, Confucius sometimes acted as an advisor to several government officials in Lu, including Ji Kangzi, on matters including governance and crime. [59] 
 Burdened by the loss of both his son and his favorite disciples, he died at the age of 71 or 72 from natural causes. Confucius was buried in Kong Lin cemetery which lies in the historical part of Qufu in the Shandong Province. [60]  The original tomb erected there in memory of Confucius on the bank of the Sishui River had the shape of an axe. In addition, it has a raised brick platform at the front of the memorial for offerings such as sandalwood incense and fruit.[ citation needed ]
Philosophy
Although Confucianism is often followed in a religious manner by the Chinese, many argue that its values are secular and that it is, therefore, less a religion than a secular morality. Proponents argue, however, that despite the secular nature of Confucianism's teachings, it is based on a worldview that is religious. [61]  Confucianism discusses elements of the afterlife and views concerning Heaven, but it is relatively unconcerned with some spiritual matters often considered essential to religious thought, such as the nature of souls.[ citation needed ]
 In the  Analects , Confucius presents himself as a "transmitter who invented nothing". He puts the greatest emphasis on the importance of study, and it is the Chinese character for study (學) that opens the text. Far from trying to build a systematic or formalist theory, he wanted his disciples to master and internalize older classics, so that their deep thought and thorough study would allow them to relate the moral problems of the present to past political events (as recorded in the Annals) or the past expressions of commoners' feelings and noblemen's reflections (as in the poems of the  Book of Odes ).[ citation needed ]
Ethics
     
One of the deepest teachings of Confucius may have been the superiority of personal exemplification over explicit rules of behavior. His moral teachings emphasized self-cultivation, emulation of moral exemplars, and the attainment of skilled judgment rather than knowledge of rules. Confucian ethics may, therefore, be considered a type of virtue ethics. His teachings rarely rely on reasoned argument, and ethical ideals and methods are conveyed indirectly, through allusion, innuendo, and even tautology. His teachings require examination and context to be understood. A good example is found in this famous anecdote:
廄焚。子退朝，曰：傷人乎？不問馬。
 
When the stables were burnt down, on returning from court Confucius said, "Was anyone hurt?" He did not ask about the horses. —  Analects X.11 (tr. Waley), 10–13 (tr. Legge), or X-17 (tr. Lau)  
By not asking about the horses, Confucius demonstrates that the sage values human beings over property (which animals seem to represent in this example); readers are led to reflect on whether their response would follow Confucius's and to pursue self-improvement if it would not have.[ citation needed ]
 One of his teachings was a variant of the Golden Rule, sometimes called the "Silver Rule" owing to its negative form:
子貢問曰：有一言而可以終身行之者乎？子曰：其恕乎！己所不欲、勿施於人。
 
Zi Gong [a disciple] asked: "Is there any one word that could guide a person throughout life?" The Master replied: "How about 'reciprocity'! Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself." —  Analects XV.24, tr. David Hinton  
Often overlooked in Confucian ethics are the virtues to the self: sincerity and the cultivation of knowledge. Virtuous action towards others begins with virtuous and sincere thought, which begins with knowledge. A virtuous disposition without knowledge is susceptible to corruption, and virtuous action without sincerity is not true righteousness. Cultivating knowledge and sincerity is also important for one's own sake; the superior person loves learning for the sake of learning and righteousness for the sake of righteousness.[ citation needed ]
 The Confucian theory of ethics as exemplified in  lǐ  (禮) is based on three important conceptual aspects of life: (a) ceremonies associated with sacrifice to ancestors and deities of various types, (b) social and political institutions, and (c) the etiquette of daily behavior. Some believed that lǐ originated from the heavens, but Confucius stressed the development of lǐ through the actions of sage leaders in human history. His discussions of lǐ seem to redefine the term to refer to all actions committed by a person to build the ideal society, rather than those conforming with canonical standards of ceremony.[ citation needed ]
 In the early Confucian tradition, lǐ was doing the proper thing at the proper time; balancing between maintaining existing norms to perpetuate an ethical social fabric, and violating them in order to accomplish ethical good. Training in the lǐ of past sages, cultivates virtues in people that include ethical judgment about when lǐ must be adapted in light of situational contexts.
 In Confucianism, the concept of li is closely related to yì (義), which is based upon the idea of reciprocity. Yì can be translated as righteousness, though it may mean what is ethically best to do in a certain context. The term contrasts with action done out of self-interest. While pursuing one's own self-interest is not necessarily bad, one would be a better, more righteous person if one's life was based upon following a path designed to enhance the greater good. Thus an outcome of yì is doing the right thing for the right reason.[ citation needed ]
 Just as action according to  lǐ  should be adapted to conform to the aspiration of adhering to yì, so yì is linked to the core value of rén (仁). Rén  consists of five basic virtues: seriousness, generosity, sincerity, diligence, and kindness. [62]  Rén is the virtue of perfectly fulfilling one's responsibilities toward others, most often translated as "benevolence" or "humaneness"; translator Arthur Waley calls it "Goodness" (with a capital G), and other translations that have been put forth include "authoritativeness" and "selflessness". Confucius's moral system was based upon empathy and understanding others, rather than divinely ordained rules. To develop one's spontaneous responses of rén so that these could guide action intuitively was even better than living by the rules of yì. Confucius asserts that virtue is a mean between extremes. For example, the properly generous person gives the right amount – not too much and not too little. [62] 
Politics
Confucius's political thought is based upon his ethical thought. He argued that the best government is one that rules through "rites" (lǐ) and people's natural morality, and not by using bribery and coercion. He explained that this is one of the most important analects: "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame. If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of the shame, and moreover will become good." (Analects 2.3, tr. Legge). This "sense of shame" is an internalisation of duty, where the punishment precedes the evil action, instead of following it in the form of laws as in Legalism.[ citation needed ]
 Confucius looked nostalgically upon earlier days, and urged the Chinese, particularly those with political power, to model themselves on earlier examples. In times of division, chaos, and endless wars between feudal states, he wanted to restore the Mandate of Heaven (天命) that could unify the "world" (天下, "all under Heaven") and bestow peace and prosperity on the people. Because his vision of personal and social perfections was framed as a revival of the ordered society of earlier times, Confucius is often considered a great proponent of conservatism, but a closer look at what he proposes often shows that he used (and perhaps twisted) past institutions and rites to push a new political agenda of his own: a revival of a unified royal state, whose rulers would succeed to power on the basis of their moral merits instead of lineage. These would be rulers devoted to their people, striving for personal and social perfection, and such a ruler would spread his own virtues to the people instead of imposing proper behavior with laws and rules.[ citation needed ]
 While Confucius supported the idea of government ruling by a virtuous king, his ideas contained a number of elements to limit the power of rulers. He argued for representing truth in language, and honesty was of paramount importance. Even in facial expression, truth must always be represented.[ citation needed ] Confucius believed that if a ruler is to lead correctly, by action, that orders would be unnecessary in that others will follow the proper actions of their ruler. In discussing the relationship between a king and his subject (or a father and his son), he underlined the need to give due respect to superiors. This demanded that the subordinates must advise their superiors if the superiors are considered to be taking a course of action that is wrong. Confucius believed in ruling by example, if you lead correctly, orders by force or punishment are not necessary. [63] 
Music and poetry
     
Confucius heavily promoted the use of music with rituals or the rites order. The scholar Li Zehou argued that Confucianism is based on the idea of rites. Rites serve as the starting point for each individual and that these sacred social functions allow each person's human nature to be harmonious with reality. Given this, Confucius believed that "music is the harmonization of heaven and earth; the rites is the order of heaven and earth". Thus the application of music in rites creates the order that makes it possible for society to prosper. [1] 
 The Confucian approach to music was heavily inspired by the Shijing and the Classic of Music, which was said to be the sixth Confucian classic until it was lost during the Han Dynasty. The Shijing serves as one of the current Confucian classics and is a book on poetry that contains a diversified variety of poems as well as folk songs. Confucius is traditionally ascribed with compiling these classics within his school. [64]  In the Analects, Confucius described the importance of the art in the development of society: [65] 
 The Master said, "My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?
"The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.
"They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation.
"They teach the art of sociability.
"They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.
"From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one's father, and the remoter one of serving one's prince.
"From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants." [65] 
 
Legacy
     
Confucius's teachings were later turned into an elaborate set of rules and practices by his numerous disciples and followers, who organized his teachings into the Analects. [66]   [67]  Confucius's disciples and his only grandson, Zisi, continued his philosophical school after his death. [68]  These efforts spread Confucian ideals to students who then became officials in many of the royal courts in China, thereby giving Confucianism the first wide-scale test of its dogma.[ citation needed ]
 Two of Confucius's most famous later followers emphasized radically different aspects of his teachings. In the centuries after his death, Mencius (孟子) and Xun Zi (荀子) both composed important teachings elaborating in different ways on the fundamental ideas associated with Confucius. Mencius (4th century BCE) articulated the innate goodness in human beings as a source of the ethical intuitions that guide people towards rén, yì, and lǐ, while Xun Zi (3rd century BCE) underscored the realistic and materialistic aspects of Confucian thought, stressing that morality was inculcated in society through tradition and in individuals through training. In time, their writings, together with the Analects and other core texts came to constitute the philosophical corpus of Confucianism.[ citation needed ]
 This realignment in Confucian thought was parallel to the development of Legalism, which saw filial piety as self-interest and not a useful tool for a ruler to create an effective state.[ citation needed ] A disagreement between these two political philosophies came to a head in 223 BCE when the Qin state conquered all of China. Li Si, Prime Minister of the Qin dynasty, convinced Qin Shi Huang to abandon the Confucians' recommendation of awarding fiefs akin to the Zhou Dynasty before them which he saw as being against to the Legalist idea of centralizing the state around the ruler. When the Confucian advisers pressed their point, Li Si had many Confucian scholars killed and their books burned—considered a huge blow to the philosophy and Chinese scholarship.[ citation needed ]
 Under the succeeding Han and Tang dynasties, Confucian ideas gained even more widespread prominence. Under Wudi, the works of Confucius were made the official imperial philosophy and required reading for civil service examinations in 140 BCE which was continued nearly unbroken until the end of the 19th century. As Mohism lost support by the time of the Han, the main philosophical contenders were Legalism, which Confucian thought somewhat absorbed, the teachings of Laozi, whose focus on more spiritual ideas kept it from direct conflict with Confucianism, and the new Buddhist religion, which gained acceptance during the Southern and Northern Dynasties era. Both Confucian ideas and Confucian-trained officials were relied upon in the Ming Dynasty and even the Yuan Dynasty, although Kublai Khan distrusted handing over provincial control to them.[ citation needed ]
 During the Song dynasty, the scholar Zhu Xi (1130–1200 CE) added ideas from Daoism and Buddhism into Confucianism. In his life, Zhu Xi was largely ignored, but not long after his death, his ideas became the new orthodox view of what Confucian texts actually meant. Modern historians view Zhu Xi as having created something rather different and call his way of thinking  Neo-Confucianism . Neo-Confucianism held sway in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam until the 19th century.[ citation needed ]
     
The works of Confucius were first translated into European languages by Jesuit missionaries in the 16th century during the late Ming dynasty. The first known effort was by Michele Ruggieri, who returned to Italy in 1588 and carried on his translations while residing in Salerno. Matteo Ricci started to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and a team of Jesuits—Prospero Intorcetta, Philippe Couplet, and two others—published a translation of several Confucian works and an overview of Chinese history in Paris in 1687. [69]   [70]  François Noël, after failing to persuade Clement XI that Chinese veneration of ancestors and Confucius did not constitute idolatry, completed the Confucian canon at Prague in 1711, with more scholarly treatments of the other works and the first translation of the collected works of Mencius. [71]  It is thought that such works had considerable importance on European thinkers of the period, particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilization. [70]   [72] 
 In the modern era Confucian movements, such as New Confucianism, still exist, but during the Cultural Revolution, Confucianism was frequently attacked by leading figures in the Chinese Communist Party. This was partially a continuation of the condemnations of Confucianism by intellectuals and activists in the early 20th century as a cause of the ethnocentric close-mindedness and refusal of the Qing Dynasty to modernize that led to the tragedies that befell China in the 19th century.[ citation needed ]
 Confucius's works are studied by scholars in many other Asian countries, particularly those in the Chinese cultural sphere, such as Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. Many of those countries still hold the traditional memorial ceremony every year.[ citation needed ]
 Among Tibetans, Confucius is often worshipped as a holy king and master of magic, divination and astrology. Tibetan Buddhists see him as learning divination from the Buddha Manjushri (and that knowledge subsequently reaching Tibet through Princess Wencheng), while Bon practitioners see him as being a reincarnation of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche, the legendary founder of Bon. [73] 
 The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community believes Confucius was a Divine Prophet of God, as were Lao-Tzu and other eminent Chinese personages. [74] 
 In modern times, Asteroid 7853, "Confucius", was named after the Chinese thinker. [75] 
Disciples
     
Confucius began teaching after he turned 30, and taught more than 3,000 students in his life, about 70 of whom were considered outstanding. His disciples and the early Confucian community they formed became the most influential intellectual force in the Warring States period. [76]  The Han dynasty historian Sima Qian dedicated a chapter in his  Records of the Grand Historian  to the biographies of Confucius's disciples, accounting for the influence they exerted in their time and afterward. Sima Qian recorded the names of 77 disciples in his collective biography, while  Kongzi Jiayu , another early source, records 76, not completely overlapping. The two sources together yield the names of 96 disciples. [77]  Twenty-two of them are mentioned in the  Analects , while the  Mencius  records 24. [78] 
 Confucius did not charge any tuition, and only requested a symbolic gift of a bundle of dried meat from any prospective student. According to his disciple Zigong, his master treated students like doctors treated patients and did not turn anybody away. [77]  Most of them came from Lu, Confucius's home state, with 43 recorded, but he accepted students from all over China, with six from the state of Wey (such as Zigong), three from Qin, two each from Chen and Qi, and one each from Cai, Chu, and Song. [77]  Confucius considered his students' personal background irrelevant, and accepted noblemen, commoners, and even former criminals such as Yan Zhuoju and Gongye Chang. [79]  His disciples from richer families would pay a sum commensurate with their wealth which was considered a ritual donation. [77] 
 Confucius's favorite disciple was Yan Hui, most probably one of the most impoverished of them all. [78]  Sima Niu, in contrast to Yan Hui, was from a hereditary noble family hailing from the Song state. [78]  Under Confucius's teachings, the disciples became well learned in the principles and methods of government. [80]  He often engaged in discussion and debate with his students and gave high importance to their studies in history, poetry, and ritual. [80]  Confucius advocated loyalty to principle rather than to individual acumen, in which reform was to be achieved by persuasion rather than violence. [80]  Even though Confucius denounced them for their practices, the aristocracy was likely attracted to the idea of having trustworthy officials who were studied in morals as the circumstances of the time made it desirable. [80]  In fact, the disciple Zilu even died defending his ruler in Wey. [80] 
 Yang Hu, who was a subordinate of the Ji family, had dominated the Lu government from 505 to 502 and even attempted a coup, which narrowly failed. [80]  As a likely consequence, it was after this that the first disciples of Confucius were appointed to government positions. [80]  A few of Confucius's disciples went on to attain official positions of some importance, some of which were arranged by Confucius. [81]  By the time Confucius was 50 years old, the Ji family had consolidated their power in the Lu state over the ruling ducal house. [82]  Even though the Ji family had practices with which Confucius disagreed and disapproved, they nonetheless gave Confucius's disciples many opportunities for employment. [82]  Confucius continued to remind his disciples to stay true to their principles and renounced those who did not, all the while being openly critical of the Ji family. [83] 
Visual portraits
      
No contemporary painting or sculpture of Confucius survives, and it was only during the Han Dynasty that he was portrayed visually. Carvings often depict his legendary meeting with Laozi. Since that time there have been many portraits of Confucius as the ideal philosopher. An early verbal portrayal of Confucius is found in the chapter "External Things" (外物; Wàiwù) of the book  Zhuangzi  (莊子; Zhuāngzǐ), finished in about 3rd BCE, long after Confucius's death. [84]  The oldest known portrait of Confucius has been unearthed in the tomb of the Han dynasty ruler Marquis of Haihun (died 59 BCE). The picture was painted on the wooden frame to a polished bronze mirror. [85] 
 In former times, it was customary to have a portrait in Confucius Temples; however, during the reign of Hongwu Emperor (Taizu) of the Ming dynasty, it was decided that the only proper portrait of Confucius should be in the temple in his home town, Qufu in Shandong. In other temples, Confucius is represented by a memorial tablet. In 2006, the China Confucius Foundation commissioned a standard portrait of Confucius based on the Tang dynasty portrait by Wu Daozi.
 The South Wall Frieze in the courtroom of the Supreme Court of the United States depicts Confucius as a teacher of harmony, learning, and virtue. [86] 
Fictional portrayals
There have been two film adaptations of Confucius' life: the 1940 film  Confucius  starring Tang Huaiqiu, and the 2010 film  Confucius  starring Chow Yun-fat.[ citation needed ]
Memorials
     
     
Soon after Confucius's death, Qufu, his home town, became a place of devotion and remembrance. The Han dynasty  Records of the Grand Historian  records that it had already become a place of pilgrimage for ministers. It is still a major destination for cultural tourism, and many people visit his grave and the surrounding temples. In Sinic cultures, there are many temples where representations of the Buddha, Laozi, and Confucius are found together. There are also many temples dedicated to him, which have been used for Confucian ceremonies.[ citation needed ]
 Followers of Confucianism have a tradition of holding spectacular memorial ceremonies of Confucius (祭孔) every year, using ceremonies that supposedly derived from Zhou Li (周禮) as recorded by Confucius, on the date of Confucius's birth. In the 20th century, this tradition was interrupted for several decades in mainland China, where the official stance of the Communist Party and the State was that Confucius and Confucianism represented reactionary feudalist beliefs which held that the subservience of the people to the aristocracy is a part of the natural order. All such ceremonies and rites were therefore banned. Only after the 1990s did the ceremony resume. As it is now considered a veneration of Chinese history and tradition, even Communist Party members may be found in attendance.[ citation needed ]
 In Taiwan, where the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) strongly promoted Confucian beliefs in ethics and behavior, the tradition of the memorial ceremony of Confucius (祭孔) is supported by the government and has continued without interruption. While not a national holiday, it does appear on all printed calendars, much as Father's Day or Christmas Day do in the Western world.[ citation needed ]
 In South Korea, a grand-scale memorial ceremony called Seokjeon Daeje is held twice a year on Confucius's birthday and the anniversary of his death, at Confucian academies across the country and Sungkyunkwan in Seoul. [87] 
Descendants
Confucius's descendants were repeatedly identified and honored by successive imperial governments with titles of nobility and official posts. They were honored with the rank of a marquis 35 times since Gaozu of the Han dynasty, and they were promoted to the rank of duke 42 times from the Tang dynasty to the Qing dynasty. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang first bestowed the title of "Duke Wenxuan" on Kong Suizhi of the 35th generation. In 1055, Emperor Renzong of Song first bestowed the title of "Duke Yansheng" on Kong Zongyuan of the 46th generation.[ citation needed ]
 During the Southern Song dynasty, the Duke Yansheng Kong Duanyou fled south with the Song Emperor to Quzhou in Zhejiang, while the newly established Jin dynasty (1115–1234) in the north appointed Kong Duanyou's brother Kong Duancao who remained in Qufu as Duke Yansheng. [88]   [89]   [90]   [91]   [92]   [93]   [94]  From that time up until the Yuan dynasty, there were two Duke Yanshengs, one in the north in Qufu and the other in the south at Quzhou. An invitation to come back to Qufu was extended to the southern Duke Yansheng Kong Zhu by the Yuan-dynasty Emperor Kublai Khan. The title was taken away from the southern branch after Kong Zhu rejected the invitation, [95]  so the northern branch of the family kept the title of Duke Yansheng. The southern branch remained in Quzhou where they live to this day. Confucius's descendants in Quzhou alone number 30,000. [96]  [ unreliable source? ] The Hanlin Academy rank of Wujing boshi 五經博士 was awarded to the southern branch at Quzhou by a Ming Emperor while the northern branch at Qufu held the title Duke Yansheng. [97]   [98]  The leader of the southern branch is 孔祥楷 Kong Xiangkai. [99] 
 In 1351, during the reign of Emperor Toghon Temür of the Yuan dynasty, 53rd-generation descendant Kong Huan (孔浣)'s second son Kong Shao (孔昭) moved from China to Korea during the Goryeo Dynasty, and was received courteously by Princess Noguk (the Mongolian-born wife of the future king Gongmin). After being naturalized as a Korean citizen, he changed the hanja of his name from "昭" to "紹" (both pronounced so in Korean), [100]  married a Korean woman and bore a son (Gong Yeo (Korean: 공여; Hanja: 孔帤), 1329–1397), therefore establishing the Changwon Gong clan (Korean: 창원 공씨; Hanja: 昌原 孔氏), whose ancestral seat was located in Changwon, South Gyeongsang Province. The clan then received an aristocratic rank during the succeeding Joseon dynasty. [101]   [102]   [103]   [104]   [105]  In 1794, during the reign of King Jeongjo, the clan then changed its name to Gokbu Gong clan (Korean: 곡부 공씨; Hanja: 曲阜 孔氏) in honor of Confucius's birthplace Qufu (Korean: 곡부; Hanja: 曲阜; RR: Gokbu). [106] 
 Famous descendants include actors such as Gong Yoo (real name Gong Ji-cheol (공지철)) and Gong Hyo-jin (공효진); and artists such as male idol group B1A4 member Gongchan (real name Gong Chan-sik (공찬식)), singer-songwriter Minzy (real name Gong Min-ji (공민지)), as well as her great aunt, traditional folk dancer Gong Ok-jin [ko] (공옥진).
 Despite repeated dynastic change in China, the title of Duke Yansheng was bestowed upon successive generations of descendants until it was abolished by the Nationalist government in 1935. The last holder of the title, Kung Te-cheng of the 77th generation, was appointed Sacrificial Official to Confucius. Kung Te-cheng died in October 2008, and his son, Kung Wei-yi, the 78th lineal descendant, died in 1989. Kung Te-cheng's grandson, Kung Tsui-chang, the 79th lineal descendant, was born in 1975; his great-grandson, Kung Yu-jen, the 80th lineal descendant, was born in Taipei on January 1, 2006. Te-cheng's sister, Kong Demao, lives in mainland China and has written a book about her experiences growing up at the family estate in Qufu. Another sister, Kong Deqi, died as a young woman. [107]  Many descendants of Confucius still live in Qufu today.
 A descendant of Confucius, H. H. Kung, was the Premier of the Republic of China. One of his sons, Kong Lingjie [zh] (孔令傑), married Debra Paget  [108]  who gave birth to Gregory Kung (孔德基).
 Confucius's family, the Kongs, have the longest recorded extant pedigree in the world today. The father-to-son family tree, now in its 83rd generation, [109]  has been recorded since the death of Confucius. According to the Confucius Genealogy Compilation Committee (CGCC), he has two million known and registered descendants, and there are an estimated three million in all. [110]  Of these, several tens of thousands live outside of China. [110]  In the 14th century, a Kong descendant went to Korea, where an estimated 34,000 descendants of Confucius live today. [110]  One of the main lineages fled from the Kong ancestral home in Qufu during the Chinese Civil War in the 1940s and eventually settled in Taiwan. [107]  There are also branches of the Kong family who have converted to Islam after marrying Muslim women, in Dachuan in Gansu province in the 1800s, [111]  and in 1715 in Xuanwei in Yunnan province. [112]  Many of the Muslim Confucius descendants are descended from the marriage of Ma Jiaga (馬甲尕), a Muslim woman, and Kong Yanrong (孔彥嶸), 59th generation descendant of Confucius in the year 1480, and are found among the Hui and Dongxiang peoples. [113]   [114]   [115]   [116]  The new genealogy includes the Muslims. [117]  Kong Dejun (孔德軍) is a prominent Islamic scholar and Arabist from Qinghai province and a 77th generation descendant of Confucius.
 Because of the huge interest in the Confucius family tree, there was a project in China to test the DNA of known family members of the collateral branches in mainland China. [118]  Among other things, this would allow scientists to identify a common Y chromosome in male descendants of Confucius. If the descent were truly unbroken, father-to-son, since Confucius's lifetime, the males in the family would all have the same Y chromosome as their direct male ancestor, with slight mutations due to the passage of time. [119]  The aim of the genetic test was to help members of collateral branches in China who lost their genealogical records to prove their descent. However, in 2009, many of the collateral branches decided not to agree to DNA testing. [120]  Bryan Sykes, professor of genetics at Oxford University, understands this decision: "The Confucius family tree has an enormous cultural significance ... It's not just a scientific question." [120]  The DNA testing was originally proposed to add new members, many of whose family record books were lost during 20th century upheavals, to the Confucian family tree. [121]  The main branch of the family which fled to Taiwan was never involved in the proposed DNA test at all.
 In 2013 a DNA test performed on multiple different families who claimed descent from Confucius found that they shared the same Y chromosome as reported by Fudan University. [122] 
 The fifth and most recent edition of the Confucius genealogy was printed by the CGCC. [123]  It was unveiled in a ceremony at Qufu on September 24, 2009. [123]  Women are now included for the first time. [124] 
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Bibliography
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 Hobson, John M. (2004). The Eastern origins of Western civilisation (Reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN  978-0-521-54724-6 . 
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  "Confucius Descendants Say DNA Testing Plan Lacks Wisdom". Bandao. 21 August 2007. Archived from the original on 7 July 2011. 
  "Confucius Family Tree to Record Female Kin". China Daily. 2 February 2007. Archived from the original on 2 June 2013. Retrieved 30 May 2009. 
  "Confucius' Family Tree Recorded Biggest". China Daily. 24 September 2009. Archived from the original on 24 October 2012. Retrieved 24 September 2009. 
 Hunter, Michael (2017).  Confucius Beyond the Analects . BRILL. ISBN  978-9-004-33902-6 . Archived from the original on 2021-08-09. Retrieved 2021-04-09. 
  Karlgren, Bernhard (1972) [1923]. Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Dover Books. 
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 Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN  978-94-007-7112-3 . Archived from the original on 2019-12-25. Retrieved 2018-10-27. 
  Knechtges, David R.; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). "Lunyu 論語". In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. ISBN  978-90-04-19127-3 . Archived from the original on 2021-06-20. Retrieved 2018-10-27. 
 Fung, Yiu-ming (2008). "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia". In Richey, Jeffrey (ed.).  Teaching Confucianism . Oxford University Press. ISBN  978-0-19-804256-3 . Archived from the original on 2021-04-15. Retrieved 2021-02-21. 
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 Jansen, Thomas; Klein, Thoralf; Meyer, Christian (2014).  Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity in China: Transnational Religions, Local Agents, and the Study of Religion, 1800–Present . Brill. ISBN  978-90-04-27151-7 . Archived from the original on 2021-10-25. Retrieved 2016-04-21. 
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Further reading
 See Richey 2018 and Hutton 2019 for extensive bibliographies
  Clements, Jonathan (2008). Confucius: A Biography. Stroud, Gloucestershire, England: Sutton Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7509-4775-6.
Confucius (1997). Lun yu, (in English The Analects of Confucius). Translation and notes by Simon Leys. New York: W.W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-04019-4.
Confucius (2003). Confucius: Analects – With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Translated by E. Slingerland. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. (Original work published c. 551–479 BCE) ISBN 0-87220-635-1.
 Creel, Herrlee Glessner (1949). Confucius and the Chinese Way. New York: Harper.
  Creel, Herrlee Glessner (1953).  Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse-tung . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2005). "Confucianism: An Overview". In Encyclopedia of Religion (Vol. C, pp. 1890–1905). Detroit: MacMillan Reference
 Dawson, Raymond (1982). Confucius. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN  978-0-19-287536-5 . 
 Fingarette, Hebert (1998).  Confucius : the secular as sacred . Long Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press. ISBN  978-1-57766-010-1 . 
 Kaizuka, Shigeki (1956). Confucius. His life and thought. London: G. Allen and Unwin. 
 Ssu-ma Ch'ien (1974). Records of the Historian. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Hong Kong: Commercial Press. 
Sterckx, Roel. Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding. London: Penguin, 2019.
Van Norden, B.W., ed. (2001). Confucius and the Analects: New Essays. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-513396-X. 
External links
  Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. "Confucius". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
  "Confucius".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Confucius on  In Our Time  at the BBC 
 Multilingual web site on Confucius and the Analects 
 The Dao of Kongzi, introduction to the thought of Confucius.
 Works by Confucius at Project Gutenberg 
 Works by or about Confucius at Internet Archive 
 Works by Confucius at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks) 
 Confucian Analects (Project Gutenberg release of James Legge's Translation)
 Core philosophical passages in the Analects of Confucius.
Confucius - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confucius
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_philosophy
Chinese philosophy - Wikipedia
2001-09-02
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<div><div>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Chinese philosophy</th></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Yin-yang-and-bagua-near-nanning.jpg"></a><div><p><a href="/wiki/Yin_and_Yang">Yin and Yang</a> symbol with the <a href="/wiki/Bagua">bagua</a> symbols paved in a clearing outside of Nanning City, <a href="/wiki/Guangxi">Guangxi</a> province, <a href="/wiki/China">China</a>.</p></div></td></tr><tr><th>Chinese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Traditional Chinese</a></th><td>中國哲學</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Simplified Chinese</a></th><td>中国哲学</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Zhōngguó zhéxué</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Jonggwo jershyue</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Chung-kuo che-hsüeh</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Wu_Chinese">Romanization</a></th><td>Tson-kueʔ tseʔ-ghoʔ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hakka_Chinese">Hakka</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Guangdong_Romanization#Hakka">Romanization</a></th><td>Zung<sup>1</sup>-get<sup>5</sup> ziet<sup>5</sup>-hok<sup>6</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Jūng-gwok jit-hohk</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Zung<sup>1</sup>-gwok<sup>3</sup> zit<sup>3</sup>-hok<sup>6</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Tiong-kok tiat-ha̍k</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Vietnamese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Vietnamese_language">Vietnamese</a></th><td><i>Triết học Trung Quốc</i></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Ch%E1%BB%AF_H%C3%A1n">Chữ Hán</a></th><td>哲學中國</td></tr><tr><th>Korean name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hangul">Hangul</a></th><td>중국 철학</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a></th><td>中國哲學</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Revised_Romanization_of_Korean">Revised Romanization</a></th><td>Junggung cheolhak</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Japanese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kanji">Kanji</a></th><td>中国哲学</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kana">Kana</a></th><td>ちゅうごくてつがく</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Japanese">Romanization</a></th><td>Chūgoku tetsugaku</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p><b>Chinese philosophy</b> originates in the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a> (春秋) and <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a> (戰國時期), during a period known as the "<a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a>",<sup><a href="#cite_note-pe-1">[1]</a></sup> which was characterized by significant intellectual and cultural developments.<sup><a href="#cite_note-pe-1">[1]</a></sup> Although much of Chinese philosophy begun in the Warring States period, elements of Chinese philosophy have existed for several thousand years. Some can be found in the <i><a href="/wiki/I_Ching">I Ching</a></i> (the <i>Book of Changes</i>), an ancient compendium of <a href="/wiki/Divination">divination</a>, which dates back to at least 672 BCE.<sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> It was during the Warring States era that what <a href="/wiki/Sima_Tan">Sima Tan</a> termed the major philosophical schools of China—<a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a>—arose, along with philosophies that later fell into obscurity, like <a href="/wiki/Agriculturalism">Agriculturalism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a>, <a href="/wiki/School_of_Naturalists">Chinese Naturalism</a>, and the <a href="/wiki/School_of_Names">Logicians</a>. Even in modern society, Confucianism is still the creed of etiquette for Chinese society.<sup><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup>
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<h2>Chinese philosophy as a philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>The debate over whether the <i>thought</i> of ancient Chinese masters should be called philosophy has been discussed since the introduction of this academic discipline into China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup> See <a href="/wiki/Legitimacy_of_Chinese_philosophy">Legitimacy of Chinese philosophy</a> for details.
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<h2>Early beliefs[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Early <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang dynasty</a> thought was based upon cycles. This notion stems from what the people of the Shang Dynasty could observe around them: day and night cycled, the seasons progressed again and again, and even the moon waxed and waned until it waxed again. Thus, this notion, which remained relevant throughout <a href="/wiki/Chinese_history">Chinese history</a>, reflects the order of nature. In juxtaposition, it also marks a fundamental distinction from <a href="/wiki/Western_philosophy">western philosophy</a>, in which the dominant view of time is a linear progression. During the Shang, <a href="/wiki/Destiny">fate</a> could be manipulated by great deities, commonly translated as gods.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Vagueness">vague</a></i>]</sup> <a href="/wiki/Ancestor_worship">Ancestor worship</a> was present and universally recognized. There was also human and animal sacrifice.
</p><p>When the Shang were overthrown by the <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Dynasty">Zhou</a>, a new political, religious and philosophical concept was introduced called the "<a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a>". This mandate was said to be taken when rulers became unworthy of their position and provided a shrewd justification for Zhou rule. During this period, archaeological evidence points to an increase in literacy and a partial shift away from the faith placed in <a href="/wiki/Shangdi">Shangdi</a> (the Supreme Being in <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_religion">traditional Chinese religion</a>), with ancestor worship becoming commonplace and a more worldly orientation coming to the fore.
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<h2>Overview[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Confucianism developed during the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a> from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> (551–479 BCE), who considered himself a retransmitter of Zhou values. His philosophy concerns the fields of ethics and politics, emphasizing personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, traditionalism, and sincerity. The Analects stress the importance of ritual, but also the importance of 'ren', which loosely translates as 'human-heartedness',<sup><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup> Confucianism, along with <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>, is responsible for creating the world's first <a href="/wiki/Meritocracy">meritocracy</a>, which holds that one's status should be determined by education and character rather than <a href="/wiki/Ancestry">ancestry</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wealth">wealth</a>, or <a href="/wiki/Friendship">friendship</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Confucius-6">[6]</a></sup> Confucianism was and continues to be a major influence in Chinese culture, the state of <a href="/wiki/History_of_China">China</a> and the surrounding areas of <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asia</a>.
</p><p>Before the Han dynasty the largest rivals to Confucianism were <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Legalism">Chinese Legalism</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a>. Confucianism largely became the dominant philosophical school of China during the early <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> following the replacement of its contemporary, the more Taoistic <a href="/wiki/Huang-Lao">Huang-Lao</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup> Legalism as a coherent philosophy disappeared largely due to its relationship with the unpopular authoritarian rule of <a href="/wiki/Qin_Shi_Huang">Qin Shi Huang</a>, however, many of its ideas and institutions would continue to influence Chinese philosophy until the end of Imperial rule during the <a href="/wiki/Xinhai_Revolution">Xinhai Revolution</a>.
</p><p>Mohism, though initially popular due to its emphasis on brotherly love versus harsh Qin Legalism, fell out of favour during the <a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Han Dynasty</a> due to the efforts of Confucians in establishing their views as political orthodoxy. The <a href="/wiki/Six_Dynasties">Six Dynasties</a> era saw the rise of the <a href="/wiki/Xuanxue">Xuanxue</a> philosophical school and the maturation of Chinese <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a>, which had entered China from India during the Late Han Dynasties. By the time of the <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang dynasty</a> five-hundred years after Buddhism's arrival into China, it had transformed into a thoroughly Chinese religious philosophy dominated by the school of <a href="/wiki/Zen">Zen Buddhism</a>. <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a> became highly popular during the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> and <a href="/wiki/Ming_Dynasty">Ming Dynasty</a> due in large part to the eventual combination of Confucian and Zen Philosophy.
</p><p>During the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese philosophy integrated concepts from <a href="/wiki/Western_philosophy">Western philosophy</a>. Anti-<a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a> revolutionaries, involved in the <a href="/wiki/Xinhai_Revolution">Xinhai Revolution</a>, saw Western philosophy as an alternative to traditional philosophical schools; students in the <a href="/wiki/May_Fourth_Movement">May Fourth Movement</a> called for completely abolishing the old imperial institutions and practices of China. During this era, Chinese scholars attempted to incorporate Western philosophical ideologies such as <a href="/wiki/Democracy">democracy</a>, <a href="/wiki/Marxism">Marxism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Socialism">socialism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Liberalism">liberalism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Republicanism">republicanism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Anarchism">anarchism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Nationalism">nationalism</a> into Chinese philosophy. The most notable examples are <a href="/wiki/Sun_Yat-Sen">Sun Yat-Sen</a>'s <a href="/wiki/Three_Principles_of_the_People">Three Principles of the People</a> ideology and <a href="/wiki/Mao_Zedong">Mao Zedong</a>'s <a href="/wiki/Maoism">Maoism</a>, a variant of <a href="/wiki/Marxism%E2%80%93Leninism">Marxism–Leninism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup> In the modern <a href="/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China">People's Republic of China</a>, the official ideology is <a href="/wiki/Deng_Xiaoping">Deng Xiaoping</a>'s "<a href="/wiki/Socialist_market_economy">market economy socialism</a>".
</p><p>Although the People's Republic of China has been historically hostile to the philosophy of ancient China, the influences of past are still deeply ingrained in the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_culture">Chinese culture</a>. In the post-<a href="/wiki/Chinese_economic_reform">Chinese economic reform</a> era, modern Chinese philosophy has reappeared in forms such as the <i><a href="/wiki/New_Confucianism">New Confucianism</a></i>. As in <a href="/wiki/Japan">Japan</a>, philosophy in China has become a melting pot of ideas. It accepts new concepts, while attempting also to accord old beliefs their due. Chinese philosophy still carries profound influence amongst the people of <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asia</a>, and even <a href="/wiki/Southeast_Asia">Southeast Asia</a>.
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<h2>Ancient philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Spring and Autumn period[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Around 500 BCE, after the Zhou state weakened and China moved into the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a>, the classic period of Chinese philosophy began. This is known as the <a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a> (諸子百家; <i>zhūzǐ bǎijiā</i>; "various scholars, hundred schools"). This period is considered the golden age of Chinese philosophy. Of the many schools founded at this time and during the subsequent <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a>, the four most influential ones were <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Daoism</a> (often spelled "Taoism"), <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>.
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<h4>Confucianism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius_Statue_at_the_Confucius_Temple.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Confucianism is a philosophical school developed from the teachings of Confucius collected and written by his disciples after his death in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Analects">The Analects</a></i>, and in the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a>, <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Mencius">The Mencius</a></i> and <a href="/wiki/Xun_Kuang">Xunzi</a> in <i><a href="/wiki/Xunzi_(book)">The Xunzi</a></i>. It is a system of <a href="/wiki/Morality">moral</a>, <a href="/wiki/Social_philosophy">social</a>, <a href="/wiki/Politics">political</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Religion">religious</a> thought that has had tremendous influence on Chinese history, thought, and culture down to the 20th century. Some Westerners have considered it to have been the "<a href="/wiki/State_religion">state religion</a>" of <a href="/wiki/Imperial_era_of_Chinese_history">imperial China</a> because of its lasting influence on Asian culture. Its influence also spread to Korea, Japan, Vietnam and many other Asian countries.
</p><p>Confucianism reached its peak of influence during the <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang</a> and <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song</a> Dynasties under a rebranded Confucianism called <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a>. Confucius expanded on the already present ideas of Chinese religion and culture to reflect the time period and environment of political chaos during the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a>. Because Confucius embedded the Chinese culture so heavily into his philosophy it was able to resonate with the people of China. This high approval of Confucianism can be seen through the reverence of Confucius in modern-day China.
</p><p>The major Confucian concepts include <i><a href="/wiki/Ren_(Confucianism)">rén</a></i> 仁 (humanity or humaneness), <i>zhèngmíng</i> 正名 (<a href="/wiki/Rectification_of_names">rectification of names</a>; e.g. a ruler who rules unjustly is no longer a ruler and may be dethroned), <i>zhōng</i> 忠 (loyalty), <i>xiào</i> 孝 (<a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">filial piety</a>), and <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucian)">li</a></i> 禮 (ritual). Confucius taught both positive and negative versions of the <a href="/wiki/Golden_Rule">Golden Rule</a>. The concepts <a href="/wiki/Yin_and_yang">yin and yang</a> represent two opposing forces that are permanently in conflict with each other, leading to perpetual contradiction and change. The Confucian idea of "Rid of the two ends, take the middle" is a Chinese equivalent of the idea of "thesis, antithesis, and synthesis", often attributed to <a href="/wiki/Hegel">Hegel</a>, which is a way of reconciling opposites, arriving at some middle ground combining the best of both. Confucius heavily emphasized the idea of microcosms in society (subunits of family and community) success's were the foundations for a successful state or country. Confucius believed in the use of education to further knowledge the people in ethics, societal behavior, and reverence in other humans. With the combination of education, successful family, and his ethical teachings he believed he could govern a well established society in China.
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<h4>Taoism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:SFEC_BritMus_Asia_021.JPG"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:BatQuaiDo_2.svg"></a></p></div>
<p>Taoism arose as a philosophy and later also developed into a religion based on the texts the <i><a href="/wiki/Tao_Te_Ching">Tao Te Ching</a></i> (道德經; <i>Dào Dé Jīng;</i> ascribed to <a href="/wiki/Laozi">Lao Tzu</a>) and the <i><a href="/wiki/Zhuangzi_(book)">Zhuangzi</a></i> (莊子; partly ascribed to <a href="/wiki/Zhuang_Zhou">Zhuang Zhou</a>). The character <i><a href="/wiki/Tao">Dao</a></i> 道 literally means 'path' or 'way'. However, in Taoism it refers more often to a meta-physical force that encompasses the entire universe but which cannot be described nor felt. All major Chinese philosophical schools have investigated the correct <i>Way</i> to go about a moral life, but in Taoism it takes on the most abstract meanings, leading this school to be named after it. It advocated nonaction (<i><a href="/wiki/Wu_wei">wu wei</a></i>), the strength of softness, spontaneity, and relativism. Although it serves as a rival to Confucianism, a school of active morality, this rivalry is compromised and given perspective by the idiom "practice Confucianism on the outside, Taoism on the inside."
</p><p>Most of Taoism's focus is on the notion that human attempts to make the world better actually make the world worse. Therefore, it is better to strive for harmony, minimising potentially harmful interference with nature or in human affairs.<sup><a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup>
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<h3>Warring States period[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Legalism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>Philosopher <a href="/wiki/Han_Fei">Han Fei</a> synthesized together earlier the methods of his predecessors, which famous historian <a href="/wiki/Sima_Tan">Sima Tan</a> posthumously termed Legalism. With an essential principle like "when the epoch changed, the ways changed", late pre-<a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Han Dynasty</a> reformers emphasized rule by law.
</p><p>In Han Fei's philosophy, a ruler should govern his subjects by the following trinity:
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<ol><li>Fa (法 fǎ): law or principle.</li>
<li>Shu (術 shù): method, tactic, art, or statecraft.</li>
<li>Shi (勢 shì): legitimacy, power, or charisma.</li></ol>
<p>What has been termed by some as the intrastate Realpolitik of the Warring States period was highly progressive, and extremely critical of the <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucian</a> and <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohist</a> schools. But that of the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a> would be blamed for creating a <a href="/wiki/Totalitarian">totalitarian</a> society, thereby experiencing decline. Its main motto is: "Set clear strict laws, or deliver harsh punishment". In Han Fei's philosophy the ruler possessed authority regarding reward and penalty, enacted through law. Shang Yang and Han Fei promoted absolute adherence to the law, regardless of the circumstances or the person. Ministers were only to be rewarded if their words were accurate to the results of their proposals. Legalism, in accordance with Shang Yang's interpretation, could encourage the state to be a <a href="/wiki/Militarism">militaristic</a> <a href="/wiki/Autarky">autarky</a>.
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<h4>Naturalists[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The <a href="/wiki/School_of_Naturalists">School of Naturalists</a> or the School of Yin-yang (<a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Chinese</a>: 陰陽家; <a href="/wiki/Pinyin">pinyin</a>: <i>Yīnyángjiā</i>; <a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a>: <i>Yin-yang-chia</i>; <small><a href="/wiki/Literal_translation">lit.</a></small> 'School of Yin-Yang') was a <a href="/wiki/Warring_States">Warring States</a> era philosophy that synthesized the concepts of <a href="/wiki/Yin-yang">yin-yang</a> and the <a href="/wiki/Wuxing_(Chinese_philosophy)">Wu Xing</a>; <a href="/wiki/Zou_Yan">Zou Yan</a> is considered the founder of this school.<sup><a href="#cite_note-10">[10]</a></sup> His theory attempted to explain the universe in terms of basic forces in nature: the complementary agents of yin (dark, cold, female, negative) and yang (light, hot, male, positive) and the Five Elements or Five Phases (water, fire, wood, metal, and earth). In its early days, this theory was most strongly associated with the states of <a href="/wiki/Yan_(state)">Yan</a> and <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a>. In later periods, these epistemological theories came to hold significance in both philosophy and popular belief. This school was absorbed into Taoism's alchemic and magical dimensions as well as into the Chinese medical framework. The earliest surviving recordings of this are in the <a href="/wiki/Mawangdui_Silk_Texts">Ma Wang Dui</a> texts and <a href="/wiki/Huang_Di_Nei_Jing">Huang Di Nei Jing</a>.
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<h4>Mohism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>Mohism (Moism), founded by <a href="/wiki/Mozi">Mozi</a> (墨子), promotes <a href="/wiki/Mohism">universal love</a> with the aim of mutual benefit. Everyone must love each other equally and impartially to avoid conflict and war. Mozi was strongly against Confucian ritual, instead emphasizing <a href="/wiki/Pragmatism">pragmatic</a> survival through farming, <a href="/wiki/Fortification">fortification</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Public_administration">statecraft</a>. Tradition is inconsistent, and human beings need an extra-traditional guide to identify which traditions are acceptable. The moral guide must then promote and encourage social behaviors that maximize general benefit. As motivation for his theory, Mozi brought in the <i>Will of Heaven</i>, but rather than being religious his philosophy parallels <a href="/wiki/Utilitarianism">utilitarianism</a>.
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<h4>Logicians[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The logicians (School of Names) were concerned with logic, paradoxes, names and actuality (similar to Confucian rectification of names). The logician <a href="/wiki/Hui_Shi">Hui Shi</a> was a friendly rival to <a href="/wiki/Zhuang_Zhou">Zhuangzi</a>, arguing against Taoism in a light-hearted and humorous manner. Another logician, <a href="/wiki/Gongsun_Long">Gongsun Long</a>, originated the famous <a href="/wiki/When_a_White_Horse_is_Not_a_Horse">When a White Horse is Not a Horse</a> dialogue.
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<h4>Agriculturalists[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=13">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/Agriculturalism">Agriculturalism</a> was an early <a href="/wiki/Agrarianism">agrarian</a> social and political philosophy that advocated peasant <a href="/wiki/Utopian">utopian</a> communalism and <a href="/wiki/Egalitarianism">egalitarianism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-wp-11">[11]</a></sup> The philosophy is founded on the notion that human society originates with the development of <a href="/wiki/Agriculture">agriculture</a>, and societies are based upon "people's natural propensity to farm."<sup><a href="#cite_note-js-12">[12]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Agriculturalists believed that the ideal government, modeled after the semi-mythical governance of <a href="/wiki/Shennong">Shennong</a>, is led by a benevolent king, one who works alongside the people in tilling the fields. The Agriculturalist king is not paid by the government through its treasuries; his livelihood is derived from the profits he earns working in the fields, not his leadership.<sup><a href="#cite_note-dw-13">[13]</a></sup> Unlike the Confucians, the Agriculturalists did not believe in the <a href="/wiki/Division_of_labour">division of labour</a>, arguing instead that the economic policies of a country need to be based upon an egalitarian <a href="/wiki/Self_sufficiency">self sufficiency</a>. The Agriculturalists supported the <a href="/wiki/Price_fixing">fixing of prices</a>, in which all similar goods, regardless of differences in quality and demand, are set at exactly the same, unchanging price.<sup><a href="#cite_note-dw-13">[13]</a></sup>
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<h2>Early Imperial era philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=14">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=15">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Qin and Han Dynasties[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=16">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius,_fresco_from_a_Western_Han_tomb_of_Dongping_County,_Shandong_province,_China.jpg"></a></p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius_and_Laozi,_fresco_from_a_Western_Han_tomb_of_Dongping_County,_Shandong_province,_China.jpg"></a></p></div></div>
<p>The short founder <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a>, where Legalism was the official philosophy, <a href="/wiki/To_burn_the_classics_and_to_bury_the_scholars">quashed Mohist and Confucianist schools</a>. Legalism remained influential during the early <a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Han Dynasty</a> under the Taoist-Realist ideology <a href="/wiki/Huang-Lao">Huang-Lao</a> until <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wu_of_Han">Emperor Wu of Han</a> adopted Confucianism as official doctrine. Confucianism and Taoism became the determining forces of Chinese thought until the introduction of <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a>.
</p><p>Confucianism was particularly strong during the Han dynasty, whose greatest thinker was <a href="/wiki/Dong_Zhongshu">Dong Zhongshu</a>, who integrated Confucianism with the thoughts of the Zhongshu School and the theory of the Five Elements. He also was a promoter of the New Text school, which considered Confucius as a divine figure and a spiritual ruler of China, who foresaw and started the evolution of the world towards the Universal Peace. In contrast, there was an Old Text school that advocated the use of Confucian works written in ancient language (from this comes the denomination <i>Old Text</i>) that were so much more reliable. In particular, they refuted the assumption of Confucius as a godlike figure and considered him as the greatest sage, but simply a human and mortal
</p>
<h4>Six Dynasties[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=17">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The 3rd and 4th centuries saw the rise of the <i><a href="/wiki/Xuanxue">Xuanxue</a></i> (mysterious learning), also called <i>Neo-Taoism</i>.
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> arrived in China around the 1st century AD, but it was not until the <a href="/wiki/Southern_and_Northern_Dynasties">Northern and Southern</a>, <a href="/wiki/Sui_Dynasty">Sui</a> and <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang</a> dynasties that it gained considerable influence and acknowledgement. At the beginning, it was considered a sort of Taoist sect. <a href="/wiki/Mahayana_Buddhism">Mahayana Buddhism</a> was far more successful in China than its rival <a href="/wiki/Hinayana">Hinayana</a>, and both Indian schools and local Chinese sects arose from the 5th century. Two chiefly important monk philosophers were <a href="/wiki/Sengzhao">Sengzhao</a> and <a href="/wiki/Daosheng">Daosheng</a>. But probably the most influential and original of these schools was the <a href="/wiki/Chan_Buddhism">Chan</a> sect, which had an even stronger impact in Japan as the <a href="/wiki/Zen">Zen</a> sect.
</p><p>In the mid-Tang Buddhism reached its peak, and reportedly there were 4,600 monasteries, 40,000 hermitages and 260,500 monks and nuns. The power of the Buddhist clergy was so great and the wealth of the monasteries so impressive, that it instigated criticism from Confucian scholars, who considered Buddhism as a foreign religion. In 845 Emperor <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wuzong_of_Tang">Wuzong</a> ordered the <a href="/wiki/Great_Anti-Buddhist_Persecution">Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution</a>, confiscating the riches and returning monks and nuns to lay life. From then on, Buddhism lost much of its influence.
</p>
<h3>Schools of thought[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=18">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Xuanxue[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=19">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/Xuanxue">Xuanxue</a> was a philosophical school that combined elements of <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> to reinterpret the <a href="/wiki/I_Ching">I Ching</a><i>,</i> <a href="/wiki/Tao_Te_Ching">Tao Te Ching</a><i>,</i> and <i><a href="/wiki/Zhuangzi_(book)">Zhuangzi</a>.</i> The most important philosophers of this movement were <a href="/wiki/Wang_Bi">Wang Bi</a>, <a href="/wiki/Xiang_Xiu">Xiang Xiu</a> and <a href="/wiki/Guo_Xiang">Guo Xiang</a>. The main question of this school was whether Being came before Not-Being (in Chinese, <i>ming</i> and <i>wuming</i>). A peculiar feature of these Taoist thinkers, like the <a href="/wiki/Seven_Sages_of_the_Bamboo_Grove">Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove</a>, was the concept of <i>feng liu</i> (lit. wind and flow), a sort of romantic spirit which encouraged following the natural and instinctive impulse.
</p>
<h4>Buddhism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=20">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Zhang_Shengwen._L%27enseignement_de_Bouddha_Sakyamuni.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> is a <a href="/wiki/Religion">religion</a>, a <a href="/wiki/Practical_philosophy">practical philosophy</a>, and arguably a <a href="/wiki/Psychology">psychology</a>, focusing on the teachings of <a href="/wiki/Gautama_Buddha">Gautama Buddha</a>, who lived on the <a href="/wiki/Indian_subcontinent">Indian subcontinent</a> most likely from the mid-6th to the early 5th century BCE. When used in a generic sense, a <a href="/wiki/Buddhahood">Buddha</a> is generally considered to be someone who discovers the true <a href="/wiki/Reality_in_Buddhism">nature of reality</a>.
</p><p>Buddhism until the 4th century AD had little impact on China but in the 4th century its teachings hybridized with those of Taoism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Eichman2000-14">[14]</a></sup> Buddhism brought to China the idea of many hells, where sinners went, but the deceased sinners souls could be saved by pious acts.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Eichman2000-14">[14]</a></sup> Since Chinese traditional thought focused more on ethics rather than <a href="/wiki/Metaphysics">metaphysics</a>, the merging of Buddhist and Taoist concepts developed several schools distinct from the originating Indian schools. The most prominent examples with philosophical merit are <a href="/wiki/Sanlun">Sanlun</a>, <a href="/wiki/Tiantai">Tiantai</a>, <a href="/wiki/Huayan_school">Huayan</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Ch%C3%A1n">Chán</a> (a.k.a. Zen). They investigate <a href="/wiki/Higher_consciousness">consciousness</a>, levels of truth, whether reality is ultimately empty, and how <a href="/wiki/Enlightenment_in_Buddhism">enlightenment</a> is to be achieved. Buddhism has a spiritual aspect that complements the action of <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a>, with prominent Neo-Confucians advocating certain forms of meditation.
</p>
<h2>Mid to Late Imperial era philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=21">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=22">edit</a>]</h3>
<p><a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a> was a revived version of old Confucian principles that appeared around the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a>, with <a href="/wiki/Buddhist">Buddhist</a>, <a href="/wiki/Taoist">Taoist</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalist</a> features. The first philosophers, such as <a href="/wiki/Shao_Yong">Shao Yong</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Dunyi">Zhou Dunyi</a> and <a href="/w/index.php?title=Chang_Zai&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Chang Zai</a>, were <a href="/wiki/Cosmologists">cosmologists</a> and worked on the <a href="/wiki/I_Ching">Yi Jing</a>. The Cheng brothers, <a href="/wiki/Cheng_Yi_(philosopher)">Cheng Yi</a> and <a href="/wiki/Cheng_Hao">Cheng Hao</a>, are considered the founders of the two main schools of thought of Neo-Confucianism: the <a href="/w/index.php?title=School_of_Principle&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">School of Principle</a> the first, the <a href="/w/index.php?title=School_of_Mind&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">School of Mind</a> the latter. The School of Principle gained supremacy during the Song dynasty with the philosophical system elaborated by <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a>, which became mainstream and officially adopted by the government for the Imperial examinations under the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a>. <a href="/w/index.php?title=The_School_of_Mind&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">The School of Mind</a> was developed by <a href="/wiki/Lu_Jiuyuan">Lu Jiuyuan</a>, Zhu Xi's main rival, but was soon forgotten. Only during the <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a> was the School of Mind revived by <a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Shouren</a>, whose influence is equal to that of Zhu Xi. This school was particularly important in Japan.
</p><p>During the <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a> many philosophers objected against Neo-Confucianism and there was a return to the Han Dynasty Confucianism, and also the reprise of the controversy between Old Text and New Text. In this period also started the penetration of Western culture, but most Chinese thought that the Westerners were maybe more advanced in technology and warfare, but that China had primacy in moral and intellectual fields.
</p>
<h3>Schools of thought[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=23">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Neo-Confucianism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=24">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Zhu-xi1.gif"></a></p><div><p><a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> leading figure in Neo-Confucianism</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Wang-yang-ming.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Despite Confucianism losing popularity to Taoism and Buddhism, <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a> combined those ideas into a more <a href="/wiki/Metaphysics">metaphysical</a> framework. Its concepts include <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Neo-Confucianism)">li</a></i> (principle, akin to <a href="/wiki/Plato">Plato</a>'s <a href="/wiki/Theory_of_forms">forms</a>), <i><a href="/wiki/Qi">qi</a></i> (vital or material force), <i><a href="/wiki/Taiji_(philosophy)">tai-chi</a></i> (the Great Ultimate), and <i><a href="/wiki/Xin_(heart-mind)">xin</a></i> (mind). <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> philosopher <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Dunyi">Zhou Dunyi</a> (1017–1073) is commonly seen as the first true "pioneer" of Neo-Confucianism, using Daoist metaphysics as a framework for his ethical philosophy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-CSB-15">[15]</a></sup> Neo-Confucianism developed both as a renaissance of traditional Confucian ideas, and as a reaction to the ideas of Buddhism and religious Daoism. Although the Neo-Confucianists denounced Buddhist metaphysics, Neo-Confucianism did borrow Daoist and Buddhist terminology and concepts.<sup><a href="#cite_note-huang5-16">[16]</a></sup>
Neo-Confucianist philosophers like <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> and <a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Yangming</a> are seen as the most important figures of Neo-Confucianism.
</p>
<h2>Modern era[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=25">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>During the Industrial and Modern Ages, Chinese philosophy had also begun to integrate concepts of Western philosophy, as steps toward modernization. Chinese philosophy never developed the concept of <a href="/wiki/Human_rights">human rights</a>, so that classical Chinese lacked words for them. In 1864, <a href="/wiki/William_Alexander_Parsons_Martin">W.A.P. Martin</a> had to invent the word <i>quanli</i> (<a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Chinese</a>: 權利) to translate the Western concept of "rights" in the process of translating <a href="/wiki/Henry_Wheaton">Henry Wheaton</a>'s <i><a href="/wiki/Elements_of_International_Law">Elements of International Law</a></i> into classical Chinese.<sup><a href="#cite_note-17">[17]</a></sup>
</p><p>By the time of the <a href="/wiki/Xinhai_Revolution">Xinhai Revolution</a> in 1911, there were many calls such as the <a href="/wiki/May_Fourth_Movement">May Fourth Movement</a> to completely abolish the old imperial institutions and practices of China. There have been attempts to incorporate <a href="/wiki/Democracy">democracy</a>, <a href="/wiki/Republicanism">republicanism</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Industrialism">industrialism</a> into Chinese philosophy, notably by <a href="/wiki/Sun_Yat-Sen">Sun Yat-Sen</a> at the beginning of the 20th century. <a href="/wiki/Mao_Zedong">Mao Zedong</a> added <a href="/wiki/Marxism">Marxism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Stalinism">Stalinism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Marxist_Philosophy">Chinese Marxist Philosophy</a> and other <a href="/wiki/Communism">communist</a> thought.
</p><p>When the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Communist_Party">Chinese Communist Party</a> <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Civil_War">took over</a> the reign, previous schools of thought, excepting notably <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a>, were denounced as backward, and later even purged during the <a href="/wiki/Cultural_Revolution">Cultural Revolution</a>, whereas their influences on Chinese thoughts remain until today. The current government of the <a href="/wiki/China">People's Republic of China</a> is trying to encourage a form of <a href="/wiki/Socialism_with_Chinese_characteristics">market socialism</a>.
</p><p>Since the radical movement of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government has become much more tolerant with the practice of traditional beliefs. The <a href="/wiki/1978_Constitution_of_the_People%27s_Republic_of_China">1978 Constitution of the People's Republic of China</a> guarantees "freedom of religion" with a number of restrictions. Spiritual and philosophical institutions have been allowed to be established or re-established, as long they are not perceived to be a threat to the power of the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Communist_Party">CPC</a>. Moreover, those organizations are heavily monitored. The influences of the past are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese culture.
</p>
<h3>New Confucianism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=26">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>New Confucianism is an <a href="/wiki/Intellectual">intellectual</a> movement of <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a> that began in the early 20th century in Republican <a href="/wiki/China">China</a>, and revived in post-<a href="/wiki/Mao_Zedong">Mao</a> era <a href="/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China">contemporary communist China</a>. It is deeply influenced by, but not identical with, the <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song</a> and <a href="/wiki/Ming_Dynasty">Ming</a> dynasties.
</p>
<h2>Philosophers[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=27">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a>, seen as the Great Master but sometimes ridiculed by Taoists.
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a>, Confucius' follower having idealist inspiration</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Xun_Zi">Xun Zi</a>, another Confucius' follower, closer to realism, teacher of Han Fei and Li Si</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a>, founder of <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Yangming</a>, most influential proponent of <i>xinxue</i> or "state of mind."</li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lao_Zi">Lao Tzu</a>, the chief of Taoist school.
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Zhuang_Zhou">Chuang Tzu</a>, said to be the author of the <i><a href="/wiki/Zhuangzi_(book)">Zhuangzi</a></i>.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lie_Yukou">Liezi</a>, said to be the author of the <i><a href="/wiki/Liezi">Liezi</a></i>.</li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mozi">Mozi</a>, the founder of Mohist school.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Shang_Yang">Shang Yang</a>, Legalist founder and pivotal Qin reformer</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Han_Fei">Han Fei</a>, one of the most notable theoreticians of Legalism</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Li_Si">Li Si</a>, major proponent and practitioner of Legalism</li></ul>
<h2>Concepts[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=28">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Although the individual philosophical schools differ considerably, they nevertheless share a common vocabulary and set of concerns.
</p><p>Among the terms commonly found in Chinese philosophy are:
</p>
<ul><li>道 <a href="/wiki/Tao">Dao</a> (the Way, or one's doctrine)</li>
<li>德 <a href="/wiki/De_(Chinese)">De</a> (virtue, power)</li>
<li>理 <a href="/wiki/Li_(Neo-Confucianism)">Li</a> (principle)</li>
<li>氣 <a href="/wiki/Qi">Qi</a> (vital energy or material force)</li>
<li>太極The <i><a href="/wiki/Taiji_(philosophy)">Tai-chi</a></i> (<i>Great Heavenly Axis</i>) forms a unity of the two complementary polarities, <i><a href="/wiki/Yin_and_Yang">Yin and Yang</a></i>. The word <i>Yin</i> originally referred to a hillside facing away from the sun. Philosophically, it stands the dark, passive, feminine principle; whereas <i>Yang</i> (the hillside facing the sun) stands for the bright, active, masculine principle. Yin and Yang are not antagonistic, they alternate in inverse proportion to one another—like the rise and fall of a <a href="/wiki/Wave">wave</a>.</li></ul>
<p>Among the commonalities of Chinese philosophies are:
</p>
<ul><li>The tendency not to view man as separate from nature.</li>
<li>Questions about the nature and existence of a <a href="/wiki/Chinese_names_for_the_God_of_Abrahamic_religions">monotheistic deity</a>, which have profoundly influenced Western philosophy, have not been important in Chinese philosophies or a source of great conflict in <a href="/wiki/Chinese_traditional_religion">Chinese traditional religion</a>.</li>
<li>The belief that the purpose of philosophy is primarily to serve as an ethical and practical guide.</li>
<li>The political focus: most scholars of the <a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools</a> were trying to convince the ruler to behave in the way they defended.</li></ul>
<h2>See also[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=29">edit</a>]</h2>
<table>
<tbody><tr>
<td>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_classic_texts">Chinese classic texts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/History_of_China">History of China</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Category:Chinese_philosophers">Chinese philosophers</a></li></ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Culture_of_China">Culture of China</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Eastern_philosophy">Eastern philosophy</a></li></ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Five_elements_(Chinese_philosophy)">Five Elements</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hun_and_po">Hun and po</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_Chinese_philosophers">List of Chinese philosophers</a></li></ul>
</td>
<td>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Thirteen_Classics">Thirteen Classics</a></li></ul>
</td></tr></tbody></table>
<h2>References[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=30">edit</a>]</h2>
<div>
<ol>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-pe_1-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-pe_1-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Ebrey, Patricia (2010). <i>The Cambridge Illustrated History of China</i>. Cambridge University Press. p. 42.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b> page 60, Great Thinkers of the Eastern World, edited Ian McGreal Harper Collins 1995, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-06-270085-5">0-06-270085-5</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a></b> <cite>Lin, Liang-Hung; Ho, Yu-Ling (2009). <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09585190903239757">"Confucian dynamism, culture and ethical changes in Chinese societies – a comparative study of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong"</a>. <i>The International Journal of Human Resource Management</i>. <b>20</b> (11): 2402–2417. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F09585190903239757">10.1080/09585190903239757</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/0958-5192">0958-5192</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:153789769">153789769</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-4">^</a></b> Is There Such a Thing as Chinese Philosophy Arguments of an Implicit Debate. Carine Defoort. <i>Philosophy East and West</i> 51 (3):393-413 (2001)
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-5">^</a></b> Yuli Liu, 'Confucius', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-340-90028-8">0-340-90028-8</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Confucius_6-0">^</a></b> <cite>Kung Fu Tze (Confucius) (1998). <a href="https://archive.org/details/analectslunyu00conf"><i>The Analects</i></a>. Translated by D. C. Lau. Penguin Classics. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-14-044348-7"><bdi>0-14-044348-7</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-7">^</a></b> Civilizations of the World: The Human Adventure : To the late 1600s, Richard Greaves p176
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-8">^</a></b> 'Maoism', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-340-90028-8">0-340-90028-8</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-9">^</a></b> A source book in Chinese philosophy, Wing-tsit Chan, p137
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/607826/Zou-Yan">"Zou Yan"</a>. <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>. Retrieved 1 March 2011.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-wp_11-0">^</a></b> <cite>Deutsch, Eliot; Ronald Bontekoei (1999). <i>A companion to world philosophies</i>. Wiley Blackwell. p. 183.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-js_12-0">^</a></b> <cite>Sellmann, James Daryl (2010). <i>Timing and rulership in Master Lü's Spring and Autumn annals</i>. SUNY Press. p. 76.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-dw_13-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-dw_13-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Denecke, Wiebke (2011). <i>The Dynamics of Masters Literature: Early Chinese Thought from Confucius to Han Feizi</i>. Harvard University Press. p. 38.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Eichman2000_14-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Eichman2000_14-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Shawn Eichman (2000). <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_5ame4Rl1RXMC"><i>Taoism and the Arts of China</i></a>. University of California Press. pp. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_5ame4Rl1RXMC/page/n192">45</a>–. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-22785-9"><bdi>978-0-520-22785-9</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-CSB_15-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFChan1963">Chan 1963</a>, p. 460.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-huang5_16-0">^</a></b> <cite>Huang, Siu-chi (1999). <i>Essentials of Neo-Confucianism: Eight Major Philosophers of the Song and Ming Periods</i>. Westport: <a href="/wiki/Greenwood_Press">Greenwood Press</a>. p. 5.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-17">^</a></b> <cite>Cao, Deborah (2004). <i>Chinese Law: A Language Perspective</i>. Ashgate Publishing. pp. 71–72.</cite>
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>Further reading[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=31">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li>Bo Mou (Editor), <i>History of Chinese Philosophy</i>, Routledge, 2009.</li>
<li><cite>Chan, Wing-tsit (1963), <i>A Sourcebook of Chinese Philosophy</i>, Princeton: Princeton University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-691-07137-4"><bdi>978-0-691-07137-4</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Antonio_Cua">Antonio S. Cua</a> (Editor), <i>Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy</i>, Routledge, 2003.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Feng_Youlan">Feng Youlan</a>, <i>A History of Chinese Philosophy</i> (Princeton Paperbacks), tr. <a href="/wiki/Derk_Bodde">Derk Bodde</a>, 1983.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Herrlee_Glessner_Creel">Herrlee Glessner Creel</a>, <i>Chinese Thought, from Confucius to Mao Zedong</i>, 1971.</li>
<li>A. C. Graham, <i>Disputers of the Tao; Philosophical Argument in Ancient China</i>, 1989.</li>
<li>Christoph Harbsmeier, <i>Logic and Language in Ancient China</i>, (Joseph Needham, <i>Science and Civilisation in China</i>, Volume 7, Part I, Cambridge University Press, 1998.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Philip_J._Ivanhoe">Philip J. Ivanhoe</a> and <a href="/wiki/Bryan_W._Van_Norden">Bryan W. Van Norden</a> (Editors), <i>Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy</i>, 2nd edition, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2005.</li>
<li>Karyn Lai, <i>Introduction to Chinese Philosophy</i>, Cambridge University Press, 2008.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lin_Yutang">Lin Yutang</a>, <i>The Importance of Living</i>, William Morrow Paperbacks, 1998.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jana_S._Ro%C5%A1ker">Jana S. Rošker</a>, <i>Searching for the Way: Theory of Knowledge in Pre-modern and Modern Chinese Philosophy</i> Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 2008.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Roel_Sterckx">Roel Sterckx</a>, <i>Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding.</i> London: Penguin, 2019.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Roel_Sterckx">Roel Sterckx</a>, <i>Ways of Heaven. An Introduction to Chinese Thought.</i> New York: Basic Books, 2019.</li>
<li><a href="/w/index.php?title=Justin_Tiwald&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Justin Tiwald</a> and <a href="/wiki/Bryan_W._Van_Norden">Bryan W. Van Norden</a> (Editors), <i>Readings in Later Chinese Philosophy: Han Dynasty to the 20th Century</i>, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2014.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bryan_W._Van_Norden">Bryan W. Van Norden</a>, <i>Introduction to Classical Chinese Philosophy</i>, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2011.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Arthur_Waley">Arthur Waley</a>, <i>Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China</i>, 1983.</li></ul>
<h2>External links[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Chinese_philosophy&amp;action=edit&amp;section=32">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><cite>Perkins, Franklin. <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/chinese-metaphysics/">"Metaphysics in Chinese Philosophy"</a>. In <a href="/wiki/Edward_N._Zalta">Zalta, Edward N.</a> (ed.). <i><a href="/wiki/Stanford_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Wong, David. <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/comparphil-chiwes/">"Comparative Philosophy: Chinese and Western"</a>. In <a href="/wiki/Edward_N._Zalta">Zalta, Edward N.</a> (ed.). <i><a href="/wiki/Stanford_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Edward_N._Zalta">Zalta, Edward N.</a> (ed.). <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/chinese-translate-interpret/">"Translating and Interpreting Chinese Philosophy"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Stanford_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Rošker, Jana. <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/chinese-epistemology/">"Epistemology in Chinese Philosophy"</a>. In <a href="/wiki/Edward_N._Zalta">Zalta, Edward N.</a> (ed.). <i><a href="/wiki/Stanford_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Littlejohn, Ronnie. <a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/chin-ovr">"Chinese Philosophy: Overview of Topics"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Sikri, Rohan. <a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/lang-chi">"Language in Classical Chinese Philosophy"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Yu, Yih-Hsien. <a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/mod-chin">"Modern Chinese Philosophy"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><a href="https://www.inphoproject.org/taxonomy/2420">Chinese philosophy</a> at the <a href="/wiki/Indiana_Philosophy_Ontology_Project">Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20070704160934/http://www.literati-tradition.com/space.html">Article "The Chinese Concept of Space"</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20070704160751/http://www.literati-tradition.com/time.html">Article "The Chinese Concept of Time"</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20091119230928/http://www.chinaknowledge.de/History/Zhou/zhou-literature.html">The Hundred Schools of Thought</a></li>
<li><a href="http://ctext.org/">Chinese Text Project</a> - Chinese philosophy texts in classical Chinese with English and modern Chinese translations</li>
<li><a href="https://curlie.org/Society/Philosophy/Eastern_Philosophy/">Eastern Philosophy</a> at <a href="/wiki/Curlie">Curlie</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.newleftreview.org/?page=article&amp;view=2664">Contesting Confucius</a> Henry Zhao, New Left Review 44, March–April 2007</li>
<li><i>Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers</i>, 1751–1772, "<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20080605205614/http://ringmar.net/europeanfury/?page_id=1594">"Philosophie des Chinois</a>" [in French]</li>
<li><a href="http://warpweftandway.com/">Warp Weft and Way</a> - A Group Blog of Chinese and Comparative Philosophy</li></ul>
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 * (Top)
 * 1 Chinese philosophy as a philosophy
 * 2 Early beliefs
 * 3 Overview
 * 4 Ancient philosophy
 + 4.1 Spring and Autumn period
 o 4.1.1 Confucianism
 o 4.1.2 Taoism
 + 4.2 Warring States period
 o 4.2.1 Legalism
 o 4.2.2 Naturalists
 o 4.2.3 Mohism
 o 4.2.4 Logicians
 o 4.2.5 Agriculturalists
 * 5 Early Imperial era philosophy
 + 5.1 History
 o 5.1.1 Qin and Han Dynasties
 o 5.1.2 Six Dynasties
 + 5.2 Schools of thought
 o 5.2.1 Xuanxue
 o 5.2.2 Buddhism
 * 6 Mid to Late Imperial era philosophy
 + 6.1 History
 + 6.2 Schools of thought
 o 6.2.1 Neo-Confucianism
 * 7 Modern era
 + 7.1 New Confucianism
 * 8 Philosophers
 * 9 Concepts
 * 10 See also
 * 11 References
 * 12 Further reading
 * 13 External links
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 Chinese philosophy

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 Chinese philosophy  
  
 Yin and Yang symbol with the bagua symbols paved in a clearing outside of Nanning City, Guangxi province, China.
 Chinese name  
 Traditional Chinese  中國哲學 
 Simplified Chinese  中国哲学 
 Transcriptions  
 Standard Mandarin  
 Hanyu Pinyin Zhōngguó zhéxué  
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Jonggwo jershyue  
 Wade–Giles Chung-kuo che-hsüeh  
 Wu  
 Romanization Tson-kueʔ tseʔ-ghoʔ  
 Hakka  
 Romanization Zung 1 -get 5 ziet 5 -hok 6  
 Yue: Cantonese  
 Yale Romanization Jūng-gwok jit-hohk  
 Jyutping Zung 1 -gwok 3 zit 3 -hok 6  
 Southern Min  
 Hokkien POJ Tiong-kok tiat-ha̍k  
  
 Vietnamese name  
 Vietnamese  Triết học Trung Quốc
 Chữ Hán  哲學中國 
 Korean name  
 Hangul  중국 철학 
 Hanja  中國哲學 
 Transcriptions  
 Revised Romanization Junggung cheolhak  
  
 Japanese name  
 Kanji  中国哲学 
 Kana  ちゅうごくてつがく 
 Transcriptions  
 Romanization Chūgoku tetsugaku  
  
  
 
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 Chinese philosophy originates in the Spring and Autumn period ( 春秋 ) and Warring States period ( 戰國時期 ), during a period known as the "Hundred Schools of Thought",[1] which was characterized by significant intellectual and cultural developments.[1] Although much of Chinese philosophy begun in the Warring States period, elements of Chinese philosophy have existed for several thousand years. Some can be found in the I Ching (the Book of Changes), an ancient compendium of divination, which dates back to at least 672 BCE.[2] It was during the Warring States era that what Sima Tan termed the major philosophical schools of China—Confucianism, Legalism, and Taoism—arose, along with philosophies that later fell into obscurity, like Agriculturalism, Mohism, Chinese Naturalism, and the Logicians. Even in modern society, Confucianism is still the creed of etiquette for Chinese society.[3]

 Chinese philosophy as a philosophy [ edit ]

 Main article: Legitimacy of Chinese philosophy

 The debate over whether the thought of ancient Chinese masters should be called philosophy has been discussed since the introduction of this academic discipline into China.[4] See Legitimacy of Chinese philosophy for details.

 Early beliefs [ edit ]

 This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources . Unsourced material may be challenged and removed . ( December 2015 ) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
 

 Early Shang dynasty thought was based upon cycles. This notion stems from what the people of the Shang Dynasty could observe around them: day and night cycled, the seasons progressed again and again, and even the moon waxed and waned until it waxed again. Thus, this notion, which remained relevant throughout Chinese history, reflects the order of nature. In juxtaposition, it also marks a fundamental distinction from western philosophy, in which the dominant view of time is a linear progression. During the Shang, fate could be manipulated by great deities, commonly translated as gods.[ vague ] Ancestor worship was present and universally recognized. There was also human and animal sacrifice.

 When the Shang were overthrown by the Zhou, a new political, religious and philosophical concept was introduced called the "Mandate of Heaven". This mandate was said to be taken when rulers became unworthy of their position and provided a shrewd justification for Zhou rule. During this period, archaeological evidence points to an increase in literacy and a partial shift away from the faith placed in Shangdi (the Supreme Being in traditional Chinese religion), with ancestor worship becoming commonplace and a more worldly orientation coming to the fore.

 Overview [ edit ]

 Confucianism developed during the Spring and Autumn period from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE), who considered himself a retransmitter of Zhou values. His philosophy concerns the fields of ethics and politics, emphasizing personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, traditionalism, and sincerity. The Analects stress the importance of ritual, but also the importance of 'ren', which loosely translates as 'human-heartedness',[5] Confucianism, along with Legalism, is responsible for creating the world's first meritocracy, which holds that one's status should be determined by education and character rather than ancestry, wealth, or friendship.[6] Confucianism was and continues to be a major influence in Chinese culture, the state of China and the surrounding areas of East Asia.

 Before the Han dynasty the largest rivals to Confucianism were Chinese Legalism, and Mohism. Confucianism largely became the dominant philosophical school of China during the early Han dynasty following the replacement of its contemporary, the more Taoistic Huang-Lao.[7] Legalism as a coherent philosophy disappeared largely due to its relationship with the unpopular authoritarian rule of Qin Shi Huang, however, many of its ideas and institutions would continue to influence Chinese philosophy until the end of Imperial rule during the Xinhai Revolution.

 Mohism, though initially popular due to its emphasis on brotherly love versus harsh Qin Legalism, fell out of favour during the Han Dynasty due to the efforts of Confucians in establishing their views as political orthodoxy. The Six Dynasties era saw the rise of the Xuanxue philosophical school and the maturation of Chinese Buddhism, which had entered China from India during the Late Han Dynasties. By the time of the Tang dynasty five-hundred years after Buddhism's arrival into China, it had transformed into a thoroughly Chinese religious philosophy dominated by the school of Zen Buddhism. Neo-Confucianism became highly popular during the Song dynasty and Ming Dynasty due in large part to the eventual combination of Confucian and Zen Philosophy.

 During the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese philosophy integrated concepts from Western philosophy. Anti-Qing dynasty revolutionaries, involved in the Xinhai Revolution, saw Western philosophy as an alternative to traditional philosophical schools; students in the May Fourth Movement called for completely abolishing the old imperial institutions and practices of China. During this era, Chinese scholars attempted to incorporate Western philosophical ideologies such as democracy, Marxism, socialism, liberalism, republicanism, anarchism and nationalism into Chinese philosophy. The most notable examples are Sun Yat-Sen's Three Principles of the People ideology and Mao Zedong's Maoism, a variant of Marxism–Leninism.[8] In the modern People's Republic of China, the official ideology is Deng Xiaoping's "market economy socialism".

 Although the People's Republic of China has been historically hostile to the philosophy of ancient China, the influences of past are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese culture. In the post-Chinese economic reform era, modern Chinese philosophy has reappeared in forms such as the New Confucianism. As in Japan, philosophy in China has become a melting pot of ideas. It accepts new concepts, while attempting also to accord old beliefs their due. Chinese philosophy still carries profound influence amongst the people of East Asia, and even Southeast Asia.

 Ancient philosophy [ edit ]

 Spring and Autumn period [ edit ]

 Main article: Hundred Schools of Thought

 Around 500 BCE, after the Zhou state weakened and China moved into the Spring and Autumn period, the classic period of Chinese philosophy began. This is known as the Hundred Schools of Thought ( 諸子百家 ; zhūzǐ bǎijiā; "various scholars, hundred schools"). This period is considered the golden age of Chinese philosophy. Of the many schools founded at this time and during the subsequent Warring States period, the four most influential ones were Confucianism, Daoism (often spelled "Taoism"), Mohism and Legalism.

 Confucianism [ edit ]

 Kong Fuzi (Latin: Confucius)
 Main article: Confucianism

 Confucianism is a philosophical school developed from the teachings of Confucius collected and written by his disciples after his death in The Analects, and in the Warring States period, Mencius in The Mencius and Xunzi in The Xunzi. It is a system of moral, social, political, and religious thought that has had tremendous influence on Chinese history, thought, and culture down to the 20th century. Some Westerners have considered it to have been the "state religion" of imperial China because of its lasting influence on Asian culture. Its influence also spread to Korea, Japan, Vietnam and many other Asian countries.

 Confucianism reached its peak of influence during the Tang and Song Dynasties under a rebranded Confucianism called Neo-Confucianism. Confucius expanded on the already present ideas of Chinese religion and culture to reflect the time period and environment of political chaos during the Warring States period. Because Confucius embedded the Chinese culture so heavily into his philosophy it was able to resonate with the people of China. This high approval of Confucianism can be seen through the reverence of Confucius in modern-day China.

 The major Confucian concepts include rén 仁 (humanity or humaneness), zhèngmíng 正名 (rectification of names; e.g. a ruler who rules unjustly is no longer a ruler and may be dethroned), zhōng 忠 (loyalty), xiào 孝 (filial piety), and li 禮 (ritual). Confucius taught both positive and negative versions of the Golden Rule. The concepts yin and yang represent two opposing forces that are permanently in conflict with each other, leading to perpetual contradiction and change. The Confucian idea of "Rid of the two ends, take the middle" is a Chinese equivalent of the idea of "thesis, antithesis, and synthesis", often attributed to Hegel, which is a way of reconciling opposites, arriving at some middle ground combining the best of both. Confucius heavily emphasized the idea of microcosms in society (subunits of family and community) success's were the foundations for a successful state or country. Confucius believed in the use of education to further knowledge the people in ethics, societal behavior, and reverence in other humans. With the combination of education, successful family, and his ethical teachings he believed he could govern a well established society in China.

 Taoism [ edit ]

 Chinese glazed stoneware statue of a Daoist deity, from the Ming Dynasty, 16th century.
 Main article: Taoist philosophy
 Bagua: Modern Taijitu with I Ching trigrams

 Taoism arose as a philosophy and later also developed into a religion based on the texts the Tao Te Ching ( 道德經 ; Dào Dé Jīng; ascribed to Lao Tzu) and the Zhuangzi ( 莊子 ; partly ascribed to Zhuang Zhou). The character Dao 道 literally means 'path' or 'way'. However, in Taoism it refers more often to a meta-physical force that encompasses the entire universe but which cannot be described nor felt. All major Chinese philosophical schools have investigated the correct Way to go about a moral life, but in Taoism it takes on the most abstract meanings, leading this school to be named after it. It advocated nonaction (wu wei), the strength of softness, spontaneity, and relativism. Although it serves as a rival to Confucianism, a school of active morality, this rivalry is compromised and given perspective by the idiom "practice Confucianism on the outside, Taoism on the inside."

 Most of Taoism's focus is on the notion that human attempts to make the world better actually make the world worse. Therefore, it is better to strive for harmony, minimising potentially harmful interference with nature or in human affairs.[9]

 Warring States period [ edit ]

 Legalism [ edit ]

 Main article: Legalism (Chinese philosophy)

 Philosopher Han Fei synthesized together earlier the methods of his predecessors, which famous historian Sima Tan posthumously termed Legalism. With an essential principle like "when the epoch changed, the ways changed", late pre-Han Dynasty reformers emphasized rule by law.

 In Han Fei's philosophy, a ruler should govern his subjects by the following trinity:

 1. Fa ( 法 fǎ): law or principle.
 2. Shu ( 術 shù): method, tactic, art, or statecraft.
 3. Shi ( 勢 shì): legitimacy, power, or charisma.

 What has been termed by some as the intrastate Realpolitik of the Warring States period was highly progressive, and extremely critical of the Confucian and Mohist schools. But that of the Qin dynasty would be blamed for creating a totalitarian society, thereby experiencing decline. Its main motto is: "Set clear strict laws, or deliver harsh punishment". In Han Fei's philosophy the ruler possessed authority regarding reward and penalty, enacted through law. Shang Yang and Han Fei promoted absolute adherence to the law, regardless of the circumstances or the person. Ministers were only to be rewarded if their words were accurate to the results of their proposals. Legalism, in accordance with Shang Yang's interpretation, could encourage the state to be a militaristic autarky.

 Naturalists [ edit ]

 Main article: School of Naturalists

 The School of Naturalists or the School of Yin-yang (Chinese: 陰陽家 ; pinyin: Yīnyángjiā ; Wade–Giles: Yin-yang-chia ; lit. 'School of Yin-Yang') was a Warring States era philosophy that synthesized the concepts of yin-yang and the Wu Xing; Zou Yan is considered the founder of this school.[10] His theory attempted to explain the universe in terms of basic forces in nature: the complementary agents of yin (dark, cold, female, negative) and yang (light, hot, male, positive) and the Five Elements or Five Phases (water, fire, wood, metal, and earth). In its early days, this theory was most strongly associated with the states of Yan and Qi. In later periods, these epistemological theories came to hold significance in both philosophy and popular belief. This school was absorbed into Taoism's alchemic and magical dimensions as well as into the Chinese medical framework. The earliest surviving recordings of this are in the Ma Wang Dui texts and Huang Di Nei Jing.

 Mohism [ edit ]

 Main article: Mohism

 Mohism (Moism), founded by Mozi ( 墨子 ), promotes universal love with the aim of mutual benefit. Everyone must love each other equally and impartially to avoid conflict and war. Mozi was strongly against Confucian ritual, instead emphasizing pragmatic survival through farming, fortification, and statecraft. Tradition is inconsistent, and human beings need an extra-traditional guide to identify which traditions are acceptable. The moral guide must then promote and encourage social behaviors that maximize general benefit. As motivation for his theory, Mozi brought in the Will of Heaven, but rather than being religious his philosophy parallels utilitarianism.

 Logicians [ edit ]

 Main article: School of Names

 The logicians (School of Names) were concerned with logic, paradoxes, names and actuality (similar to Confucian rectification of names). The logician Hui Shi was a friendly rival to Zhuangzi, arguing against Taoism in a light-hearted and humorous manner. Another logician, Gongsun Long, originated the famous When a White Horse is Not a Horse dialogue.

 Agriculturalists [ edit ]

 Main article: Agriculturalism

 Agriculturalism was an early agrarian social and political philosophy that advocated peasant utopian communalism and egalitarianism.[11] The philosophy is founded on the notion that human society originates with the development of agriculture, and societies are based upon "people's natural propensity to farm."[12]

 The Agriculturalists believed that the ideal government, modeled after the semi-mythical governance of Shennong, is led by a benevolent king, one who works alongside the people in tilling the fields. The Agriculturalist king is not paid by the government through its treasuries; his livelihood is derived from the profits he earns working in the fields, not his leadership.[13] Unlike the Confucians, the Agriculturalists did not believe in the division of labour, arguing instead that the economic policies of a country need to be based upon an egalitarian self sufficiency. The Agriculturalists supported the fixing of prices, in which all similar goods, regardless of differences in quality and demand, are set at exactly the same, unchanging price.[13]

 Early Imperial era philosophy [ edit ]

 History [ edit ]

 Qin and Han Dynasties [ edit ]

 A Western Han (202 BC - 9 AD) fresco depicting Confucius (and Laozi), from a tomb of Dongping County, Shandong province, China

 The short founder Qin dynasty, where Legalism was the official philosophy, quashed Mohist and Confucianist schools. Legalism remained influential during the early Han Dynasty under the Taoist-Realist ideology Huang-Lao until Emperor Wu of Han adopted Confucianism as official doctrine. Confucianism and Taoism became the determining forces of Chinese thought until the introduction of Buddhism.

 Confucianism was particularly strong during the Han dynasty, whose greatest thinker was Dong Zhongshu, who integrated Confucianism with the thoughts of the Zhongshu School and the theory of the Five Elements. He also was a promoter of the New Text school, which considered Confucius as a divine figure and a spiritual ruler of China, who foresaw and started the evolution of the world towards the Universal Peace. In contrast, there was an Old Text school that advocated the use of Confucian works written in ancient language (from this comes the denomination Old Text) that were so much more reliable. In particular, they refuted the assumption of Confucius as a godlike figure and considered him as the greatest sage, but simply a human and mortal

 Six Dynasties [ edit ]

 The 3rd and 4th centuries saw the rise of the Xuanxue (mysterious learning), also called Neo-Taoism.

 Buddhism arrived in China around the 1st century AD, but it was not until the Northern and Southern, Sui and Tang dynasties that it gained considerable influence and acknowledgement. At the beginning, it was considered a sort of Taoist sect. Mahayana Buddhism was far more successful in China than its rival Hinayana, and both Indian schools and local Chinese sects arose from the 5th century. Two chiefly important monk philosophers were Sengzhao and Daosheng. But probably the most influential and original of these schools was the Chan sect, which had an even stronger impact in Japan as the Zen sect.

 In the mid-Tang Buddhism reached its peak, and reportedly there were 4,600 monasteries, 40,000 hermitages and 260,500 monks and nuns. The power of the Buddhist clergy was so great and the wealth of the monasteries so impressive, that it instigated criticism from Confucian scholars, who considered Buddhism as a foreign religion. In 845 Emperor Wuzong ordered the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution, confiscating the riches and returning monks and nuns to lay life. From then on, Buddhism lost much of its influence.

 Schools of thought [ edit ]

 Xuanxue [ edit ]

 Main article: Xuanxue

 Xuanxue was a philosophical school that combined elements of Confucianism and Taoism to reinterpret the I Ching, Tao Te Ching, and Zhuangzi. The most important philosophers of this movement were Wang Bi, Xiang Xiu and Guo Xiang. The main question of this school was whether Being came before Not-Being (in Chinese, ming and wuming). A peculiar feature of these Taoist thinkers, like the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, was the concept of feng liu (lit. wind and flow), a sort of romantic spirit which encouraged following the natural and instinctive impulse.

 Buddhism [ edit ]

 The Sakyamuni Buddha, by artist Zhang Shengwen, 1173-1176 CE, Song dynasty.
 Main article: Chinese Buddhism

 Buddhism is a religion, a practical philosophy, and arguably a psychology, focusing on the teachings of Gautama Buddha, who lived on the Indian subcontinent most likely from the mid-6th to the early 5th century BCE. When used in a generic sense, a Buddha is generally considered to be someone who discovers the true nature of reality.

 Buddhism until the 4th century AD had little impact on China but in the 4th century its teachings hybridized with those of Taoism.[14] Buddhism brought to China the idea of many hells, where sinners went, but the deceased sinners souls could be saved by pious acts.[14] Since Chinese traditional thought focused more on ethics rather than metaphysics, the merging of Buddhist and Taoist concepts developed several schools distinct from the originating Indian schools. The most prominent examples with philosophical merit are Sanlun, Tiantai, Huayan, and Chán (a.k.a. Zen). They investigate consciousness, levels of truth, whether reality is ultimately empty, and how enlightenment is to be achieved. Buddhism has a spiritual aspect that complements the action of Neo-Confucianism, with prominent Neo-Confucians advocating certain forms of meditation.

 Mid to Late Imperial era philosophy [ edit ]

 History [ edit ]

 Neo-Confucianism was a revived version of old Confucian principles that appeared around the Song dynasty, with Buddhist, Taoist, and Legalist features. The first philosophers, such as Shao Yong, Zhou Dunyi and Chang Zai, were cosmologists and worked on the Yi Jing. The Cheng brothers, Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, are considered the founders of the two main schools of thought of Neo-Confucianism: the School of Principle the first, the School of Mind the latter. The School of Principle gained supremacy during the Song dynasty with the philosophical system elaborated by Zhu Xi, which became mainstream and officially adopted by the government for the Imperial examinations under the Yuan dynasty. The School of Mind was developed by Lu Jiuyuan, Zhu Xi's main rival, but was soon forgotten. Only during the Ming dynasty was the School of Mind revived by Wang Shouren, whose influence is equal to that of Zhu Xi. This school was particularly important in Japan.

 During the Qing dynasty many philosophers objected against Neo-Confucianism and there was a return to the Han Dynasty Confucianism, and also the reprise of the controversy between Old Text and New Text. In this period also started the penetration of Western culture, but most Chinese thought that the Westerners were maybe more advanced in technology and warfare, but that China had primacy in moral and intellectual fields.

 Schools of thought [ edit ]

 Neo-Confucianism [ edit ]

 Main articles: Neo-Confucianism and Yangmingism
 Zhu Xi leading figure in Neo-Confucianism
 Wang Yangming also an important figure in Neo-Confucianism

 Despite Confucianism losing popularity to Taoism and Buddhism, Neo-Confucianism combined those ideas into a more metaphysical framework. Its concepts include li (principle, akin to Plato's forms), qi (vital or material force), tai-chi (the Great Ultimate), and xin (mind). Song dynasty philosopher Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) is commonly seen as the first true "pioneer" of Neo-Confucianism, using Daoist metaphysics as a framework for his ethical philosophy.[15] Neo-Confucianism developed both as a renaissance of traditional Confucian ideas, and as a reaction to the ideas of Buddhism and religious Daoism. Although the Neo-Confucianists denounced Buddhist metaphysics, Neo-Confucianism did borrow Daoist and Buddhist terminology and concepts.[16] Neo-Confucianist philosophers like Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming are seen as the most important figures of Neo-Confucianism.

 Modern era [ edit ]

 See also: Chinese nationalism, Maoism, and Chinese Marxist Philosophy
 The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page . Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met . ( June 2017 ) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
 

 During the Industrial and Modern Ages, Chinese philosophy had also begun to integrate concepts of Western philosophy, as steps toward modernization. Chinese philosophy never developed the concept of human rights, so that classical Chinese lacked words for them. In 1864, W.A.P. Martin had to invent the word quanli (Chinese: 權利 ) to translate the Western concept of "rights" in the process of translating Henry Wheaton's Elements of International Law into classical Chinese.[17]

 By the time of the Xinhai Revolution in 1911, there were many calls such as the May Fourth Movement to completely abolish the old imperial institutions and practices of China. There have been attempts to incorporate democracy, republicanism, and industrialism into Chinese philosophy, notably by Sun Yat-Sen at the beginning of the 20th century. Mao Zedong added Marxism, Stalinism, Chinese Marxist Philosophy and other communist thought.

 When the Chinese Communist Party took over the reign, previous schools of thought, excepting notably Legalism, were denounced as backward, and later even purged during the Cultural Revolution, whereas their influences on Chinese thoughts remain until today. The current government of the People's Republic of China is trying to encourage a form of market socialism.

 Since the radical movement of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government has become much more tolerant with the practice of traditional beliefs. The 1978 Constitution of the People's Republic of China guarantees "freedom of religion" with a number of restrictions. Spiritual and philosophical institutions have been allowed to be established or re-established, as long they are not perceived to be a threat to the power of the CPC. Moreover, those organizations are heavily monitored. The influences of the past are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese culture.

 New Confucianism [ edit ]

 Main article: New Confucianism

 New Confucianism is an intellectual movement of Confucianism that began in the early 20th century in Republican China, and revived in post-Mao era contemporary communist China. It is deeply influenced by, but not identical with, the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming dynasties.

 Philosophers [ edit ]

 Main article: List of Chinese philosophers
 * Confucius, seen as the Great Master but sometimes ridiculed by Taoists.
 + Mencius, Confucius' follower having idealist inspiration
 + Xun Zi, another Confucius' follower, closer to realism, teacher of Han Fei and Li Si
 + Zhu Xi, founder of Neo-Confucianism
 + Wang Yangming, most influential proponent of xinxue or "state of mind."
 * Lao Tzu, the chief of Taoist school.
 + Chuang Tzu, said to be the author of the Zhuangzi.
 + Liezi, said to be the author of the Liezi.
 * Mozi, the founder of Mohist school.
 * Shang Yang, Legalist founder and pivotal Qin reformer
 * Han Fei, one of the most notable theoreticians of Legalism
 * Li Si, major proponent and practitioner of Legalism

 Concepts [ edit ]

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 Although the individual philosophical schools differ considerably, they nevertheless share a common vocabulary and set of concerns.

 Among the terms commonly found in Chinese philosophy are:

 * 道 Dao (the Way, or one's doctrine)
 * 德 De (virtue, power)
 * 理 Li (principle)
 * 氣 Qi (vital energy or material force)
 * 太極 The Tai-chi (Great Heavenly Axis) forms a unity of the two complementary polarities, Yin and Yang. The word Yin originally referred to a hillside facing away from the sun. Philosophically, it stands the dark, passive, feminine principle; whereas Yang (the hillside facing the sun) stands for the bright, active, masculine principle. Yin and Yang are not antagonistic, they alternate in inverse proportion to one another—like the rise and fall of a wave.

 Among the commonalities of Chinese philosophies are:

 * The tendency not to view man as separate from nature.
 * Questions about the nature and existence of a monotheistic deity, which have profoundly influenced Western philosophy, have not been important in Chinese philosophies or a source of great conflict in Chinese traditional religion.
 * The belief that the purpose of philosophy is primarily to serve as an ethical and practical guide.
 * The political focus: most scholars of the Hundred Schools were trying to convince the ruler to behave in the way they defended.

 See also [ edit ]

 * China portal
 * Philosophy portal
 * Chinese classic texts * Confucianism * Five Elements * Taoism 
 * History of China * Culture of China * Hun and po * Thirteen Classics
 * Chinese philosophers * Eastern philosophy * List of Chinese philosophers 
 

 References [ edit ]

 1. ^ a b Ebrey, Patricia (2010). The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge University Press. p. 42.
 2. ^ page 60, Great Thinkers of the Eastern World, edited Ian McGreal Harper Collins 1995, ISBN 0-06-270085-5
 3. ^ Lin, Liang-Hung; Ho, Yu-Ling (2009). "Confucian dynamism, culture and ethical changes in Chinese societies – a comparative study of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong". The International Journal of Human Resource Management. 20 (11): 2402–2417. doi:10.1080/09585190903239757. ISSN 0958-5192. S2CID 153789769.
 4. ^ Is There Such a Thing as Chinese Philosophy Arguments of an Implicit Debate. Carine Defoort. Philosophy East and West 51 (3):393-413 (2001)
 5. ^ Yuli Liu, 'Confucius', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 ISBN 0-340-90028-8
 6. ^ Kung Fu Tze (Confucius) (1998). The Analects. Translated by D. C. Lau. Penguin Classics. ISBN 0-14-044348-7.
 7. ^ Civilizations of the World: The Human Adventure : To the late 1600s, Richard Greaves p176
 8. ^ 'Maoism', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 ISBN 0-340-90028-8
 9. ^ A source book in Chinese philosophy, Wing-tsit Chan, p137
 10. ^ "Zou Yan". Encyclopædia Britannica . Retrieved 1 March 2011 .
 11. ^ Deutsch, Eliot; Ronald Bontekoei (1999). A companion to world philosophies. Wiley Blackwell. p. 183.
 12. ^ Sellmann, James Daryl (2010). Timing and rulership in Master Lü's Spring and Autumn annals. SUNY Press. p. 76.
 13. ^ a b Denecke, Wiebke (2011). The Dynamics of Masters Literature: Early Chinese Thought from Confucius to Han Feizi. Harvard University Press. p. 38.
 14. ^ a b Shawn Eichman (2000). Taoism and the Arts of China. University of California Press. pp. 45–. ISBN 978-0-520-22785-9.
 15. ^ Chan 1963 , p. 460.
 16. ^ Huang, Siu-chi (1999). Essentials of Neo-Confucianism: Eight Major Philosophers of the Song and Ming Periods. Westport: Greenwood Press. p. 5.
 17. ^ Cao, Deborah (2004). Chinese Law: A Language Perspective. Ashgate Publishing. pp. 71–72.

 Further reading [ edit ]

 * Bo Mou (Editor), History of Chinese Philosophy, Routledge, 2009.
 * Chan, Wing-tsit (1963), A Sourcebook of Chinese Philosophy, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-07137-4
 * Antonio S. Cua (Editor), Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, Routledge, 2003.
 * Feng Youlan, A History of Chinese Philosophy (Princeton Paperbacks), tr. Derk Bodde, 1983.
 * Herrlee Glessner Creel, Chinese Thought, from Confucius to Mao Zedong, 1971.
 * A. C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao; Philosophical Argument in Ancient China, 1989.
 * Christoph Harbsmeier, Logic and Language in Ancient China, (Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, Volume 7, Part I, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
 * Philip J. Ivanhoe and Bryan W. Van Norden (Editors), Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy, 2nd edition, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2005.
 * Karyn Lai, Introduction to Chinese Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, 2008.
 * Lin Yutang, The Importance of Living, William Morrow Paperbacks, 1998.
 * Jana S. Rošker, Searching for the Way: Theory of Knowledge in Pre-modern and Modern Chinese Philosophy Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 2008.
 * Roel Sterckx, Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding. London: Penguin, 2019.
 * Roel Sterckx, Ways of Heaven. An Introduction to Chinese Thought. New York: Basic Books, 2019.
 * Justin Tiwald and Bryan W. Van Norden (Editors), Readings in Later Chinese Philosophy: Han Dynasty to the 20th Century, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2014.
 * Bryan W. Van Norden, Introduction to Classical Chinese Philosophy, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2011.
 * Arthur Waley, Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China, 1983.

 External links [ edit ]

 * Perkins, Franklin. "Metaphysics in Chinese Philosophy". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Wong, David. "Comparative Philosophy: Chinese and Western". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). "Translating and Interpreting Chinese Philosophy". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Rošker, Jana. "Epistemology in Chinese Philosophy". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Littlejohn, Ronnie. "Chinese Philosophy: Overview of Topics". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Sikri, Rohan. "Language in Classical Chinese Philosophy". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Yu, Yih-Hsien. "Modern Chinese Philosophy". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Chinese philosophy at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project
 * Article "The Chinese Concept of Space"
 * Article "The Chinese Concept of Time"
 * The Hundred Schools of Thought
 * Chinese Text Project - Chinese philosophy texts in classical Chinese with English and modern Chinese translations
 * Eastern Philosophy at Curlie
 * Contesting Confucius Henry Zhao, New Left Review 44, March–April 2007
 * Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, 1751–1772, ""Philosophie des Chinois" [in French]
 * Warp Weft and Way - A Group Blog of Chinese and Comparative Philosophy
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Chinese philosophy        Yin and Yang symbol with the bagua symbols paved in a clearing outside of Nanning City, Guangxi province, China.     Chinese name    Traditional Chinese  中國哲學    Simplified Chinese  中国哲学       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Zhōngguó zhéxué    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Jonggwo jershyue    Wade–Giles  Chung-kuo che-hsüeh    Wu     Romanization  Tson-kueʔ tseʔ-ghoʔ    Hakka     Romanization  Zung1-get5 ziet5-hok6     Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Jūng-gwok jit-hohk    Jyutping  Zung1-gwok3 zit3-hok6     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Tiong-kok tiat-ha̍k       Vietnamese name    Vietnamese   Triết học Trung Quốc     Chữ Hán  哲學中國   Korean name    Hangul  중국 철학    Hanja  中國哲學       Transcriptions    Revised Romanization  Junggung cheolhak       Japanese name    Kanji  中国哲学    Kana  ちゅうごくてつがく       Transcriptions    Romanization  Chūgoku tetsugaku       
 Chinese philosophy originates in the Spring and Autumn period (春秋) and Warring States period (戰國時期), during a period known as the "Hundred Schools of Thought", [1]  which was characterized by significant intellectual and cultural developments. [1]  Although much of Chinese philosophy begun in the Warring States period, elements of Chinese philosophy have existed for several thousand years. Some can be found in the  I Ching  (the Book of Changes), an ancient compendium of divination, which dates back to at least 672 BCE. [2]  It was during the Warring States era that what Sima Tan termed the major philosophical schools of China—Confucianism, Legalism, and Taoism—arose, along with philosophies that later fell into obscurity, like Agriculturalism, Mohism, Chinese Naturalism, and the Logicians. Even in modern society, Confucianism is still the creed of etiquette for Chinese society. [3] 
Chinese philosophy as a philosophy[edit]
The debate over whether the thought of ancient Chinese masters should be called philosophy has been discussed since the introduction of this academic discipline into China. [4]  See Legitimacy of Chinese philosophy for details.
Early beliefs[edit]
Early Shang dynasty thought was based upon cycles. This notion stems from what the people of the Shang Dynasty could observe around them: day and night cycled, the seasons progressed again and again, and even the moon waxed and waned until it waxed again. Thus, this notion, which remained relevant throughout Chinese history, reflects the order of nature. In juxtaposition, it also marks a fundamental distinction from western philosophy, in which the dominant view of time is a linear progression. During the Shang, fate could be manipulated by great deities, commonly translated as gods.[ vague ] Ancestor worship was present and universally recognized. There was also human and animal sacrifice.
 When the Shang were overthrown by the Zhou, a new political, religious and philosophical concept was introduced called the "Mandate of Heaven". This mandate was said to be taken when rulers became unworthy of their position and provided a shrewd justification for Zhou rule. During this period, archaeological evidence points to an increase in literacy and a partial shift away from the faith placed in Shangdi (the Supreme Being in traditional Chinese religion), with ancestor worship becoming commonplace and a more worldly orientation coming to the fore.
Overview[edit]
Confucianism developed during the Spring and Autumn period from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE), who considered himself a retransmitter of Zhou values. His philosophy concerns the fields of ethics and politics, emphasizing personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, traditionalism, and sincerity. The Analects stress the importance of ritual, but also the importance of 'ren', which loosely translates as 'human-heartedness', [5]  Confucianism, along with Legalism, is responsible for creating the world's first meritocracy, which holds that one's status should be determined by education and character rather than ancestry, wealth, or friendship. [6]  Confucianism was and continues to be a major influence in Chinese culture, the state of China and the surrounding areas of East Asia.
 Before the Han dynasty the largest rivals to Confucianism were Chinese Legalism, and Mohism. Confucianism largely became the dominant philosophical school of China during the early Han dynasty following the replacement of its contemporary, the more Taoistic Huang-Lao. [7]  Legalism as a coherent philosophy disappeared largely due to its relationship with the unpopular authoritarian rule of Qin Shi Huang, however, many of its ideas and institutions would continue to influence Chinese philosophy until the end of Imperial rule during the Xinhai Revolution.
 Mohism, though initially popular due to its emphasis on brotherly love versus harsh Qin Legalism, fell out of favour during the Han Dynasty due to the efforts of Confucians in establishing their views as political orthodoxy. The Six Dynasties era saw the rise of the Xuanxue philosophical school and the maturation of Chinese Buddhism, which had entered China from India during the Late Han Dynasties. By the time of the Tang dynasty five-hundred years after Buddhism's arrival into China, it had transformed into a thoroughly Chinese religious philosophy dominated by the school of Zen Buddhism. Neo-Confucianism became highly popular during the Song dynasty and Ming Dynasty due in large part to the eventual combination of Confucian and Zen Philosophy.
 During the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese philosophy integrated concepts from Western philosophy. Anti-Qing dynasty revolutionaries, involved in the Xinhai Revolution, saw Western philosophy as an alternative to traditional philosophical schools; students in the May Fourth Movement called for completely abolishing the old imperial institutions and practices of China. During this era, Chinese scholars attempted to incorporate Western philosophical ideologies such as democracy, Marxism, socialism, liberalism, republicanism, anarchism and nationalism into Chinese philosophy. The most notable examples are Sun Yat-Sen's Three Principles of the People ideology and Mao Zedong's Maoism, a variant of Marxism–Leninism. [8]  In the modern People's Republic of China, the official ideology is Deng Xiaoping's "market economy socialism".
 Although the People's Republic of China has been historically hostile to the philosophy of ancient China, the influences of past are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese culture. In the post-Chinese economic reform era, modern Chinese philosophy has reappeared in forms such as the  New Confucianism . As in Japan, philosophy in China has become a melting pot of ideas. It accepts new concepts, while attempting also to accord old beliefs their due. Chinese philosophy still carries profound influence amongst the people of East Asia, and even Southeast Asia.
Ancient philosophy[edit]
Spring and Autumn period[edit]
Around 500 BCE, after the Zhou state weakened and China moved into the Spring and Autumn period, the classic period of Chinese philosophy began. This is known as the Hundred Schools of Thought (諸子百家; zhūzǐ bǎijiā; "various scholars, hundred schools"). This period is considered the golden age of Chinese philosophy. Of the many schools founded at this time and during the subsequent Warring States period, the four most influential ones were Confucianism, Daoism (often spelled "Taoism"), Mohism and Legalism.
Confucianism[edit]
     
Confucianism is a philosophical school developed from the teachings of Confucius collected and written by his disciples after his death in  The Analects , and in the Warring States period, Mencius in  The Mencius  and Xunzi in  The Xunzi . It is a system of moral, social, political, and religious thought that has had tremendous influence on Chinese history, thought, and culture down to the 20th century. Some Westerners have considered it to have been the "state religion" of imperial China because of its lasting influence on Asian culture. Its influence also spread to Korea, Japan, Vietnam and many other Asian countries.
 Confucianism reached its peak of influence during the Tang and Song Dynasties under a rebranded Confucianism called Neo-Confucianism. Confucius expanded on the already present ideas of Chinese religion and culture to reflect the time period and environment of political chaos during the Warring States period. Because Confucius embedded the Chinese culture so heavily into his philosophy it was able to resonate with the people of China. This high approval of Confucianism can be seen through the reverence of Confucius in modern-day China.
 The major Confucian concepts include  rén  仁 (humanity or humaneness), zhèngmíng 正名 (rectification of names; e.g. a ruler who rules unjustly is no longer a ruler and may be dethroned), zhōng 忠 (loyalty), xiào 孝 (filial piety), and  li  禮 (ritual). Confucius taught both positive and negative versions of the Golden Rule. The concepts yin and yang represent two opposing forces that are permanently in conflict with each other, leading to perpetual contradiction and change. The Confucian idea of "Rid of the two ends, take the middle" is a Chinese equivalent of the idea of "thesis, antithesis, and synthesis", often attributed to Hegel, which is a way of reconciling opposites, arriving at some middle ground combining the best of both. Confucius heavily emphasized the idea of microcosms in society (subunits of family and community) success's were the foundations for a successful state or country. Confucius believed in the use of education to further knowledge the people in ethics, societal behavior, and reverence in other humans. With the combination of education, successful family, and his ethical teachings he believed he could govern a well established society in China.
Taoism[edit]
     
     
Taoism arose as a philosophy and later also developed into a religion based on the texts the  Tao Te Ching  (道德經; Dào Dé Jīng; ascribed to Lao Tzu) and the  Zhuangzi  (莊子; partly ascribed to Zhuang Zhou). The character  Dao  道 literally means 'path' or 'way'. However, in Taoism it refers more often to a meta-physical force that encompasses the entire universe but which cannot be described nor felt. All major Chinese philosophical schools have investigated the correct Way to go about a moral life, but in Taoism it takes on the most abstract meanings, leading this school to be named after it. It advocated nonaction ( wu wei ), the strength of softness, spontaneity, and relativism. Although it serves as a rival to Confucianism, a school of active morality, this rivalry is compromised and given perspective by the idiom "practice Confucianism on the outside, Taoism on the inside."
 Most of Taoism's focus is on the notion that human attempts to make the world better actually make the world worse. Therefore, it is better to strive for harmony, minimising potentially harmful interference with nature or in human affairs. [9] 
Warring States period[edit]
Legalism[edit]
Philosopher Han Fei synthesized together earlier the methods of his predecessors, which famous historian Sima Tan posthumously termed Legalism. With an essential principle like "when the epoch changed, the ways changed", late pre-Han Dynasty reformers emphasized rule by law.
 In Han Fei's philosophy, a ruler should govern his subjects by the following trinity:
 Fa (法 fǎ): law or principle.
Shu (術 shù): method, tactic, art, or statecraft.
Shi (勢 shì): legitimacy, power, or charisma. 
What has been termed by some as the intrastate Realpolitik of the Warring States period was highly progressive, and extremely critical of the Confucian and Mohist schools. But that of the Qin dynasty would be blamed for creating a totalitarian society, thereby experiencing decline. Its main motto is: "Set clear strict laws, or deliver harsh punishment". In Han Fei's philosophy the ruler possessed authority regarding reward and penalty, enacted through law. Shang Yang and Han Fei promoted absolute adherence to the law, regardless of the circumstances or the person. Ministers were only to be rewarded if their words were accurate to the results of their proposals. Legalism, in accordance with Shang Yang's interpretation, could encourage the state to be a militaristic autarky.
Naturalists[edit]
The School of Naturalists or the School of Yin-yang (Chinese: 陰陽家; pinyin: Yīnyángjiā; Wade–Giles: Yin-yang-chia;  lit.  'School of Yin-Yang') was a Warring States era philosophy that synthesized the concepts of yin-yang and the Wu Xing; Zou Yan is considered the founder of this school. [10]  His theory attempted to explain the universe in terms of basic forces in nature: the complementary agents of yin (dark, cold, female, negative) and yang (light, hot, male, positive) and the Five Elements or Five Phases (water, fire, wood, metal, and earth). In its early days, this theory was most strongly associated with the states of Yan and Qi. In later periods, these epistemological theories came to hold significance in both philosophy and popular belief. This school was absorbed into Taoism's alchemic and magical dimensions as well as into the Chinese medical framework. The earliest surviving recordings of this are in the Ma Wang Dui texts and Huang Di Nei Jing.
Mohism[edit]
Mohism (Moism), founded by Mozi (墨子), promotes universal love with the aim of mutual benefit. Everyone must love each other equally and impartially to avoid conflict and war. Mozi was strongly against Confucian ritual, instead emphasizing pragmatic survival through farming, fortification, and statecraft. Tradition is inconsistent, and human beings need an extra-traditional guide to identify which traditions are acceptable. The moral guide must then promote and encourage social behaviors that maximize general benefit. As motivation for his theory, Mozi brought in the Will of Heaven, but rather than being religious his philosophy parallels utilitarianism.
Logicians[edit]
The logicians (School of Names) were concerned with logic, paradoxes, names and actuality (similar to Confucian rectification of names). The logician Hui Shi was a friendly rival to Zhuangzi, arguing against Taoism in a light-hearted and humorous manner. Another logician, Gongsun Long, originated the famous When a White Horse is Not a Horse dialogue.
Agriculturalists[edit]
 Agriculturalism was an early agrarian social and political philosophy that advocated peasant utopian communalism and egalitarianism. [11]  The philosophy is founded on the notion that human society originates with the development of agriculture, and societies are based upon "people's natural propensity to farm." [12] 
 The Agriculturalists believed that the ideal government, modeled after the semi-mythical governance of Shennong, is led by a benevolent king, one who works alongside the people in tilling the fields. The Agriculturalist king is not paid by the government through its treasuries; his livelihood is derived from the profits he earns working in the fields, not his leadership. [13]  Unlike the Confucians, the Agriculturalists did not believe in the division of labour, arguing instead that the economic policies of a country need to be based upon an egalitarian self sufficiency. The Agriculturalists supported the fixing of prices, in which all similar goods, regardless of differences in quality and demand, are set at exactly the same, unchanging price. [13] 
Early Imperial era philosophy[edit]
History[edit]
Qin and Han Dynasties[edit]
             
The short founder Qin dynasty, where Legalism was the official philosophy, quashed Mohist and Confucianist schools. Legalism remained influential during the early Han Dynasty under the Taoist-Realist ideology Huang-Lao until Emperor Wu of Han adopted Confucianism as official doctrine. Confucianism and Taoism became the determining forces of Chinese thought until the introduction of Buddhism.
 Confucianism was particularly strong during the Han dynasty, whose greatest thinker was Dong Zhongshu, who integrated Confucianism with the thoughts of the Zhongshu School and the theory of the Five Elements. He also was a promoter of the New Text school, which considered Confucius as a divine figure and a spiritual ruler of China, who foresaw and started the evolution of the world towards the Universal Peace. In contrast, there was an Old Text school that advocated the use of Confucian works written in ancient language (from this comes the denomination Old Text) that were so much more reliable. In particular, they refuted the assumption of Confucius as a godlike figure and considered him as the greatest sage, but simply a human and mortal
Six Dynasties[edit]
The 3rd and 4th centuries saw the rise of the  Xuanxue  (mysterious learning), also called Neo-Taoism.
  Buddhism arrived in China around the 1st century AD, but it was not until the Northern and Southern, Sui and Tang dynasties that it gained considerable influence and acknowledgement. At the beginning, it was considered a sort of Taoist sect. Mahayana Buddhism was far more successful in China than its rival Hinayana, and both Indian schools and local Chinese sects arose from the 5th century. Two chiefly important monk philosophers were Sengzhao and Daosheng. But probably the most influential and original of these schools was the Chan sect, which had an even stronger impact in Japan as the Zen sect.
 In the mid-Tang Buddhism reached its peak, and reportedly there were 4,600 monasteries, 40,000 hermitages and 260,500 monks and nuns. The power of the Buddhist clergy was so great and the wealth of the monasteries so impressive, that it instigated criticism from Confucian scholars, who considered Buddhism as a foreign religion. In 845 Emperor Wuzong ordered the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution, confiscating the riches and returning monks and nuns to lay life. From then on, Buddhism lost much of its influence.
Schools of thought[edit]
Xuanxue[edit]
 Xuanxue was a philosophical school that combined elements of Confucianism and Taoism to reinterpret the I Ching , Tao Te Ching , and  Zhuangzi. The most important philosophers of this movement were Wang Bi, Xiang Xiu and Guo Xiang. The main question of this school was whether Being came before Not-Being (in Chinese, ming and wuming). A peculiar feature of these Taoist thinkers, like the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, was the concept of feng liu (lit. wind and flow), a sort of romantic spirit which encouraged following the natural and instinctive impulse.
Buddhism[edit]
     
 Buddhism is a religion, a practical philosophy, and arguably a psychology, focusing on the teachings of Gautama Buddha, who lived on the Indian subcontinent most likely from the mid-6th to the early 5th century BCE. When used in a generic sense, a Buddha is generally considered to be someone who discovers the true nature of reality.
 Buddhism until the 4th century AD had little impact on China but in the 4th century its teachings hybridized with those of Taoism. [14]  Buddhism brought to China the idea of many hells, where sinners went, but the deceased sinners souls could be saved by pious acts. [14]  Since Chinese traditional thought focused more on ethics rather than metaphysics, the merging of Buddhist and Taoist concepts developed several schools distinct from the originating Indian schools. The most prominent examples with philosophical merit are Sanlun, Tiantai, Huayan, and Chán (a.k.a. Zen). They investigate consciousness, levels of truth, whether reality is ultimately empty, and how enlightenment is to be achieved. Buddhism has a spiritual aspect that complements the action of Neo-Confucianism, with prominent Neo-Confucians advocating certain forms of meditation.
Mid to Late Imperial era philosophy[edit]
History[edit]
 Neo-Confucianism was a revived version of old Confucian principles that appeared around the Song dynasty, with Buddhist, Taoist, and Legalist features. The first philosophers, such as Shao Yong, Zhou Dunyi and Chang Zai, were cosmologists and worked on the Yi Jing. The Cheng brothers, Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, are considered the founders of the two main schools of thought of Neo-Confucianism: the School of Principle the first, the School of Mind the latter. The School of Principle gained supremacy during the Song dynasty with the philosophical system elaborated by Zhu Xi, which became mainstream and officially adopted by the government for the Imperial examinations under the Yuan dynasty. The School of Mind was developed by Lu Jiuyuan, Zhu Xi's main rival, but was soon forgotten. Only during the Ming dynasty was the School of Mind revived by Wang Shouren, whose influence is equal to that of Zhu Xi. This school was particularly important in Japan.
 During the Qing dynasty many philosophers objected against Neo-Confucianism and there was a return to the Han Dynasty Confucianism, and also the reprise of the controversy between Old Text and New Text. In this period also started the penetration of Western culture, but most Chinese thought that the Westerners were maybe more advanced in technology and warfare, but that China had primacy in moral and intellectual fields.
Schools of thought[edit]
Neo-Confucianism[edit]
       Zhu Xi leading figure in Neo-Confucianism  
     
Despite Confucianism losing popularity to Taoism and Buddhism, Neo-Confucianism combined those ideas into a more metaphysical framework. Its concepts include  li  (principle, akin to Plato's forms),  qi  (vital or material force),  tai-chi  (the Great Ultimate), and  xin  (mind). Song dynasty philosopher Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) is commonly seen as the first true "pioneer" of Neo-Confucianism, using Daoist metaphysics as a framework for his ethical philosophy. [15]  Neo-Confucianism developed both as a renaissance of traditional Confucian ideas, and as a reaction to the ideas of Buddhism and religious Daoism. Although the Neo-Confucianists denounced Buddhist metaphysics, Neo-Confucianism did borrow Daoist and Buddhist terminology and concepts. [16] 
Neo-Confucianist philosophers like Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming are seen as the most important figures of Neo-Confucianism.
Modern era[edit]
During the Industrial and Modern Ages, Chinese philosophy had also begun to integrate concepts of Western philosophy, as steps toward modernization. Chinese philosophy never developed the concept of human rights, so that classical Chinese lacked words for them. In 1864, W.A.P. Martin had to invent the word quanli (Chinese: 權利) to translate the Western concept of "rights" in the process of translating Henry Wheaton's  Elements of International Law  into classical Chinese. [17] 
 By the time of the Xinhai Revolution in 1911, there were many calls such as the May Fourth Movement to completely abolish the old imperial institutions and practices of China. There have been attempts to incorporate democracy, republicanism, and industrialism into Chinese philosophy, notably by Sun Yat-Sen at the beginning of the 20th century. Mao Zedong added Marxism, Stalinism, Chinese Marxist Philosophy and other communist thought.
 When the Chinese Communist Party took over the reign, previous schools of thought, excepting notably Legalism, were denounced as backward, and later even purged during the Cultural Revolution, whereas their influences on Chinese thoughts remain until today. The current government of the People's Republic of China is trying to encourage a form of market socialism.
 Since the radical movement of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government has become much more tolerant with the practice of traditional beliefs. The 1978 Constitution of the People's Republic of China guarantees "freedom of religion" with a number of restrictions. Spiritual and philosophical institutions have been allowed to be established or re-established, as long they are not perceived to be a threat to the power of the CPC. Moreover, those organizations are heavily monitored. The influences of the past are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese culture.
New Confucianism[edit]
New Confucianism is an intellectual movement of Confucianism that began in the early 20th century in Republican China, and revived in post-Mao era contemporary communist China. It is deeply influenced by, but not identical with, the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming dynasties.
Philosophers[edit]
  Confucius, seen as the Great Master but sometimes ridiculed by Taoists.
  Mencius, Confucius' follower having idealist inspiration
 Xun Zi, another Confucius' follower, closer to realism, teacher of Han Fei and Li Si
 Zhu Xi, founder of Neo-Confucianism 
 Wang Yangming, most influential proponent of xinxue or "state of mind."  
 Lao Tzu, the chief of Taoist school.
  Chuang Tzu, said to be the author of the  Zhuangzi .
 Liezi, said to be the author of the  Liezi .  
 Mozi, the founder of Mohist school.
 Shang Yang, Legalist founder and pivotal Qin reformer
 Han Fei, one of the most notable theoreticians of Legalism
 Li Si, major proponent and practitioner of Legalism 
Concepts[edit]
Although the individual philosophical schools differ considerably, they nevertheless share a common vocabulary and set of concerns.
 Among the terms commonly found in Chinese philosophy are:
 道 Dao (the Way, or one's doctrine)
德 De (virtue, power)
理 Li (principle)
氣 Qi (vital energy or material force)
太極The  Tai-chi  (Great Heavenly Axis) forms a unity of the two complementary polarities,  Yin and Yang . The word Yin originally referred to a hillside facing away from the sun. Philosophically, it stands the dark, passive, feminine principle; whereas Yang (the hillside facing the sun) stands for the bright, active, masculine principle. Yin and Yang are not antagonistic, they alternate in inverse proportion to one another—like the rise and fall of a wave. 
Among the commonalities of Chinese philosophies are:
 The tendency not to view man as separate from nature.
Questions about the nature and existence of a monotheistic deity, which have profoundly influenced Western philosophy, have not been important in Chinese philosophies or a source of great conflict in Chinese traditional religion.
The belief that the purpose of philosophy is primarily to serve as an ethical and practical guide.
The political focus: most scholars of the Hundred Schools were trying to convince the ruler to behave in the way they defended. 
See also[edit]
 
  Chinese classic texts 
 History of China 
 Chinese philosophers  
  Confucianism 
 Culture of China 
 Eastern philosophy  
  Five Elements 
 Hun and po 
 List of Chinese philosophers  
  Taoism 
 Thirteen Classics  
   
References[edit]
^    a       b    Ebrey, Patricia (2010). The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge University Press. p. 42.
  ^  page 60, Great Thinkers of the Eastern World, edited Ian McGreal Harper Collins 1995, ISBN 0-06-270085-5
  ^  Lin, Liang-Hung; Ho, Yu-Ling (2009). "Confucian dynamism, culture and ethical changes in Chinese societies – a comparative study of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong". The International Journal of Human Resource Management. 20 (11): 2402–2417. doi:10.1080/09585190903239757. ISSN 0958-5192. S2CID 153789769.
  ^  Is There Such a Thing as Chinese Philosophy Arguments of an Implicit Debate. Carine Defoort. Philosophy East and West 51 (3):393-413 (2001)
  ^  Yuli Liu, 'Confucius', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 ISBN 0-340-90028-8
  ^  Kung Fu Tze (Confucius) (1998).  The Analects . Translated by D. C. Lau. Penguin Classics. ISBN  0-14-044348-7 .
  ^  Civilizations of the World: The Human Adventure : To the late 1600s, Richard Greaves p176
  ^  'Maoism', in Essentials of Philosophy and Ethics, Hodder Arnold 2006 ISBN 0-340-90028-8
  ^  A source book in Chinese philosophy, Wing-tsit Chan, p137
  ^   "Zou Yan". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 1 March 2011.
  ^  Deutsch, Eliot; Ronald Bontekoei (1999). A companion to world philosophies. Wiley Blackwell. p. 183.
  ^  Sellmann, James Daryl (2010). Timing and rulership in Master Lü's Spring and Autumn annals. SUNY Press. p. 76.
^    a       b    Denecke, Wiebke (2011). The Dynamics of Masters Literature: Early Chinese Thought from Confucius to Han Feizi. Harvard University Press. p. 38.
^    a       b    Shawn Eichman (2000).  Taoism and the Arts of China . University of California Press. pp. 45–. ISBN  978-0-520-22785-9 .
  ^  Chan 1963, p. 460.
  ^  Huang, Siu-chi (1999). Essentials of Neo-Confucianism: Eight Major Philosophers of the Song and Ming Periods. Westport: Greenwood Press. p. 5.
  ^  Cao, Deborah (2004). Chinese Law: A Language Perspective. Ashgate Publishing. pp. 71–72.
 
Further reading[edit]
 Bo Mou (Editor), History of Chinese Philosophy, Routledge, 2009.
 Chan, Wing-tsit (1963), A Sourcebook of Chinese Philosophy, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ISBN  978-0-691-07137-4   
 Antonio S. Cua (Editor), Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, Routledge, 2003.
 Feng Youlan, A History of Chinese Philosophy (Princeton Paperbacks), tr. Derk Bodde, 1983.
 Herrlee Glessner Creel, Chinese Thought, from Confucius to Mao Zedong, 1971.
A. C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao; Philosophical Argument in Ancient China, 1989.
Christoph Harbsmeier, Logic and Language in Ancient China, (Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, Volume 7, Part I, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
 Philip J. Ivanhoe and Bryan W. Van Norden (Editors), Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy, 2nd edition, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2005.
Karyn Lai, Introduction to Chinese Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, 2008.
 Lin Yutang, The Importance of Living, William Morrow Paperbacks, 1998.
 Jana S. Rošker, Searching for the Way: Theory of Knowledge in Pre-modern and Modern Chinese Philosophy Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 2008.
 Roel Sterckx, Chinese Thought. From Confucius to Cook Ding. London: Penguin, 2019.
 Roel Sterckx, Ways of Heaven. An Introduction to Chinese Thought. New York: Basic Books, 2019.
 Justin Tiwald and Bryan W. Van Norden (Editors), Readings in Later Chinese Philosophy: Han Dynasty to the 20th Century, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2014.
 Bryan W. Van Norden, Introduction to Classical Chinese Philosophy, Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2011.
 Arthur Waley, Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China, 1983. 
External links[edit]
  Perkins, Franklin. "Metaphysics in Chinese Philosophy". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Wong, David. "Comparative Philosophy: Chinese and Western". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
  Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). "Translating and Interpreting Chinese Philosophy".  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Rošker, Jana. "Epistemology in Chinese Philosophy". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Littlejohn, Ronnie. "Chinese Philosophy: Overview of Topics".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Sikri, Rohan. "Language in Classical Chinese Philosophy".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Yu, Yih-Hsien. "Modern Chinese Philosophy".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Chinese philosophy at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project 
 Article "The Chinese Concept of Space" 
 Article "The Chinese Concept of Time" 
 The Hundred Schools of Thought 
 Chinese Text Project - Chinese philosophy texts in classical Chinese with English and modern Chinese translations
 Eastern Philosophy at Curlie 
 Contesting Confucius Henry Zhao, New Left Review 44, March–April 2007
 Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, 1751–1772, ""Philosophie des Chinois" [in French]
 Warp Weft and Way - A Group Blog of Chinese and Comparative Philosophy
Chinese philosophy - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_philosophy
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warring_States_period
Warring States period - Wikipedia
2003-03-15
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<div><div>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Warring States period</th></tr><tr><td>c. 475–221 BC</td></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:EN-WarringStatesAll260BCE.jpg"></a><div><p>The Seven Warring States c. 260 BC<br />(<a href="/wiki/Yan_(state)">Yan (燕)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">Zhao (趙)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Han_(state)">Han (韩)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wei_(state)">Wei (魏)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi (	齐)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu (楚)</a>, <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin (秦)</a>)</p></div></td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Warring States period</th></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Warring_States_(Chinese_characters).svg"></a><div><p>"Warring States" in <a href="/wiki/Seal_script">seal script</a> (top), <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Traditional</a> (middle), and <a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Simplified</a> (bottom) Chinese characters</p></div></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Traditional Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%88%B0%E5%9C%8B%E6%99%82%E4%BB%A3">戰國時代</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Simplified Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%88%98%E5%9B%BD%E6%97%B6%E4%BB%A3">战国时代</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Zhànguó Shídài</td></tr><tr><th>Literal meaning</th><td>"Warring States era"</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Zhànguó Shídài</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Bopomofo">Bopomofo</a></th><td>ㄓㄢˋ   ㄍㄨㄛˊ<br />ㄕˊ   ㄉㄞˋ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Janngwo Shyrday</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Chan<sup>4</sup>-kuo<sup>2</sup> Shih<sup>2</sup>-tai<sup>4</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Tongyong_Pinyin">Tongyong Pinyin</a></th><td>Jhànguó Shíhdài</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Mandarin">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Jàn'gwó Shŕdài</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[ʈʂân.kwǒ ʂɻ̩̌.tâɪ]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Jin'gwok Sìhdoih</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Zin3gwok3 Si4doi6</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[tsīːn.kʷɔ̄ːk̚ sȉː.tɔ̀ːi]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Chiàn-kok sî-tāi</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Tsiàn-kok sî-tāi</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>/t͡ɕiᴇn<sup>H</sup> kwək̚ d͡ʑɨ dʌi<sup>H</sup>/</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter–Sagart_(2014)">Baxter–Sagart (2014)</a></th><td>*tar-s [C.q]ʷˤək<br />[d]ə (~ [d]əʔ) lˤək-s</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p>The <b>Warring States period</b> (<a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">traditional Chinese</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%88%B0%E5%9C%8B%E6%99%82%E4%BB%A3">戰國時代</a>; <a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">simplified Chinese</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%88%98%E5%9B%BD%E6%97%B6%E4%BB%A3">战国时代</a>; <a href="/wiki/Pinyin">pinyin</a>: <i>Zhànguó Shídài</i>) was an era in <a href="/wiki/History_of_China#Ancient_China">ancient Chinese history</a> characterized by warfare, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation. It followed the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a> and concluded with the <a href="/wiki/Qin%27s_wars_of_unification">Qin wars of conquest</a> that saw the annexation of all other contender states, which ultimately led to the <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin state</a>'s victory in 221 BC as the first unified <a href="/wiki/History_of_China#Imperial_China">Chinese empire</a>, under the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a>.
</p><p>Although different scholars point toward different dates ranging from 481 BC to 403 BC as the true beginning of the Warring States, <a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a>'s choice of 475 BC is the most often cited. The Warring States era also overlaps with the second half of the <a href="/wiki/Eastern_Zhou_Period">Eastern Zhou Period</a>, though the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_sovereign">Chinese sovereign</a>, known as the king of Zhou, ruled merely as a <a href="/wiki/Figurehead">figurehead</a>.
</p><p>The "Warring States Period" derives its name from the <i><a href="/wiki/Record_of_the_Warring_States">Record of the Warring States</a></i>, a work compiled early in the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a>.
</p>
<h2>Geography[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Horse_Armor,_Tomb_of_Marquis_Yi_of_Zeng_(10170676483).jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The political geography of the era was dominated by the <a href="/wiki/Seven_Warring_States">Seven Warring States</a>, namely:
</p>
<ul><li><b><a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin</a></b> located in the far west, with its core in the <a href="/wiki/Wei_River_Valley">Wei River Valley</a> and <a href="/wiki/Guanzhong">Guanzhong</a>. This geographical position offered protection from the other states but limited its initial influence.</li>
<li><b>The Three Jins</b> located in the center on the <a href="/wiki/Shanxi">Shanxi</a> plateau were the three successor states of <a href="/wiki/Jin_(Chinese_state)">Jin</a>. These were:
<ul><li><b><a href="/wiki/Han_(state)">Han</a></b> south, along the <a href="/wiki/Yellow_River">Yellow River</a>, controlling the approaches to Qin.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Wei_(state)">Wei</a></b> located in the middle, roughly today's eastern <a href="/wiki/Henan_Province">Henan Province</a>.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">Zhao</a></b> the northernmost of the three, roughly today's southern <a href="/wiki/Hebei_Province">Hebei Province</a> as well as northern <a href="/wiki/Shanxi_Province">Shanxi Province</a>.</li></ul></li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a></b> east, centered on the <a href="/wiki/Shandong_Peninsula">Shandong Peninsula</a></li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a></b> south, with its core territory around the valleys of the <a href="/wiki/Han_River_(Yangtze_River_tributary)">Han River</a> and, later, the <a href="/wiki/Yangtze_River">Yangtze River</a>.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Yan_(state)">Yan</a></b> northeast, centered on modern-day <a href="/wiki/Beijing">Beijing</a>. Late in the period it pushed northeast and began to occupy the <a href="/wiki/Liaodong_Peninsula">Liaodong Peninsula</a></li></ul>
<p>Besides these seven major states other smaller states survived into the period. They include:
</p>
<ul><li><b>Royal territory</b> of the Zhou king was near <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyi</a> in the Han area on the Yellow River.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Yue_(state)">Yue</a></b> On the southeast coast near <a href="/wiki/Shanghai">Shanghai</a> was the State of Yue, which was highly active in the late Spring and Autumn era but was later annexed by Chu.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Zhongshan_(state)">Zhongshan</a></b> between the states of Zhao and Yan was the state of Zhongshan, which was eventually annexed by Zhao in 296 BC.</li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a></b> states: In the far southwest were the non-Zhou states of <a href="/wiki/Ba_(state)">Ba</a> (east) and <a href="/wiki/Shu_(state)">Shu</a> (west). These ancient kingdoms were conquered by Qin later in the period.</li>
<li><b>Other minor states:</b> There were many minor states which were satellites of the larger ones until they were absorbed. Many were in the <a href="/wiki/Central_Plain_(China)">Central Plains</a> between the three Jins (west) and Qi (east) and Chu to the south. Some of the more important ones were <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">Song</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zheng_(state)">Zheng</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wey_(state)">Wey</a>, <a href="/wiki/Teng_(state)">Teng</a>, Yue and <a href="/wiki/Zou_(state)">Zou</a>.</li></ul>
<h2>Periodisation[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Eastern_Zhou_Bronze_Dagger,_7th-3rd_C._BC_01b.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The eastward flight of the <a href="/wiki/Western_Zhou">Zhou</a> court in 771 BC marks the start of the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a>. No one single incident or starting point inaugurated the Warring States era. The political situation of the period represented a culmination of historical trends of conquest and annexation which also characterised the Spring and Autumn period. As a result there is some controversy as to the beginning of the era. Proposed starting points include:
</p>
<ul><li>481 BC <br /> Proposed by Song-era historian <a href="/w/index.php?title=L%C3%BC_Zuqian&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Lü Zuqian</a>, also known as Lü Bogong, since this year marks the end of the <i><a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_Annals">Spring and Autumn Annals</a></i>.</li>
<li>476–475 BC <br /> The author, <a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a>, of <i><a href="/wiki/Records_of_the_Grand_Historian">Records of the Grand Historian</a></i>, chose this date as the inaugural year of <a href="/wiki/King_Yuan_of_Zhou">King Yuan of Zhou</a>.</li>
<li>453 BC <br /> The <a href="/wiki/Partition_of_Jin">Partition of Jin</a> saw the dissolution/destruction of that key state of the earlier period and the formation of three of the seven warring states: Han, Zhao, and Wei.</li>
<li>441 BC <br /> The inaugural year of Zhou Kings starting with <a href="/wiki/King_Ai_of_Zhou">King Ai of Zhou</a>.</li>
<li>403 BC <br /> The year when the Zhou court officially recognised Han, Zhao and Wei as states. Author <a href="/wiki/Sima_Guang">Sima Guang</a> of <i><a href="/wiki/Zizhi_Tongjian">Zizhi Tongjian</a></i> (published 1084) advocates this symbol of eroded Zhou authority as the start of the Warring States era.</li></ul>
<h2>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Background and formation[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Early_Warring_States_Period.png"></a></p><div><p>Map showing states at the beginning of Warring States period of Zhou Dynasty in Chinese history<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup></p></div></div>
<p>The Eastern Zhou Dynasty began to fall around 5th century BC. As their influence waned, they had to rely on other armies in other allied states rather than their own military force. Over 100 smaller states were made into seven major states which included: Chu, Han, Qin, Wei, Yan, Qi and Zhao. However, there eventually was a shift in alliances because each state's ruler wanted to be independent in power. This caused hundreds of wars between the periods of 535–286 BC. The victorious state would have overall rule and control in China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup>
</p><p>The system of feudal states created by the <a href="/wiki/Western_Zhou_dynasty">Western Zhou dynasty</a> underwent enormous changes after 771 BC with the flight of the Zhou court to modern-day <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a> and the diminution of its relevance and power. The Spring and Autumn period led to a few states gaining power at the expense of many others, the latter no longer able to depend on central authority for legitimacy or protection.
During the Warring States period, many rulers claimed the <a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a> to justify their conquest of other states and spread their influence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup>
</p><p>The struggle for hegemony eventually created a state system dominated by several large states, such as <a href="/wiki/Jin_(Chinese_state)">Jin</a>, Chu, Qin, Yan, and Qi, while the smaller states of the <a href="/wiki/Central_Plain_(China)">Central Plains</a> tended to be their satellites and tributaries. Other major states also existed, such as Wu and Yue in the southeast. The last decades of the Spring and Autumn era were marked by increased stability, as the result of peace negotiations between Jin and Chu which established their respective spheres of influence. This situation ended with the partition of Jin, whereby the state was divided between the houses of Han, Zhao and Wei, and thus enabled the creation of the seven major warring states.
</p>
<h4>Partition of Jin (453–403 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The rulers of Jin had steadily lost political powers since the middle of the 6th century BC to their nominally subordinate nobles and military commanders, a situation arising from the traditions of the Jin which forbade the <a href="/wiki/Feoffment">enfeoffment</a> of relatives of the ducal house. This allowed other clans to gain fiefs and military authority, and decades of internecine struggle led to the establishment of four major families, the Han, Zhao, Wei and Zhi.
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Jinyang">Battle of Jinyang</a> saw the allied Han, Zhao and Wei destroy the Zhi family (453 BC) and their lands were distributed among them. With this, they became the "de facto" rulers of most of Jin's territory, though this situation would not be officially recognised until half a century later. The Jin division created a political vacuum that enabled during the first 50 years expansion of Chu and Yue northward and Qi southward. Qin increased its control of the local tribes and began its expansion southwest to <a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a>.
</p>
<h3>Early Warring States[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>The three Jins recognized (403–364 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chinese_tomb_guardian_300_BC.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>In 403 BC, the Zhou court under <a href="/wiki/King_Weilie_of_Zhou">King Weilie</a> officially recognized Zhao, Wei and Han as immediate vassals, thereby raising them to the same rank as the other warring states.
</p><p>From before 405 until 383 BC the three Jins were united under the leadership of Wei and expanded in all directions. The most important figure was <a href="/wiki/Marquess_Wen_of_Wei">Marquess Wen of Wei</a> (445–396 BC). In 408–406 BC he conquered the State of <a href="/wiki/Zhongshan_(state)">Zhongshan</a> to the northeast on the other side of Zhao. At the same time he pushed west across the Yellow River to the <a href="/wiki/Luo_River_(Shaanxi)">Luo River</a> taking the area of Xihe (literally 'west of the [Yellow] river').
</p><p>The growing power of Wei caused Zhao to back away from the alliance. In 383 BC it moved its capital to <a href="/wiki/Handan">Handan</a> and attacked the small state of <a href="/wiki/Wey_(state)">Wey</a>. Wey appealed to Wei which attacked Zhao on the western side. Being in danger, Zhao called in Chu. As usual, Chu used this as a pretext to annex territory to its north, but the diversion allowed Zhao to occupy a part of Wei. This conflict marked the end of the power of the united Jins and the beginning a period of shifting alliances and wars on several fronts.
</p><p>In 376 BC, the states of Han, Wei and Zhao deposed <a href="/wiki/Duke_Jing_of_Jin_(Jujiu)">Duke Jing of Jin</a> and divided the last remaining Jin territory between themselves, which marked the final end of the Jin state.
</p><p>In 370 BC, <a href="/wiki/Marquess_Wu_of_Wei">Marquess Wu of Wei</a> died without naming a successor, which led to a war of succession. After three years of civil war, <a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">Zhao</a> from the north and <a href="/wiki/Han_(state)">Han</a> from the south invaded Wei. On the verge of conquering Wei, the leaders of Zhao and Han fell into disagreement about what to do with Wei, and both armies abruptly retreated. As a result, <a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Wei">King Hui of Wei</a> (still a Marquess at the time) was able to ascend the throne of Wei.
</p><p>By the end of the period Zhao extended from the Shanxi plateau across the plain to the borders of Qi. Wei reached east to Qi, <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">Song</a>. To the south, the weaker state of Han held the east-west part of the Yellow River valley, surrounded the Zhou royal domain at <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a> and held an area north of Luoyang called <a href="/wiki/Shangdang">Shangdang</a>.
</p>
<h4>Qi resurgence under Tian (379–340 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Jade_dragon.jpg"></a></p><div><p>A carved-<a href="/wiki/Jade">jade</a> <a href="/wiki/Chinese_dragon">dragon</a> garment ornament from the Warring States period</p></div></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Duke_Kang_of_Qi">Duke Kang of Qi</a> died in 379 BC with no heir from the house of Jiang, which had ruled Qi since the state's founding. The throne instead passed to the future <a href="/wiki/King_Wei_of_Qi">King Wei</a>, from the house of Tian. The Tian had been very influential at court towards the end of Jiang rule, and now openly assumed power.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15-3">[3]</a></sup>
</p><p>The new ruler set about reclaiming territories that had been lost to other states. He launched a successful campaign against Zhao, Wey and Wei, once again extending Qi territory to the Great Wall. <a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a> writes that the other states were so awestruck that nobody dared attack Qi for more than 20 years. The demonstrated military prowess also had a calming effect on Qi's own population, which experienced great domestic tranquility during Wei's reign.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>By the end of King Wei's reign, Qi had become the strongest of the states and proclaimed itself "king"; establishing independence from the Zhou dynasty (see below).
</p>
<h4>Wars of Wei[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Huang_with_two_dragon_heads.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Wei">King Hui of Wei</a> (370–319 BC) set about restoring the state. In 362–359 BC he exchanged territories with Han and Zhao in order to make the boundaries of the three states more rational.
</p><p>In 364 BC Wei was defeated by Qin at the Battle of Shimen and was only saved by the intervention of Zhao. Qin won another victory in 362 BC. In 361 BC the Wei capital was moved east to <a href="/wiki/Kaifeng">Daliang</a> to be out of the reach of Qin.
</p><p>In 354 BC, King Hui of Wei started a large-scale attack on Zhao. By 353 BC, Zhao was losing badly and its capital, <a href="/wiki/Handan">Handan</a>, was under siege. <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">The State of Qi</a> intervened. The famous Qi strategist, <a href="/wiki/Sun_Bin">Sun Bin</a> the great-great-great-grandson of <a href="/wiki/Sun_Tzu">Sun Tzu</a> (author of <a href="/wiki/The_Art_of_War">the Art of War</a>), proposed to attack the Wei capital while the Wei army was tied up besieging Zhao. The strategy was a success; the Wei army hastily moved south to protect its capital, was caught on the road and decisively defeated at the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Guiling">Battle of Guiling</a>. The battle is remembered in the second of the <a href="/wiki/Thirty-Six_Stratagems">Thirty-Six Stratagems</a>, "besiege Wei, save Zhao" meaning to attack a vulnerable spot to relieve pressure at another point.
</p><p>Domestically, King Hui patronized philosophy and the arts, and is perhaps best remembered for hosting the Confucian philosopher <a href="/wiki/Meng_Zi">Meng Zi</a> at his court; their conversations form the first two chapters of <a href="/wiki/Mencius_(book)">the book which bears Meng Zi's name</a>.
</p>
<h3>Dukes become kings[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Qi and Wei became kingdoms (344 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The title of "king" (<i>wang</i>, 王) was held by figurehead rulers of the Zhou dynasty, while the rulers of most states held the title of "duke" (<i>gong</i>, 公) or "marquess" (<i>hou</i>, 侯). A major exception was <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a>, whose rulers were called kings since <a href="/wiki/King_Wu_of_Chu">King Wu of Chu</a> started using the title c. 703 BC.
</p><p>In 344 BC the rulers of Qi and Wei mutually recognized each other as "kings": <a href="/wiki/King_Wei_of_Qi">King Wei of Qi</a> and <a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Wei">King Hui of Wei</a>, in effect declaring their independence from the Zhou court. This marked a major turning point: unlike those in the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a>, the new generation of rulers ascending the thrones in the Warring States period would not entertain even the pretence of being vassals of the Zhou dynasty, instead proclaiming themselves fully independent kingdoms.
</p>
<h4>Shang Yang reforms Qin (356–338 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Bianzhong.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>During the early Warring States period Qin generally avoided conflicts with the other states. This changed during the reign of <a href="/wiki/Duke_Xiao_of_Qin">Duke Xiao</a>, when prime minister <a href="/wiki/Shang_Yang">Shang Yang</a> made centralizing and authoritarian reforms in accordance with his <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalist</a> philosophy between the years 356 and 338 BC.
</p><p>Shang introduced land reforms, privatized land, rewarded farmers who exceeded harvest quotas, enslaved farmers who failed to meet quotas, and used enslaved subjects as rewards for those who met government policies. As manpower was short in Qin relative to the other states at the time, Shang enacted policies to increase its manpower. As Qin peasants were recruited into the military, he encouraged active immigration of peasants from other states into Qin as a replacement workforce; this policy simultaneously increased the manpower of Qin and weakened the manpower of Qin's rivals.
</p><p>Shang made laws forcing citizens to marry at a young age and passed tax laws to encourage raising multiple children. He also enacted policies to free convicts who worked in opening wastelands for agriculture. Shang abolished <a href="/wiki/Primogeniture">primogeniture</a> and created a double tax on households that had more than one son living in the household, to break up large clans into nuclear families. Shang also moved the capital to reduce the influence of nobles on the administration.
</p><p>The rise of Qin was recognized by the royal court, and in 343 BC the king conferred the title of hegemon on Duke Xiao. As was customary for the designated hegemon, the duke hosted a conference of all the feudal lords, although it did not lead to any lasting peace.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15-3">[3]</a></sup>
</p><p>After the reforms Qin became much more aggressive. In 340 Qin took land from Wèi after it had been defeated by Qi. In 316 Qin conquered <a href="/wiki/Shu_(state)">Shu</a> and <a href="/wiki/Ba_(state)">Ba</a> in <a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a> to the southwest. Development of this area took a long time but slowly added greatly to Qin's wealth and power.
</p>
<h4>Qin defeats Wei (341–340 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=13">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 341 BC, Wei attacked Han. Qi allowed Han to be nearly defeated and then intervened. The generals from the Battle of Guiling met again (<a href="/wiki/Sun_Bin">Sun Bin</a> and <a href="/wiki/Tian_Ji">Tian Ji</a> versus <a href="/wiki/Pang_Juan">Pang Juan</a>), using the same tactic, attacking Wei's capital. Sun Bin feigned a retreat and then turned on the overconfident Wei troops and decisively defeated them at the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Maling">Battle of Maling</a>. After the battle all three of the Jin successor states appeared before <a href="/wiki/King_Xuan_of_Qi">King Xuan of Qi</a>, pledging their loyalty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the following year <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin</a> attacked the weakened Wei. Wei was devastatingly defeated and ceded a large part of its territory in return for truce. With Wei severely weakened, Qi and Qin became the dominant states in China.
</p><p>Wei came to rely on Qi for protection, with <a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Wei">King Hui of Wei</a> meeting <a href="/wiki/King_Xuan_of_Qi">King Xuan of Qi</a> on two occasions. After Hui's death, his successor <a href="/wiki/King_Xiang_of_Wei">King Xiang</a> also established a good relationship with his Qi counterpart, with both promising to recognize the other as "king".<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Chu conquers Yue (334 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=14">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Warring_States_bronze_ding_with_gold_and_silver_inlay.JPG"></a></p><div><p>A Warring States bronze <a href="/wiki/Ding_(vessel)"><i>ding</i> vessel</a> with gold and silver inlay</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Lacquer_painting_from_Ch%27u_State.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Early in the Warring States period, <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a> was one of the strongest states in China. The state rose to a new level of power around 389 BC when <a href="/wiki/King_Dao_of_Chu">King Dao of Chu</a> (楚悼王) named the famous reformer <a href="/wiki/Wu_Qi">Wu Qi</a> as his chancellor.
</p><p>Chu rose to its peak in 334 BC, when it conquered <a href="/wiki/Yue_(state)">Yue</a> to its east on the Pacific coast. The series of events leading up to this began when Yue prepared to attack <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a> to its north. The King of Qi sent an emissary who persuaded the King of Yue to attack Chu instead. Yue initiated a large-scale attack at Chu but was defeated by Chu's counter-attack. Chu then proceeded to conquer Yue.
</p>
<h4>Qin, Han and Yan became kingdoms (325–323 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=15">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/King_Xian_of_Zhou">King Xian of Zhou</a> had attempted to use what little royal prerogative he had left by appointing the dukes <a href="/wiki/Duke_Xian_of_Qin_(424%E2%80%93362_BC)">Xian</a> (384–362 BC), <a href="/wiki/Duke_Xiao_of_Qin">Xiao</a> (361–338 BC) and <a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Qin">Hui</a> (338–311 BC) of Qin as hegemons, thereby in theory making Qin the chief ally of the court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4-6">[6]</a></sup>
</p><p>However, in 325 the confidence of Duke Hui grew so great that he proclaimed himself "king" of Qin; adopting the same title as the king of Zhou and thereby effectively proclaiming independence from the Zhou dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4-6">[6]</a></sup> King Hui of Qin was guided by his prime minister <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Yi_(Warring_States_period)">Zhang Yi</a>, a prominent representative of the <a href="/wiki/School_of_Diplomacy">School of Diplomacy</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_5-7">[7]</a></sup>
</p><p>He was followed in 323 BC by <a href="/wiki/King_Xuanhui_of_Han">King Xuanhui of Han</a> and <a href="/wiki/King_Yi_of_Yan">King Yi of Yan</a>, as well as <a href="/wiki/King_Cuo_of_Zhongshan">King Cuo</a> of the minor state Zhongshan.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15-3">[3]</a></sup> In 318 BC even the ruler of <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">Song</a>, a relatively minor state, declared himself king. Uniquely, while <a href="/wiki/King_Wuling_of_Zhao">King Wuling of Zhao</a> had joined the other kings in declaring himself king, he retracted this order in 318 BC, after Zhao suffered a great defeat at the hands of Qin.
</p>
<h4>Partition of Zhou (314 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=16">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/King_Kao_of_Zhou">King Kao of Zhou</a> had enfeoffed his younger brother as Duke Huan of Henan. Three generations later, this cadet branch of the royal house began calling themselves "Dukes of East Zhou".<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4-6">[6]</a></sup>
</p><p>Upon the ascension of <a href="/wiki/King_Nan_of_Zhou">King Nan</a> in 314 BC, East Zhou became an independent state. The king came to reside in what became known as West Zhou.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4-6">[6]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Horizontal and vertical alliances (334–249 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=17">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Iron_sword_and_two_bronze_swords,_Warring_States_Period.JPG"></a></p><div><p>An iron sword and two bronze swords dated to the Warring States period</p></div></div>
<p>Towards the end of the Warring States period, the <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin state</a> became disproportionately powerful compared with the other six states. As a result, the policies of the six states became overwhelmingly oriented towards dealing with the Qin threat, with two opposing schools of thought. One school advocated a 'vertical' or north-south alliance called <i>hezong</i> (合縱) in which the states would ally with each other to repel Qin. The other advocated a 'horizontal' or east-west alliance called <i>lianheng</i> (連橫) in which a state would ally with Qin to participate in its ascendancy.
</p><p>There were some initial successes in <i>hezong</i>, though mutual suspicions between allied states led to the breakdown of such alliances. Qin repeatedly exploited the horizontal alliance strategy to defeat the states one by one. During this period, many philosophers and tacticians travelled around the states, recommending that the rulers put their respective ideas into use. These "lobbyists", such as <a href="/wiki/Su_Qin">Su Qin</a> (who advocated vertical alliances) and <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Yi_(Warring_States_period)">Zhang Yi</a> (who advocated horizontal alliances), were famous for their tact and intellect, and were collectively known as the <a href="/wiki/School_of_Diplomacy">School of Diplomacy</a>, whose Chinese name (縱橫家, literally 'the school of the vertical and horizontal') was derived from the two opposing ideas.
</p>
<h4>Su Qin and the first vertical alliance (334–300 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=18">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>Beginning in 334 BC the diplomat <a href="/wiki/Su_Qin">Su Qin</a> spent years visiting the courts of Yan, Zhao, Han, Wei, Qi and Chu and persuaded them to form a united front against Qin. In 318 BC all states except Qi launched a joint attack on Qin, which however was not successful.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15-3">[3]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/King_Hui_of_Qin">King Hui of Qin</a> died in 311 BC, followed by prime minister Zhang Yi one year later. The new monarch, <a href="/wiki/King_Wu_of_Qin">King Wu</a>, reigned only four years before dying without legitimate heirs. Some damaging turbulence ensued throughout 307 BC before a son of King Hui by a concubine (i.e. a younger half-brother of King Wu) could be established as <a href="/wiki/King_Zhao_of_Qin">King Zhao</a>, who in stark contrast to his predecessor went on to rule for an unprecedented 53 years.
</p><p>After the failure of the first vertical alliance, Su Qin eventually came to live in Qi, where he was favored by King Xuan and drew the envy of the ministers. An assassination attempt in 300 BC left Su mortally wounded but not dead. Sensing death approaching, he advised the newly crowned <a href="/wiki/King_Min_of_Qi">King Min</a> have him publicly executed to draw out the assassins. King Min complied with Su's request and killed him, putting an end to the first generation of Vertical alliance thinkers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_69-8">[8]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>The first horizontal alliance (300–287 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=19">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Yue_statue.jpg"></a></p><div><p>A bronze statue of a seated man, from the <a href="/wiki/State_of_Yue">State of Yue</a>, Warring States period</p></div></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/King_Min_of_Qi">King Min of Qi</a> came to be highly influenced by <a href="/wiki/Lord_Mengchang_of_Qi">Lord Mengchang</a>, a grandson of the former <a href="/wiki/King_Wei_of_Qi">King Wei of Qi</a>. Lord Mengchang made a westward alliance with the States of <a href="/wiki/Wei_(state)">Wei</a> and <a href="/wiki/Han_(state)">Han</a>. In the far west, Qin, which had been weakened by a succession struggle in 307, yielded to the new coalition and appointed Lord Mengchang its chief minister. The alliance between Qin and Qi was sealed by a Qin princess marrying King Min.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46-4">[4]</a></sup> This "horizontal" or east-west alliance might have secured peace except that it excluded the <a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">State of Zhao</a>.
</p><p>Around 299 BC, <a href="/wiki/King_Huiwen_of_Zhao">the ruler</a> of <a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">Zhao</a> became the last of the seven major states to proclaim himself "king".
</p><p>In 298 BC Zhao offered Qin an alliance and Lord Mengchang was driven out of Qin. The remaining three allies, Qi, Wei and Han, attacked Qin, driving up the <a href="/wiki/Yellow_River">Yellow River</a> below Shanxi to the <a href="/wiki/Hangu_Pass">Hangu Pass</a>. After 3 years of fighting they took the pass and forced Qin to return territory to Han and Wei. They next inflicted major defeats on <a href="/wiki/Yan_(state)">Yan</a> and <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a>. During the 5-year administration of Lord Mengchang, Qi was the major power in China.
</p><p>In 294 BC Lord Mengchang was implicated in a <i>coup d'état</i> and fled to Wei. His alliance system collapsed.
Qi and Qin made a truce and pursued their own interests. Qi moved south against the <a href="/wiki/Song_(state)">State of Song</a> whilst the Qin General <a href="/wiki/Bai_Qi">Bai Qi</a> pushed back eastward against a Han/Wei alliance, gaining victory at the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Yique">Battle of Yique</a>.
</p><p>In 288 BC <a href="/wiki/King_Zhao_of_Qin">King Zhao of Qin</a> and <a href="/wiki/King_Min_of_Qi">King Min of Qi</a> took the title "Di", (帝 <i>literally emperor</i>), of the west and east respectively. They swore a covenant and started planning an attack on Zhao.
</p>
<h4>Su Dai and the second vertical alliance[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=20">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 287 BC the strategist Su Dai, younger brother of Su Qin<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_69-8">[8]</a></sup> and possibly an agent of Yan, persuaded King Min that the Zhao war would only benefit Qin. King Min agreed and formed a 'vertical' alliance with the other states against Qin. Qin backed off, abandoned the presumptuous title of "Di", and restored territory to Wei and Zhao. In 286 Qi annexed the state of Song.
</p>
<h4>The second horizontal alliance and fall of Qi[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=21">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 285 BC, the success of Qi had frightened the other states. Under the leadership of Lord Mengchang, who was exiled in Wei, Qin, Zhao, Wei and Yan formed an alliance. Yan had normally been a relatively weak ally of Qi and Qi feared little from this quarter. Yan's onslaught under general <a href="/wiki/Yue_Yi">Yue Yi</a> came as a devastating surprise. Simultaneously, the other allies attacked from the west. Chu declared itself an ally of Qi but contented itself with annexing some territory to its north. Qi's armies were destroyed while the territory of Qi was reduced to the two cities of Ju and <a href="/wiki/Jimo,_Shandong">Jimo</a>. King Min himself was later captured and executed by his own followers.
</p><p>King Min was succeeded by <a href="/wiki/King_Xiang_of_Qi">King Xiang</a> in 283 BC. His general <a href="/wiki/Tian_Dan_(Qi)">Tian Dan</a> was eventually able to restore much of Qi's territory, but it never regained the influence it had under King Min.
</p>
<h4>Qin and Zhao expansions[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=22">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:EN-WarringStatesAll260BCE.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Seven Warring States late in the period<br />Qin has expanded southwest, Chu north and Zhao northwest</p></div></div>
<p>In 278 BC, General <a href="/wiki/Bai_Qi">Bai Qi</a> of <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin</a> attacked from Qin's new territory in <a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a> to the west of Chu. The capital of <a href="/wiki/Ying_(Chu)">Ying</a> was captured and Chu's western lands on the <a href="/wiki/Han_River_(Yangtze_River_tributary)">Han River</a> were lost. The effect was to shift Chu significantly to the east.
</p><p>After Chu was defeated in 278, the remaining great powers were Qin in the west and Zhao in the north-center. There was little room for diplomatic maneuver and matters were decided by wars. Zhao had been much strengthened by <a href="/wiki/King_Wuling_of_Zhao">King Wuling of Zhao</a> (325–299). In 307 he enlarged his cavalry by copying the northern nomads. In 306 he took more land in the northern Shanxi plateau. In 305 he defeated the north-eastern border state of <a href="/wiki/Zhongshan_(state)">Zhongshan</a>. In 304 he pushed far to the north-west and occupied the east-west section of the Yellow River in the north of the <a href="/wiki/Ordos_Loop">Ordos Loop</a>. King Huiwen of Zhao (298–266) chose able servants and expanded against the weakened Qi and Wei. In 296 his general <a href="/wiki/Lian_Po">Lian Po</a> defeated two Qin armies.
</p><p>In 269 BC Fan Sui became chief advisor to Qin. He advocated authoritarian reforms, irrevocable expansion and an alliance with distant states to attack nearby states (the twenty-third of the <a href="/wiki/Thirty-Six_Stratagems">Thirty-Six Stratagems</a>). His maxim "attack not only the territory, but also the people" enunciated a policy of mass slaughter that became increasingly frequent.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h4>Qin-Zhao wars (282–257 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=23">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 265 <a href="/wiki/King_Zhaoxiang_of_Qin">King Zhaoxiang of Qin</a> made the first move by attacking the weak state of Han which held the Yellow River gateway into Qin. He moved north-east across Wei territory to cut off the Han exclave of <a href="/wiki/Shangdang">Shangdang</a> north of Luoyang and south of Zhao. The Han king agreed to surrender Shangdang, but the local governor refused and presented it to King Xiaocheng of Zhao. Zhao sent out <a href="/wiki/Lian_Po">Lian Po</a> who based his armies at <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Changping">Changping</a> and Qin sent out general Wang He. Lian Po was too wise to risk a decisive battle with the Qin army and remained inside his fortifications. Qin could not break through and the armies were locked in stalemate for three years. The Zhao king decided that Lian Po was not aggressive enough and sent out <a href="/wiki/Zhao_Kuo">Zhao Kuo</a> who promised a decisive battle. At the same time Qin secretly replaced Wang He with the notoriously violent <a href="/wiki/Bai_Qi">Bai Qi</a>. When Zhao Kuo left his fortifications, Bai Qi used a <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Cannae">Cannae</a> maneuver, falling back in the center and surrounding the Zhao army from the sides. After being surrounded for 46 days, the starving Zhao troops surrendered in September 260 BC. It is said that Bai Qi had all the prisoners killed and that Zhao lost 400,000 men.
</p><p>Qin was too exhausted to follow up its victory. Some time later it sent an army to besiege the Zhao capital but the army was destroyed when it was attacked from the rear. Zhao survived, but there was no longer a state that could resist Qin on its own. The other states could have survived if they remained united against Qin, but they did not. 
</p><p>In 257 BC, Qin army failed to besiege <a href="/wiki/Handan">Handan</a> and was defeated by the allied force of Zhao, Wei and Chu during the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Handan">Battle of Handan</a>.
</p>
<h4>End of Zhou dynasty (256–249 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=24">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The forces of <a href="/wiki/King_Zhao_of_Qin">King Zhao of Qin</a> defeated <a href="/wiki/King_Nan_of_Zhou">King Nan of Zhou</a> and conquered West Zhou in 256 BC, claiming the <a href="/wiki/Nine_Tripod_Cauldrons">Nine Cauldrons</a> and thereby symbolically becoming The Son of Heaven.
</p><p>King Zhao's exceptionally long reign ended in 251 BC. His son <a href="/wiki/King_Xiaowen_of_Qin">King Xiaowen</a>, already an old man, died just three days after his coronation and was succeeded by his son <a href="/wiki/King_Zhuangxiang_of_Qin">King Zhuangxiang of Qin</a>. The new Qin king proceeded to conquer East Zhou, seven years after the fall of West Zhou. Thus the 800-year Zhou dynasty, nominally China's longest-ruling regime, finally came to an end.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4-6">[6]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a> contradicts himself regarding the ultimate fate of the East Zhou court. Chapter 4 (The Annals of Zhou) concludes with the sentence "thus the sacrifices of Zhou ended", but in the following chapter 5 (The Annals of Qin) we learn that "Qin did not prohibit their sacrifices; the Lord of Zhou was allotted a patch of land in Yangren where he could continue his ancestral sacrifices".
</p>
<h3>Qin unites China (247–221 BC)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=25">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:De_stridande_staterna_animering.gif"></a></p><div><p>Animated map of the Warring States period<sup><a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Qin_Unification.png"></a></p><div><p>Unification of Qin from 230 BC to 211 BC</p></div></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/King_Zhuangxiang_of_Qin">King Zhuangxiang of Qin</a> ruled for only three years. He was succeeded by his son Zheng, who unlike the two elderly kings that preceded him was only 13 years old at his coronation. As an adult Zheng would turn out to be a brilliant commander who, in the span of just nine years, unified China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Shi_Ji,_chapter_5-7">[7]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Conquest of Han[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=26">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 230 BC, <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">Qin</a> conquered <a href="/wiki/Han_(state)">Han</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91-10">[10]</a></sup> 
Han, the weakest of the <a href="/wiki/Seven_Warring_States">Seven Warring States</a>, was adjacent to the much stronger Qin, and had suffered continuous assaults by Qin in earlier years of the Warring States period. This went on until Emperor <a href="/wiki/Qin_Shi_Huang">Qin Shi Huang</a> sent general <a href="/wiki/Wang_Jian_(Qin)">Wang Jian</a> to attack Zhao. <a href="/wiki/King_An_of_Han">King An of Han</a>, frightened by the thought that Han would be the next target of the Qin state, immediately sent diplomats to surrender the entire kingdom without a fight, saving the Han populace from the terrible potential consequences of an unsuccessful resistance.
</p>
<h4>Conquest of Wei[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=27">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 225 BC, Qin conquered <a href="/wiki/Wei_(state)">Wei</a>. 
The Qin army led a direct invasion into Wei by besieging its capital <a href="/wiki/Kaifeng">Daliang</a> but soon realized that the city walls were too tough to break into. They devised a new strategy in which they utilized the power of a local river that was linked to the <a href="/wiki/Yellow_River">Yellow River</a>. The river was used to flood the city's walls, causing massive devastation to the city. Upon realizing the situation, King <a href="/wiki/Jia_of_Wei">Jia of Wei</a> hurriedly came out of the capital and surrendered it to the Qin army in order to avoid further bloodshed of his people.
</p>
<h4>Conquest of Chu[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=28">edit</a>]</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Crystal_Cup(Warring_States_Period)_in_Hangzhou_Museum.JPG"></a></p></div>
<p>In 223 BC, Qin conquered <a href="/wiki/Chu_(state)">Chu</a>. 
The first invasion was however an utter disaster when 200,000 Qin troops, led by the general, Li Xin, were defeated by 500,000 Chu troops in the unfamiliar territory of Huaiyang, modern-day northern <a href="/wiki/Jiangsu">Jiangsu</a> and <a href="/wiki/Anhui">Anhui</a> provinces. Xiang Yan, the Chu commander, had lured Qin by allowing a few initial victories, but then counterattacked and burnt two large Qin camps.
</p><p>In 222 BC, Wang Jian was recalled to lead a second military invasion with 600,000 men against the Chu state. High in morale after their victory in the previous year, the Chu forces were content to sit back and defend against what they expected to be a <a href="/wiki/Siege">siege</a> of Chu. However, Wang Jian decided to weaken Chu's resolve and tricked the Chu army by appearing to be idle in his fortifications whilst secretly training his troops to fight in Chu territory. After a year, the Chu defenders decided to disband due to apparent lack of action from the Qin. Wang Jian invaded at that point, with full force, and overran Huaiyang and the remaining Chu forces. Chu lost the initiative and could only sustain local guerrilla-style resistance until it too was fully conquered with the destruction of <a href="/wiki/Shou_County">Shouchun</a> and the death of its last leader, <a href="/wiki/Lord_Changping">Lord Changping</a>, in 223 BC. At their peak, the combined armies of Chu and Qin are estimated to have ranged from hundreds of thousands to a million soldiers, more than those involved in the campaign of Changping between Qin and Zhao 35 years earlier.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELewis1999626–629-11">[11]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Conquest of Zhao and Yan[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=29">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 222 BC, Qin conquered <a href="/wiki/Zhao_(state)">Zhao</a> and <a href="/wiki/Yan_(state)">Yan</a>. 
After the conquest of Zhao, the Qin army turned its attention towards Yan. Realizing the danger and gravity of this situation, <a href="/wiki/Crown_Prince_Dan">Crown Prince Dan</a> of Yan had sent <a href="/wiki/Jing_Ke">Jing Ke</a> to assassinate <a href="/wiki/King_Zheng_of_Qin">King Zheng of Qin</a>, but this failure only helped to fuel the rage and determination of the Qin king, and he increased the number of troops to conquer the Yan state.
</p>
<h4>Conquest of Qi[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=30">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In 221 BC, Qin conquered <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a>. 
Qi was the final unconquered warring state. It had not previously contributed or helped other states when Qin was conquering them. As soon as Qin's intention to invade it became clear, Qi swiftly surrendered all its cities, completing the <a href="/wiki/Qin%27s_wars_of_unification">unification of China</a> and ushering in the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a>. The last Qi king lived out his days in exile in Gong and was not given a posthumous name after death, therefore he is known to posterity by his personal name Jian.
</p><p>The Qin king Ying Zheng declared himself as <i>Qin Shi Huangdi</i>, "The first Sovereign Emperor of Qin".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91-10">[10]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the rule of the Qin state, the union was based solely on military power. The feudal holdings were abolished, and noble families were forced to live in the capital city Xianyang, in order to be supervised. A national road as well as greater use of canals was used in order for deployment and supply of the army to be done with ease and speed. The peasants were given a wider range of rights in regards of land, although they were subject to taxation, creating a large amount of revenue to the state.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91-10">[10]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Military theory and practice[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=31">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Warring_States_Iron_Sword.jpg"></a></p><div><p>An iron sword of the Warring States.</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:W_Zhou_Yan_helmet.JPG"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Warring_States_Traction_Trebuchet_Model.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Model of a Warring States period traction <a href="/wiki/Trebuchet">trebuchet</a>.</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E6%88%98%E5%9B%BD%E9%87%91%E9%93%B6%E9%94%99%E7%8B%A9%E7%8C%8E%E7%BA%B9%E9%95%9C_%E6%B2%B3%E5%8D%97%E6%B4%9B%E9%98%B3%E9%87%91%E6%9D%91.jpg"></a></p><div><p>A horse-rider fighting a tiger, depicted on a gilded mirror discovered in Jincun, Luoyang.</p></div></div>
<h3>Increasing scale of warfare[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=32">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The <a href="/wiki/Chariot_(Ancient_China)">chariot</a> remained a major factor in Chinese warfare long after it went out of fashion in the Middle East. Near the beginning of the Warring States period there is a shift from chariots to massed infantry, possibly associated with the invention of the <a href="/wiki/Crossbow">crossbow</a>. This had two major effects. First it led the dukes to weaken their chariot-riding nobility so they could get direct access to the peasantry who could be drafted as infantry. This change was associated with the shift from aristocratic to bureaucratic government. Second, it led to a massive increase in the scale of warfare. When the Zhou overthrew the Shang at the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Muye">Battle of Muye</a> they used 45,000 troops and 300 chariots. For the Warring States period the following figures for the military strengths of various states are reported:
</p>
<ul><li>Qin <br /> 1,000,000 infantry, 1,000 chariots, 10,000 horses;</li>
<li>Chu <br /> same numbers;</li>
<li>Wei <br /> 200–360,000 infantry, 200,000 spearmen, 100,000 servants, 600 chariots, 5,000 cavalry;</li>
<li>Han <br /> 300,000 total;</li>
<li>Qi <br /> several hundred thousand;</li></ul>
<p>For major battles, the following figures are reported:
</p>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Maling">Battle of Maling</a> <br /> 100,000 killed;</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Yique">Battle of Yique</a> <br /> 240,000 killed;</li>
<li>General <a href="/wiki/Bai_Qi">Bai Qi</a> is said to have been responsible for 890,000 enemy deaths over his career.</li></ul>
<p>Many scholars think these numbers are exaggerated (records are inadequate, they are much larger than those from similar societies, soldiers were paid by the number of enemies they killed and the Han dynasty had an interest in exaggerating the bloodiness of the age before China was unified). Regardless of exaggeration, it seems clear that warfare had become excessive during this period. The bloodshed and misery of the Warring States period goes a long way in explaining China's traditional and current preference for a united throne.<sup><a href="#cite_note-12">[12]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Military developments[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=33">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:433_20100912_bt_shanghai_museum_(4987162093).jpg"></a></p><div><p>Warring States swords and spearhead with patterns</p></div></div>
<p>The Warring States period saw the introduction of many innovations to the art of warfare in China, such as the use of iron and of cavalry.
</p><p>Warfare in the Warring States period evolved considerably from the Spring and Autumn period, as most armies made use of infantry and cavalry in battles, and the use of <a href="/wiki/Chariot_(Ancient_China)">chariots</a> became less widespread. The use of massed infantry made warfare bloodier and reduced the importance of the aristocracy, which in turn made the kings more despotic. From this period onward, as the various states competed with each other by mobilizing their armies to war, nobles in China belonged to the literate class, rather than to the warrior class as had previously been the case.
</p><p>The various states fielded massive armies of infantry, cavalry, and chariots. Complex logistical systems maintained by efficient government bureaucracies were needed to supply, train, and control such large forces. The size of the armies ranged from tens of thousands to several hundred thousand men.<sup><a href="#cite_note-13">[13]</a></sup>
Iron weapons became more widespread and began to replace bronze. Most armour and weapons of this period were made from iron.
</p><p>The first official native Chinese cavalry unit was formed in 307 BC during the military reforms of <a href="/wiki/King_Wuling_of_Zhao">King Wuling of Zhao</a>, who advocated 'nomadic dress and horse archery'.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200629-14">[14]</a></sup> But the war chariot still retained its prestige and importance, despite the tactical superiority of cavalry.
</p><p>The crossbow was the preferred long-range weapon of this period, due to several reasons. The crossbow could be mass-produced easily, and mass training of crossbowmen was possible. These qualities made it a powerful weapon against the enemy.
</p><p>Infantrymen deployed a variety of weapons, but the most popular was the <a href="/wiki/Dagger-axe">dagger-axe</a>. The dagger-axe came in various lengths, from 9 to 18 feet; the weapon consisted of a thrusting spear with a slashing blade appended to it. Dagger-axes were an extremely popular weapon in various kingdoms, especially for the Qin, who produced 18-foot-long pike-like weapons.
</p>
<h3>Military thought[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=34">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The Warring States was a great period for military strategy; of the <a href="/wiki/Seven_Military_Classics">Seven Military Classics</a> of China, four were written during this period:
</p>
<ul><li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Art_of_War">The Art of War</a></i> <br /> It is attributed to <a href="/wiki/Sun_Tzu">Sun Tzu</a>, a highly influential study of strategy and tactics.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETzuGriffith1963v-15">[15]</a></sup></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Wuzi">Wuzi</a></i> <br /> It is attributed to <a href="/wiki/Wu_Qi">Wu Qi</a>, a statesman and commander who served the states of Wei and then Chu.</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Wei_Liaozi">Wei Liaozi</a></i> <br /> of uncertain authorship.</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Methods_of_the_Sima">The Methods of the Sima</a></i> <br /> It is attributed to <a href="/wiki/Sima_Rangju">Sima Rangju</a>, a commander serving the state of Qi.</li></ul>
<h2>Culture and society[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=35">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Cup,_Warring_States_period,_lacquered_wood,_Honolulu_Museum_of_Art.JPG"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Pendant_in_the_shape_of_a_Human_Figure,_China,_Warring_States_period,_5th-3rd_century_BC,_nephrite_-_Arthur_M._Sackler_Museum,_Harvard_University_-_DSC00766.jpg"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Changshadragon.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The Warring States period was an era of warfare in ancient China, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation; the major states, ruling over large territories, quickly sought to consolidate their powers, leading to the final erosion of the Zhou court's prestige. As a sign of this shift, the rulers of all the major states (except for Chu, which had claimed kingly title much earlier) abandoned their former feudal titles for the title of 王, or King, claiming equality with the rulers of the Zhou.
</p><p>At the same time, the constant conflict and need for innovative social and political models led to the development of many philosophical doctrines, later known as the <a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a>. The most notable schools of thought include <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a> (expounded by <a href="/wiki/Mozi">Mozi</a>), <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a> (represented by <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> and <a href="/wiki/Xun_Kuang">Xunzi</a>), <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalism</a> (represented by <a href="/wiki/Shang_Yang">Shang Yang</a>, <a href="/wiki/Shen_Buhai">Shen Buhai</a>, <a href="/wiki/Shen_Dao">Shen Dao</a> and <a href="/wiki/Han_Fei">Han Fei</a>) and <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> (represented by <a href="/wiki/Zhuang_Zhou">Zhuangzi</a> and <a href="/wiki/Lao_Tzu">Lao Tzu</a>).
</p><p>The many states that were competing between each other attempted to display their power not only militarily but in their courts and state philosophy. Many differing rulers adopted the differing philosophies in their own advantage or that of their kingdom.
</p><p>Mencius attempted to instate Confucianism as a state philosophy through proposing that through the governing of moral principles like benevolence and righteousness, the state would win popular support from one state and those neighboring, eliminating the need of a war altogether. Mencius had attempted to convince King Hui of Liang, although was unsuccessful since the king saw no advantage in the period of wars.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Haw-16">[16]</a></sup>
</p><p>Mohism was developed by Mozi (468–376 BC) and it provided a unified moral and political philosophy based on impartiality and benevolence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-sep-mohism-17">[17]</a></sup> Mohists had the belief that people change depending on environments around. The same was applied to rulers, which is why one must be cautious of foreign influences. Mozi was very much against warfare, although he was a great tactician in defense. He defended the small state of Song from many attempts of the Chu state.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELuKe2012-18">[18]</a></sup>
</p><p>Taoism was advocated by Laozi, and believed that human nature was good and can achieve perfection by returning to original state. It believed that like a baby, humans are simple and innocent although with development of civilizations it lost its innocence only to be replaced by fraud and greed. 	Contrarily to other schools, it did not want to gain influence in the offices of states and Laozi even refused to be in the minister of the state of Chu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELuKe2012-18">[18]</a></sup>
</p><p>Legalism created by Shang Yang in 338 BC, rejected all notions of religion and practices, and believed a nation should be governed by strict law. Not only were severe punishments applied, but they would be grouped with the families and made mutually responsible for criminal act. It proposed radical reforms, and established a society based on solid ranks. Peasants were encouraged to practice agriculture as occupation, and military performance was rewarded. Laws were also applied to all ranks with no exception; even the king was not above punishment. The philosophy was adapted by the Qin state and it created it into a well-organized, centralized state with a bureaucracy chosen on the basis of merit.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Haw-16">[16]</a></sup>
This period is most famous for the establishment of complex bureaucracies and centralized governments, as well as a clearly established legal system. The developments in political and military organization were the basis of the power of the Qin state, which conquered the other states and unified them under the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin Empire</a> in 221 BC.
</p>
<h3>Nobles, bureaucrats and reformers[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=36">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The phenomenon of intensive warfare, based on mass formations of infantry rather than the traditional chariots, was one major trend which led to the creation of strong central bureaucracies in each of the major states. At the same time, the process of secondary feudalism which permeated the Spring and Autumn period, and led to such events as the partition of Jin and the usurpation of Qi by the Tian clan, was eventually reversed by the same process of bureaucratisation.
</p><p>Under the demands of warfare, the states adopted bureaucratic reforms in the Warring States period. Wei adopted these in 445 BC, Zhao in 403 BC, Chu in 390 BC, Han in 355 BC, Qi in 357 BC and Qin in 350 BC. Power was centralised by curbing the landed aristocrats and sinecures and creating a new hierarchy based on meritorious service to the state, which were drawn from the lower rungs of society. Systematic auditing and reporting systems, and fixed salaries for officials were created.<sup><a href="#cite_note-19">[19]</a></sup>
</p><p>The reforms of Shang Yang in Qin, and of Wu Qi in Chu, both centred on increased centralisation, the suppression of the nobility, and a vastly increased scope of government based on Legalist ideals, which were necessary to mobilise the large armies of the period.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h3>Sophisticated arithmetic[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=37">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Qinghuajian,_Suan_Biao.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>A bundle of 21 bamboo slips from the <a href="/wiki/Tsinghua_Bamboo_Slips">Tsinghua</a> collection dated to 305 BC are the world's earliest example of a two digit <a href="/wiki/Tsinghua_Bamboo_Slips#Decimal_multiplication_table">decimal multiplication table</a>, indicating that sophisticated commercial arithmetic was already established during this period.<sup><a href="#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Rod_numeral">Rod numerals</a> were used to represent both negative and positive integers, and rational numbers, a true positional number system, with a blank for zero<sup><a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a></sup> dating back to the Warring States period.
</p>
<h2>Literature[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=38">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>An important literary achievement of the Warring States period is the <a href="/wiki/Zuo_Zhuan">Zuo Commentary</a> on the <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_Annals">Spring and Autumn Annals</a>, which summarizes the preceding Spring and Autumn period. The less famous work <a href="/wiki/Guoyu_(book)">Guoyu</a> is thought to be by the same author.
</p><p>Many sayings of Spring and Autumn philosophers, which had previously been circulated orally, were put into writing in the Warring States. These include the <a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a> and <a href="/wiki/The_Art_of_War">The Art of War</a>.
</p>
<h2>Economic developments[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=39">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>The Warring States period saw the proliferation of <a href="/wiki/History_of_ferrous_metallurgy">iron working</a> in China, replacing <a href="/wiki/Bronze">bronze</a> as the dominant type of metal used in warfare. Areas such as <a href="/wiki/Shu_(state)">Shu</a> (present-day <a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a>) and <a href="/wiki/Yue_(state)">Yue</a> (present-day <a href="/wiki/Zhejiang">Zhejiang</a>) were also brought into the Chinese cultural sphere during this time. <a href="/wiki/Trade">Trade</a> also became important, and some merchants had considerable power in politics, the most prominent of which was <a href="/wiki/L%C3%BC_Buwei">Lü Buwei</a>, who rose to become Chancellor of Qin and was a key supporter of the eventual Qin Shihuang.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>At the same time, the increased resources of consolidated, bureaucratic states, coupled with the logistical needs of mass levies and large-scale warfare, led to the proliferation of economic projects such as large-scale waterworks. Major examples of such waterworks include the <a href="/wiki/Dujiangyan_Irrigation_System">Dujiangyan Irrigation System</a>, which controlled the <a href="/wiki/Min_River_(Sichuan)">Min River</a> in Sichuan and turned the former backwater region into a major Qin logistical base, and the <a href="/wiki/Zhengguo_Canal">Zhengguo Canal</a> which irrigated large areas of land in the Guanzhong Plain, again increasing Qin's agricultural output.
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Guanzi_(text)">Guanzi</a> is considered one of the most foundational texts of the developing political economy in the Warring States period.<sup><a href="#cite_note-22">[22]</a></sup> It addresses principles of price regulation in the context of effectively dealing with commodities that are "light" (connoting a commodity which is unimportant, non-essential, or inexpensive) or "heavy" (a commodity which is important, essential, or expensive) and how whether a commodity is "light" or "heavy" must be understood in relation the contexts and other commodities.<sup><a href="#cite_note-23">[23]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>See also[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=40">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Feudalism">Feudalism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sengoku_period">Sengoku period</a> – A period in Japanese history named after this period</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Three_Kingdoms">Three Kingdoms</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Warlord_Era">Warlord Era</a></li></ul>
<h2>References[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=41">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Citations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=42">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b> <cite>Cartwright, Mark (July 12, 2017). <a href="https://www.worldhistory.org/Warring_States_Period/">"Warring States Period"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/World_History_Encyclopedia">World History Encyclopedia</a></i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b> <cite>Cook, Scott (2010). ""San De" and Warring States Views on Heavenly Retribution". <i>Journal of Chinese Philosophy</i>. <b>37</b>: 101–123. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1540-6253.2010.01622.x">10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01622.x</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15_3-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15_3-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15_3-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_15_3-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> Shi Ji, chapter 15
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46_4-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46_4-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_46_4-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> Shi Ji, chapter 46
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-5">^</a></b> Shi Ji, chapter 16
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4_6-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4_6-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4_6-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4_6-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_4_6-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> Shi Ji, chapter 4
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_5_7-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_5_7-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Shi Ji, chapter 5
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_69_8-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Shi_Ji,_chapter_69_8-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Shi Ji, chapter 69
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-9">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php?page=worddict&amp;wdrst=0&amp;wdqb=%E6%88%98%E5%9B%BD%E7%AD%96">"MDBG"</a>, Sökord: 战国策
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91_10-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91_10-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECotterell201090–91_10-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFCotterell2010">Cotterell (2010)</a>, pp. 90–91.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELewis1999626–629_11-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLewis1999">Lewis (1999)</a>, pp. 626–629.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-12">^</a></b> <cite>Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1999). <i>The Cambridge History of Ancient China</i>. p. 625.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-13">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais (2006)</a>, p. ?<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200629_14-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais (2006)</a>, p. 29.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETzuGriffith1963v_15-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTzuGriffith1963">Tzu &amp; Griffith (1963)</a>, p. v.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Haw_16-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Haw_16-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite><a href="/wiki/Stephen_G._Haw">Haw, Stephen G.</a> (2008). <i>A traveller's history of China</i>. Canada: Interlink Books. pp. 64–71.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-sep-mohism_17-0">^</a></b> <cite>Fraser, Chris (1 January 2015). <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/mohism/">"Mohism"</a>. <i>The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</i>. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved 17 March 2017.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELuKe2012_18-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELuKe2012_18-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLuKe2012">Lu &amp; Ke (2012)</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-19">^</a></b> <cite>Edgar Kiser; Yong Cai (Aug 2003). "War and Bureaucratization in Qin China: Exploring an Anomalous Case". <i>American Sociological Review</i>. <b>68</b> (4): 527–528.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-20">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Jane_Qiu">Qiu, Jane</a> (7 January 2014). <a href="http://www.nature.com/news/ancient-times-table-hidden-in-chinese-bamboo-strips-1.14482">"Ancient times table hidden in Chinese bamboo strips: The 2,300-year-old matrix is the world's oldest decimal multiplication table"</a>. <i>Nature</i>. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038%2Fnature.2014.14482">10.1038/nature.2014.14482</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:130132289">130132289</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-21">^</a></b> <a href="https://unicode-table.com/en/blocks/counting-rod-numerals/">Unicodes 1D360—1D37F : Counting Rod Numerals </a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-22">^</a></b> <cite>Weber, Isabella (2021). <a href="https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1228187814"><i>How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate</i></a>. Abingdon, Oxon: <a href="/wiki/Routledge">Routledge</a>. p. 19. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-429-49012-5"><bdi>978-0-429-49012-5</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/1228187814">1228187814</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-23">^</a></b> <cite>Weber, Isabella (2021). <a href="https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1228187814"><i>How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate</i></a>. Abingdon, Oxon: <a href="/wiki/Routledge">Routledge</a>. pp. 19–20. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-429-49012-5"><bdi>978-0-429-49012-5</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/1228187814">1228187814</a>.</cite>
</li>
</ol></div>
<h3>Sources[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=43">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ul><li><cite>Cotterell, Arthur (2010), <i>Asia, a Concise History</i>, Singapore: John Wiley &amp; Sons, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-470-82959-2"><bdi>978-0-470-82959-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=YukVl8fUr48C"><i>Pre-Modern East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History</i></a>, Boston, MA: Houghton-Mifflin Company, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-618-13386-0"><bdi>0-618-13386-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Lewis, Mark Edward (1999), <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cHA7Ey0-pbEC&amp;pg=PA587">"Warring States Political History"</a>, in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), <i>The Cambridge history of ancient China: from the origins of civilization to 221 B.C.</i>, Cambridge University Press, pp. 587–649, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-47030-8"><bdi>978-0-521-47030-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Lu, Liqing; Ke, Jinhua (2012), "A Concise History of Chinese Psychology of Religion", <i>Pastoral Psychology</i>, <b>61</b> (5–6): 623–639, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs11089-011-0395-y">10.1007/s11089-011-0395-y</a>, <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144556354">144556354</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Sun_Tzu">Tzu, Sun</a>; Griffith, Samuel B. (1963), <i>The Art of War</i>, New York, NY: Oxford University Press</cite></li></ul>
</div>
<h2>Further reading[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=44">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><cite><a href="/wiki/Li_Xueqin">Li Xueqin</a> (1985). <i>Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations</i>. Translated by <a href="/wiki/Kwang-chih_Chang">Chang, K.C.</a> New Haven: Yale University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-300-03286-2"><bdi>0-300-03286-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Yap, Joseph P. (2009). <i>Wars with the Xiongnu: A Translation from </i>Zizhi Tongjian<i></i>. Bloomington, Indiana, U.S.A.: AuthorHouse. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4490-0604-4"><bdi>978-1-4490-0604-4</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Sima Guang (2016). <i></i>Zizhi Tongjian<i>: Warring States and Qin</i>. Vol. 1 to 8 - 403-207 BCE. Translated by Yap, Joseph P. CreateSpace. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1533086938"><bdi>978-1533086938</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/LCCN_(identifier)">LCCN</a> <a href="//lccn.loc.gov/2016908788">2016908788</a>.</cite></li></ul>
<h2>External links[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Warring_States_period&amp;action=edit&amp;section=45">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="https://www.worldhistory.org/Warring_States_Period/">Warring States Period - World History Encyclopedia</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.umass.edu/wsp/">Warring States Project</a>, <a href="/wiki/University_of_Massachusetts_Amherst">University of Massachusetts Amherst</a></li>
<li><a href="http://ctext.org/dynasty.pl?if=en&amp;dynasty=27">Rulers of the warring states</a> – <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Text_Project">Chinese Text Project</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p004y24k">China's Warring States Period</a>, BBC Radio 4 discussion with Chris Cullen, Vivienne Lo &amp; Carol Michaelson (<i>In Our Time</i>, Apr. 1, 2004)</li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 Geography
 * 2 Periodisation
 * 3 History
 + 3.1 Background and formation
 o 3.1.1 Partition of Jin (453–403 BC)
 + 3.2 Early Warring States
 o 3.2.1 The three Jins recognized (403–364 BC)
 o 3.2.2 Qi resurgence under Tian (379–340 BC)
 o 3.2.3 Wars of Wei
 + 3.3 Dukes become kings
 o 3.3.1 Qi and Wei became kingdoms (344 BC)
 o 3.3.2 Shang Yang reforms Qin (356–338 BC)
 o 3.3.3 Qin defeats Wei (341–340 BC)
 o 3.3.4 Chu conquers Yue (334 BC)
 o 3.3.5 Qin, Han and Yan became kingdoms (325–323 BC)
 o 3.3.6 Partition of Zhou (314 BC)
 + 3.4 Horizontal and vertical alliances (334–249 BC)
 o 3.4.1 Su Qin and the first vertical alliance (334–300 BC)
 o 3.4.2 The first horizontal alliance (300–287 BC)
 o 3.4.3 Su Dai and the second vertical alliance
 o 3.4.4 The second horizontal alliance and fall of Qi
 o 3.4.5 Qin and Zhao expansions
 o 3.4.6 Qin-Zhao wars (282–257 BC)
 o 3.4.7 End of Zhou dynasty (256–249 BC)
 + 3.5 Qin unites China (247–221 BC)
 o 3.5.1 Conquest of Han
 o 3.5.2 Conquest of Wei
 o 3.5.3 Conquest of Chu
 o 3.5.4 Conquest of Zhao and Yan
 o 3.5.5 Conquest of Qi
 * 4 Military theory and practice
 + 4.1 Increasing scale of warfare
 + 4.2 Military developments
 + 4.3 Military thought
 * 5 Culture and society
 + 5.1 Nobles, bureaucrats and reformers
 + 5.2 Sophisticated arithmetic
 * 6 Literature
 * 7 Economic developments
 * 8 See also
 * 9 References
 + 9.1 Citations
 + 9.2 Sources
 * 10 Further reading
 * 11 External links
 Toggle the table of contents

 Warring States period

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources . Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
 Find sources: "Warring States period" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR ( June 2022 ) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) 
 
 This article is about the period of Chinese history. For the period of the same name in Japanese history, see Sengoku period. For other uses, see Warring States (disambiguation).
 Warring States period 
 c. 475–221 BC 
 The Seven Warring States c. 260 BC 
 (Yan (燕), Zhao (趙), Han (韩), Wei (魏), Qi ( 齐), Chu (楚), Qin (秦))
 
 Warring States period  
  
 "Warring States" in seal script (top), Traditional (middle), and Simplified (bottom) Chinese characters
 Traditional Chinese  戰國時代 
 Simplified Chinese  战国时代 
  
 Hanyu Pinyin  Zhànguó Shídài 
  
 Literal meaning  "Warring States era"
 Transcriptions  
 Standard Mandarin  
 Hanyu Pinyin Zhànguó Shídài  
 Bopomofo ㄓㄢˋ ㄍㄨㄛˊ  
 ㄕˊ ㄉㄞˋ  
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Janngwo Shyrday  
 Wade–Giles Chan 4 -kuo 2 Shih 2 -tai 4 
 Tongyong Pinyin Jhànguó Shíhdài  
 Yale Romanization Jàn'gwó Shŕdài  
 IPA [ʈʂân.kwǒ ʂɻ̩̌.tâɪ] 
 Yue: Cantonese  
 Yale Romanization Jin'gwok Sìhdoih  
 Jyutping Zin3gwok3 Si4doi6  
 IPA [tsīːn.kʷɔ̄ːk̚ sȉː.tɔ̀ːi] 
 Southern Min  
 Hokkien POJ Chiàn-kok sî-tāi  
 Tâi-lô Tsiàn-kok sî-tāi  
 Middle Chinese  
 Middle Chinese /t͡ɕiᴇn H kwək̚ d͡ʑɨ dʌi H / 
 Old Chinese  
 Baxter–Sagart (2014) * tar-s [C.q]ʷˤək  
 [d]ə (~ [d]əʔ) lˤək-s 
  
  
 
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 Western Zhou (1046–771 BC) Eastern Zhou (771–256 BC) Spring and Autumn ( c. 770 – c. 476 BC ) Warring States (475–221 BC)
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 The Warring States period (traditional Chinese: 戰國時代; simplified Chinese: 战国时代; pinyin: Zhànguó Shídài ) was an era in ancient Chinese history characterized by warfare, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation. It followed the Spring and Autumn period and concluded with the Qin wars of conquest that saw the annexation of all other contender states, which ultimately led to the Qin state's victory in 221 BC as the first unified Chinese empire, under the Qin dynasty.

 Although different scholars point toward different dates ranging from 481 BC to 403 BC as the true beginning of the Warring States, Sima Qian's choice of 475 BC is the most often cited. The Warring States era also overlaps with the second half of the Eastern Zhou Period, though the Chinese sovereign, known as the king of Zhou, ruled merely as a figurehead.

 The "Warring States Period" derives its name from the Record of the Warring States, a work compiled early in the Han dynasty.

 Geography [ edit ]

 Leather horse armour from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, c. 433 BC

 The political geography of the era was dominated by the Seven Warring States, namely:

 * Qin located in the far west, with its core in the Wei River Valley and Guanzhong. This geographical position offered protection from the other states but limited its initial influence.
 * The Three Jins located in the center on the Shanxi plateau were the three successor states of Jin. These were:
 + Han south, along the Yellow River, controlling the approaches to Qin.
 + Wei located in the middle, roughly today's eastern Henan Province.
 + Zhao the northernmost of the three, roughly today's southern Hebei Province as well as northern Shanxi Province.
 * Qi east, centered on the Shandong Peninsula
 * Chu south, with its core territory around the valleys of the Han River and, later, the Yangtze River.
 * Yan northeast, centered on modern-day Beijing. Late in the period it pushed northeast and began to occupy the Liaodong Peninsula

 Besides these seven major states other smaller states survived into the period. They include:

 * Royal territory of the Zhou king was near Luoyi in the Han area on the Yellow River.
 * Yue On the southeast coast near Shanghai was the State of Yue, which was highly active in the late Spring and Autumn era but was later annexed by Chu.
 * Zhongshan between the states of Zhao and Yan was the state of Zhongshan, which was eventually annexed by Zhao in 296 BC.
 * Sichuan states: In the far southwest were the non-Zhou states of Ba (east) and Shu (west). These ancient kingdoms were conquered by Qin later in the period.
 * Other minor states: There were many minor states which were satellites of the larger ones until they were absorbed. Many were in the Central Plains between the three Jins (west) and Qi (east) and Chu to the south. Some of the more important ones were Song, Lu, Zheng, Wey, Teng, Yue and Zou.

 Periodisation [ edit ]

 Dagger handle, Zhou dynasty
 See also: Timeline of the Warring States and the Qin dynasty

 The eastward flight of the Zhou court in 771 BC marks the start of the Spring and Autumn period. No one single incident or starting point inaugurated the Warring States era. The political situation of the period represented a culmination of historical trends of conquest and annexation which also characterised the Spring and Autumn period. As a result there is some controversy as to the beginning of the era. Proposed starting points include:

 * 481 BC
 Proposed by Song-era historian Lü Zuqian, also known as Lü Bogong, since this year marks the end of the Spring and Autumn Annals.
 * 476–475 BC
 The author, Sima Qian, of Records of the Grand Historian, chose this date as the inaugural year of King Yuan of Zhou.
 * 453 BC
 The Partition of Jin saw the dissolution/destruction of that key state of the earlier period and the formation of three of the seven warring states: Han, Zhao, and Wei.
 * 441 BC
 The inaugural year of Zhou Kings starting with King Ai of Zhou.
 * 403 BC
 The year when the Zhou court officially recognised Han, Zhao and Wei as states. Author Sima Guang of Zizhi Tongjian (published 1084) advocates this symbol of eroded Zhou authority as the start of the Warring States era.

 History [ edit ]

 Background and formation [ edit ]

 Map showing states at the beginning of Warring States period of Zhou Dynasty in Chinese history[ citation needed ]

 The Eastern Zhou Dynasty began to fall around 5th century BC. As their influence waned, they had to rely on other armies in other allied states rather than their own military force. Over 100 smaller states were made into seven major states which included: Chu, Han, Qin, Wei, Yan, Qi and Zhao. However, there eventually was a shift in alliances because each state's ruler wanted to be independent in power. This caused hundreds of wars between the periods of 535–286 BC. The victorious state would have overall rule and control in China.[1]

 The system of feudal states created by the Western Zhou dynasty underwent enormous changes after 771 BC with the flight of the Zhou court to modern-day Luoyang and the diminution of its relevance and power. The Spring and Autumn period led to a few states gaining power at the expense of many others, the latter no longer able to depend on central authority for legitimacy or protection. During the Warring States period, many rulers claimed the Mandate of Heaven to justify their conquest of other states and spread their influence.[2]

 The struggle for hegemony eventually created a state system dominated by several large states, such as Jin, Chu, Qin, Yan, and Qi, while the smaller states of the Central Plains tended to be their satellites and tributaries. Other major states also existed, such as Wu and Yue in the southeast. The last decades of the Spring and Autumn era were marked by increased stability, as the result of peace negotiations between Jin and Chu which established their respective spheres of influence. This situation ended with the partition of Jin, whereby the state was divided between the houses of Han, Zhao and Wei, and thus enabled the creation of the seven major warring states.

 Partition of Jin (453–403 BC) [ edit ]

 Main article: Partition of Jin

 The rulers of Jin had steadily lost political powers since the middle of the 6th century BC to their nominally subordinate nobles and military commanders, a situation arising from the traditions of the Jin which forbade the enfeoffment of relatives of the ducal house. This allowed other clans to gain fiefs and military authority, and decades of internecine struggle led to the establishment of four major families, the Han, Zhao, Wei and Zhi.

 The Battle of Jinyang saw the allied Han, Zhao and Wei destroy the Zhi family (453 BC) and their lands were distributed among them. With this, they became the "de facto" rulers of most of Jin's territory, though this situation would not be officially recognised until half a century later. The Jin division created a political vacuum that enabled during the first 50 years expansion of Chu and Yue northward and Qi southward. Qin increased its control of the local tribes and began its expansion southwest to Sichuan.

 Early Warring States [ edit ]

 The three Jins recognized (403–364 BC) [ edit ]

 Tomb Guardian of Chu Kingdom (300 BC) held at Birmingham Museum of Art

 In 403 BC, the Zhou court under King Weilie officially recognized Zhao, Wei and Han as immediate vassals, thereby raising them to the same rank as the other warring states.

 From before 405 until 383 BC the three Jins were united under the leadership of Wei and expanded in all directions. The most important figure was Marquess Wen of Wei (445–396 BC). In 408–406 BC he conquered the State of Zhongshan to the northeast on the other side of Zhao. At the same time he pushed west across the Yellow River to the Luo River taking the area of Xihe (literally 'west of the [Yellow] river').

 The growing power of Wei caused Zhao to back away from the alliance. In 383 BC it moved its capital to Handan and attacked the small state of Wey. Wey appealed to Wei which attacked Zhao on the western side. Being in danger, Zhao called in Chu. As usual, Chu used this as a pretext to annex territory to its north, but the diversion allowed Zhao to occupy a part of Wei. This conflict marked the end of the power of the united Jins and the beginning a period of shifting alliances and wars on several fronts.

 In 376 BC, the states of Han, Wei and Zhao deposed Duke Jing of Jin and divided the last remaining Jin territory between themselves, which marked the final end of the Jin state.

 In 370 BC, Marquess Wu of Wei died without naming a successor, which led to a war of succession. After three years of civil war, Zhao from the north and Han from the south invaded Wei. On the verge of conquering Wei, the leaders of Zhao and Han fell into disagreement about what to do with Wei, and both armies abruptly retreated. As a result, King Hui of Wei (still a Marquess at the time) was able to ascend the throne of Wei.

 By the end of the period Zhao extended from the Shanxi plateau across the plain to the borders of Qi. Wei reached east to Qi, Lu, and Song. To the south, the weaker state of Han held the east-west part of the Yellow River valley, surrounded the Zhou royal domain at Luoyang and held an area north of Luoyang called Shangdang.

 Qi resurgence under Tian (379–340 BC) [ edit ]

 A carved-jade dragon garment ornament from the Warring States period

 Duke Kang of Qi died in 379 BC with no heir from the house of Jiang, which had ruled Qi since the state's founding. The throne instead passed to the future King Wei, from the house of Tian. The Tian had been very influential at court towards the end of Jiang rule, and now openly assumed power.[3]

 The new ruler set about reclaiming territories that had been lost to other states. He launched a successful campaign against Zhao, Wey and Wei, once again extending Qi territory to the Great Wall. Sima Qian writes that the other states were so awestruck that nobody dared attack Qi for more than 20 years. The demonstrated military prowess also had a calming effect on Qi's own population, which experienced great domestic tranquility during Wei's reign.[4]

 By the end of King Wei's reign, Qi had become the strongest of the states and proclaimed itself "king"; establishing independence from the Zhou dynasty (see below).

 Wars of Wei [ edit ]

 A jade-carved huang with two dragon heads, Warring States, Shanghai Museum

 King Hui of Wei (370–319 BC) set about restoring the state. In 362–359 BC he exchanged territories with Han and Zhao in order to make the boundaries of the three states more rational.

 In 364 BC Wei was defeated by Qin at the Battle of Shimen and was only saved by the intervention of Zhao. Qin won another victory in 362 BC. In 361 BC the Wei capital was moved east to Daliang to be out of the reach of Qin.

 In 354 BC, King Hui of Wei started a large-scale attack on Zhao. By 353 BC, Zhao was losing badly and its capital, Handan, was under siege. The State of Qi intervened. The famous Qi strategist, Sun Bin the great-great-great-grandson of Sun Tzu (author of the Art of War), proposed to attack the Wei capital while the Wei army was tied up besieging Zhao. The strategy was a success; the Wei army hastily moved south to protect its capital, was caught on the road and decisively defeated at the Battle of Guiling. The battle is remembered in the second of the Thirty-Six Stratagems, "besiege Wei, save Zhao" meaning to attack a vulnerable spot to relieve pressure at another point.

 Domestically, King Hui patronized philosophy and the arts, and is perhaps best remembered for hosting the Confucian philosopher Meng Zi at his court; their conversations form the first two chapters of the book which bears Meng Zi's name.

 Dukes become kings [ edit ]

 Qi and Wei became kingdoms (344 BC) [ edit ]

 The title of "king" (wang, 王 ) was held by figurehead rulers of the Zhou dynasty, while the rulers of most states held the title of "duke" (gong, 公 ) or "marquess" (hou, 侯 ). A major exception was Chu, whose rulers were called kings since King Wu of Chu started using the title c. 703 BC.

 In 344 BC the rulers of Qi and Wei mutually recognized each other as "kings": King Wei of Qi and King Hui of Wei, in effect declaring their independence from the Zhou court. This marked a major turning point: unlike those in the Spring and Autumn period, the new generation of rulers ascending the thrones in the Warring States period would not entertain even the pretence of being vassals of the Zhou dynasty, instead proclaiming themselves fully independent kingdoms.

 Shang Yang reforms Qin (356–338 BC) [ edit ]

 The Bianzhong of Marquis Yi of Zeng, a set of bronze bianzhong percussion instruments from the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in Hubei province (433 BC).

 During the early Warring States period Qin generally avoided conflicts with the other states. This changed during the reign of Duke Xiao, when prime minister Shang Yang made centralizing and authoritarian reforms in accordance with his Legalist philosophy between the years 356 and 338 BC.

 Shang introduced land reforms, privatized land, rewarded farmers who exceeded harvest quotas, enslaved farmers who failed to meet quotas, and used enslaved subjects as rewards for those who met government policies. As manpower was short in Qin relative to the other states at the time, Shang enacted policies to increase its manpower. As Qin peasants were recruited into the military, he encouraged active immigration of peasants from other states into Qin as a replacement workforce; this policy simultaneously increased the manpower of Qin and weakened the manpower of Qin's rivals.

 Shang made laws forcing citizens to marry at a young age and passed tax laws to encourage raising multiple children. He also enacted policies to free convicts who worked in opening wastelands for agriculture. Shang abolished primogeniture and created a double tax on households that had more than one son living in the household, to break up large clans into nuclear families. Shang also moved the capital to reduce the influence of nobles on the administration.

 The rise of Qin was recognized by the royal court, and in 343 BC the king conferred the title of hegemon on Duke Xiao. As was customary for the designated hegemon, the duke hosted a conference of all the feudal lords, although it did not lead to any lasting peace.[3]

 After the reforms Qin became much more aggressive. In 340 Qin took land from Wèi after it had been defeated by Qi. In 316 Qin conquered Shu and Ba in Sichuan to the southwest. Development of this area took a long time but slowly added greatly to Qin's wealth and power.

 Qin defeats Wei (341–340 BC) [ edit ]

 In 341 BC, Wei attacked Han. Qi allowed Han to be nearly defeated and then intervened. The generals from the Battle of Guiling met again (Sun Bin and Tian Ji versus Pang Juan), using the same tactic, attacking Wei's capital. Sun Bin feigned a retreat and then turned on the overconfident Wei troops and decisively defeated them at the Battle of Maling. After the battle all three of the Jin successor states appeared before King Xuan of Qi, pledging their loyalty.[5]

 In the following year Qin attacked the weakened Wei. Wei was devastatingly defeated and ceded a large part of its territory in return for truce. With Wei severely weakened, Qi and Qin became the dominant states in China.

 Wei came to rely on Qi for protection, with King Hui of Wei meeting King Xuan of Qi on two occasions. After Hui's death, his successor King Xiang also established a good relationship with his Qi counterpart, with both promising to recognize the other as "king".[4]

 Chu conquers Yue (334 BC) [ edit ]

 Main article: Chu (state)
 A Warring States bronze ding vessel with gold and silver inlay
 A lacquerware painting from the Jingmen Tomb (Chinese: 荊門楚墓; ; pinyin: Jīngmén chǔ mù ) of the State of Chu (704–223 BC), depicting men wearing precursors to Hanfu (i.e. traditional silk dress) and riding in a two-horsed chariot

 Early in the Warring States period, Chu was one of the strongest states in China. The state rose to a new level of power around 389 BC when King Dao of Chu ( 楚悼王 ) named the famous reformer Wu Qi as his chancellor.

 Chu rose to its peak in 334 BC, when it conquered Yue to its east on the Pacific coast. The series of events leading up to this began when Yue prepared to attack Qi to its north. The King of Qi sent an emissary who persuaded the King of Yue to attack Chu instead. Yue initiated a large-scale attack at Chu but was defeated by Chu's counter-attack. Chu then proceeded to conquer Yue.

 Qin, Han and Yan became kingdoms (325–323 BC) [ edit ]

 King Xian of Zhou had attempted to use what little royal prerogative he had left by appointing the dukes Xian (384–362 BC), Xiao (361–338 BC) and Hui (338–311 BC) of Qin as hegemons, thereby in theory making Qin the chief ally of the court.[6]

 However, in 325 the confidence of Duke Hui grew so great that he proclaimed himself "king" of Qin; adopting the same title as the king of Zhou and thereby effectively proclaiming independence from the Zhou dynasty.[6] King Hui of Qin was guided by his prime minister Zhang Yi, a prominent representative of the School of Diplomacy.[7]

 He was followed in 323 BC by King Xuanhui of Han and King Yi of Yan, as well as King Cuo of the minor state Zhongshan.[3] In 318 BC even the ruler of Song, a relatively minor state, declared himself king. Uniquely, while King Wuling of Zhao had joined the other kings in declaring himself king, he retracted this order in 318 BC, after Zhao suffered a great defeat at the hands of Qin.

 Partition of Zhou (314 BC) [ edit ]

 King Kao of Zhou had enfeoffed his younger brother as Duke Huan of Henan. Three generations later, this cadet branch of the royal house began calling themselves "Dukes of East Zhou".[6]

 Upon the ascension of King Nan in 314 BC, East Zhou became an independent state. The king came to reside in what became known as West Zhou.[6]

 Horizontal and vertical alliances (334–249 BC) [ edit ]

 An iron sword and two bronze swords dated to the Warring States period

 Towards the end of the Warring States period, the Qin state became disproportionately powerful compared with the other six states. As a result, the policies of the six states became overwhelmingly oriented towards dealing with the Qin threat, with two opposing schools of thought. One school advocated a 'vertical' or north-south alliance called hezong (合縱) in which the states would ally with each other to repel Qin. The other advocated a 'horizontal' or east-west alliance called lianheng (連橫) in which a state would ally with Qin to participate in its ascendancy.

 There were some initial successes in hezong, though mutual suspicions between allied states led to the breakdown of such alliances. Qin repeatedly exploited the horizontal alliance strategy to defeat the states one by one. During this period, many philosophers and tacticians travelled around the states, recommending that the rulers put their respective ideas into use. These "lobbyists", such as Su Qin (who advocated vertical alliances) and Zhang Yi (who advocated horizontal alliances), were famous for their tact and intellect, and were collectively known as the School of Diplomacy, whose Chinese name (縱橫家, literally 'the school of the vertical and horizontal') was derived from the two opposing ideas.

 Su Qin and the first vertical alliance (334–300 BC) [ edit ]

 Beginning in 334 BC the diplomat Su Qin spent years visiting the courts of Yan, Zhao, Han, Wei, Qi and Chu and persuaded them to form a united front against Qin. In 318 BC all states except Qi launched a joint attack on Qin, which however was not successful.[3]

 King Hui of Qin died in 311 BC, followed by prime minister Zhang Yi one year later. The new monarch, King Wu, reigned only four years before dying without legitimate heirs. Some damaging turbulence ensued throughout 307 BC before a son of King Hui by a concubine (i.e. a younger half-brother of King Wu) could be established as King Zhao, who in stark contrast to his predecessor went on to rule for an unprecedented 53 years.

 After the failure of the first vertical alliance, Su Qin eventually came to live in Qi, where he was favored by King Xuan and drew the envy of the ministers. An assassination attempt in 300 BC left Su mortally wounded but not dead. Sensing death approaching, he advised the newly crowned King Min have him publicly executed to draw out the assassins. King Min complied with Su's request and killed him, putting an end to the first generation of Vertical alliance thinkers.[8]

 The first horizontal alliance (300–287 BC) [ edit ]

 A bronze statue of a seated man, from the State of Yue, Warring States period

 King Min of Qi came to be highly influenced by Lord Mengchang, a grandson of the former King Wei of Qi. Lord Mengchang made a westward alliance with the States of Wei and Han. In the far west, Qin, which had been weakened by a succession struggle in 307, yielded to the new coalition and appointed Lord Mengchang its chief minister. The alliance between Qin and Qi was sealed by a Qin princess marrying King Min.[4] This "horizontal" or east-west alliance might have secured peace except that it excluded the State of Zhao.

 Around 299 BC, the ruler of Zhao became the last of the seven major states to proclaim himself "king".

 In 298 BC Zhao offered Qin an alliance and Lord Mengchang was driven out of Qin. The remaining three allies, Qi, Wei and Han, attacked Qin, driving up the Yellow River below Shanxi to the Hangu Pass. After 3 years of fighting they took the pass and forced Qin to return territory to Han and Wei. They next inflicted major defeats on Yan and Chu. During the 5-year administration of Lord Mengchang, Qi was the major power in China.

 In 294 BC Lord Mengchang was implicated in a coup d'état and fled to Wei. His alliance system collapsed. Qi and Qin made a truce and pursued their own interests. Qi moved south against the State of Song whilst the Qin General Bai Qi pushed back eastward against a Han/Wei alliance, gaining victory at the Battle of Yique.

 In 288 BC King Zhao of Qin and King Min of Qi took the title "Di", (帝 literally emperor), of the west and east respectively. They swore a covenant and started planning an attack on Zhao.

 Su Dai and the second vertical alliance [ edit ]

 In 287 BC the strategist Su Dai, younger brother of Su Qin[8] and possibly an agent of Yan, persuaded King Min that the Zhao war would only benefit Qin. King Min agreed and formed a 'vertical' alliance with the other states against Qin. Qin backed off, abandoned the presumptuous title of "Di", and restored territory to Wei and Zhao. In 286 Qi annexed the state of Song.

 The second horizontal alliance and fall of Qi [ edit ]

 In 285 BC, the success of Qi had frightened the other states. Under the leadership of Lord Mengchang, who was exiled in Wei, Qin, Zhao, Wei and Yan formed an alliance. Yan had normally been a relatively weak ally of Qi and Qi feared little from this quarter. Yan's onslaught under general Yue Yi came as a devastating surprise. Simultaneously, the other allies attacked from the west. Chu declared itself an ally of Qi but contented itself with annexing some territory to its north. Qi's armies were destroyed while the territory of Qi was reduced to the two cities of Ju and Jimo. King Min himself was later captured and executed by his own followers.

 King Min was succeeded by King Xiang in 283 BC. His general Tian Dan was eventually able to restore much of Qi's territory, but it never regained the influence it had under King Min.

 Qin and Zhao expansions [ edit ]

 Seven Warring States late in the period
 Qin has expanded southwest, Chu north and Zhao northwest

 In 278 BC, General Bai Qi of Qin attacked from Qin's new territory in Sichuan to the west of Chu. The capital of Ying was captured and Chu's western lands on the Han River were lost. The effect was to shift Chu significantly to the east.

 After Chu was defeated in 278, the remaining great powers were Qin in the west and Zhao in the north-center. There was little room for diplomatic maneuver and matters were decided by wars. Zhao had been much strengthened by King Wuling of Zhao (325–299). In 307 he enlarged his cavalry by copying the northern nomads. In 306 he took more land in the northern Shanxi plateau. In 305 he defeated the north-eastern border state of Zhongshan. In 304 he pushed far to the north-west and occupied the east-west section of the Yellow River in the north of the Ordos Loop. King Huiwen of Zhao (298–266) chose able servants and expanded against the weakened Qi and Wei. In 296 his general Lian Po defeated two Qin armies.

 In 269 BC Fan Sui became chief advisor to Qin. He advocated authoritarian reforms, irrevocable expansion and an alliance with distant states to attack nearby states (the twenty-third of the Thirty-Six Stratagems). His maxim "attack not only the territory, but also the people" enunciated a policy of mass slaughter that became increasingly frequent.[ citation needed ]

 Qin-Zhao wars (282–257 BC) [ edit ]

 In 265 King Zhaoxiang of Qin made the first move by attacking the weak state of Han which held the Yellow River gateway into Qin. He moved north-east across Wei territory to cut off the Han exclave of Shangdang north of Luoyang and south of Zhao. The Han king agreed to surrender Shangdang, but the local governor refused and presented it to King Xiaocheng of Zhao. Zhao sent out Lian Po who based his armies at Changping and Qin sent out general Wang He. Lian Po was too wise to risk a decisive battle with the Qin army and remained inside his fortifications. Qin could not break through and the armies were locked in stalemate for three years. The Zhao king decided that Lian Po was not aggressive enough and sent out Zhao Kuo who promised a decisive battle. At the same time Qin secretly replaced Wang He with the notoriously violent Bai Qi. When Zhao Kuo left his fortifications, Bai Qi used a Cannae maneuver, falling back in the center and surrounding the Zhao army from the sides. After being surrounded for 46 days, the starving Zhao troops surrendered in September 260 BC. It is said that Bai Qi had all the prisoners killed and that Zhao lost 400,000 men.

 Qin was too exhausted to follow up its victory. Some time later it sent an army to besiege the Zhao capital but the army was destroyed when it was attacked from the rear. Zhao survived, but there was no longer a state that could resist Qin on its own. The other states could have survived if they remained united against Qin, but they did not.

 In 257 BC, Qin army failed to besiege Handan and was defeated by the allied force of Zhao, Wei and Chu during the Battle of Handan.

 End of Zhou dynasty (256–249 BC) [ edit ]

 The forces of King Zhao of Qin defeated King Nan of Zhou and conquered West Zhou in 256 BC, claiming the Nine Cauldrons and thereby symbolically becoming The Son of Heaven.

 King Zhao's exceptionally long reign ended in 251 BC. His son King Xiaowen, already an old man, died just three days after his coronation and was succeeded by his son King Zhuangxiang of Qin. The new Qin king proceeded to conquer East Zhou, seven years after the fall of West Zhou. Thus the 800-year Zhou dynasty, nominally China's longest-ruling regime, finally came to an end.[6]

 Sima Qian contradicts himself regarding the ultimate fate of the East Zhou court. Chapter 4 (The Annals of Zhou) concludes with the sentence "thus the sacrifices of Zhou ended", but in the following chapter 5 (The Annals of Qin) we learn that "Qin did not prohibit their sacrifices; the Lord of Zhou was allotted a patch of land in Yangren where he could continue his ancestral sacrifices".

 Qin unites China (247–221 BC) [ edit ]

 Animated map of the Warring States period[9]
 Unification of Qin from 230 BC to 211 BC
 Main article: Qin's wars of unification

 King Zhuangxiang of Qin ruled for only three years. He was succeeded by his son Zheng, who unlike the two elderly kings that preceded him was only 13 years old at his coronation. As an adult Zheng would turn out to be a brilliant commander who, in the span of just nine years, unified China.[7]

 Conquest of Han [ edit ]

 In 230 BC, Qin conquered Han.[10] Han, the weakest of the Seven Warring States, was adjacent to the much stronger Qin, and had suffered continuous assaults by Qin in earlier years of the Warring States period. This went on until Emperor Qin Shi Huang sent general Wang Jian to attack Zhao. King An of Han, frightened by the thought that Han would be the next target of the Qin state, immediately sent diplomats to surrender the entire kingdom without a fight, saving the Han populace from the terrible potential consequences of an unsuccessful resistance.

 Conquest of Wei [ edit ]

 In 225 BC, Qin conquered Wei. The Qin army led a direct invasion into Wei by besieging its capital Daliang but soon realized that the city walls were too tough to break into. They devised a new strategy in which they utilized the power of a local river that was linked to the Yellow River. The river was used to flood the city's walls, causing massive devastation to the city. Upon realizing the situation, King Jia of Wei hurriedly came out of the capital and surrendered it to the Qin army in order to avoid further bloodshed of his people.

 Conquest of Chu [ edit ]

 A drinking cup carved from crystal, unearthed at Banshan, Hangzhou, Warring States period, Hangzhou Museum.

 In 223 BC, Qin conquered Chu. The first invasion was however an utter disaster when 200,000 Qin troops, led by the general, Li Xin, were defeated by 500,000 Chu troops in the unfamiliar territory of Huaiyang, modern-day northern Jiangsu and Anhui provinces. Xiang Yan, the Chu commander, had lured Qin by allowing a few initial victories, but then counterattacked and burnt two large Qin camps.

 In 222 BC, Wang Jian was recalled to lead a second military invasion with 600,000 men against the Chu state. High in morale after their victory in the previous year, the Chu forces were content to sit back and defend against what they expected to be a siege of Chu. However, Wang Jian decided to weaken Chu's resolve and tricked the Chu army by appearing to be idle in his fortifications whilst secretly training his troops to fight in Chu territory. After a year, the Chu defenders decided to disband due to apparent lack of action from the Qin. Wang Jian invaded at that point, with full force, and overran Huaiyang and the remaining Chu forces. Chu lost the initiative and could only sustain local guerrilla-style resistance until it too was fully conquered with the destruction of Shouchun and the death of its last leader, Lord Changping, in 223 BC. At their peak, the combined armies of Chu and Qin are estimated to have ranged from hundreds of thousands to a million soldiers, more than those involved in the campaign of Changping between Qin and Zhao 35 years earlier.[11]

 Conquest of Zhao and Yan [ edit ]

 In 222 BC, Qin conquered Zhao and Yan. After the conquest of Zhao, the Qin army turned its attention towards Yan. Realizing the danger and gravity of this situation, Crown Prince Dan of Yan had sent Jing Ke to assassinate King Zheng of Qin, but this failure only helped to fuel the rage and determination of the Qin king, and he increased the number of troops to conquer the Yan state.

 Conquest of Qi [ edit ]

 In 221 BC, Qin conquered Qi. Qi was the final unconquered warring state. It had not previously contributed or helped other states when Qin was conquering them. As soon as Qin's intention to invade it became clear, Qi swiftly surrendered all its cities, completing the unification of China and ushering in the Qin dynasty. The last Qi king lived out his days in exile in Gong and was not given a posthumous name after death, therefore he is known to posterity by his personal name Jian.

 The Qin king Ying Zheng declared himself as Qin Shi Huangdi, "The first Sovereign Emperor of Qin".[10]

 In the rule of the Qin state, the union was based solely on military power. The feudal holdings were abolished, and noble families were forced to live in the capital city Xianyang, in order to be supervised. A national road as well as greater use of canals was used in order for deployment and supply of the army to be done with ease and speed. The peasants were given a wider range of rights in regards of land, although they were subject to taxation, creating a large amount of revenue to the state.[10]

 Military theory and practice [ edit ]

 Main article: Military of the Warring States
 An iron sword of the Warring States.
 A Chinese soldier's bronze helmet, from the State of Yan, dated to the Zhou Dynasty.
 Model of a Warring States period traction trebuchet.
 A horse-rider fighting a tiger, depicted on a gilded mirror discovered in Jincun, Luoyang.

 Increasing scale of warfare [ edit ]

 The chariot remained a major factor in Chinese warfare long after it went out of fashion in the Middle East. Near the beginning of the Warring States period there is a shift from chariots to massed infantry, possibly associated with the invention of the crossbow. This had two major effects. First it led the dukes to weaken their chariot-riding nobility so they could get direct access to the peasantry who could be drafted as infantry. This change was associated with the shift from aristocratic to bureaucratic government. Second, it led to a massive increase in the scale of warfare. When the Zhou overthrew the Shang at the Battle of Muye they used 45,000 troops and 300 chariots. For the Warring States period the following figures for the military strengths of various states are reported:

 * Qin
 1,000,000 infantry, 1,000 chariots, 10,000 horses;
 * Chu
 same numbers;
 * Wei
 200–360,000 infantry, 200,000 spearmen, 100,000 servants, 600 chariots, 5,000 cavalry;
 * Han
 300,000 total;
 * Qi
 several hundred thousand;

 For major battles, the following figures are reported:

 * Battle of Maling
 100,000 killed;
 * Battle of Yique
 240,000 killed;
 * General Bai Qi is said to have been responsible for 890,000 enemy deaths over his career.

 Many scholars think these numbers are exaggerated (records are inadequate, they are much larger than those from similar societies, soldiers were paid by the number of enemies they killed and the Han dynasty had an interest in exaggerating the bloodiness of the age before China was unified). Regardless of exaggeration, it seems clear that warfare had become excessive during this period. The bloodshed and misery of the Warring States period goes a long way in explaining China's traditional and current preference for a united throne.[12]

 Military developments [ edit ]

 Warring States swords and spearhead with patterns

 The Warring States period saw the introduction of many innovations to the art of warfare in China, such as the use of iron and of cavalry.

 Warfare in the Warring States period evolved considerably from the Spring and Autumn period, as most armies made use of infantry and cavalry in battles, and the use of chariots became less widespread. The use of massed infantry made warfare bloodier and reduced the importance of the aristocracy, which in turn made the kings more despotic. From this period onward, as the various states competed with each other by mobilizing their armies to war, nobles in China belonged to the literate class, rather than to the warrior class as had previously been the case.

 The various states fielded massive armies of infantry, cavalry, and chariots. Complex logistical systems maintained by efficient government bureaucracies were needed to supply, train, and control such large forces. The size of the armies ranged from tens of thousands to several hundred thousand men.[13] Iron weapons became more widespread and began to replace bronze. Most armour and weapons of this period were made from iron.

 The first official native Chinese cavalry unit was formed in 307 BC during the military reforms of King Wuling of Zhao, who advocated 'nomadic dress and horse archery'.[14] But the war chariot still retained its prestige and importance, despite the tactical superiority of cavalry.

 The crossbow was the preferred long-range weapon of this period, due to several reasons. The crossbow could be mass-produced easily, and mass training of crossbowmen was possible. These qualities made it a powerful weapon against the enemy.

 Infantrymen deployed a variety of weapons, but the most popular was the dagger-axe. The dagger-axe came in various lengths, from 9 to 18 feet; the weapon consisted of a thrusting spear with a slashing blade appended to it. Dagger-axes were an extremely popular weapon in various kingdoms, especially for the Qin, who produced 18-foot-long pike-like weapons.

 Military thought [ edit ]

 The Warring States was a great period for military strategy; of the Seven Military Classics of China, four were written during this period:

 * The Art of War
 It is attributed to Sun Tzu, a highly influential study of strategy and tactics.[15]
 * Wuzi
 It is attributed to Wu Qi, a statesman and commander who served the states of Wei and then Chu.
 * Wei Liaozi
 of uncertain authorship.
 * The Methods of the Sima
 It is attributed to Sima Rangju, a commander serving the state of Qi.

 Culture and society [ edit ]

 A Chinese lacquerware drinking vessel (over wood), Warring States period, Honolulu Museum of Art
 A nephrite pendant in the shape of a man wearing silk robes, 5th–3rd centuries BC, Warring States period, Arthur M. Sackler Museum
 A painting on silk depicting a man riding a dragon from Zidanku Tomb no. 1 in Changsha, Hunan Province (5th–3rd century BC).

 The Warring States period was an era of warfare in ancient China, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation; the major states, ruling over large territories, quickly sought to consolidate their powers, leading to the final erosion of the Zhou court's prestige. As a sign of this shift, the rulers of all the major states (except for Chu, which had claimed kingly title much earlier) abandoned their former feudal titles for the title of 王, or King, claiming equality with the rulers of the Zhou.

 At the same time, the constant conflict and need for innovative social and political models led to the development of many philosophical doctrines, later known as the Hundred Schools of Thought. The most notable schools of thought include Mohism (expounded by Mozi), Confucianism (represented by Mencius and Xunzi), Legalism (represented by Shang Yang, Shen Buhai, Shen Dao and Han Fei) and Taoism (represented by Zhuangzi and Lao Tzu).

 The many states that were competing between each other attempted to display their power not only militarily but in their courts and state philosophy. Many differing rulers adopted the differing philosophies in their own advantage or that of their kingdom.

 Mencius attempted to instate Confucianism as a state philosophy through proposing that through the governing of moral principles like benevolence and righteousness, the state would win popular support from one state and those neighboring, eliminating the need of a war altogether. Mencius had attempted to convince King Hui of Liang, although was unsuccessful since the king saw no advantage in the period of wars.[16]

 Mohism was developed by Mozi (468–376 BC) and it provided a unified moral and political philosophy based on impartiality and benevolence.[17] Mohists had the belief that people change depending on environments around. The same was applied to rulers, which is why one must be cautious of foreign influences. Mozi was very much against warfare, although he was a great tactician in defense. He defended the small state of Song from many attempts of the Chu state.[18]

 Taoism was advocated by Laozi, and believed that human nature was good and can achieve perfection by returning to original state. It believed that like a baby, humans are simple and innocent although with development of civilizations it lost its innocence only to be replaced by fraud and greed. Contrarily to other schools, it did not want to gain influence in the offices of states and Laozi even refused to be in the minister of the state of Chu.[18]

 Legalism created by Shang Yang in 338 BC, rejected all notions of religion and practices, and believed a nation should be governed by strict law. Not only were severe punishments applied, but they would be grouped with the families and made mutually responsible for criminal act. It proposed radical reforms, and established a society based on solid ranks. Peasants were encouraged to practice agriculture as occupation, and military performance was rewarded. Laws were also applied to all ranks with no exception; even the king was not above punishment. The philosophy was adapted by the Qin state and it created it into a well-organized, centralized state with a bureaucracy chosen on the basis of merit.[16] This period is most famous for the establishment of complex bureaucracies and centralized governments, as well as a clearly established legal system. The developments in political and military organization were the basis of the power of the Qin state, which conquered the other states and unified them under the Qin Empire in 221 BC.

 Nobles, bureaucrats and reformers [ edit ]

 The phenomenon of intensive warfare, based on mass formations of infantry rather than the traditional chariots, was one major trend which led to the creation of strong central bureaucracies in each of the major states. At the same time, the process of secondary feudalism which permeated the Spring and Autumn period, and led to such events as the partition of Jin and the usurpation of Qi by the Tian clan, was eventually reversed by the same process of bureaucratisation.

 Under the demands of warfare, the states adopted bureaucratic reforms in the Warring States period. Wei adopted these in 445 BC, Zhao in 403 BC, Chu in 390 BC, Han in 355 BC, Qi in 357 BC and Qin in 350 BC. Power was centralised by curbing the landed aristocrats and sinecures and creating a new hierarchy based on meritorious service to the state, which were drawn from the lower rungs of society. Systematic auditing and reporting systems, and fixed salaries for officials were created.[19]

 The reforms of Shang Yang in Qin, and of Wu Qi in Chu, both centred on increased centralisation, the suppression of the nobility, and a vastly increased scope of government based on Legalist ideals, which were necessary to mobilise the large armies of the period.[ citation needed ]

 Sophisticated arithmetic [ edit ]

 The Tsinghua Bamboo Slips, containing the world's earliest decimal multiplication table, dated 305 BC

 A bundle of 21 bamboo slips from the Tsinghua collection dated to 305 BC are the world's earliest example of a two digit decimal multiplication table, indicating that sophisticated commercial arithmetic was already established during this period.[20]

 Rod numerals were used to represent both negative and positive integers, and rational numbers, a true positional number system, with a blank for zero[21] dating back to the Warring States period.

 Literature [ edit ]

 An important literary achievement of the Warring States period is the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which summarizes the preceding Spring and Autumn period. The less famous work Guoyu is thought to be by the same author.

 Many sayings of Spring and Autumn philosophers, which had previously been circulated orally, were put into writing in the Warring States. These include the Analects and The Art of War.

 Economic developments [ edit ]

 The Warring States period saw the proliferation of iron working in China, replacing bronze as the dominant type of metal used in warfare. Areas such as Shu (present-day Sichuan) and Yue (present-day Zhejiang) were also brought into the Chinese cultural sphere during this time. Trade also became important, and some merchants had considerable power in politics, the most prominent of which was Lü Buwei, who rose to become Chancellor of Qin and was a key supporter of the eventual Qin Shihuang.[ citation needed ]

 At the same time, the increased resources of consolidated, bureaucratic states, coupled with the logistical needs of mass levies and large-scale warfare, led to the proliferation of economic projects such as large-scale waterworks. Major examples of such waterworks include the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, which controlled the Min River in Sichuan and turned the former backwater region into a major Qin logistical base, and the Zhengguo Canal which irrigated large areas of land in the Guanzhong Plain, again increasing Qin's agricultural output.

 The Guanzi is considered one of the most foundational texts of the developing political economy in the Warring States period.[22] It addresses principles of price regulation in the context of effectively dealing with commodities that are "light" (connoting a commodity which is unimportant, non-essential, or inexpensive) or "heavy" (a commodity which is important, essential, or expensive) and how whether a commodity is "light" or "heavy" must be understood in relation the contexts and other commodities.[23]

 See also [ edit ]

 * Feudalism
 * Sengoku period – A period in Japanese history named after this period
 * Three Kingdoms
 * Warlord Era

 References [ edit ]

 Citations [ edit ]

 1. ^ Cartwright, Mark (July 12, 2017). "Warring States Period". World History Encyclopedia.
 2. ^ Cook, Scott (2010). ""San De" and Warring States Views on Heavenly Retribution". Journal of Chinese Philosophy. 37: 101–123. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01622.x.
 3. ^ a b c d Shi Ji, chapter 15
 4. ^ a b c Shi Ji, chapter 46
 5. ^ Shi Ji, chapter 16
 6. ^ a b c d e Shi Ji, chapter 4
 7. ^ a b Shi Ji, chapter 5
 8. ^ a b Shi Ji, chapter 69
 9. ^ "MDBG" , Sökord: 战国策
 10. ^ a b c Cotterell (2010) , pp. 90–91.
 11. ^ Lewis (1999) , pp. 626–629.
 12. ^ Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1999). The Cambridge History of Ancient China. p. 625.
 13. ^ Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006) , p. ? [ page needed ]
 14. ^ Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006) , p. 29.
 15. ^ Tzu & Griffith (1963) , p. v.
 16. ^ a b Haw, Stephen G. (2008). A traveller's history of China. Canada: Interlink Books. pp. 64–71.
 17. ^ Fraser, Chris (1 January 2015). "Mohism". The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University . Retrieved 17 March 2017 .
 18. ^ a b Lu & Ke (2012) .
 19. ^ Edgar Kiser; Yong Cai (Aug 2003). "War and Bureaucratization in Qin China: Exploring an Anomalous Case". American Sociological Review. 68 (4): 527–528.
 20. ^ Qiu, Jane (7 January 2014). "Ancient times table hidden in Chinese bamboo strips: The 2,300-year-old matrix is the world's oldest decimal multiplication table". Nature. doi:10.1038/nature.2014.14482. S2CID 130132289.
 21. ^ Unicodes 1D360—1D37F : Counting Rod Numerals
 22. ^ Weber, Isabella (2021). How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-429-49012-5. OCLC 1228187814.
 23. ^ Weber, Isabella (2021). How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-0-429-49012-5. OCLC 1228187814.

 Sources [ edit ]

 * Cotterell, Arthur (2010), Asia, a Concise History, Singapore: John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-0-470-82959-2.
 * Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), Pre-Modern East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston, MA: Houghton-Mifflin Company, ISBN 0-618-13386-0.
 * Lewis, Mark Edward (1999), "Warring States Political History", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge history of ancient China: from the origins of civilization to 221 B.C., Cambridge University Press, pp. 587–649, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.
 * Lu, Liqing; Ke, Jinhua (2012), "A Concise History of Chinese Psychology of Religion", Pastoral Psychology, 61 (5–6): 623–639, doi:10.1007/s11089-011-0395-y, S2CID 144556354.
 * Tzu, Sun; Griffith, Samuel B. (1963), The Art of War, New York, NY: Oxford University Press

 Further reading [ edit ]

 * Li Xueqin (1985). Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations. Translated by Chang, K.C. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-03286-2.
 * Yap, Joseph P. (2009). Wars with the Xiongnu: A Translation from Zizhi Tongjian. Bloomington, Indiana, U.S.A.: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-4490-0604-4.
 * Sima Guang (2016). Zizhi Tongjian: Warring States and Qin. Vol. 1 to 8 - 403-207 BCE. Translated by Yap, Joseph P. CreateSpace. ISBN 978-1533086938. LCCN 2016908788.

 External links [ edit ]

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Warring States period   c. 475–221 BC       The Seven Warring States c. 260 BC(Yan (燕), Zhao (趙), Han (韩), Wei (魏), Qi (	齐), Chu (楚), Qin (秦))     
   Warring States period       "Warring States" in seal script (top), Traditional (middle), and Simplified (bottom) Chinese characters      Traditional Chinese   戰國時代     Simplified Chinese   战国时代         Hanyu Pinyin  Zhànguó Shídài   Literal meaning "Warring States era"       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Zhànguó Shídài    Bopomofo  ㄓㄢˋ   ㄍㄨㄛˊㄕˊ   ㄉㄞˋ    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Janngwo Shyrday    Wade–Giles  Chan4-kuo2 Shih2-tai4     Tongyong Pinyin  Jhànguó Shíhdài    Yale Romanization  Jàn'gwó Shŕdài    IPA   [ʈʂân.kwǒ ʂɻ̩̌.tâɪ]     Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Jin'gwok Sìhdoih    Jyutping  Zin3gwok3 Si4doi6    IPA   [tsīːn.kʷɔ̄ːk̚ sȉː.tɔ̀ːi]     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Chiàn-kok sî-tāi    Tâi-lô  Tsiàn-kok sî-tāi    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  /t͡ɕiᴇnH kwək̚ d͡ʑɨ dʌiH/    Old Chinese     Baxter–Sagart (2014)  *tar-s [C.q]ʷˤək[d]ə (~ [d]əʔ) lˤək-s       
The Warring States period (traditional Chinese: 戰國時代; simplified Chinese: 战国时代; pinyin: Zhànguó Shídài) was an era in ancient Chinese history characterized by warfare, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation. It followed the Spring and Autumn period and concluded with the Qin wars of conquest that saw the annexation of all other contender states, which ultimately led to the Qin state's victory in 221 BC as the first unified Chinese empire, under the Qin dynasty.
 Although different scholars point toward different dates ranging from 481 BC to 403 BC as the true beginning of the Warring States, Sima Qian's choice of 475 BC is the most often cited. The Warring States era also overlaps with the second half of the Eastern Zhou Period, though the Chinese sovereign, known as the king of Zhou, ruled merely as a figurehead.
 The "Warring States Period" derives its name from the  Record of the Warring States , a work compiled early in the Han dynasty.
Geography[edit]
     
The political geography of the era was dominated by the Seven Warring States, namely:
   Qin  located in the far west, with its core in the Wei River Valley and Guanzhong. This geographical position offered protection from the other states but limited its initial influence.
 The Three Jins located in the center on the Shanxi plateau were the three successor states of Jin. These were:
   Han  south, along the Yellow River, controlling the approaches to Qin.
  Wei  located in the middle, roughly today's eastern Henan Province.
  Zhao  the northernmost of the three, roughly today's southern Hebei Province as well as northern Shanxi Province.  
  Qi  east, centered on the Shandong Peninsula 
  Chu  south, with its core territory around the valleys of the Han River and, later, the Yangtze River.
  Yan  northeast, centered on modern-day Beijing. Late in the period it pushed northeast and began to occupy the Liaodong Peninsula  
Besides these seven major states other smaller states survived into the period. They include:
  Royal territory of the Zhou king was near Luoyi in the Han area on the Yellow River.
  Yue  On the southeast coast near Shanghai was the State of Yue, which was highly active in the late Spring and Autumn era but was later annexed by Chu.
  Zhongshan  between the states of Zhao and Yan was the state of Zhongshan, which was eventually annexed by Zhao in 296 BC.
  Sichuan  states: In the far southwest were the non-Zhou states of Ba (east) and Shu (west). These ancient kingdoms were conquered by Qin later in the period.
 Other minor states: There were many minor states which were satellites of the larger ones until they were absorbed. Many were in the Central Plains between the three Jins (west) and Qi (east) and Chu to the south. Some of the more important ones were Song, Lu, Zheng, Wey, Teng, Yue and Zou. 
Periodisation[edit]
     
The eastward flight of the Zhou court in 771 BC marks the start of the Spring and Autumn period. No one single incident or starting point inaugurated the Warring States era. The political situation of the period represented a culmination of historical trends of conquest and annexation which also characterised the Spring and Autumn period. As a result there is some controversy as to the beginning of the era. Proposed starting points include:
 481 BC  Proposed by Song-era historian Lü Zuqian, also known as Lü Bogong, since this year marks the end of the  Spring and Autumn Annals .
476–475 BC  The author, Sima Qian, of  Records of the Grand Historian , chose this date as the inaugural year of King Yuan of Zhou.
453 BC  The Partition of Jin saw the dissolution/destruction of that key state of the earlier period and the formation of three of the seven warring states: Han, Zhao, and Wei.
441 BC  The inaugural year of Zhou Kings starting with King Ai of Zhou.
403 BC  The year when the Zhou court officially recognised Han, Zhao and Wei as states. Author Sima Guang of  Zizhi Tongjian  (published 1084) advocates this symbol of eroded Zhou authority as the start of the Warring States era. 
History[edit]
Background and formation[edit]
      Map showing states at the beginning of Warring States period of Zhou Dynasty in Chinese history[ citation needed ]   
The Eastern Zhou Dynasty began to fall around 5th century BC. As their influence waned, they had to rely on other armies in other allied states rather than their own military force. Over 100 smaller states were made into seven major states which included: Chu, Han, Qin, Wei, Yan, Qi and Zhao. However, there eventually was a shift in alliances because each state's ruler wanted to be independent in power. This caused hundreds of wars between the periods of 535–286 BC. The victorious state would have overall rule and control in China. [1] 
 The system of feudal states created by the Western Zhou dynasty underwent enormous changes after 771 BC with the flight of the Zhou court to modern-day Luoyang and the diminution of its relevance and power. The Spring and Autumn period led to a few states gaining power at the expense of many others, the latter no longer able to depend on central authority for legitimacy or protection.
During the Warring States period, many rulers claimed the Mandate of Heaven to justify their conquest of other states and spread their influence. [2] 
 The struggle for hegemony eventually created a state system dominated by several large states, such as Jin, Chu, Qin, Yan, and Qi, while the smaller states of the Central Plains tended to be their satellites and tributaries. Other major states also existed, such as Wu and Yue in the southeast. The last decades of the Spring and Autumn era were marked by increased stability, as the result of peace negotiations between Jin and Chu which established their respective spheres of influence. This situation ended with the partition of Jin, whereby the state was divided between the houses of Han, Zhao and Wei, and thus enabled the creation of the seven major warring states.
Partition of Jin (453–403 BC)[edit]
The rulers of Jin had steadily lost political powers since the middle of the 6th century BC to their nominally subordinate nobles and military commanders, a situation arising from the traditions of the Jin which forbade the enfeoffment of relatives of the ducal house. This allowed other clans to gain fiefs and military authority, and decades of internecine struggle led to the establishment of four major families, the Han, Zhao, Wei and Zhi.
 The Battle of Jinyang saw the allied Han, Zhao and Wei destroy the Zhi family (453 BC) and their lands were distributed among them. With this, they became the "de facto" rulers of most of Jin's territory, though this situation would not be officially recognised until half a century later. The Jin division created a political vacuum that enabled during the first 50 years expansion of Chu and Yue northward and Qi southward. Qin increased its control of the local tribes and began its expansion southwest to Sichuan.
Early Warring States[edit]
The three Jins recognized (403–364 BC)[edit]
     
In 403 BC, the Zhou court under King Weilie officially recognized Zhao, Wei and Han as immediate vassals, thereby raising them to the same rank as the other warring states.
 From before 405 until 383 BC the three Jins were united under the leadership of Wei and expanded in all directions. The most important figure was Marquess Wen of Wei (445–396 BC). In 408–406 BC he conquered the State of Zhongshan to the northeast on the other side of Zhao. At the same time he pushed west across the Yellow River to the Luo River taking the area of Xihe (literally 'west of the [Yellow] river').
 The growing power of Wei caused Zhao to back away from the alliance. In 383 BC it moved its capital to Handan and attacked the small state of Wey. Wey appealed to Wei which attacked Zhao on the western side. Being in danger, Zhao called in Chu. As usual, Chu used this as a pretext to annex territory to its north, but the diversion allowed Zhao to occupy a part of Wei. This conflict marked the end of the power of the united Jins and the beginning a period of shifting alliances and wars on several fronts.
 In 376 BC, the states of Han, Wei and Zhao deposed Duke Jing of Jin and divided the last remaining Jin territory between themselves, which marked the final end of the Jin state.
 In 370 BC, Marquess Wu of Wei died without naming a successor, which led to a war of succession. After three years of civil war, Zhao from the north and Han from the south invaded Wei. On the verge of conquering Wei, the leaders of Zhao and Han fell into disagreement about what to do with Wei, and both armies abruptly retreated. As a result, King Hui of Wei (still a Marquess at the time) was able to ascend the throne of Wei.
 By the end of the period Zhao extended from the Shanxi plateau across the plain to the borders of Qi. Wei reached east to Qi, Lu, and Song. To the south, the weaker state of Han held the east-west part of the Yellow River valley, surrounded the Zhou royal domain at Luoyang and held an area north of Luoyang called Shangdang.
Qi resurgence under Tian (379–340 BC)[edit]
      A carved-jade dragon garment ornament from the Warring States period  
 Duke Kang of Qi died in 379 BC with no heir from the house of Jiang, which had ruled Qi since the state's founding. The throne instead passed to the future King Wei, from the house of Tian. The Tian had been very influential at court towards the end of Jiang rule, and now openly assumed power. [3] 
 The new ruler set about reclaiming territories that had been lost to other states. He launched a successful campaign against Zhao, Wey and Wei, once again extending Qi territory to the Great Wall. Sima Qian writes that the other states were so awestruck that nobody dared attack Qi for more than 20 years. The demonstrated military prowess also had a calming effect on Qi's own population, which experienced great domestic tranquility during Wei's reign. [4] 
 By the end of King Wei's reign, Qi had become the strongest of the states and proclaimed itself "king"; establishing independence from the Zhou dynasty (see below).
Wars of Wei[edit]
     
 King Hui of Wei (370–319 BC) set about restoring the state. In 362–359 BC he exchanged territories with Han and Zhao in order to make the boundaries of the three states more rational.
 In 364 BC Wei was defeated by Qin at the Battle of Shimen and was only saved by the intervention of Zhao. Qin won another victory in 362 BC. In 361 BC the Wei capital was moved east to Daliang to be out of the reach of Qin.
 In 354 BC, King Hui of Wei started a large-scale attack on Zhao. By 353 BC, Zhao was losing badly and its capital, Handan, was under siege. The State of Qi intervened. The famous Qi strategist, Sun Bin the great-great-great-grandson of Sun Tzu (author of the Art of War), proposed to attack the Wei capital while the Wei army was tied up besieging Zhao. The strategy was a success; the Wei army hastily moved south to protect its capital, was caught on the road and decisively defeated at the Battle of Guiling. The battle is remembered in the second of the Thirty-Six Stratagems, "besiege Wei, save Zhao" meaning to attack a vulnerable spot to relieve pressure at another point.
 Domestically, King Hui patronized philosophy and the arts, and is perhaps best remembered for hosting the Confucian philosopher Meng Zi at his court; their conversations form the first two chapters of the book which bears Meng Zi's name.
Dukes become kings[edit]
Qi and Wei became kingdoms (344 BC)[edit]
The title of "king" (wang, 王) was held by figurehead rulers of the Zhou dynasty, while the rulers of most states held the title of "duke" (gong, 公) or "marquess" (hou, 侯). A major exception was Chu, whose rulers were called kings since King Wu of Chu started using the title c. 703 BC.
 In 344 BC the rulers of Qi and Wei mutually recognized each other as "kings": King Wei of Qi and King Hui of Wei, in effect declaring their independence from the Zhou court. This marked a major turning point: unlike those in the Spring and Autumn period, the new generation of rulers ascending the thrones in the Warring States period would not entertain even the pretence of being vassals of the Zhou dynasty, instead proclaiming themselves fully independent kingdoms.
Shang Yang reforms Qin (356–338 BC)[edit]
     
During the early Warring States period Qin generally avoided conflicts with the other states. This changed during the reign of Duke Xiao, when prime minister Shang Yang made centralizing and authoritarian reforms in accordance with his Legalist philosophy between the years 356 and 338 BC.
 Shang introduced land reforms, privatized land, rewarded farmers who exceeded harvest quotas, enslaved farmers who failed to meet quotas, and used enslaved subjects as rewards for those who met government policies. As manpower was short in Qin relative to the other states at the time, Shang enacted policies to increase its manpower. As Qin peasants were recruited into the military, he encouraged active immigration of peasants from other states into Qin as a replacement workforce; this policy simultaneously increased the manpower of Qin and weakened the manpower of Qin's rivals.
 Shang made laws forcing citizens to marry at a young age and passed tax laws to encourage raising multiple children. He also enacted policies to free convicts who worked in opening wastelands for agriculture. Shang abolished primogeniture and created a double tax on households that had more than one son living in the household, to break up large clans into nuclear families. Shang also moved the capital to reduce the influence of nobles on the administration.
 The rise of Qin was recognized by the royal court, and in 343 BC the king conferred the title of hegemon on Duke Xiao. As was customary for the designated hegemon, the duke hosted a conference of all the feudal lords, although it did not lead to any lasting peace. [3] 
 After the reforms Qin became much more aggressive. In 340 Qin took land from Wèi after it had been defeated by Qi. In 316 Qin conquered Shu and Ba in Sichuan to the southwest. Development of this area took a long time but slowly added greatly to Qin's wealth and power.
Qin defeats Wei (341–340 BC)[edit]
In 341 BC, Wei attacked Han. Qi allowed Han to be nearly defeated and then intervened. The generals from the Battle of Guiling met again (Sun Bin and Tian Ji versus Pang Juan), using the same tactic, attacking Wei's capital. Sun Bin feigned a retreat and then turned on the overconfident Wei troops and decisively defeated them at the Battle of Maling. After the battle all three of the Jin successor states appeared before King Xuan of Qi, pledging their loyalty. [5] 
 In the following year Qin attacked the weakened Wei. Wei was devastatingly defeated and ceded a large part of its territory in return for truce. With Wei severely weakened, Qi and Qin became the dominant states in China.
 Wei came to rely on Qi for protection, with King Hui of Wei meeting King Xuan of Qi on two occasions. After Hui's death, his successor King Xiang also established a good relationship with his Qi counterpart, with both promising to recognize the other as "king". [4] 
Chu conquers Yue (334 BC)[edit]
      A Warring States bronze  ding vessel with gold and silver inlay  
     
Early in the Warring States period, Chu was one of the strongest states in China. The state rose to a new level of power around 389 BC when King Dao of Chu (楚悼王) named the famous reformer Wu Qi as his chancellor.
 Chu rose to its peak in 334 BC, when it conquered Yue to its east on the Pacific coast. The series of events leading up to this began when Yue prepared to attack Qi to its north. The King of Qi sent an emissary who persuaded the King of Yue to attack Chu instead. Yue initiated a large-scale attack at Chu but was defeated by Chu's counter-attack. Chu then proceeded to conquer Yue.
Qin, Han and Yan became kingdoms (325–323 BC)[edit]
 King Xian of Zhou had attempted to use what little royal prerogative he had left by appointing the dukes Xian (384–362 BC), Xiao (361–338 BC) and Hui (338–311 BC) of Qin as hegemons, thereby in theory making Qin the chief ally of the court. [6] 
 However, in 325 the confidence of Duke Hui grew so great that he proclaimed himself "king" of Qin; adopting the same title as the king of Zhou and thereby effectively proclaiming independence from the Zhou dynasty. [6]  King Hui of Qin was guided by his prime minister Zhang Yi, a prominent representative of the School of Diplomacy. [7] 
 He was followed in 323 BC by King Xuanhui of Han and King Yi of Yan, as well as King Cuo of the minor state Zhongshan. [3]  In 318 BC even the ruler of Song, a relatively minor state, declared himself king. Uniquely, while King Wuling of Zhao had joined the other kings in declaring himself king, he retracted this order in 318 BC, after Zhao suffered a great defeat at the hands of Qin.
Partition of Zhou (314 BC)[edit]
 King Kao of Zhou had enfeoffed his younger brother as Duke Huan of Henan. Three generations later, this cadet branch of the royal house began calling themselves "Dukes of East Zhou". [6] 
 Upon the ascension of King Nan in 314 BC, East Zhou became an independent state. The king came to reside in what became known as West Zhou. [6] 
Horizontal and vertical alliances (334–249 BC)[edit]
      An iron sword and two bronze swords dated to the Warring States period  
Towards the end of the Warring States period, the Qin state became disproportionately powerful compared with the other six states. As a result, the policies of the six states became overwhelmingly oriented towards dealing with the Qin threat, with two opposing schools of thought. One school advocated a 'vertical' or north-south alliance called hezong (合縱) in which the states would ally with each other to repel Qin. The other advocated a 'horizontal' or east-west alliance called lianheng (連橫) in which a state would ally with Qin to participate in its ascendancy.
 There were some initial successes in hezong, though mutual suspicions between allied states led to the breakdown of such alliances. Qin repeatedly exploited the horizontal alliance strategy to defeat the states one by one. During this period, many philosophers and tacticians travelled around the states, recommending that the rulers put their respective ideas into use. These "lobbyists", such as Su Qin (who advocated vertical alliances) and Zhang Yi (who advocated horizontal alliances), were famous for their tact and intellect, and were collectively known as the School of Diplomacy, whose Chinese name (縱橫家, literally 'the school of the vertical and horizontal') was derived from the two opposing ideas.
Su Qin and the first vertical alliance (334–300 BC)[edit]
Beginning in 334 BC the diplomat Su Qin spent years visiting the courts of Yan, Zhao, Han, Wei, Qi and Chu and persuaded them to form a united front against Qin. In 318 BC all states except Qi launched a joint attack on Qin, which however was not successful. [3] 
  King Hui of Qin died in 311 BC, followed by prime minister Zhang Yi one year later. The new monarch, King Wu, reigned only four years before dying without legitimate heirs. Some damaging turbulence ensued throughout 307 BC before a son of King Hui by a concubine (i.e. a younger half-brother of King Wu) could be established as King Zhao, who in stark contrast to his predecessor went on to rule for an unprecedented 53 years.
 After the failure of the first vertical alliance, Su Qin eventually came to live in Qi, where he was favored by King Xuan and drew the envy of the ministers. An assassination attempt in 300 BC left Su mortally wounded but not dead. Sensing death approaching, he advised the newly crowned King Min have him publicly executed to draw out the assassins. King Min complied with Su's request and killed him, putting an end to the first generation of Vertical alliance thinkers. [8] 
The first horizontal alliance (300–287 BC)[edit]
      A bronze statue of a seated man, from the State of Yue, Warring States period  
 King Min of Qi came to be highly influenced by Lord Mengchang, a grandson of the former King Wei of Qi. Lord Mengchang made a westward alliance with the States of Wei and Han. In the far west, Qin, which had been weakened by a succession struggle in 307, yielded to the new coalition and appointed Lord Mengchang its chief minister. The alliance between Qin and Qi was sealed by a Qin princess marrying King Min. [4]  This "horizontal" or east-west alliance might have secured peace except that it excluded the State of Zhao.
 Around 299 BC, the ruler of Zhao became the last of the seven major states to proclaim himself "king".
 In 298 BC Zhao offered Qin an alliance and Lord Mengchang was driven out of Qin. The remaining three allies, Qi, Wei and Han, attacked Qin, driving up the Yellow River below Shanxi to the Hangu Pass. After 3 years of fighting they took the pass and forced Qin to return territory to Han and Wei. They next inflicted major defeats on Yan and Chu. During the 5-year administration of Lord Mengchang, Qi was the major power in China.
 In 294 BC Lord Mengchang was implicated in a coup d'état and fled to Wei. His alliance system collapsed.
Qi and Qin made a truce and pursued their own interests. Qi moved south against the State of Song whilst the Qin General Bai Qi pushed back eastward against a Han/Wei alliance, gaining victory at the Battle of Yique.
 In 288 BC King Zhao of Qin and King Min of Qi took the title "Di", (帝 literally emperor), of the west and east respectively. They swore a covenant and started planning an attack on Zhao.
Su Dai and the second vertical alliance[edit]
In 287 BC the strategist Su Dai, younger brother of Su Qin [8]  and possibly an agent of Yan, persuaded King Min that the Zhao war would only benefit Qin. King Min agreed and formed a 'vertical' alliance with the other states against Qin. Qin backed off, abandoned the presumptuous title of "Di", and restored territory to Wei and Zhao. In 286 Qi annexed the state of Song.
The second horizontal alliance and fall of Qi[edit]
In 285 BC, the success of Qi had frightened the other states. Under the leadership of Lord Mengchang, who was exiled in Wei, Qin, Zhao, Wei and Yan formed an alliance. Yan had normally been a relatively weak ally of Qi and Qi feared little from this quarter. Yan's onslaught under general Yue Yi came as a devastating surprise. Simultaneously, the other allies attacked from the west. Chu declared itself an ally of Qi but contented itself with annexing some territory to its north. Qi's armies were destroyed while the territory of Qi was reduced to the two cities of Ju and Jimo. King Min himself was later captured and executed by his own followers.
 King Min was succeeded by King Xiang in 283 BC. His general Tian Dan was eventually able to restore much of Qi's territory, but it never regained the influence it had under King Min.
Qin and Zhao expansions[edit]
      Seven Warring States late in the periodQin has expanded southwest, Chu north and Zhao northwest  
In 278 BC, General Bai Qi of Qin attacked from Qin's new territory in Sichuan to the west of Chu. The capital of Ying was captured and Chu's western lands on the Han River were lost. The effect was to shift Chu significantly to the east.
 After Chu was defeated in 278, the remaining great powers were Qin in the west and Zhao in the north-center. There was little room for diplomatic maneuver and matters were decided by wars. Zhao had been much strengthened by King Wuling of Zhao (325–299). In 307 he enlarged his cavalry by copying the northern nomads. In 306 he took more land in the northern Shanxi plateau. In 305 he defeated the north-eastern border state of Zhongshan. In 304 he pushed far to the north-west and occupied the east-west section of the Yellow River in the north of the Ordos Loop. King Huiwen of Zhao (298–266) chose able servants and expanded against the weakened Qi and Wei. In 296 his general Lian Po defeated two Qin armies.
 In 269 BC Fan Sui became chief advisor to Qin. He advocated authoritarian reforms, irrevocable expansion and an alliance with distant states to attack nearby states (the twenty-third of the Thirty-Six Stratagems). His maxim "attack not only the territory, but also the people" enunciated a policy of mass slaughter that became increasingly frequent.[ citation needed ]
Qin-Zhao wars (282–257 BC)[edit]
In 265 King Zhaoxiang of Qin made the first move by attacking the weak state of Han which held the Yellow River gateway into Qin. He moved north-east across Wei territory to cut off the Han exclave of Shangdang north of Luoyang and south of Zhao. The Han king agreed to surrender Shangdang, but the local governor refused and presented it to King Xiaocheng of Zhao. Zhao sent out Lian Po who based his armies at Changping and Qin sent out general Wang He. Lian Po was too wise to risk a decisive battle with the Qin army and remained inside his fortifications. Qin could not break through and the armies were locked in stalemate for three years. The Zhao king decided that Lian Po was not aggressive enough and sent out Zhao Kuo who promised a decisive battle. At the same time Qin secretly replaced Wang He with the notoriously violent Bai Qi. When Zhao Kuo left his fortifications, Bai Qi used a Cannae maneuver, falling back in the center and surrounding the Zhao army from the sides. After being surrounded for 46 days, the starving Zhao troops surrendered in September 260 BC. It is said that Bai Qi had all the prisoners killed and that Zhao lost 400,000 men.
 Qin was too exhausted to follow up its victory. Some time later it sent an army to besiege the Zhao capital but the army was destroyed when it was attacked from the rear. Zhao survived, but there was no longer a state that could resist Qin on its own. The other states could have survived if they remained united against Qin, but they did not. 
 In 257 BC, Qin army failed to besiege Handan and was defeated by the allied force of Zhao, Wei and Chu during the Battle of Handan.
End of Zhou dynasty (256–249 BC)[edit]
The forces of King Zhao of Qin defeated King Nan of Zhou and conquered West Zhou in 256 BC, claiming the Nine Cauldrons and thereby symbolically becoming The Son of Heaven.
 King Zhao's exceptionally long reign ended in 251 BC. His son King Xiaowen, already an old man, died just three days after his coronation and was succeeded by his son King Zhuangxiang of Qin. The new Qin king proceeded to conquer East Zhou, seven years after the fall of West Zhou. Thus the 800-year Zhou dynasty, nominally China's longest-ruling regime, finally came to an end. [6] 
  Sima Qian contradicts himself regarding the ultimate fate of the East Zhou court. Chapter 4 (The Annals of Zhou) concludes with the sentence "thus the sacrifices of Zhou ended", but in the following chapter 5 (The Annals of Qin) we learn that "Qin did not prohibit their sacrifices; the Lord of Zhou was allotted a patch of land in Yangren where he could continue his ancestral sacrifices".
Qin unites China (247–221 BC)[edit]
      Animated map of the Warring States period [9]    
      Unification of Qin from 230 BC to 211 BC  
 King Zhuangxiang of Qin ruled for only three years. He was succeeded by his son Zheng, who unlike the two elderly kings that preceded him was only 13 years old at his coronation. As an adult Zheng would turn out to be a brilliant commander who, in the span of just nine years, unified China. [7] 
Conquest of Han[edit]
In 230 BC, Qin conquered Han. [10]  
Han, the weakest of the Seven Warring States, was adjacent to the much stronger Qin, and had suffered continuous assaults by Qin in earlier years of the Warring States period. This went on until Emperor Qin Shi Huang sent general Wang Jian to attack Zhao. King An of Han, frightened by the thought that Han would be the next target of the Qin state, immediately sent diplomats to surrender the entire kingdom without a fight, saving the Han populace from the terrible potential consequences of an unsuccessful resistance.
Conquest of Wei[edit]
In 225 BC, Qin conquered Wei. 
The Qin army led a direct invasion into Wei by besieging its capital Daliang but soon realized that the city walls were too tough to break into. They devised a new strategy in which they utilized the power of a local river that was linked to the Yellow River. The river was used to flood the city's walls, causing massive devastation to the city. Upon realizing the situation, King Jia of Wei hurriedly came out of the capital and surrendered it to the Qin army in order to avoid further bloodshed of his people.
Conquest of Chu[edit]
     
In 223 BC, Qin conquered Chu. 
The first invasion was however an utter disaster when 200,000 Qin troops, led by the general, Li Xin, were defeated by 500,000 Chu troops in the unfamiliar territory of Huaiyang, modern-day northern Jiangsu and Anhui provinces. Xiang Yan, the Chu commander, had lured Qin by allowing a few initial victories, but then counterattacked and burnt two large Qin camps.
 In 222 BC, Wang Jian was recalled to lead a second military invasion with 600,000 men against the Chu state. High in morale after their victory in the previous year, the Chu forces were content to sit back and defend against what they expected to be a siege of Chu. However, Wang Jian decided to weaken Chu's resolve and tricked the Chu army by appearing to be idle in his fortifications whilst secretly training his troops to fight in Chu territory. After a year, the Chu defenders decided to disband due to apparent lack of action from the Qin. Wang Jian invaded at that point, with full force, and overran Huaiyang and the remaining Chu forces. Chu lost the initiative and could only sustain local guerrilla-style resistance until it too was fully conquered with the destruction of Shouchun and the death of its last leader, Lord Changping, in 223 BC. At their peak, the combined armies of Chu and Qin are estimated to have ranged from hundreds of thousands to a million soldiers, more than those involved in the campaign of Changping between Qin and Zhao 35 years earlier. [11] 
Conquest of Zhao and Yan[edit]
In 222 BC, Qin conquered Zhao and Yan. 
After the conquest of Zhao, the Qin army turned its attention towards Yan. Realizing the danger and gravity of this situation, Crown Prince Dan of Yan had sent Jing Ke to assassinate King Zheng of Qin, but this failure only helped to fuel the rage and determination of the Qin king, and he increased the number of troops to conquer the Yan state.
Conquest of Qi[edit]
In 221 BC, Qin conquered Qi. 
Qi was the final unconquered warring state. It had not previously contributed or helped other states when Qin was conquering them. As soon as Qin's intention to invade it became clear, Qi swiftly surrendered all its cities, completing the unification of China and ushering in the Qin dynasty. The last Qi king lived out his days in exile in Gong and was not given a posthumous name after death, therefore he is known to posterity by his personal name Jian.
 The Qin king Ying Zheng declared himself as Qin Shi Huangdi, "The first Sovereign Emperor of Qin". [10] 
 In the rule of the Qin state, the union was based solely on military power. The feudal holdings were abolished, and noble families were forced to live in the capital city Xianyang, in order to be supervised. A national road as well as greater use of canals was used in order for deployment and supply of the army to be done with ease and speed. The peasants were given a wider range of rights in regards of land, although they were subject to taxation, creating a large amount of revenue to the state. [10] 
Military theory and practice[edit]
      An iron sword of the Warring States.  
     
      Model of a Warring States period traction trebuchet.  
      A horse-rider fighting a tiger, depicted on a gilded mirror discovered in Jincun, Luoyang.  
Increasing scale of warfare[edit]
The chariot remained a major factor in Chinese warfare long after it went out of fashion in the Middle East. Near the beginning of the Warring States period there is a shift from chariots to massed infantry, possibly associated with the invention of the crossbow. This had two major effects. First it led the dukes to weaken their chariot-riding nobility so they could get direct access to the peasantry who could be drafted as infantry. This change was associated with the shift from aristocratic to bureaucratic government. Second, it led to a massive increase in the scale of warfare. When the Zhou overthrew the Shang at the Battle of Muye they used 45,000 troops and 300 chariots. For the Warring States period the following figures for the military strengths of various states are reported:
 Qin  1,000,000 infantry, 1,000 chariots, 10,000 horses;
Chu  same numbers;
Wei  200–360,000 infantry, 200,000 spearmen, 100,000 servants, 600 chariots, 5,000 cavalry;
Han  300,000 total;
Qi  several hundred thousand; 
For major battles, the following figures are reported:
  Battle of Maling  100,000 killed;
 Battle of Yique  240,000 killed;
General Bai Qi is said to have been responsible for 890,000 enemy deaths over his career. 
Many scholars think these numbers are exaggerated (records are inadequate, they are much larger than those from similar societies, soldiers were paid by the number of enemies they killed and the Han dynasty had an interest in exaggerating the bloodiness of the age before China was unified). Regardless of exaggeration, it seems clear that warfare had become excessive during this period. The bloodshed and misery of the Warring States period goes a long way in explaining China's traditional and current preference for a united throne. [12] 
Military developments[edit]
      Warring States swords and spearhead with patterns  
The Warring States period saw the introduction of many innovations to the art of warfare in China, such as the use of iron and of cavalry.
 Warfare in the Warring States period evolved considerably from the Spring and Autumn period, as most armies made use of infantry and cavalry in battles, and the use of chariots became less widespread. The use of massed infantry made warfare bloodier and reduced the importance of the aristocracy, which in turn made the kings more despotic. From this period onward, as the various states competed with each other by mobilizing their armies to war, nobles in China belonged to the literate class, rather than to the warrior class as had previously been the case.
 The various states fielded massive armies of infantry, cavalry, and chariots. Complex logistical systems maintained by efficient government bureaucracies were needed to supply, train, and control such large forces. The size of the armies ranged from tens of thousands to several hundred thousand men. [13] 
Iron weapons became more widespread and began to replace bronze. Most armour and weapons of this period were made from iron.
 The first official native Chinese cavalry unit was formed in 307 BC during the military reforms of King Wuling of Zhao, who advocated 'nomadic dress and horse archery'. [14]  But the war chariot still retained its prestige and importance, despite the tactical superiority of cavalry.
 The crossbow was the preferred long-range weapon of this period, due to several reasons. The crossbow could be mass-produced easily, and mass training of crossbowmen was possible. These qualities made it a powerful weapon against the enemy.
 Infantrymen deployed a variety of weapons, but the most popular was the dagger-axe. The dagger-axe came in various lengths, from 9 to 18 feet; the weapon consisted of a thrusting spear with a slashing blade appended to it. Dagger-axes were an extremely popular weapon in various kingdoms, especially for the Qin, who produced 18-foot-long pike-like weapons.
Military thought[edit]
The Warring States was a great period for military strategy; of the Seven Military Classics of China, four were written during this period:
   The Art of War   It is attributed to Sun Tzu, a highly influential study of strategy and tactics. [15]  
  Wuzi   It is attributed to Wu Qi, a statesman and commander who served the states of Wei and then Chu.
  Wei Liaozi   of uncertain authorship.
  The Methods of the Sima   It is attributed to Sima Rangju, a commander serving the state of Qi. 
Culture and society[edit]
     
     
     
The Warring States period was an era of warfare in ancient China, as well as bureaucratic and military reforms and consolidation; the major states, ruling over large territories, quickly sought to consolidate their powers, leading to the final erosion of the Zhou court's prestige. As a sign of this shift, the rulers of all the major states (except for Chu, which had claimed kingly title much earlier) abandoned their former feudal titles for the title of 王, or King, claiming equality with the rulers of the Zhou.
 At the same time, the constant conflict and need for innovative social and political models led to the development of many philosophical doctrines, later known as the Hundred Schools of Thought. The most notable schools of thought include Mohism (expounded by Mozi), Confucianism (represented by Mencius and Xunzi), Legalism (represented by Shang Yang, Shen Buhai, Shen Dao and Han Fei) and Taoism (represented by Zhuangzi and Lao Tzu).
 The many states that were competing between each other attempted to display their power not only militarily but in their courts and state philosophy. Many differing rulers adopted the differing philosophies in their own advantage or that of their kingdom.
 Mencius attempted to instate Confucianism as a state philosophy through proposing that through the governing of moral principles like benevolence and righteousness, the state would win popular support from one state and those neighboring, eliminating the need of a war altogether. Mencius had attempted to convince King Hui of Liang, although was unsuccessful since the king saw no advantage in the period of wars. [16] 
 Mohism was developed by Mozi (468–376 BC) and it provided a unified moral and political philosophy based on impartiality and benevolence. [17]  Mohists had the belief that people change depending on environments around. The same was applied to rulers, which is why one must be cautious of foreign influences. Mozi was very much against warfare, although he was a great tactician in defense. He defended the small state of Song from many attempts of the Chu state. [18] 
 Taoism was advocated by Laozi, and believed that human nature was good and can achieve perfection by returning to original state. It believed that like a baby, humans are simple and innocent although with development of civilizations it lost its innocence only to be replaced by fraud and greed. 	Contrarily to other schools, it did not want to gain influence in the offices of states and Laozi even refused to be in the minister of the state of Chu. [18] 
 Legalism created by Shang Yang in 338 BC, rejected all notions of religion and practices, and believed a nation should be governed by strict law. Not only were severe punishments applied, but they would be grouped with the families and made mutually responsible for criminal act. It proposed radical reforms, and established a society based on solid ranks. Peasants were encouraged to practice agriculture as occupation, and military performance was rewarded. Laws were also applied to all ranks with no exception; even the king was not above punishment. The philosophy was adapted by the Qin state and it created it into a well-organized, centralized state with a bureaucracy chosen on the basis of merit. [16] 
This period is most famous for the establishment of complex bureaucracies and centralized governments, as well as a clearly established legal system. The developments in political and military organization were the basis of the power of the Qin state, which conquered the other states and unified them under the Qin Empire in 221 BC.
Nobles, bureaucrats and reformers[edit]
The phenomenon of intensive warfare, based on mass formations of infantry rather than the traditional chariots, was one major trend which led to the creation of strong central bureaucracies in each of the major states. At the same time, the process of secondary feudalism which permeated the Spring and Autumn period, and led to such events as the partition of Jin and the usurpation of Qi by the Tian clan, was eventually reversed by the same process of bureaucratisation.
 Under the demands of warfare, the states adopted bureaucratic reforms in the Warring States period. Wei adopted these in 445 BC, Zhao in 403 BC, Chu in 390 BC, Han in 355 BC, Qi in 357 BC and Qin in 350 BC. Power was centralised by curbing the landed aristocrats and sinecures and creating a new hierarchy based on meritorious service to the state, which were drawn from the lower rungs of society. Systematic auditing and reporting systems, and fixed salaries for officials were created. [19] 
 The reforms of Shang Yang in Qin, and of Wu Qi in Chu, both centred on increased centralisation, the suppression of the nobility, and a vastly increased scope of government based on Legalist ideals, which were necessary to mobilise the large armies of the period.[ citation needed ]
Sophisticated arithmetic[edit]
     
A bundle of 21 bamboo slips from the Tsinghua collection dated to 305 BC are the world's earliest example of a two digit decimal multiplication table, indicating that sophisticated commercial arithmetic was already established during this period. [20] 
  Rod numerals were used to represent both negative and positive integers, and rational numbers, a true positional number system, with a blank for zero [21]  dating back to the Warring States period.
Literature[edit]
An important literary achievement of the Warring States period is the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which summarizes the preceding Spring and Autumn period. The less famous work Guoyu is thought to be by the same author.
 Many sayings of Spring and Autumn philosophers, which had previously been circulated orally, were put into writing in the Warring States. These include the Analects and The Art of War.
Economic developments[edit]
The Warring States period saw the proliferation of iron working in China, replacing bronze as the dominant type of metal used in warfare. Areas such as Shu (present-day Sichuan) and Yue (present-day Zhejiang) were also brought into the Chinese cultural sphere during this time. Trade also became important, and some merchants had considerable power in politics, the most prominent of which was Lü Buwei, who rose to become Chancellor of Qin and was a key supporter of the eventual Qin Shihuang.[ citation needed ]
 At the same time, the increased resources of consolidated, bureaucratic states, coupled with the logistical needs of mass levies and large-scale warfare, led to the proliferation of economic projects such as large-scale waterworks. Major examples of such waterworks include the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, which controlled the Min River in Sichuan and turned the former backwater region into a major Qin logistical base, and the Zhengguo Canal which irrigated large areas of land in the Guanzhong Plain, again increasing Qin's agricultural output.
 The Guanzi is considered one of the most foundational texts of the developing political economy in the Warring States period. [22]  It addresses principles of price regulation in the context of effectively dealing with commodities that are "light" (connoting a commodity which is unimportant, non-essential, or inexpensive) or "heavy" (a commodity which is important, essential, or expensive) and how whether a commodity is "light" or "heavy" must be understood in relation the contexts and other commodities. [23] 
See also[edit]
  Feudalism 
 Sengoku period – A period in Japanese history named after this period
 Three Kingdoms 
 Warlord Era  
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
 
  ^  Cartwright, Mark (July 12, 2017). "Warring States Period".  World History Encyclopedia .
  ^  Cook, Scott (2010). ""San De" and Warring States Views on Heavenly Retribution". Journal of Chinese Philosophy. 37: 101–123. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01622.x.
^    a       b       c       d    Shi Ji, chapter 15
^    a       b       c    Shi Ji, chapter 46
  ^  Shi Ji, chapter 16
^    a       b       c       d       e    Shi Ji, chapter 4
^    a       b    Shi Ji, chapter 5
^    a       b    Shi Ji, chapter 69
  ^  "MDBG", Sökord: 战国策
^    a       b       c    Cotterell (2010), pp. 90–91.
  ^  Lewis (1999), pp. 626–629.
  ^  Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1999). The Cambridge History of Ancient China. p. 625.
  ^  Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais (2006), p. ?[ page needed ]
  ^  Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais (2006), p. 29.
  ^  Tzu &amp; Griffith (1963), p. v.
^    a       b     Haw, Stephen G. (2008). A traveller's history of China. Canada: Interlink Books. pp. 64–71.
  ^  Fraser, Chris (1 January 2015). "Mohism". The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved 17 March 2017.
^    a       b    Lu &amp; Ke (2012).
  ^  Edgar Kiser; Yong Cai (Aug 2003). "War and Bureaucratization in Qin China: Exploring an Anomalous Case". American Sociological Review. 68 (4): 527–528.
  ^   Qiu, Jane (7 January 2014). "Ancient times table hidden in Chinese bamboo strips: The 2,300-year-old matrix is the world's oldest decimal multiplication table". Nature. doi:10.1038/nature.2014.14482. S2CID 130132289.
  ^  Unicodes 1D360—1D37F : Counting Rod Numerals 
  ^  Weber, Isabella (2021).  How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate . Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. p. 19. ISBN  978-0-429-49012-5 . OCLC 1228187814.
  ^  Weber, Isabella (2021).  How China escaped shock therapy : the market reform debate . Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp. 19–20. ISBN  978-0-429-49012-5 . OCLC 1228187814.
 
Sources[edit]
  Cotterell, Arthur (2010), Asia, a Concise History, Singapore: John Wiley &amp; Sons, ISBN  978-0-470-82959-2 . 
 Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006),  Pre-Modern East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History , Boston, MA: Houghton-Mifflin Company, ISBN  0-618-13386-0 . 
 Lewis, Mark Edward (1999), "Warring States Political History", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge history of ancient China: from the origins of civilization to 221 B.C., Cambridge University Press, pp. 587–649, ISBN  978-0-521-47030-8 . 
 Lu, Liqing; Ke, Jinhua (2012), "A Concise History of Chinese Psychology of Religion", Pastoral Psychology, 61 (5–6): 623–639, doi:10.1007/s11089-011-0395-y, S2CID 144556354. 
  Tzu, Sun; Griffith, Samuel B. (1963), The Art of War, New York, NY: Oxford University Press  
Further reading[edit]
   Li Xueqin (1985). Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations. Translated by Chang, K.C. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN  0-300-03286-2 . 
 Yap, Joseph P. (2009). Wars with the Xiongnu: A Translation from Zizhi Tongjian . Bloomington, Indiana, U.S.A.: AuthorHouse. ISBN  978-1-4490-0604-4 . 
 Sima Guang (2016).  Zizhi Tongjian: Warring States and Qin. Vol. 1 to 8 - 403-207 BCE. Translated by Yap, Joseph P. CreateSpace. ISBN  978-1533086938 . LCCN 2016908788.  
External links[edit]
  Warring States Period - World History Encyclopedia 
 Warring States Project, University of Massachusetts Amherst 
 Rulers of the warring states – Chinese Text Project 
 China's Warring States Period, BBC Radio 4 discussion with Chris Cullen, Vivienne Lo &amp; Carol Michaelson (In Our Time, Apr. 1, 2004)
Warring States period - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warring_States_period
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Analects
Analects - Wikipedia
2003-08-10
None
<div><div>
<table><caption>Analects<br />論語 </caption><tbody><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Rongo_Analects_02.jpg"></a><p>A page from the <i>Analects</i></p></td></tr><tr><th>Author</th><td>Disciples of <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a></td></tr><tr><th>Language</th><td><a href="/wiki/Classical_Chinese">Classical Chinese</a></td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Analects</th></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Analects_(Chinese_characters).svg"></a><div><p>"Analects" in ancient <a href="/wiki/Seal_script">seal script</a> (top), <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Traditional</a> (middle), and <a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Simplified</a> (bottom) Chinese characters</p></div></td></tr><tr><th>Chinese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Traditional Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E8%AB%96%E8%AA%9E">論語</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">Simplified Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E8%AE%BA%E8%AF%AD">论语</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Lúnyǔ</td></tr><tr><th>Literal meaning</th><td>"Selected Sayings",<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212-1">[1]</a></sup> or "Edited Conversations"<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKnechtgesShih2010645-2">[2]</a></sup></td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Lúnyǔ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Bopomofo">Bopomofo</a></th><td>ㄌㄨㄣˊ   ㄩˇ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Luenyeu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Lun<sup>2</sup>-yü<sup>3</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Mandarin">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Lwúnyǔ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Mandarin_Phonetic_Symbols_II">MPS2</a></th><td>Luényǔ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[lwə̌n.ỳ]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Wu_Chinese">Romanization</a></th><td>Lén-nyû</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Lèuhn-yúh</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Leon4-jyu5</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[lɵ̏n.jy̬ː]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Lūn-gú</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Lūn-gú</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>lwin-ngjó</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter–Sagart_(2014)">Baxter–Sagart (2014)</a></th><td>*[r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Vietnamese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Vietnamese_alphabet">Vietnamese alphabet</a></th><td><i>Luận Ngữ</i></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Ch%E1%BB%AF_H%C3%A1n">Chữ Hán</a></th><td>論語</td></tr><tr><th>Korean name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hangul">Hangul</a></th><td>논어</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a></th><td>論語</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Revised_Romanization_of_Korean">Revised Romanization</a></th><td>Noneo</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Japanese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kanji">Kanji</a></th><td>論語</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kana">Kana</a></th><td>ろんご</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Japanese">Romanization</a></th><td>Rongo</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p>The <i><b>Analects</b></i> (<a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Chinese</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E8%AB%96%E8%AA%9E">論語</a>; <a href="/wiki/Pinyin">pinyin</a>: <i>Lúnyǔ</i>; <a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a>: <i>[r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ</i>; meaning "Selected Sayings"<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212-1">[1]</a></sup>), also known as the <i><b>Analects of Confucius</b></i>, the <i><b>Sayings of Confucius</b></i>, or the <i><b>Lun Yu</b></i>, is an ancient Chinese book composed of a large collection of sayings and ideas attributed to the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosopher">Chinese philosopher</a> <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> and his contemporaries, traditionally believed to have been compiled and written by Confucius's followers. It is believed to have been written during the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a> (475–221 BC), and it achieved its final form during the mid-<a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> (206 BC–220 AD). By the early Han dynasty the <i>Analects</i> was considered merely a "commentary" on the <a href="/wiki/Five_Classics">Five Classics</a>, but the status of the <i>Analects</i> grew to be one of the central texts of <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a> by the end of that dynasty.
</p><p>During the late <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1279 AD) the importance of the <i>Analects</i> as a <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosophy</a> work was raised above that of the older Five Classics, and it was recognized as one of the "<a href="/wiki/Four_Books">Four Books</a>". The <i>Analects</i> has been one of the most widely-read and studied books in China for the last 2,000 years, and continues to have a substantial influence on Chinese and <a href="/wiki/Eastern_philosophy#East_Asian_philosophies">East Asian thought and values</a> today.
</p><p>Confucius believed that the welfare of a country depended on the moral cultivation of its people, beginning from the nation's leadership. He believed that individuals could begin to cultivate an all-encompassing sense of virtue through <i><a href="/wiki/Ren_(Confucianism)">ren</a></i>, and that the most basic step to cultivating <i>ren</i> was <a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">devotion to one's parents</a> and older siblings. He taught that one's individual desires do not need to be suppressed, but that people should be educated to reconcile their desires via <a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucian)">rituals and forms of propriety</a>, through which people could demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society.
</p><p>Confucius taught that a ruler's sense of <a href="/wiki/De_(Chinese)">virtue</a> was his primary prerequisite for leadership. His primary goal in educating his students was to produce <a href="/wiki/Junzi">ethically well-cultivated men</a> who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things.
</p>
<h2>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Creation of the text[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius_02.png"></a></p><div><p>A portrait of Confucius giving a lecture.</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Analects.JPG"></a></p></div>
<p>According to <a href="/wiki/Ban_Gu">Ban Gu</a>, writing in the <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Han">Book of Han</a></i>, the <i>Analects</i> originated as individual records kept by Confucius's disciples of conversations between the Master and them, which were then collected and jointly edited by the disciples after Confucius's death in 479 BC. The work is therefore titled <i>Lunyu</i> meaning "edited conversations" or "selected speeches" (i.e. analects).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKnechtgesShih2010645-2">[2]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201025-3">[3]</a></sup> This broadly forms the traditional account of the genesis of the work accepted by later generations of scholars, for example the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> neo-Confucian scholar <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> stated that <i>Analects</i> is the records of Confucius's first- and second-generation pupils.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201326-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>This traditional view has been challenged by Chinese, Japanese, and Western scholars. The Qing dynasty <a href="/wiki/Philologist">philologist</a> Cui Shu argued on linguistic ground that the last five books were produced much later than the rest of the work. <a href="/wiki/It%C5%8D_Jinsai">Itō Jinsai</a> claimed that, because of differences he saw in patterns of language and content in the <i>Analects</i>, a distinction in authorship should be made between the "upper <i>Analects</i>" (Books 1–10) and "lower <i>Analects</i>" (Books 11–20). <a href="/wiki/Arthur_Waley">Arthur Waley</a> speculated that Books 3–9 represent the earliest parts of the book. E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks reviewed previous theories of the chapters' creation and produced a "four stratum theory" of the text's creation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212-1">[1]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland2003xiii–xiv-5">[5]</a></sup> Many modern scholars now believe that the work was compiled over a period of around two hundred years, some time during the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a> (476–221 BC), with some questioning the authenticity of some of the sayings.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:0-6">[6]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-:1-7">[7]</a></sup> Because no manuscript dated earlier than about 70 BC have been discovered, and because the <i>Analects</i> was not referred to by name in any existing source before the early Han dynasty, some scholars have proposed dates as late as 140 BC for the text's final compilation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201221–23-8">[8]</a></sup>
</p><p>Regardless of how early the text of the <i>Analects</i> existed, most <i>Analects</i> scholars believe that by the early <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> (206 BC–220 AD) the book was widely known and transmitted throughout China in a mostly complete form, and that the book acquired its final, complete form during the Han dynasty. However, Han dynasty writer <a href="/wiki/Wang_Chong">Wang Chong</a> claimed that all copies of the <i>Analects</i> that existed during the Han dynasty were incomplete and formed only a part of a much larger work.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201025–26-9">[9]</a></sup> This is supported by the fact that a larger collection of Confucius's teachings did exist in the Warring States period than has been preserved directly in the <i>Analects</i>: 75% of Confucius's sayings cited by his second-generation student, <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a>, do not exist in the received text of the <i>Analects</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193823-10">[10]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Versions[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>According to the Han dynasty scholar <a href="/wiki/Liu_Xiang_(scholar)">Liu Xiang</a>, there were two versions of the <i>Analects</i> that existed at the beginning of the Han dynasty: the "<a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a> version" and the "<a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a> version". The Lu version contained twenty chapters, and the Qi version contained twenty-two chapters, including two chapters not found in the Lu version. Of the twenty chapters that both versions had in common, the Lu version had more passages. Each version had its own masters, schools, and transmitters.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16-11">[11]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the reign of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Jing_of_Han">Emperor Jing of Han</a> (r. 157–141 BC), a third version (the "<a href="/wiki/Old_Text">Old Text</a>" version) was discovered hidden in a wall of the home then believed to be Confucius's when the home was in the process of being destroyed by King Gong of Lu (r. 153–128 BC) in order to expand the king's palace. The new version did not contain the two extra chapters found in the Qi version, but it split one chapter found in the Lu and Qi versions in two, so it had twenty-one chapters, and the order of the chapters was different.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16-11">[11]</a></sup>
</p><p>The old text version got its name because it was written in characters not used since the earlier Warring States period (i.e. before 221 BC), when it was assumed to have been hidden.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201220-12">[12]</a></sup> According to the Han dynasty scholar <a href="/wiki/Huan_Tan">Huan Tan</a>, the old text version had four hundred characters different from the Lu version (from which the received text of the <i>Analects</i> is mostly based), and it seriously differed from the Lu version in twenty-seven places. Of these twenty-seven differences, the received text only agrees with the old text version in two places.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193824-13">[13]</a></sup>
</p><p>Over a century later, the tutor of the <i>Analects</i> to <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Cheng_of_Han">Emperor Cheng of Han</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%BC%A0%E7%A6%B9_(%E8%A5%BF%E6%B1%89)">Zhang Yu</a> (d. 5 BC), synthesized the Lu and Qi versions by taking the Lu version as authoritative and selectively adding sections from the Qi version, and produced a composite text of the <i>Analects</i> known as the "Zhang Hou Lun". This text was recognized by Zhang Yu's contemporaries and by subsequent Han scholars as superior to either individual version, and is the text that is recognized as the <i>Analects</i> today.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16-11">[11]</a></sup> No complete copies of either the Lu version or the old text version of the <i>Analects</i> exist today,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201220-12">[12]</a></sup> though fragments of the old text version were discovered at <a href="/wiki/Dunhuang_manuscripts">Dunhuang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193824-13">[13]</a></sup> The Qi version was lost for about 1,800 years but re-found during the excavation of the tomb of <a href="/wiki/Marquis_of_Haihun">Marquis of Haihun</a> in 2011.<sup><a href="#cite_note-14">[14]</a></sup>
</p><p>Before the late twentieth century the oldest existing copy of the <i>Analects</i> known to scholars was found in the "Stone Classics of the Xinping Era", a copy of the Confucian classics written in stone in the old Eastern Han dynasty capital of <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a> around 175 AD. Archaeologists have since discovered two handwritten copies of the <i>Analects</i> that were written around 50 BC, during the Western Han dynasty. They are known as the "<a href="/wiki/Dingzhou">Dingzhou</a> <i>Analects</i>", and the "<a href="/wiki/Pyongyang">Pyongyang</a> <i>Analects</i>", after the location of the tombs in which they were found. The Dingzhou <i>Analects</i> was discovered in 1973, but no transcription of its contents was published until 1997. The Pyongyang <i>Analects</i> was discovered in 1992. Academic access to the Pyongyang <i>Analects</i> has been highly restricted, and no academic study on it was published until 2009.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20121–2-15">[15]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Dingzhou <i>Analects</i> was damaged in a fire shortly after it was entombed in the Han dynasty. It was further damaged in <a href="/wiki/1976_Tangshan_earthquake">an earthquake</a> shortly after it was recovered, and the surviving text is just under half the size of the received text of the <i>Analects</i>. Of the sections that survive, the Dingzhou <i>Analects</i> is shorter than the received <i>Analects</i>, implying that the text of the <i>Analects</i> was still in the process of expansion when the Dingzhou <i>Analects</i> was entombed. There was evidence that "additions" may have been made to the manuscript after it had been completed, indicating that the writer may have become aware of at least one other version of the <i>Analects</i> and included "extra" material for the sake of completeness.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20126,_10–11,_20–21-16">[16]</a></sup>
</p><p>The content of the Pyongyang <i>Analects</i> is similar to the Dingzhou <i>Analects</i>. Because of the secrecy and isolationism of the <a href="/wiki/North_Korea">North Korean</a> government, only a very cursory study of it has been made available to international scholars, and its contents are not completely known outside of North Korea. Scholars do not agree about whether either the Dingzhou <i>Analects</i> or the Pyongyang <i>Analects</i> represent the Lu version, the Qi version, the old text version, or a different version that was independent of these three traditions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20126,_10–11,_20–21-16">[16]</a></sup>
</p><p>To date, the oldest extant manuscript of the <i>Analects</i> are the discovered texts found in the Haihunhou Tomb in 2011; the Haihunhou <i>Analects</i> "circulated at least seventeen years" before the Dingzhou and Pyongyang ones.<sup><a href="#cite_note-17">[17]</a></sup> Not to mention <i>Kongcongzi</i>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:0-6">[6]</a></sup> which may or may not contain forgeries and contain collected sayings of Confucius his disciples and his later family which could also be part of the transmission of the text.
</p>
<h3>Importance within Confucianism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>During most of the Han period the <i>Analects</i> was not considered one of the principal texts of <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>. During the reign of <a href="/wiki/Han_Wudi">Han Wudi</a> (141–87 BC), when the Chinese government began promoting Confucian studies, only the <a href="/wiki/Five_Classics">Five Classics</a> were considered by the government to be canonical (<i>jing</i>). They were considered Confucian because Confucius was assumed to have partially written, edited, and/or transmitted them. The <i>Analects</i> was considered secondary as it was thought to be merely a collection of Confucius's oral "commentary" (<i>zhuan</i>) on the Five Classics.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037-18">[18]</a></sup>
</p><p>The political importance and popularity of Confucius and Confucianism grew throughout the Han dynasty, and by the <a href="/wiki/Han_Dynasty">Eastern Han</a> the <i>Analects</i> was widely read by schoolchildren and anyone aspiring to literacy, and often read before the Five Classics themselves. During the Eastern Han, the heir apparent was provided a tutor specifically to teach him the <i>Analects</i>. The growing importance of the <i>Analects</i> was recognized when the Five Classics was expanded to the "Seven Classics": the Five Classics plus the <i>Analects</i> and the <i><a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Filial_Piety">Classic of Filial Piety</a></i>, and its status as one of the central texts of Confucianism continued to grow until the late <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1279), when it was identified and promoted as one of the <a href="/wiki/Four_Books">Four Books</a> by <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> and generally accepted as being more insightful than the older Five Classics.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_18–19-19">[19]</a></sup>
</p><p>The writing style of the <i>Analects</i> also inspired future Confucian writers. For example, <a href="/wiki/Sui_Dynasty">Sui Dynasty</a> writer <a href="/wiki/Wang_Tong_(philosopher)">Wang Tong</a>'s 中说 (<i>Explanation of the Mean</i>)<sup><a href="#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup> was purposely written to emulate the style of the <i>Analects</i>, a practice praised by <a href="/wiki/Ming_Dynasty">Ming Dynasty</a> philosopher <a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Yangming</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Commentaries_of_the_Analects_of_Confucius.jpg"></a></p><div><p>A copy of He Yan's commentary on the <i>Analects</i>, with a sub-commentary by <a href="/w/index.php?title=Xing_Bing&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Xing Bing</a>, printed during the <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a></p></div></div>
<p>Since the Han dynasty, Chinese readers have interpreted the <i>Analects</i> by reading scholars' commentaries on the book. There have been many commentaries on the <i>Analects</i> since the Han dynasty, but the two which have been most influential have been the <i>Collected Explanations of the Analects</i> (<i>Lunyu Jijie</i>) by <a href="/wiki/He_Yan">He Yan</a> (c. 195–249) and several colleagues, and the <i>Collected Commentaries of the Analects</i> (<i>Lunyu Jizhu</i>) by <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> (1130–1200). In his work, He Yan collected, selected, summarized, and rationalized what he believed to be the most insightful of all preceding commentaries on the <i>Analects</i> which had been produced by earlier Han and <a href="/wiki/Cao_Wei">Wei dynasty</a> (220–265 AD) scholars.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_13–14-22">[22]</a></sup>
</p><p>He Yan's personal interpretation of the <i>Lunyu</i> was guided by his belief that <a href="/wiki/Daoism">Daoism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a> complemented each other, so that by studying both in a correct manner a scholar could arrive at a single, unified truth. Arguing for the ultimate compatibility of Daoist and Confucian teachings, he argued that "Laozi [in fact] was in agreement with the Sage" (sic). The <i>Explanations</i> was written in 248 AD, was quickly recognized as authoritative, and remained the standard guide to interpreting the <i>Analects</i> for nearly 1,000 years, until the early <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a> (1271–1368). It is the oldest complete commentary on the <i>Analects</i> that still exists.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_13–14-22">[22]</a></sup>
</p><p>He Yan's commentary was eventually displaced as the definitive, standard commentary by Zhu Xi's commentary. Zhu Xi's work also brought together the commentaries of earlier scholars (mostly from the Song dynasty), along with his own interpretations. Zhu's work took part in the context of a period of renewed interest in Confucian studies, in which Chinese scholars were interested in producing a single "correct" intellectual orthodoxy that would "save" Chinese traditions and protect them from foreign influences, and in which scholars were increasingly interested in metaphysical speculation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner200318–20,_46-23">[23]</a></sup>
</p><p>In his commentary Zhu made a great effort to interpret the <i>Analects</i> by using theories elaborated in the other Four Books, something that He Yan had not done. Zhu attempted to give an added coherence and unity to the message of the <i>Analects</i>, demonstrating that the individual books of the Confucian canon gave meaning to the whole, just as the whole of the canon gave meaning to its parts. In his preface, Zhu Xi stated, "[T]he <i>Analects</i> and the <i><a href="/wiki/Mencius_(book)">Mencius</a></i> are the most important works for students pursuing the <a href="/wiki/Tao">Way</a> [...] The words of the <i>Analects</i> are all inclusive; what they teach is nothing but the essentials of preserving the mind and cultivating [one's] nature."<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037–8,_21,_46-24">[24]</a></sup>
</p><p>From the first publication of the <i>Commentaries</i>, Zhu continued to refine his interpretation for the last thirty years of his life. In the fourteenth century, the <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Chinese government</a> endorsed Zhu's commentary. Until 1905 it was read and memorized along with the <i>Analects</i> by all Chinese aspiring to literacy and employment as government officials.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner20037–8,_21,_46-24">[24]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Contents[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Very few reliable sources about Confucius exist besides that of the Analects. The principal biography available to historians is included in <a href="/wiki/Sima_Qian">Sima Qian</a>'s <i><a href="/wiki/Shiji">Shiji</a></i>, but because the <i>Shiji</i> contains a large amount of (possibly legendary) material not confirmed by extant sources, the biographical material on Confucius found in the <i>Analects</i> makes the <i>Analects</i> arguably the most reliable source of biographical information about Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELau2002ix-25">[25]</a></sup> Confucius viewed himself as a "transmitter" of social and political traditions originating in the early <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty">Zhou dynasty</a> (c. 1000–800 BC), and claimed not to have originated anything (<i>Analects</i> 7.1), but Confucius's social and political ideals were not popular in his time.
</p>
<h3>[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Confucius' discussions on the nature of the supernatural (<i>Analects</i> 3.12; 6.20; 11.11) indicate his belief that while "ghosts" and "spirits" should be respected, they are best kept at a distance. Instead human beings should base their values and social ideals on moral philosophy, tradition, and a natural love for others. Confucius' social philosophy largely depended on the cultivation of <a href="/wiki/Ren_(Confucianism)"><i>ren</i></a> by every individual in a community.
</p><p>Later Confucian philosophers explained <i>ren</i> as the quality of having a kind manner, similar to the English words "humane", "altruistic", or "benevolent", but, of the sixty instances in which Confucius discusses <i>ren</i> in the <i>Analects</i>, very few have these later meanings. Confucius instead used the term <i>ren</i> to describe an extremely general and all-encompassing state of virtue, one which no living person had attained completely. (This use of the term <i>ren</i> is peculiar to the <i>Analects</i>.)<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193827–29-27">[27]</a></sup>
</p><p>Throughout the <i>Analects</i>, Confucius's students frequently request that Confucius define <i>ren</i> and give examples of people who embody it, but Confucius generally responds indirectly to his students' questions, instead offering illustrations and examples of behaviours that are associated with <i>ren</i> and explaining how a person could achieve it. According to Confucius, a person with a well-cultivated sense of <i>ren</i> would speak carefully and modestly (<i>Analects</i> 12.3); be resolute and firm (<i>Analects</i> 12.20), courageous (<i>Analects</i> 14.4), free from worry, unhappiness, and insecurity (<i>Analects</i> 9.28; 6.21); moderate their desires and return to propriety (<i>Analects</i> 12.1); be respectful, tolerant, diligent, trustworthy and kind (<i>Analects</i> 17.6); and love others (<i>Analects</i> 12.22). Confucius recognized his followers' disappointment that he would not give them a more comprehensive definition of <i>ren</i>, but assured them that he was sharing all that he could (<i>Analects</i> 7.24).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGardner200352–53-28">[28]</a></sup>
</p><p>To Confucius, the cultivation of <i>ren</i> involved depreciating oneself through modesty while avoiding artful speech and ingratiating manners that would create a false impression of one's own character (<i>Analects</i> 1.3). Confucius said that those who had cultivated <i>ren</i> could be distinguished by their being "simple in manner and slow of speech." He believed that people could cultivate their sense of <i>ren</i> through exercising the inverted <a href="/wiki/Golden_Rule">Golden Rule</a>: "Do not do to others what you would not like done to yourself"; "a man with <i>ren</i>, desiring to establish himself, helps others establish themselves; desiring to succeed himself, helps others to succeed" (<i>Analects</i> 12.2; 6.28).
</p><p>Confucius taught that the ability of people to imagine and project themselves into the places of others was a crucial quality for the pursuit of moral self-cultivation (<i>Analects</i> 4.15; see also 5.12; 6.30; 15.24).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland200334-29">[29]</a></sup> Confucius regarded the exercise of <a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">devotion to one's parents</a> and older siblings as the simplest, most basic way to cultivate <i>ren</i>. (<i>Analects</i> 1.2).
</p><p>Confucius believed that <i>ren</i> could best be cultivated by those who had already learned self-discipline, and that self-discipline was best learned by practicing and cultivating one's understanding of <a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucian)"><i>li</i></a>: rituals and forms of propriety through which people demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society (<i>Analects</i> 3.3). Confucius said that one's understanding of <i>li</i> should inform everything that one says and does (<i>Analects</i> 12.1). He believed that subjecting oneself to <i>li</i> did not mean suppressing one's desires, but learning to reconcile them with the needs of one's family and broader community.
</p><p>By leading individuals to express their desires within the context of social responsibility, Confucius and his followers taught that the public cultivation of <i>li</i> was the basis of a well-ordered society (<i>Analects</i> 2.3). Confucius taught his students that an important aspect of <i>li</i> was observing the practical social differences that exist between people in daily life. In <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucian philosophy</a> these "five relationships" include: ruler to ruled; father to son; husband to wife; elder brother to younger brother; and friend to friend.
</p><p><i>Ren</i> and <i>li</i> have a special relationship in the <i>Analects</i>: <i>li</i> manages one's relationship with one's family and close community, while <i>ren</i> is practiced broadly and informs one's interactions with all people. Confucius did not believe that ethical self-cultivation meant unquestioned loyalty to an evil ruler. He argued that the demands of <i>ren</i> and <i>li</i> meant that rulers could oppress their subjects only at their own peril: "You may rob the Three Armies of their commander, but you cannot deprive the humblest peasant of his opinion" (<i>Analects</i> 9.26). Confucius said that a morally well-cultivated individual would regard his devotion to loving others as a mission for which he would be willing to die (<i>Analects</i> 15.8).
</p>
<h3>Political philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Confucius' political beliefs were rooted in his belief that a good ruler would be self-disciplined, would govern his subjects through education and by his own example, and would seek to correct his subjects with love and concern rather than punishment and coercion. "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of shame and come to you of their own accord" (<i>Analects</i> 2.3; see also 13.6). Confucius' political theories were directly contradictory to the <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalistic</a> political orientations of China's rulers, and he failed to popularize his ideals among China's leaders within his own lifetime.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;-30">[30]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius believed that the social chaos of his time was largely due to China's ruling elite aspiring to, and claiming, titles of which they were unworthy. When the ruler of the large state of <a href="/wiki/Qi_(state)">Qi</a> asked Confucius about the principles of good government, Confucius responded: "Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son" (<i>Analects</i> 12.11).
</p><p>The analysis of the need to raise officials' behavior to reflect the way that they identify and describe themselves is known as the <a href="/wiki/Rectification_of_names">rectification of names</a>, and he stated that the rectification of names should be the first responsibility of a ruler upon taking office (<i>Analects</i> 13.3). Confucius believed that, because the ruler was the model for all who were under him in society, the rectification of names had to begin with the ruler, and that afterwards others would change to imitate him (<i>Analects</i> 12.19).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;-30">[30]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius judged a good ruler by his possession of <i><a href="/wiki/De_(Chinese)">de</a></i> ("virtue"): a sort of moral force that allows those in power to rule and gain the loyalty of others without the need for physical coercion (<i>Analects</i> 2.1). Confucius said that one of the most important ways that a ruler cultivates his sense of <i>de</i> is through a devotion to the correct practices of <i>li</i>. Examples of rituals identified by Confucius as important to cultivate a ruler's <i>de</i> include: sacrificial rites held at ancestral temples to express thankfulness and humility; ceremonies of enfeoffment, toasting, and gift exchanges that bound nobility in complex hierarchical relationships of obligation and indebtedness; and, acts of formal politeness and decorum (i.e. bowing and yielding) that identify the performers as morally well-cultivated.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;-30">[30]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Education[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The importance of education and study is a fundamental theme of the <i>Analects</i>. For Confucius, a good student respects and learns from the words and deeds of his teacher, and a good teacher is someone older who is familiar with the ways of the past and the practices of antiquity (<i>Analects</i> 7.22). Confucius emphasized the need to find balance between formal study and intuitive self-reflection (<i>Analects</i> 2.15). When teaching he is never cited in the <i>Analects</i> as lecturing at length about any subject, but instead challenges his students to discover the truth through <a href="/wiki/Socratic_method">asking direct questions</a>, citing passages from the classics, and using analogies (<i>Analects</i> 7.8).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;4._Confucius_and_Education&quot;-31">[31]</a></sup> He sometimes required his students to demonstrate their understanding of subjects by making intuitive conceptual leaps before accepting their understanding and discussing those subjects at greater levels of depth. (<i>Analects</i> 3.8)<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland200319–20-32">[32]</a></sup>
</p><p>His primary goal in educating his students was to produce <a href="/wiki/Junzi">ethically well-cultivated men</a> who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things (<i>Analects</i> 12.11; see also 13.3). He was willing to teach anyone regardless of social class, as long as they were sincere, eager, and tireless to learn (<i>Analects</i> 7.7; 15.38). He is traditionally credited with teaching three thousand students, though only seventy are said to have mastered what he taught. He taught <a href="/wiki/Six_Arts">practical skills</a>, but regarded moral self-cultivation as his most important subject.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;4._Confucius_and_Education&quot;-31">[31]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Chapters[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The traditional titles given to each chapter are mostly an initial two or three <a href="/wiki/Incipit">incipits</a>. In some cases a title may indicate a central theme of a chapter, but it is inappropriate to regard a title as a description or generalization of the content of a chapter. Chapters in the <i>Analects</i> are grouped by individual themes, but the chapters are not arranged in a way as to carry a continuous stream of thoughts or ideas. The themes of adjacent chapters are completely unrelated to each other. Central themes recur repeatedly in different chapters, sometimes in exactly the same wording and sometimes with small variations.
</p><p>Chapter 10 contains detailed descriptions of Confucius's behaviors in various daily activities. <a href="/wiki/Voltaire">Voltaire</a> and <a href="/wiki/Ezra_Pound">Ezra Pound</a> believed that this chapter demonstrated how Confucius was a mere human. <a href="/wiki/Simon_Leys">Simon Leys</a>, who recently translated the <i>Analects</i> into English and French, said that the book may have been the first in human history to describe the life of an individual, historic personage. <a href="/wiki/Elias_Canetti">Elias Canetti</a> wrote: "Confucius's <i>Analects</i> is the oldest complete intellectual and spiritual portrait of a man. It strikes one as a modern book; everything it contains and indeed everything it lacks is important."<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECanetti1984173-33">[33]</a></sup>
</p><p>Chapter 20, "<a href="/wiki/Yao_Yue">Yao Yue</a>", particularly the first verse, is bizarre in terms of both language and content. In terms of language, the text appears to be archaic (or a deliberate imitation of the archaic language of the Western Zhou) and bears some similarity with the language of the speeches in the <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Documents">Shujing</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-34">[34]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden2002-35">[35]</a></sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup> In terms of the content, the passage appears to be an admonition by <a href="/wiki/Yao_(ruler)">Yao</a> to <a href="/wiki/Shun_(ruler)">Shun</a> on the eve of Yao's abdication, which seems to be only tangentially related to Confucius and his philosophy. Moreover, there appear to be some problems with the text's continuity, and scholars have speculated that parts of the text were lost in the process of transmission and possibly transmitted with errors in the order.<sup><a href="#cite_note-36">[36]</a></sup> The fragmentary nature of the final chapter of the received Lu text has been explained by the "accretion theory", in which the text of the <i>Analects</i> was gradually accreted over a 230-year period, beginning with the death of Confucius and ending suddenly with the conquest of Lu in 249 BCE.<sup><a href="#cite_note-37">[37]</a></sup>
</p><p>Within these incipits a large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic <i>ziyue</i>, "The Master said," but without punctuation marks in classical Chinese, this does not confirm whether what follows <i>ziyue</i> is direct quotation of actual sayings of Confucius, or simply to be understood as "the Master said that.." and the paraphrase of Confucius by the compilers of the Analects.<sup><a href="#cite_note-38">[38]</a></sup>
</p>
<table>
<tbody><tr>
<th>Book</th>
<th>Title</th>
<th>Translation</th>
<th>Notes
</th></tr>
<tr>
<td>1.</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Xue_Er">Xue Er</a> 學而</td>
<td>Studying and Practicing</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>2.</td>
<td>Wei Zheng 為政</td>
<td>The practice of government</td>
<td>This chapter explores the theme that political order is best gained through the <a href="/wiki/Wu_wei">non-coercive influence</a> of moral self-cultivation rather than through force or excessive government regulation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland20038-39">[39]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>3.</td>
<td>Ba Yi 八佾</td>
<td>Eight lines of eight dancers apiece</td>
<td>Ba Yi was a kind of ritual dance practiced in the court of the Zhou king. In Confucius' time, lesser nobles also began staging these dances for themselves. The main themes of this chapter are: criticism of ritual impropriety (especially among China's political leadership), and the need to combine learning with nature in the course moral self-cultivation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland200317-40">[40]</a></sup>
<p>Chapters 3–9 may be the oldest in the <i>Analects</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup>
</p>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>4.</td>
<td>Li Ren 里仁</td>
<td>Living in brotherliness</td>
<td>This chapter explores the theme of <i>ren</i>, its qualities, and the qualities of those who have it. A secondary theme is the virtue of filial piety.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland200329-42">[42]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>5.</td>
<td>Gongye Chang 公冶長</td>
<td>Gongye Chang</td>
<td>The main theme of this chapter is Confucius' examination of others' qualities and faults in order to illustrate the desirable course of moral self-cultivation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESlingerland200339-43">[43]</a></sup> This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of <a href="/wiki/Duanmu_Ci">Zigong</a>, a student of Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge200916-44">[44]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Gongye_Chang">Gongye Chang</a> was Confucius' son-in-law.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge2009119-45">[45]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>6.</td>
<td>Yong Ye 雍也</td>
<td>There is Yong</td>
<td>Yong is <a href="/wiki/Ran_Yong">Ran Yong</a>, also called Zhou Gong, a disciple of Confucius.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>7.</td>
<td>Shu Er 述而</td>
<td>Transmission</td>
<td>Transmission, not invention [of learning].
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>8.</td>
<td>Taibo 泰伯</td>
<td>Taibo</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Wu_Taibo">Wu Taibo</a> was the legendary founder of the <a href="/wiki/State_of_Wu">state of Wu</a>. He was the oldest son of <a href="/wiki/King_Tai_of_Zhou">King Tai</a> and the uncle of <a href="/wiki/King_Wen_of_Zhou">King Wen</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Dynasty">Zhou Dynasty</a>.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>9.</td>
<td>Zi Han 子罕</td>
<td>The Master shunned</td>
<td>Confucius seldom spoke of advantage.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>10.</td>
<td>Xiang Dang 鄉黨</td>
<td>Among the Xiang and the Dang</td>
<td>A "xiang" was a group of 12,500 families; a "dang" a group of 500 families. This chapter is a collection of maxims related to ritual.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>11.</td>
<td>Xian Jin 先進</td>
<td>Those of former eras</td>
<td>The former generations. This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of <a href="/wiki/Min_Sun">Min Sun</a> (Min Ziqian), a student of Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge200916-44">[44]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>12.</td>
<td>Yan Yuan 顏淵</td>
<td>Yan Yuan</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Yan_Hui">Yan Hui</a> was a common name of Zi Yuan, the favorite disciple of Confucius.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>13.</td>
<td>Zilu 子路</td>
<td>Zilu</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Zilu">Zilu</a> was a student of Confucius.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>14.</td>
<td>Xian Wen 憲問</td>
<td>Xian asked</td>
<td>This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of <a href="/wiki/Yuan_Xian">Yuan Xian</a>, also called both Yuan Si and Zisi, a student of Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge200916-44">[44]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>15.</td>
<td>Wei Ling Gong 衛靈公</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Duke_Ling_of_Wei">Duke Ling of Wey</a></td>
<td>Duke Ling ruled from 534–493 BC in the <a href="/wiki/State_of_Wey">state of Wey</a>.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>16.</td>
<td>Ji Shi 季氏</td>
<td>Chief of the Ji Clan</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Jisun">Jisun</a> was an official from one of the most important families in Lu. This chapter is generally believed to have been written relatively late;<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup> possibly compiled from the extra chapters of the Qi version of the <i>Analects</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELegge200916-44">[44]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>17.</td>
<td>Yang Huo 陽貨</td>
<td>Yang Huo</td>
<td>Yang was an official of the Ji clan, an important family in Lu.
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>18.</td>
<td>Weizi 微子</td>
<td>Weizi</td>
<td>Weizi was the older half-brother of <a href="/wiki/King_Zhou_of_Shang">Zhou</a>, the last king of the <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang dynasty</a>, and was founder of the <a href="/wiki/State_of_Song">state of Song</a>. The writer of this chapter was critical of Confucius.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>19.</td>
<td>Zizhang 子張</td>
<td>Zizhang</td>
<td>Zizhang (<a href="/wiki/Zhuansun_Shi">Zhuansun Shi</a>) was a student of Confucius. This chapter consists entirely of sayings by Confucius' disciples.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>20.</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Yao_Yue">Yao Yue</a> 堯曰</td>
<td>Yao spoke</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Emperor_Yao">Yao</a> was one of the traditional <a href="/wiki/Three_Sovereigns_and_Five_Emperors">Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors</a> of ancient China. This chapter consists entirely of stray sentences resembling the style and content of the <i><a href="/wiki/Shujing">Shujing</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWaley193821-41">[41]</a></sup>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<h2>Notable translations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><cite><a href="/wiki/James_Legge">Legge, James, trans.</a> (1861). <a href="https://archive.org/details/chineseclassics02legggoog"><i>Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean</i></a>. The Chinese Classics. Vol. I. London: Trübner.</cite> <a href="https://archive.org/details/chineseclassics01mencgoog">Revised second edition</a> (1893), Oxford: Clarendon Press, reprinted by Cosimo in 2006. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-60520-643-1">978-1-60520-643-1</a></li>
<li><cite>Lyall, Leonard A., trans. (1909). <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/4/0/5/24055/24055-h/24055-h.htm"><i>The Sayings of Confucius</i></a>. London: Longmans, Green and Co. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/1435673">1435673</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/William_Edward_Soothill">Soothill, William Edward, trans.</a> (1910). <a href="http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1846"><i>The Analects of Confucius</i></a>. Yokohama: Fukuin Printing.</cite>; rpt. London: Oxford University Press (1937).</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/S%C3%A9raphin_Couvreur">Couvreur, Séraphin, trans.</a> (1930). <i>Entretiens de Confucius</i> [<i>Conversations of Confucius</i>]. Les Quatre Livres (in French) (3rd ed.). Sien Hsien: Mission Catholique.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Arthur_Waley">Waley, Arthur, trans.</a> (1938). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150616015435/http://acc6.its.brooklyn.cuny.edu/~phalsall/texts/analects.txt"><i>The Analects</i></a>. London: George Allen and Unwin. Archived from <a href="http://acc6.its.brooklyn.cuny.edu/~phalsall/texts/analects.txt">the original</a> on 2015-06-16. Retrieved 2011-09-21.</cite> Rpt. (2000), New York: Alfred A. Knopf. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-375-41204-2">978-0-375-41204-2</a></li>
<li>(in Japanese) Yoshikawa, Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎 (1978). <i>Rongo</i> 論語 [<i>Lunyu</i>], 3 vols. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun. Rpt. 2 vols, Asahi Shinbun (1996).</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/D.C._Lau">Lau, D. C., trans.</a> (1979). <i>Confucius, The Analects (Lun yü)</i>. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.</cite>; rpt. with Chinese text, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press (1979).</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Anne_Cheng">Cheng, Anne, trans.</a> (1981). <i>Entretiens de Confucius</i> [<i>Conversations of Confucius</i>] (in French). Paris: Éditions du Seuil.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Pierre_Ryckmans_(writer)">Ryckmans, Pierre, trans.</a> (1987). <i>Les Entretiens de Confucius</i> [<i>The Conversations of Confucius</i>] (in French). Paris: Gallimard.</cite> English version published as Simon Leys, trans. (1997), <i>The Analects of Confucius</i> (New York: W. W. Norton).</li>
<li><cite>Huang, Chi-chung, trans. (1997). <i>The Analects of Confucius</i>. Oxford: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0195112764"><bdi>978-0195112764</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Simon_Leys">Leys, Simon, trans.</a> (1997). <i>The Analects of Confucius</i>. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0393316995"><bdi>978-0393316995</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Roger_T._Ames">Ames, Roger T.</a>; Rosemont, Henry, trans. (1999). <i>The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation</i>. New York: Ballantine Books (Penguin Random House). <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0345434074"><bdi>978-0345434074</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, Taeko, trans. (2001). <i>The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Followers</i>. New York: Columbia University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0231104302"><bdi>978-0231104302</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Edward_Slingerland">Slingerland, Edward, trans.</a> (2003). <i>Analects of Confucius: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries</i>. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0872206359"><bdi>978-0872206359</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Burton_Watson">Watson, Burton, trans.</a> (2007). <i>The Analects of Confucius</i>. New York: Columbia University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-231-14164-2"><bdi>978-0-231-14164-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li></ul>
<h2>See also[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><i><a href="/wiki/Kongzi_Jiayu">Kongzi Jiayu</a></i>, sayings of Confucius not included in the <i>Analects</i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_classic_texts">Chinese classic texts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sacred_text">Sacred text</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Virtue_jurisprudence">Virtue jurisprudence</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Disciples_of_Confucius">Disciples of Confucius</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hadith">Hadith</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mah%C4%81v%C4%81kyas">Mahāvākyas</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Maxims_of_Ptahhotep">The Maxims of Ptahhotep</a></i></li></ul>
<h2>References[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=13">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Citations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=14">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><ol>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212_1-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212_1-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden200212_1-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFVan_Norden2002">Van Norden (2002)</a>, p. 12.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKnechtgesShih2010645_2-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKnechtgesShih2010645_2-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFKnechtgesShih2010">Knechtges &amp; Shih (2010)</a>, p. 645.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201025_3-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFKimCsikszentmihalyi2010">Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2010)</a>, p. 25.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201326_4-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFKimCsikszentmihalyi2013">Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2013)</a>, p. 26.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland2003xiii–xiv_5-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, pp. xiii–xiv.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:0_6-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:0_6-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Lee Dian Rainey (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ID4gMCaLr0MC&amp;pg=PA10"><i>Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials</i></a>. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 10. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1444323603"><bdi>978-1444323603</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-:1_7-0">^</a></b> <cite>Robert Eno (2015). <a href="http://www.indiana.edu/~p374/Analects_of_Confucius_(Eno-2015).pdf">"The Analects of Confucius"</a> (PDF). <i>Indiana University</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201221–23_8-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFvan_Els2012">van Els (2012)</a>, pp. 21–23.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKimCsikszentmihalyi201025–26_9-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFKimCsikszentmihalyi2010">Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2010)</a>, pp. 25–26.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193823_10-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWaley1938">Waley (1938)</a>, p. 23.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16_11-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16_11-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037,_15–16_11-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 7, 15–16.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201220_12-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els201220_12-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFvan_Els2012">van Els (2012)</a>, p. 20.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193824_13-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193824_13-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFWaley1938">Waley (1938)</a>, p. 24.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-14">^</a></b> China Daily
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20121–2_15-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFvan_Els2012">van Els (2012)</a>, pp. 1–2.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20126,_10–11,_20–21_16-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEvan_Els20126,_10–11,_20–21_16-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFvan_Els2012">van Els (2012)</a>, pp. 6, 10–11, 20–21.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-17">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/739803">"Popularization of the Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the <i>Qi Lun</i>: With a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb"</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037_18-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, p. 7.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_18–19_19-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 8, 18–19.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-20">^</a></b> <a href="https://zh.wikisource.org/wiki/%E4%B8%AD%E8%AA%AA">Explanation on the Mean (中說)</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-21">^</a></b> <cite>Ivanhoe, Philip (2009). <i>Readings from the Lu-Wang school of Neo-Confucianism</i>. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co. p. 149. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0872209602"><bdi>978-0872209602</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_13–14_22-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20038,_13–14_22-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 8, 13–14.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner200318–20,_46_23-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 18–20, 46.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037–8,_21,_46_24-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner20037–8,_21,_46_24-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 7–8, 21, 46.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELau2002ix_25-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLau2002">Lau (2002)</a>, p. ix.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193827–29_27-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWaley1938">Waley (1938)</a>, pp. 27–29.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGardner200352–53_28-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGardner2003">Gardner (2003)</a>, pp. 52–53.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland200334_29-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, p. 34.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;_30-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;_30-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;3._Confucius'_Political_Philosophy&quot;_30-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFRiegel2012">Riegel (2012)</a>, "3. Confucius' Political Philosophy".
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;4._Confucius_and_Education&quot;_31-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTERiegel2012&quot;4._Confucius_and_Education&quot;_31-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFRiegel2012">Riegel (2012)</a>, "4. Confucius and Education".
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland200319–20_32-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, pp. 19–20.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTECanetti1984173_33-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFCanetti1984">Canetti 1984</a>, p. 173.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-34">^</a></b> <cite>Schaberg, David; Ames, Roger T.; Rosemont, Henry; Lau, D. C.; Dawson, Raymond; Leys, Simon; Huang, Chichung; Hinton, David; Brooks, E. Bruce (December 2001). ""Sell it! Sell it!": Recent Translations of Lunyu". <i>Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews</i>. <b>23</b>: 115–139. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F495503">10.2307/495503</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/495503">495503</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVan_Norden2002_35-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFVan_Norden2002">Van Norden (2002)</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-36">^</a></b> <cite>Confucius.; 孔子. (2008). <i>The analects, translated by Yang Bojun, D.C. Lau = Lun yu</i>. Yang, Bojun; Lau, D. C. (Dim Cheuk), 杨伯峻., 刘殿爵. (Beijing di 1 ban ed.). Beijing Shi: Zhong hua shu ju. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7101062281"><bdi>978-7101062281</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/269201157">269201157</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-37">^</a></b> <cite>Slingerland, Edward (2000). Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, A. Taeko (eds.). "Why Philosophy Is Not "Extra" in Understanding the Analects". <i>Philosophy East and West</i>. <b>50</b> (1): 137–141. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/0031-8221">0031-8221</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/1400076">1400076</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-38">^</a></b> Roger T. Ames <i>The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation</i> 2010 p. 285 "A large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic ziyue 子曰, "The Master said," but because there are no punctuation marks in classical Chinese, we must ask if whatever follows ziyue is a literal transcription of speech, or a paraphrase of it, or a method of transmitting ideas in a written language which existed in important ways independently of the spoken language."
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland20038_39-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, p. 8.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland200317_40-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, p. 17.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWaley193821_41-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFWaley1938">Waley (1938)</a>, p. 21.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland200329_42-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, p. 29.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESlingerland200339_43-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSlingerland2003">Slingerland (2003)</a>, p. 39.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge200916_44-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge200916_44-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge200916_44-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge200916_44-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLegge2009">Legge (2009)</a>, p. 16.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELegge2009119_45-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLegge2009">Legge (2009)</a>, p. 119.
</li>
</ol></div>
<h3>Sources[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=15">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ul><li><cite>Canetti, Elias (1984). <i>The Conscience of Words</i>. Translated by Neugroschel, Joachim. Farrar Straus Giroux. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0374518815"><bdi>0374518815</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Cheng, Anne (1993). "<i>Lun yü</i> 論語". In <a href="/wiki/Michael_Loewe">Loewe, Michael</a> (ed.). <i>Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide</i>. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China; Institute for East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. pp. 313–323. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-55729-043-4"><bdi>978-1-55729-043-4</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Gardner, Daniel K (2003). <i>Zhu Xi's Reading of the Analects: Canon, Commentary, and the Classical Tradition</i>. New York: Columbia University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-231-12865-0"><bdi>978-0-231-12865-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li>China Daily. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170116174212/http://www.kaogu.cn/en/News/New_discoveries/2017/0113/56820.html">"Qi Version of 'Analects of Confucius' Discovered in Haihunhou Tomb"</a>. <i>Chinese Archaeology</i>. January 13, 2017. Retrieved April 17, 2019.</li>
<li><cite>van Els, Paul (2012). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20151003201823/http://www.paulvanels.nl/resources/publications/PvE2013AnalectsDraft.pdf">"Confucius' sayings entombed: On Two Han Dynasty <i>Analects</i> Manuscripts"</a> (PDF). <i>Analects Studies</i>. Leiden: Brill. Archived from <a href="http://www.paulvanels.nl/resources/publications/PvE2013AnalectsDraft.pdf">the original</a> (PDF) on 2015-10-03.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kern, Martin (2010). "Early Chinese literature, Beginnings through Western Han". In Owen, Stephen (ed.). <i>The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–115. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-11677-0"><bdi>978-0-521-11677-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=SBHHBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA21">"Chapter 2"</a>. In Olberding, Amy (ed.). <i>Dao Companion to the Analects</i>. Springer. pp. 21–36. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-9400771123"><bdi>978-9400771123</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/David_R._Knechtges">Knechtges, David R.</a>; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=mED9Vx10WokC&amp;pg=645">"<i>Lunyu</i> 論語"</a>. In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). <i>Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One</i>. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-19127-3"><bdi>978-90-04-19127-3</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Lau, D.C. (2002). "Introduction". <i>The Analects</i>. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/962-201-980-3"><bdi>962-201-980-3</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Legge, James (2009). "Prolegomena". <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=QUCZEPUyvBAC"><i>The Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and The Doctrine of the Mean</i></a>. New York: Cosimo. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-60520-644-8"><bdi>978-1-60520-644-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Van Norden, Bryan (2002). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=nqb0Fa8Umv4C"><i>Confucius and the Analects : New Essays</i></a>. New York: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0195350821"><bdi>978-0195350821</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/466432745">466432745</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Riegel, Jeffrey (Spring 2012). "Confucius". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). <a href="http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2012/entries/confucius/"><i>The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy</i></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=SBHHBAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA21">"Chapter 2"</a>. In Olberding, Amy (ed.). <i>Dao Companion to the Analects</i>. Springer. pp. 21–36. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-9400771123"><bdi>978-9400771123</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Slingerland, Edward (2003). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=6DseYHSfaagC&amp;pg=PR14"><i>Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries</i></a>. <a href="/wiki/Indianapolis">Indianapolis</a>: <a href="/wiki/Hackett_Publishing_Company">Hackett</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1603843454"><bdi>978-1603843454</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li>Waley, Arthur. "Terms". In <i>The Analects of Confucius</i>. Trans. Arthur Waley. New York: Vintage Books. 1938.</li></ul>
</div>
<h2>Further reading[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=16">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Bryan_W._Van_Norden">Van Norden, Bryan W.</a> <i>Confucius and the Analects : New Essays</i>. <a href="/wiki/Oxford_University_Press">Oxford University Press</a>, 2001. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0195350821">978-0195350821</a>.</li>
<li><a href="https://religiondatabase.org/browse/1063/#/">The <i>Analects</i></a> at the Database of Religious History.</li></ul>
<h2>External links[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Analects&amp;action=edit&amp;section=17">edit</a>]</h2>
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<div><p>Chinese <a href="/wiki/Wikisource">Wikisource</a> has original text related to this article:
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<ul><li> <a href="https://librivox.org/search?title=Analects&amp;author=CONFUCIUS&amp;reader=&amp;keywords=&amp;genre_id=0&amp;status=all&amp;project_type=either&amp;recorded_language=&amp;sort_order=catalog_date&amp;search_page=1&amp;search_form=advanced">The Analects of Confucius</a> public domain audiobook at <a href="/wiki/LibriVox">LibriVox</a></li>
<li><a href="http://themathesontrust.org/library/analects-lun-yu-audio">Bilingual excerpts and children's audio in Chinese and Japanese.</a></li>
<li><a href="http://ctext.org/analects">Chinese-English bilingual text (Legge's translation)</a> with links to <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a>'s commentary, at <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Text_Project">Chinese Text Project</a>.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.acmuller.net/con-dao/analects.html">English translation by A. Charles Muller, with Chinese text.</a></li>
<li><a href="http://confucius.org/lunyu/lange.htm">English translation at Confucius.org, one page per verse.</a></li>
<li><a href="http://classics.mit.edu/Confucius/analects.html">English translation at MIT Classics</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090315225647/http://slu.edu/colleges/AS/languages/classical/latin/tchmat/pedagogy/latinitas/kung/k1.htm">Latin translation (Zottoli, 1879)</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20050320102811/http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/c/confucius/c748a/">Legge's English translation from the University of Adelaide Library</a> (no section numbers)</li>
<li><a href="http://wengu.tartarie.com/wg/wengu.php?l=Lunyu">Multilingual edition of the <i>Analects</i> in Chinese, English and French</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.confucius.org/main01.htm">Translations of the <i>Analects</i> in over 20 languages, with footnotes.</a></li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 History
 + 1.1 Creation of the text
 + 1.2 Versions
 + 1.3 Importance within Confucianism
 + 1.4 Commentaries
 * 2 Contents
 + 2.1 Social philosophy
 + 2.2 Political philosophy
 + 2.3 Education
 + 2.4 Chapters
 * 3 Notable translations
 * 4 See also
 * 5 References
 + 5.1 Citations
 + 5.2 Sources
 * 6 Further reading
 * 7 External links
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 Analects

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 Analects 論語
 A page from the Analects
 Author Disciples of Confucius
 Language Classical Chinese 
 
 Analects  
  
 "Analects" in ancient seal script (top), Traditional (middle), and Simplified (bottom) Chinese characters
 Chinese name  
 Traditional Chinese  論語 
 Simplified Chinese  论语 
  
 Hanyu Pinyin  Lúnyǔ 
  
 Literal meaning  "Selected Sayings",[1] or "Edited Conversations"[2]
 Transcriptions  
 Standard Mandarin  
 Hanyu Pinyin Lúnyǔ  
 Bopomofo ㄌㄨㄣˊ ㄩˇ  
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Luenyeu  
 Wade–Giles Lun 2 -yü 3  
 Yale Romanization Lwúnyǔ  
 MPS2 Luényǔ  
 IPA [lwə̌n.ỳ]  
 Wu  
 Romanization Lén-nyû  
 Yue: Cantonese  
 Yale Romanization Lèuhn-yúh  
 Jyutping Leon4-jyu5  
 IPA [lɵ̏n.jy̬ː]  
 Southern Min  
 Hokkien POJ Lūn-gú  
 Tâi-lô Lūn-gú  
 Middle Chinese  
 Middle Chinese lwin-ngjó  
 Old Chinese  
 Baxter–Sagart (2014) * [r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ  
  
 Vietnamese name  
 Vietnamese alphabet  Luận Ngữ 
 Chữ Hán  論語 
 Korean name  
 Hangul  논어 
 Hanja  論語 
 Transcriptions  
 Revised Romanization Noneo  
  
 Japanese name  
 Kanji  論語 
 Kana  ろんご 
 Transcriptions  
 Romanization Rongo  
  
  
 

 The Analects (Chinese: 論語; pinyin: Lúnyǔ ; Old Chinese: [r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ; meaning "Selected Sayings"[1]), also known as the Analects of Confucius, the Sayings of Confucius, or the Lun Yu, is an ancient Chinese book composed of a large collection of sayings and ideas attributed to the Chinese philosopher Confucius and his contemporaries, traditionally believed to have been compiled and written by Confucius's followers. It is believed to have been written during the Warring States period (475–221 BC), and it achieved its final form during the mid-Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD). By the early Han dynasty the Analects was considered merely a "commentary" on the Five Classics, but the status of the Analects grew to be one of the central texts of Confucianism by the end of that dynasty.

 During the late Song dynasty (960–1279 AD) the importance of the Analects as a Chinese philosophy work was raised above that of the older Five Classics, and it was recognized as one of the "Four Books". The Analects has been one of the most widely-read and studied books in China for the last 2,000 years, and continues to have a substantial influence on Chinese and East Asian thought and values today.

 Confucius believed that the welfare of a country depended on the moral cultivation of its people, beginning from the nation's leadership. He believed that individuals could begin to cultivate an all-encompassing sense of virtue through ren, and that the most basic step to cultivating ren was devotion to one's parents and older siblings. He taught that one's individual desires do not need to be suppressed, but that people should be educated to reconcile their desires via rituals and forms of propriety, through which people could demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society.

 Confucius taught that a ruler's sense of virtue was his primary prerequisite for leadership. His primary goal in educating his students was to produce ethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things.

 History [ edit ]

 Creation of the text [ edit ]

 A portrait of Confucius giving a lecture.
 The Analects of Confucius, from Östasiatiska Museet, Stockholm

 According to Ban Gu, writing in the Book of Han, the Analects originated as individual records kept by Confucius's disciples of conversations between the Master and them, which were then collected and jointly edited by the disciples after Confucius's death in 479 BC. The work is therefore titled Lunyu meaning "edited conversations" or "selected speeches" (i.e. analects).[2][3] This broadly forms the traditional account of the genesis of the work accepted by later generations of scholars, for example the Song dynasty neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi stated that Analects is the records of Confucius's first- and second-generation pupils.[4]

 This traditional view has been challenged by Chinese, Japanese, and Western scholars. The Qing dynasty philologist Cui Shu argued on linguistic ground that the last five books were produced much later than the rest of the work. Itō Jinsai claimed that, because of differences he saw in patterns of language and content in the Analects, a distinction in authorship should be made between the "upper Analects" (Books 1–10) and "lower Analects" (Books 11–20). Arthur Waley speculated that Books 3–9 represent the earliest parts of the book. E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks reviewed previous theories of the chapters' creation and produced a "four stratum theory" of the text's creation.[1][5] Many modern scholars now believe that the work was compiled over a period of around two hundred years, some time during the Warring States period (476–221 BC), with some questioning the authenticity of some of the sayings.[6][7] Because no manuscript dated earlier than about 70 BC have been discovered, and because the Analects was not referred to by name in any existing source before the early Han dynasty, some scholars have proposed dates as late as 140 BC for the text's final compilation.[8]

 Regardless of how early the text of the Analects existed, most Analects scholars believe that by the early Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the book was widely known and transmitted throughout China in a mostly complete form, and that the book acquired its final, complete form during the Han dynasty. However, Han dynasty writer Wang Chong claimed that all copies of the Analects that existed during the Han dynasty were incomplete and formed only a part of a much larger work.[9] This is supported by the fact that a larger collection of Confucius's teachings did exist in the Warring States period than has been preserved directly in the Analects: 75% of Confucius's sayings cited by his second-generation student, Mencius, do not exist in the received text of the Analects.[10]

 Versions [ edit ]

 According to the Han dynasty scholar Liu Xiang, there were two versions of the Analects that existed at the beginning of the Han dynasty: the "Lu version" and the "Qi version". The Lu version contained twenty chapters, and the Qi version contained twenty-two chapters, including two chapters not found in the Lu version. Of the twenty chapters that both versions had in common, the Lu version had more passages. Each version had its own masters, schools, and transmitters.[11]

 In the reign of Emperor Jing of Han (r. 157–141 BC), a third version (the "Old Text" version) was discovered hidden in a wall of the home then believed to be Confucius's when the home was in the process of being destroyed by King Gong of Lu (r. 153–128 BC) in order to expand the king's palace. The new version did not contain the two extra chapters found in the Qi version, but it split one chapter found in the Lu and Qi versions in two, so it had twenty-one chapters, and the order of the chapters was different.[11]

 The old text version got its name because it was written in characters not used since the earlier Warring States period (i.e. before 221 BC), when it was assumed to have been hidden.[12] According to the Han dynasty scholar Huan Tan, the old text version had four hundred characters different from the Lu version (from which the received text of the Analects is mostly based), and it seriously differed from the Lu version in twenty-seven places. Of these twenty-seven differences, the received text only agrees with the old text version in two places.[13]

 Over a century later, the tutor of the Analects to Emperor Cheng of Han, Zhang Yu (d. 5 BC), synthesized the Lu and Qi versions by taking the Lu version as authoritative and selectively adding sections from the Qi version, and produced a composite text of the Analects known as the "Zhang Hou Lun". This text was recognized by Zhang Yu's contemporaries and by subsequent Han scholars as superior to either individual version, and is the text that is recognized as the Analects today.[11] No complete copies of either the Lu version or the old text version of the Analects exist today,[12] though fragments of the old text version were discovered at Dunhuang.[13] The Qi version was lost for about 1,800 years but re-found during the excavation of the tomb of Marquis of Haihun in 2011.[14]

 Before the late twentieth century the oldest existing copy of the Analects known to scholars was found in the "Stone Classics of the Xinping Era", a copy of the Confucian classics written in stone in the old Eastern Han dynasty capital of Luoyang around 175 AD. Archaeologists have since discovered two handwritten copies of the Analects that were written around 50 BC, during the Western Han dynasty. They are known as the "Dingzhou Analects", and the "Pyongyang Analects", after the location of the tombs in which they were found. The Dingzhou Analects was discovered in 1973, but no transcription of its contents was published until 1997. The Pyongyang Analects was discovered in 1992. Academic access to the Pyongyang Analects has been highly restricted, and no academic study on it was published until 2009.[15]

 The Dingzhou Analects was damaged in a fire shortly after it was entombed in the Han dynasty. It was further damaged in an earthquake shortly after it was recovered, and the surviving text is just under half the size of the received text of the Analects. Of the sections that survive, the Dingzhou Analects is shorter than the received Analects, implying that the text of the Analects was still in the process of expansion when the Dingzhou Analects was entombed. There was evidence that "additions" may have been made to the manuscript after it had been completed, indicating that the writer may have become aware of at least one other version of the Analects and included "extra" material for the sake of completeness.[16]

 The content of the Pyongyang Analects is similar to the Dingzhou Analects. Because of the secrecy and isolationism of the North Korean government, only a very cursory study of it has been made available to international scholars, and its contents are not completely known outside of North Korea. Scholars do not agree about whether either the Dingzhou Analects or the Pyongyang Analects represent the Lu version, the Qi version, the old text version, or a different version that was independent of these three traditions.[16]

 To date, the oldest extant manuscript of the Analects are the discovered texts found in the Haihunhou Tomb in 2011; the Haihunhou Analects "circulated at least seventeen years" before the Dingzhou and Pyongyang ones.[17] Not to mention Kongcongzi,[6] which may or may not contain forgeries and contain collected sayings of Confucius his disciples and his later family which could also be part of the transmission of the text.

 Importance within Confucianism [ edit ]

 During most of the Han period the Analects was not considered one of the principal texts of Confucianism. During the reign of Han Wudi (141–87 BC), when the Chinese government began promoting Confucian studies, only the Five Classics were considered by the government to be canonical (jing). They were considered Confucian because Confucius was assumed to have partially written, edited, and/or transmitted them. The Analects was considered secondary as it was thought to be merely a collection of Confucius's oral "commentary" (zhuan) on the Five Classics.[18]

 The political importance and popularity of Confucius and Confucianism grew throughout the Han dynasty, and by the Eastern Han the Analects was widely read by schoolchildren and anyone aspiring to literacy, and often read before the Five Classics themselves. During the Eastern Han, the heir apparent was provided a tutor specifically to teach him the Analects. The growing importance of the Analects was recognized when the Five Classics was expanded to the "Seven Classics": the Five Classics plus the Analects and the Classic of Filial Piety, and its status as one of the central texts of Confucianism continued to grow until the late Song dynasty (960–1279), when it was identified and promoted as one of the Four Books by Zhu Xi and generally accepted as being more insightful than the older Five Classics.[19]

 The writing style of the Analects also inspired future Confucian writers. For example, Sui Dynasty writer Wang Tong's 中说 (Explanation of the Mean)[20] was purposely written to emulate the style of the Analects, a practice praised by Ming Dynasty philosopher Wang Yangming.[21]

 Commentaries [ edit ]

 A copy of He Yan's commentary on the Analects, with a sub-commentary by Xing Bing, printed during the Ming dynasty

 Since the Han dynasty, Chinese readers have interpreted the Analects by reading scholars' commentaries on the book. There have been many commentaries on the Analects since the Han dynasty, but the two which have been most influential have been the Collected Explanations of the Analects (Lunyu Jijie) by He Yan (c. 195–249) and several colleagues, and the Collected Commentaries of the Analects (Lunyu Jizhu) by Zhu Xi (1130–1200). In his work, He Yan collected, selected, summarized, and rationalized what he believed to be the most insightful of all preceding commentaries on the Analects which had been produced by earlier Han and Wei dynasty (220–265 AD) scholars.[22]

 He Yan's personal interpretation of the Lunyu was guided by his belief that Daoism and Confucianism complemented each other, so that by studying both in a correct manner a scholar could arrive at a single, unified truth. Arguing for the ultimate compatibility of Daoist and Confucian teachings, he argued that "Laozi [in fact] was in agreement with the Sage" (sic). The Explanations was written in 248 AD, was quickly recognized as authoritative, and remained the standard guide to interpreting the Analects for nearly 1,000 years, until the early Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). It is the oldest complete commentary on the Analects that still exists.[22]

 He Yan's commentary was eventually displaced as the definitive, standard commentary by Zhu Xi's commentary. Zhu Xi's work also brought together the commentaries of earlier scholars (mostly from the Song dynasty), along with his own interpretations. Zhu's work took part in the context of a period of renewed interest in Confucian studies, in which Chinese scholars were interested in producing a single "correct" intellectual orthodoxy that would "save" Chinese traditions and protect them from foreign influences, and in which scholars were increasingly interested in metaphysical speculation.[23]

 In his commentary Zhu made a great effort to interpret the Analects by using theories elaborated in the other Four Books, something that He Yan had not done. Zhu attempted to give an added coherence and unity to the message of the Analects, demonstrating that the individual books of the Confucian canon gave meaning to the whole, just as the whole of the canon gave meaning to its parts. In his preface, Zhu Xi stated, "[T]he Analects and the Mencius are the most important works for students pursuing the Way [...] The words of the Analects are all inclusive; what they teach is nothing but the essentials of preserving the mind and cultivating [one's] nature."[24]

 From the first publication of the Commentaries, Zhu continued to refine his interpretation for the last thirty years of his life. In the fourteenth century, the Chinese government endorsed Zhu's commentary. Until 1905 it was read and memorized along with the Analects by all Chinese aspiring to literacy and employment as government officials.[24]

 Contents [ edit ]

 Very few reliable sources about Confucius exist besides that of the Analects. The principal biography available to historians is included in Sima Qian's Shiji, but because the Shiji contains a large amount of (possibly legendary) material not confirmed by extant sources, the biographical material on Confucius found in the Analects makes the Analects arguably the most reliable source of biographical information about Confucius.[25] Confucius viewed himself as a "transmitter" of social and political traditions originating in the early Zhou dynasty (c. 1000–800 BC), and claimed not to have originated anything (Analects 7.1), but Confucius's social and political ideals were not popular in his time.[26]

 Social philosophy [ edit ]

 Confucius' discussions on the nature of the supernatural (Analects 3.12; 6.20; 11.11) indicate his belief that while "ghosts" and "spirits" should be respected, they are best kept at a distance. Instead human beings should base their values and social ideals on moral philosophy, tradition, and a natural love for others. Confucius' social philosophy largely depended on the cultivation of ren by every individual in a community.[26]

 Later Confucian philosophers explained ren as the quality of having a kind manner, similar to the English words "humane", "altruistic", or "benevolent", but, of the sixty instances in which Confucius discusses ren in the Analects, very few have these later meanings. Confucius instead used the term ren to describe an extremely general and all-encompassing state of virtue, one which no living person had attained completely. (This use of the term ren is peculiar to the Analects.)[27]

 Throughout the Analects, Confucius's students frequently request that Confucius define ren and give examples of people who embody it, but Confucius generally responds indirectly to his students' questions, instead offering illustrations and examples of behaviours that are associated with ren and explaining how a person could achieve it. According to Confucius, a person with a well-cultivated sense of ren would speak carefully and modestly (Analects 12.3); be resolute and firm (Analects 12.20), courageous (Analects 14.4), free from worry, unhappiness, and insecurity (Analects 9.28; 6.21); moderate their desires and return to propriety (Analects 12.1); be respectful, tolerant, diligent, trustworthy and kind (Analects 17.6); and love others (Analects 12.22). Confucius recognized his followers' disappointment that he would not give them a more comprehensive definition of ren, but assured them that he was sharing all that he could (Analects 7.24).[28]

 To Confucius, the cultivation of ren involved depreciating oneself through modesty while avoiding artful speech and ingratiating manners that would create a false impression of one's own character (Analects 1.3). Confucius said that those who had cultivated ren could be distinguished by their being "simple in manner and slow of speech." He believed that people could cultivate their sense of ren through exercising the inverted Golden Rule: "Do not do to others what you would not like done to yourself"; "a man with ren, desiring to establish himself, helps others establish themselves; desiring to succeed himself, helps others to succeed" (Analects 12.2; 6.28).[26]

 Confucius taught that the ability of people to imagine and project themselves into the places of others was a crucial quality for the pursuit of moral self-cultivation (Analects 4.15; see also 5.12; 6.30; 15.24).[29] Confucius regarded the exercise of devotion to one's parents and older siblings as the simplest, most basic way to cultivate ren. (Analects 1.2).[26]

 Confucius believed that ren could best be cultivated by those who had already learned self-discipline, and that self-discipline was best learned by practicing and cultivating one's understanding of li: rituals and forms of propriety through which people demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society (Analects 3.3). Confucius said that one's understanding of li should inform everything that one says and does (Analects 12.1). He believed that subjecting oneself to li did not mean suppressing one's desires, but learning to reconcile them with the needs of one's family and broader community.[26]

 By leading individuals to express their desires within the context of social responsibility, Confucius and his followers taught that the public cultivation of li was the basis of a well-ordered society (Analects 2.3).[26] Confucius taught his students that an important aspect of li was observing the practical social differences that exist between people in daily life. In Confucian philosophy these "five relationships" include: ruler to ruled; father to son; husband to wife; elder brother to younger brother; and friend to friend.[26]

 Ren and li have a special relationship in the Analects: li manages one's relationship with one's family and close community, while ren is practiced broadly and informs one's interactions with all people. Confucius did not believe that ethical self-cultivation meant unquestioned loyalty to an evil ruler. He argued that the demands of ren and li meant that rulers could oppress their subjects only at their own peril: "You may rob the Three Armies of their commander, but you cannot deprive the humblest peasant of his opinion" (Analects 9.26). Confucius said that a morally well-cultivated individual would regard his devotion to loving others as a mission for which he would be willing to die (Analects 15.8).[26]

 Political philosophy [ edit ]

 Confucius' political beliefs were rooted in his belief that a good ruler would be self-disciplined, would govern his subjects through education and by his own example, and would seek to correct his subjects with love and concern rather than punishment and coercion. "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of shame and come to you of their own accord" (Analects 2.3; see also 13.6). Confucius' political theories were directly contradictory to the Legalistic political orientations of China's rulers, and he failed to popularize his ideals among China's leaders within his own lifetime.[30]

 Confucius believed that the social chaos of his time was largely due to China's ruling elite aspiring to, and claiming, titles of which they were unworthy. When the ruler of the large state of Qi asked Confucius about the principles of good government, Confucius responded: "Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son" (Analects 12.11).

 The analysis of the need to raise officials' behavior to reflect the way that they identify and describe themselves is known as the rectification of names, and he stated that the rectification of names should be the first responsibility of a ruler upon taking office (Analects 13.3). Confucius believed that, because the ruler was the model for all who were under him in society, the rectification of names had to begin with the ruler, and that afterwards others would change to imitate him (Analects 12.19).[30]

 Confucius judged a good ruler by his possession of de ("virtue"): a sort of moral force that allows those in power to rule and gain the loyalty of others without the need for physical coercion (Analects 2.1). Confucius said that one of the most important ways that a ruler cultivates his sense of de is through a devotion to the correct practices of li. Examples of rituals identified by Confucius as important to cultivate a ruler's de include: sacrificial rites held at ancestral temples to express thankfulness and humility; ceremonies of enfeoffment, toasting, and gift exchanges that bound nobility in complex hierarchical relationships of obligation and indebtedness; and, acts of formal politeness and decorum (i.e. bowing and yielding) that identify the performers as morally well-cultivated.[30]

 Education [ edit ]

 The importance of education and study is a fundamental theme of the Analects. For Confucius, a good student respects and learns from the words and deeds of his teacher, and a good teacher is someone older who is familiar with the ways of the past and the practices of antiquity (Analects 7.22). Confucius emphasized the need to find balance between formal study and intuitive self-reflection (Analects 2.15). When teaching he is never cited in the Analects as lecturing at length about any subject, but instead challenges his students to discover the truth through asking direct questions, citing passages from the classics, and using analogies (Analects 7.8).[31] He sometimes required his students to demonstrate their understanding of subjects by making intuitive conceptual leaps before accepting their understanding and discussing those subjects at greater levels of depth. (Analects 3.8)[32]

 His primary goal in educating his students was to produce ethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things (Analects 12.11; see also 13.3). He was willing to teach anyone regardless of social class, as long as they were sincere, eager, and tireless to learn (Analects 7.7; 15.38). He is traditionally credited with teaching three thousand students, though only seventy are said to have mastered what he taught. He taught practical skills, but regarded moral self-cultivation as his most important subject.[31]

 Chapters [ edit ]

 The traditional titles given to each chapter are mostly an initial two or three incipits. In some cases a title may indicate a central theme of a chapter, but it is inappropriate to regard a title as a description or generalization of the content of a chapter. Chapters in the Analects are grouped by individual themes, but the chapters are not arranged in a way as to carry a continuous stream of thoughts or ideas. The themes of adjacent chapters are completely unrelated to each other. Central themes recur repeatedly in different chapters, sometimes in exactly the same wording and sometimes with small variations.

 Chapter 10 contains detailed descriptions of Confucius's behaviors in various daily activities. Voltaire and Ezra Pound believed that this chapter demonstrated how Confucius was a mere human. Simon Leys, who recently translated the Analects into English and French, said that the book may have been the first in human history to describe the life of an individual, historic personage. Elias Canetti wrote: "Confucius's Analects is the oldest complete intellectual and spiritual portrait of a man. It strikes one as a modern book; everything it contains and indeed everything it lacks is important."[33]

 Chapter 20, "Yao Yue", particularly the first verse, is bizarre in terms of both language and content. In terms of language, the text appears to be archaic (or a deliberate imitation of the archaic language of the Western Zhou) and bears some similarity with the language of the speeches in the Shujing.[34][35][ page needed ] In terms of the content, the passage appears to be an admonition by Yao to Shun on the eve of Yao's abdication, which seems to be only tangentially related to Confucius and his philosophy. Moreover, there appear to be some problems with the text's continuity, and scholars have speculated that parts of the text were lost in the process of transmission and possibly transmitted with errors in the order.[36] The fragmentary nature of the final chapter of the received Lu text has been explained by the "accretion theory", in which the text of the Analects was gradually accreted over a 230-year period, beginning with the death of Confucius and ending suddenly with the conquest of Lu in 249 BCE.[37]

 Within these incipits a large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic ziyue, "The Master said," but without punctuation marks in classical Chinese, this does not confirm whether what follows ziyue is direct quotation of actual sayings of Confucius, or simply to be understood as "the Master said that.." and the paraphrase of Confucius by the compilers of the Analects.[38]

 Book Title Translation Notes      
 1. Xue Er 學而 Studying and Practicing      
 2. Wei Zheng 為政 The practice of government This chapter explores the theme that political order is best gained through the non-coercive influence of moral self-cultivation rather than through force or excessive government regulation.[39]   
  Ba Yi was a kind of ritual dance practiced in the court of the Zhou king. In Confucius' time, lesser nobles also began staging these dances for themselves. The main themes of this chapter are: criticism of ritual impropriety (especially among China's political leadership), and the need to combine learning with nature in the course moral self-cultivation.[40]
 3. Ba Yi 八佾 Eight lines of eight dancers apiece      
  Chapters 3–9 may be the oldest in the Analects.[41]     
       
 4. Li Ren 里仁 Living in brotherliness This chapter explores the theme of ren, its qualities, and the qualities of those who have it. A secondary theme is the virtue of filial piety.[42]    
 5. Gongye Chang 公冶長 Gongye Chang The main theme of this chapter is Confucius' examination of others' qualities and faults in order to illustrate the desirable course of moral self-cultivation.[43] This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Zigong, a student of Confucius.[44] Gongye Chang was Confucius' son-in-law.[45] 
 6. Yong Ye 雍也 There is Yong Yong is Ran Yong, also called Zhou Gong, a disciple of Confucius.     
 7. Shu Er 述而 Transmission Transmission, not invention [of learning].     
 8. Taibo 泰伯 Taibo Wu Taibo was the legendary founder of the state of Wu. He was the oldest son of King Tai and the uncle of King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty.    
 9. Zi Han 子罕 The Master shunned Confucius seldom spoke of advantage.      
 10. Xiang Dang 鄉黨 Among the Xiang and the Dang A "xiang" was a group of 12,500 families; a "dang" a group of 500 families. This chapter is a collection of maxims related to ritual.[41]    
 11. Xian Jin 先進 Those of former eras The former generations. This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Min Sun (Min Ziqian), a student of Confucius.[44]    
 12. Yan Yuan 顏淵 Yan Yuan Yan Hui was a common name of Zi Yuan, the favorite disciple of Confucius.     
 13. Zilu 子路 Zilu Zilu was a student of Confucius.      
 14. Xian Wen 憲問 Xian asked This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Yuan Xian, also called both Yuan Si and Zisi, a student of Confucius.[44]    
 15. Wei Ling Gong 衛靈公 Duke Ling of Wey Duke Ling ruled from 534–493 BC in the state of Wey.     
 16. Ji Shi 季氏 Chief of the Ji Clan Jisun was an official from one of the most important families in Lu. This chapter is generally believed to have been written relatively late;[41] possibly compiled from the extra chapters of the Qi version of the Analects.[44]   
 17. Yang Huo 陽貨 Yang Huo Yang was an official of the Ji clan, an important family in Lu.     
 18. Weizi 微子 Weizi Weizi was the older half-brother of Zhou, the last king of the Shang dynasty, and was founder of the state of Song. The writer of this chapter was critical of Confucius.[41]   
 19. Zizhang 子張 Zizhang Zizhang (Zhuansun Shi) was a student of Confucius. This chapter consists entirely of sayings by Confucius' disciples.[41]    
 20. Yao Yue 堯曰 Yao spoke Yao was one of the traditional Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors of ancient China. This chapter consists entirely of stray sentences resembling the style and content of the Shujing.[41]   
 

 Notable translations [ edit ]

 * Legge, James, trans. (1861). Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean. The Chinese Classics. Vol. I. London: Trübner. Revised second edition (1893), Oxford: Clarendon Press, reprinted by Cosimo in 2006. ISBN 978-1-60520-643-1
 * Lyall, Leonard A., trans. (1909). The Sayings of Confucius. London: Longmans, Green and Co. OCLC 1435673.
 * Soothill, William Edward, trans. (1910). The Analects of Confucius. Yokohama: Fukuin Printing.; rpt. London: Oxford University Press (1937).
 * Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. (1930). Entretiens de Confucius [Conversations of Confucius]. Les Quatre Livres (in French) (3rd ed.). Sien Hsien: Mission Catholique.
 * Waley, Arthur, trans. (1938). The Analects. London: George Allen and Unwin. Archived from the original on 2015-06-16 . Retrieved 2011-09-21 . Rpt. (2000), New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-375-41204-2
 * (in Japanese) Yoshikawa, Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎 (1978). Rongo 論語 [Lunyu], 3 vols. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun. Rpt. 2 vols, Asahi Shinbun (1996).
 * Lau, D. C., trans. (1979). Confucius, The Analects (Lun yü). Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.; rpt. with Chinese text, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press (1979).
 * Cheng, Anne, trans. (1981). Entretiens de Confucius [Conversations of Confucius] (in French). Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
 * Ryckmans, Pierre, trans. (1987). Les Entretiens de Confucius [The Conversations of Confucius] (in French). Paris: Gallimard. English version published as Simon Leys, trans. (1997), The Analects of Confucius (New York: W. W. Norton).
 * Huang, Chi-chung, trans. (1997). The Analects of Confucius. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195112764.
 * Leys, Simon, trans. (1997). The Analects of Confucius. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. ISBN 978-0393316995.
 * Ames, Roger T.; Rosemont, Henry, trans. (1999). The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballantine Books (Penguin Random House). ISBN 978-0345434074.
 * Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, Taeko, trans. (2001). The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Followers. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0231104302.
 * Slingerland, Edward, trans. (2003). Analects of Confucius: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0872206359.
 * Watson, Burton, trans. (2007). The Analects of Confucius. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-14164-2.

 See also [ edit ]

 * China portal
 * Kongzi Jiayu, sayings of Confucius not included in the Analects
 * Chinese classic texts
 * Sacred text
 * Virtue jurisprudence
 * Disciples of Confucius
 * Hadith
 * Mahāvākyas
 * The Maxims of Ptahhotep

 References [ edit ]

 Citations [ edit ]

 1. ^ a b c Van Norden (2002) , p. 12.
 2. ^ a b Knechtges & Shih (2010) , p. 645.
 3. ^ Kim & Csikszentmihalyi (2010) , p. 25.
 4. ^ Kim & Csikszentmihalyi (2013) , p. 26.
 5. ^ Slingerland (2003) , pp. xiii–xiv.
 6. ^ a b Lee Dian Rainey (2010). Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 10. ISBN 978-1444323603.
 7. ^ Robert Eno (2015). "The Analects of Confucius" (PDF) . Indiana University.
 8. ^ van Els (2012) , pp. 21–23.
 9. ^ Kim & Csikszentmihalyi (2010) , pp. 25–26.
 10. ^ Waley (1938) , p. 23.
 11. ^ a b c Gardner (2003) , pp. 7, 15–16.
 12. ^ a b van Els (2012) , p. 20.
 13. ^ a b Waley (1938) , p. 24.
 14. ^ China Daily
 15. ^ van Els (2012) , pp. 1–2.
 16. ^ a b van Els (2012) , pp. 6, 10–11, 20–21.
 17. ^ "Popularization of the Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the Qi Lun: With a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb".
 18. ^ Gardner (2003) , p. 7.
 19. ^ Gardner (2003) , pp. 8, 18–19.
 20. ^ Explanation on the Mean (中說)
 21. ^ Ivanhoe, Philip (2009). Readings from the Lu-Wang school of Neo-Confucianism. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co. p. 149. ISBN 978-0872209602.
 22. ^ a b Gardner (2003) , pp. 8, 13–14.
 23. ^ Gardner (2003) , pp. 18–20, 46.
 24. ^ a b Gardner (2003) , pp. 7–8, 21, 46.
 25. ^ Lau (2002) , p. ix.
 26. ^ a b c d e f g h Riegel (2012) , "2. Confucius' Social Philosophy".
 27. ^ Waley (1938) , pp. 27–29.
 28. ^ Gardner (2003) , pp. 52–53.
 29. ^ Slingerland (2003) , p. 34.
 30. ^ a b c Riegel (2012) , "3. Confucius' Political Philosophy".
 31. ^ a b Riegel (2012) , "4. Confucius and Education".
 32. ^ Slingerland (2003) , pp. 19–20.
 33. ^ Canetti 1984 , p. 173.
 34. ^ Schaberg, David; Ames, Roger T.; Rosemont, Henry; Lau, D. C.; Dawson, Raymond; Leys, Simon; Huang, Chichung; Hinton, David; Brooks, E. Bruce (December 2001). ""Sell it! Sell it!": Recent Translations of Lunyu". Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews. 23: 115–139. doi:10.2307/495503. JSTOR 495503.
 35. ^ Van Norden (2002) .
 36. ^ Confucius.; 孔子. (2008). The analects, translated by Yang Bojun, D.C. Lau = Lun yu. Yang, Bojun; Lau, D. C. (Dim Cheuk), 杨伯峻., 刘殿爵. (Beijing di 1 ban ed.). Beijing Shi: Zhong hua shu ju. ISBN 978-7101062281. OCLC 269201157.
 37. ^ Slingerland, Edward (2000). Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, A. Taeko (eds.). "Why Philosophy Is Not "Extra" in Understanding the Analects". Philosophy East and West. 50 (1): 137–141. ISSN 0031-8221. JSTOR 1400076.
 38. ^ Roger T. Ames The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation 2010 p. 285 "A large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic ziyue 子曰, "The Master said," but because there are no punctuation marks in classical Chinese, we must ask if whatever follows ziyue is a literal transcription of speech, or a paraphrase of it, or a method of transmitting ideas in a written language which existed in important ways independently of the spoken language."
 39. ^ Slingerland (2003) , p. 8.
 40. ^ Slingerland (2003) , p. 17.
 41. ^ a b c d e f Waley (1938) , p. 21.
 42. ^ Slingerland (2003) , p. 29.
 43. ^ Slingerland (2003) , p. 39.
 44. ^ a b c d Legge (2009) , p. 16.
 45. ^ Legge (2009) , p. 119.

 Sources [ edit ]

 * Canetti, Elias (1984). The Conscience of Words. Translated by Neugroschel, Joachim. Farrar Straus Giroux. ISBN 0374518815.
 * Cheng, Anne (1993). "Lun yü 論語". In Loewe, Michael (ed.). Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China; Institute for East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. pp. 313–323. ISBN 978-1-55729-043-4.
 * Gardner, Daniel K (2003). Zhu Xi's Reading of the Analects: Canon, Commentary, and the Classical Tradition. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-12865-0.
 * China Daily. "Qi Version of 'Analects of Confucius' Discovered in Haihunhou Tomb". Chinese Archaeology. January 13, 2017. Retrieved April 17, 2019.
 * van Els, Paul (2012). "Confucius' sayings entombed: On Two Han Dynasty Analects Manuscripts" (PDF) . Analects Studies. Leiden: Brill. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-10-03.
 * Kern, Martin (2010). "Early Chinese literature, Beginnings through Western Han". In Owen, Stephen (ed.). The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–115. ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
 * Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN 978-9400771123.
 * Knechtges, David R.; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). "Lunyu 論語". In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3.
 * Lau, D.C. (2002). "Introduction". The Analects. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. ISBN 962-201-980-3.
 * Legge, James (2009). "Prolegomena". The Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and The Doctrine of the Mean. New York: Cosimo. ISBN 978-1-60520-644-8.
 * Van Norden, Bryan (2002). Confucius and the Analects : New Essays. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195350821. OCLC 466432745.
 * Riegel, Jeffrey (Spring 2012). "Confucius". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 * Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2013). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN 978-9400771123.
 * Slingerland, Edward (2003). Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Indianapolis: Hackett. ISBN 978-1603843454.
 * Waley, Arthur. "Terms". In The Analects of Confucius. Trans. Arthur Waley. New York: Vintage Books. 1938.

 Further reading [ edit ]

 * Van Norden, Bryan W. Confucius and the Analects : New Essays. Oxford University Press, 2001. ISBN 978-0195350821.
 * The Analects at the Database of Religious History.

 External links [ edit ]

 Wikisource has original text related to this article:
 The Analects
 Wikiquote has quotations related to Analects.
 Look up analects in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
 Chinese Wikisource has original text related to this article:
 論語
 * The Analects of Confucius public domain audiobook at LibriVox
 * Bilingual excerpts and children's audio in Chinese and Japanese.
 * Chinese-English bilingual text (Legge's translation) with links to Zhu Xi's commentary, at Chinese Text Project.
 * English translation by A. Charles Muller, with Chinese text.
 * English translation at Confucius.org, one page per verse.
 * English translation at MIT Classics
 * Latin translation (Zottoli, 1879)
 * Legge's English translation from the University of Adelaide Library (no section numbers)
 * Multilingual edition of the Analects in Chinese, English and French
 * Translations of the Analects in over 20 languages, with footnotes.
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 Analects 
 1. Xue Er 學而 
 2. Wei Zheng 為政 
 3. Ba Yi 八佾 
 4. Li Ren 里仁 
 5. Gongye Chang 公冶長 
 6. Yong Ye 雍也 
 7. Shu Er 述而 
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 14. Xian Wen 憲問 
 15. Wei Ling Gong 衛靈公 
 16. Ji Shi 季氏 
 17. Yang Huo 陽貨 
 18. Weizi 微子 
 19. Zizhang 子張 
 20. Yao Yue 堯曰 
 21. Zhi Dao 知道 * 
 22. Wen Wang 問王 * 
 *: Books of Qi version, currently lost
 
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Analects論語       A page from the Analects     Author Disciples of Confucius    Language  Classical Chinese    
   Analects       "Analects" in ancient seal script (top), Traditional (middle), and Simplified (bottom) Chinese characters     Chinese name    Traditional Chinese   論語     Simplified Chinese   论语         Hanyu Pinyin  Lúnyǔ   Literal meaning "Selected Sayings", [1]  or "Edited Conversations" [2]         Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Lúnyǔ    Bopomofo  ㄌㄨㄣˊ   ㄩˇ    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Luenyeu    Wade–Giles  Lun2-yü3     Yale Romanization  Lwúnyǔ    MPS2  Luényǔ    IPA   [lwə̌n.ỳ]     Wu     Romanization  Lén-nyû    Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Lèuhn-yúh    Jyutping  Leon4-jyu5    IPA   [lɵ̏n.jy̬ː]     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Lūn-gú    Tâi-lô  Lūn-gú    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  lwin-ngjó    Old Chinese     Baxter–Sagart (2014)  *[r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ       Vietnamese name    Vietnamese alphabet   Luận Ngữ     Chữ Hán  論語   Korean name    Hangul  논어    Hanja  論語       Transcriptions    Revised Romanization  Noneo       Japanese name    Kanji  論語    Kana  ろんご       Transcriptions    Romanization  Rongo       
The  Analects  (Chinese: 論語; pinyin: Lúnyǔ; Old Chinese: [r]u[n] ŋ(r)aʔ; meaning "Selected Sayings" [1] ), also known as the  Analects of Confucius , the  Sayings of Confucius , or the  Lun Yu , is an ancient Chinese book composed of a large collection of sayings and ideas attributed to the Chinese philosopher Confucius and his contemporaries, traditionally believed to have been compiled and written by Confucius's followers. It is believed to have been written during the Warring States period (475–221 BC), and it achieved its final form during the mid-Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD). By the early Han dynasty the Analects was considered merely a "commentary" on the Five Classics, but the status of the Analects grew to be one of the central texts of Confucianism by the end of that dynasty.
 During the late Song dynasty (960–1279 AD) the importance of the Analects as a Chinese philosophy work was raised above that of the older Five Classics, and it was recognized as one of the "Four Books". The Analects has been one of the most widely-read and studied books in China for the last 2,000 years, and continues to have a substantial influence on Chinese and East Asian thought and values today.
 Confucius believed that the welfare of a country depended on the moral cultivation of its people, beginning from the nation's leadership. He believed that individuals could begin to cultivate an all-encompassing sense of virtue through  ren , and that the most basic step to cultivating ren was devotion to one's parents and older siblings. He taught that one's individual desires do not need to be suppressed, but that people should be educated to reconcile their desires via rituals and forms of propriety, through which people could demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society.
 Confucius taught that a ruler's sense of virtue was his primary prerequisite for leadership. His primary goal in educating his students was to produce ethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things.
History[edit]
Creation of the text[edit]
      A portrait of Confucius giving a lecture.  
     
According to Ban Gu, writing in the  Book of Han , the Analects originated as individual records kept by Confucius's disciples of conversations between the Master and them, which were then collected and jointly edited by the disciples after Confucius's death in 479 BC. The work is therefore titled Lunyu meaning "edited conversations" or "selected speeches" (i.e. analects). [2]   [3]  This broadly forms the traditional account of the genesis of the work accepted by later generations of scholars, for example the Song dynasty neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi stated that Analects is the records of Confucius's first- and second-generation pupils. [4] 
 This traditional view has been challenged by Chinese, Japanese, and Western scholars. The Qing dynasty philologist Cui Shu argued on linguistic ground that the last five books were produced much later than the rest of the work. Itō Jinsai claimed that, because of differences he saw in patterns of language and content in the Analects, a distinction in authorship should be made between the "upper Analects" (Books 1–10) and "lower Analects" (Books 11–20). Arthur Waley speculated that Books 3–9 represent the earliest parts of the book. E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks reviewed previous theories of the chapters' creation and produced a "four stratum theory" of the text's creation. [1]   [5]  Many modern scholars now believe that the work was compiled over a period of around two hundred years, some time during the Warring States period (476–221 BC), with some questioning the authenticity of some of the sayings. [6]   [7]  Because no manuscript dated earlier than about 70 BC have been discovered, and because the Analects was not referred to by name in any existing source before the early Han dynasty, some scholars have proposed dates as late as 140 BC for the text's final compilation. [8] 
 Regardless of how early the text of the Analects existed, most Analects scholars believe that by the early Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the book was widely known and transmitted throughout China in a mostly complete form, and that the book acquired its final, complete form during the Han dynasty. However, Han dynasty writer Wang Chong claimed that all copies of the Analects that existed during the Han dynasty were incomplete and formed only a part of a much larger work. [9]  This is supported by the fact that a larger collection of Confucius's teachings did exist in the Warring States period than has been preserved directly in the Analects: 75% of Confucius's sayings cited by his second-generation student, Mencius, do not exist in the received text of the Analects. [10] 
Versions[edit]
According to the Han dynasty scholar Liu Xiang, there were two versions of the Analects that existed at the beginning of the Han dynasty: the "Lu version" and the "Qi version". The Lu version contained twenty chapters, and the Qi version contained twenty-two chapters, including two chapters not found in the Lu version. Of the twenty chapters that both versions had in common, the Lu version had more passages. Each version had its own masters, schools, and transmitters. [11] 
 In the reign of Emperor Jing of Han (r. 157–141 BC), a third version (the "Old Text" version) was discovered hidden in a wall of the home then believed to be Confucius's when the home was in the process of being destroyed by King Gong of Lu (r. 153–128 BC) in order to expand the king's palace. The new version did not contain the two extra chapters found in the Qi version, but it split one chapter found in the Lu and Qi versions in two, so it had twenty-one chapters, and the order of the chapters was different. [11] 
 The old text version got its name because it was written in characters not used since the earlier Warring States period (i.e. before 221 BC), when it was assumed to have been hidden. [12]  According to the Han dynasty scholar Huan Tan, the old text version had four hundred characters different from the Lu version (from which the received text of the Analects is mostly based), and it seriously differed from the Lu version in twenty-seven places. Of these twenty-seven differences, the received text only agrees with the old text version in two places. [13] 
 Over a century later, the tutor of the Analects to Emperor Cheng of Han, Zhang Yu (d. 5 BC), synthesized the Lu and Qi versions by taking the Lu version as authoritative and selectively adding sections from the Qi version, and produced a composite text of the Analects known as the "Zhang Hou Lun". This text was recognized by Zhang Yu's contemporaries and by subsequent Han scholars as superior to either individual version, and is the text that is recognized as the Analects today. [11]  No complete copies of either the Lu version or the old text version of the Analects exist today, [12]  though fragments of the old text version were discovered at Dunhuang. [13]  The Qi version was lost for about 1,800 years but re-found during the excavation of the tomb of Marquis of Haihun in 2011. [14] 
 Before the late twentieth century the oldest existing copy of the Analects known to scholars was found in the "Stone Classics of the Xinping Era", a copy of the Confucian classics written in stone in the old Eastern Han dynasty capital of Luoyang around 175 AD. Archaeologists have since discovered two handwritten copies of the Analects that were written around 50 BC, during the Western Han dynasty. They are known as the "Dingzhou Analects", and the "Pyongyang Analects", after the location of the tombs in which they were found. The Dingzhou Analects was discovered in 1973, but no transcription of its contents was published until 1997. The Pyongyang Analects was discovered in 1992. Academic access to the Pyongyang Analects has been highly restricted, and no academic study on it was published until 2009. [15] 
 The Dingzhou Analects was damaged in a fire shortly after it was entombed in the Han dynasty. It was further damaged in an earthquake shortly after it was recovered, and the surviving text is just under half the size of the received text of the Analects. Of the sections that survive, the Dingzhou Analects is shorter than the received Analects, implying that the text of the Analects was still in the process of expansion when the Dingzhou Analects was entombed. There was evidence that "additions" may have been made to the manuscript after it had been completed, indicating that the writer may have become aware of at least one other version of the Analects and included "extra" material for the sake of completeness. [16] 
 The content of the Pyongyang Analects is similar to the Dingzhou Analects. Because of the secrecy and isolationism of the North Korean government, only a very cursory study of it has been made available to international scholars, and its contents are not completely known outside of North Korea. Scholars do not agree about whether either the Dingzhou Analects or the Pyongyang Analects represent the Lu version, the Qi version, the old text version, or a different version that was independent of these three traditions. [16] 
 To date, the oldest extant manuscript of the Analects are the discovered texts found in the Haihunhou Tomb in 2011; the Haihunhou Analects "circulated at least seventeen years" before the Dingzhou and Pyongyang ones. [17]  Not to mention Kongcongzi, [6]  which may or may not contain forgeries and contain collected sayings of Confucius his disciples and his later family which could also be part of the transmission of the text.
Importance within Confucianism[edit]
During most of the Han period the Analects was not considered one of the principal texts of Confucianism. During the reign of Han Wudi (141–87 BC), when the Chinese government began promoting Confucian studies, only the Five Classics were considered by the government to be canonical (jing). They were considered Confucian because Confucius was assumed to have partially written, edited, and/or transmitted them. The Analects was considered secondary as it was thought to be merely a collection of Confucius's oral "commentary" (zhuan) on the Five Classics. [18] 
 The political importance and popularity of Confucius and Confucianism grew throughout the Han dynasty, and by the Eastern Han the Analects was widely read by schoolchildren and anyone aspiring to literacy, and often read before the Five Classics themselves. During the Eastern Han, the heir apparent was provided a tutor specifically to teach him the Analects. The growing importance of the Analects was recognized when the Five Classics was expanded to the "Seven Classics": the Five Classics plus the Analects and the  Classic of Filial Piety , and its status as one of the central texts of Confucianism continued to grow until the late Song dynasty (960–1279), when it was identified and promoted as one of the Four Books by Zhu Xi and generally accepted as being more insightful than the older Five Classics. [19] 
 The writing style of the Analects also inspired future Confucian writers. For example, Sui Dynasty writer Wang Tong's 中说 (Explanation of the Mean) [20]  was purposely written to emulate the style of the Analects, a practice praised by Ming Dynasty philosopher Wang Yangming. [21] 
[edit]
      A copy of He Yan's commentary on the Analects, with a sub-commentary by Xing Bing, printed during the Ming dynasty   
Since the Han dynasty, Chinese readers have interpreted the Analects by reading scholars' commentaries on the book. There have been many commentaries on the Analects since the Han dynasty, but the two which have been most influential have been the Collected Explanations of the Analects (Lunyu Jijie) by He Yan (c. 195–249) and several colleagues, and the Collected Commentaries of the Analects (Lunyu Jizhu) by Zhu Xi (1130–1200). In his work, He Yan collected, selected, summarized, and rationalized what he believed to be the most insightful of all preceding commentaries on the Analects which had been produced by earlier Han and Wei dynasty (220–265 AD) scholars. [22] 
 He Yan's personal interpretation of the Lunyu was guided by his belief that Daoism and Confucianism complemented each other, so that by studying both in a correct manner a scholar could arrive at a single, unified truth. Arguing for the ultimate compatibility of Daoist and Confucian teachings, he argued that "Laozi [in fact] was in agreement with the Sage" (sic). The Explanations was written in 248 AD, was quickly recognized as authoritative, and remained the standard guide to interpreting the Analects for nearly 1,000 years, until the early Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). It is the oldest complete commentary on the Analects that still exists. [22] 
 He Yan's commentary was eventually displaced as the definitive, standard commentary by Zhu Xi's commentary. Zhu Xi's work also brought together the commentaries of earlier scholars (mostly from the Song dynasty), along with his own interpretations. Zhu's work took part in the context of a period of renewed interest in Confucian studies, in which Chinese scholars were interested in producing a single "correct" intellectual orthodoxy that would "save" Chinese traditions and protect them from foreign influences, and in which scholars were increasingly interested in metaphysical speculation. [23] 
 In his commentary Zhu made a great effort to interpret the Analects by using theories elaborated in the other Four Books, something that He Yan had not done. Zhu attempted to give an added coherence and unity to the message of the Analects, demonstrating that the individual books of the Confucian canon gave meaning to the whole, just as the whole of the canon gave meaning to its parts. In his preface, Zhu Xi stated, "[T]he Analects and the  Mencius  are the most important works for students pursuing the Way [...] The words of the Analects are all inclusive; what they teach is nothing but the essentials of preserving the mind and cultivating [one's] nature." [24] 
 From the first publication of the Commentaries, Zhu continued to refine his interpretation for the last thirty years of his life. In the fourteenth century, the Chinese government endorsed Zhu's commentary. Until 1905 it was read and memorized along with the Analects by all Chinese aspiring to literacy and employment as government officials. [24] 
Contents[edit]
Very few reliable sources about Confucius exist besides that of the Analects. The principal biography available to historians is included in Sima Qian's  Shiji , but because the Shiji contains a large amount of (possibly legendary) material not confirmed by extant sources, the biographical material on Confucius found in the Analects makes the Analects arguably the most reliable source of biographical information about Confucius. [25]  Confucius viewed himself as a "transmitter" of social and political traditions originating in the early Zhou dynasty (c. 1000–800 BC), and claimed not to have originated anything (Analects 7.1), but Confucius's social and political ideals were not popular in his time.
[edit]
Confucius' discussions on the nature of the supernatural (Analects 3.12; 6.20; 11.11) indicate his belief that while "ghosts" and "spirits" should be respected, they are best kept at a distance. Instead human beings should base their values and social ideals on moral philosophy, tradition, and a natural love for others. Confucius' social philosophy largely depended on the cultivation of  ren  by every individual in a community.
 Later Confucian philosophers explained ren as the quality of having a kind manner, similar to the English words "humane", "altruistic", or "benevolent", but, of the sixty instances in which Confucius discusses ren in the Analects, very few have these later meanings. Confucius instead used the term ren to describe an extremely general and all-encompassing state of virtue, one which no living person had attained completely. (This use of the term ren is peculiar to the Analects.) [27] 
 Throughout the Analects, Confucius's students frequently request that Confucius define ren and give examples of people who embody it, but Confucius generally responds indirectly to his students' questions, instead offering illustrations and examples of behaviours that are associated with ren and explaining how a person could achieve it. According to Confucius, a person with a well-cultivated sense of ren would speak carefully and modestly (Analects 12.3); be resolute and firm (Analects 12.20), courageous (Analects 14.4), free from worry, unhappiness, and insecurity (Analects 9.28; 6.21); moderate their desires and return to propriety (Analects 12.1); be respectful, tolerant, diligent, trustworthy and kind (Analects 17.6); and love others (Analects 12.22). Confucius recognized his followers' disappointment that he would not give them a more comprehensive definition of ren, but assured them that he was sharing all that he could (Analects 7.24). [28] 
 To Confucius, the cultivation of ren involved depreciating oneself through modesty while avoiding artful speech and ingratiating manners that would create a false impression of one's own character (Analects 1.3). Confucius said that those who had cultivated ren could be distinguished by their being "simple in manner and slow of speech." He believed that people could cultivate their sense of ren through exercising the inverted Golden Rule: "Do not do to others what you would not like done to yourself"; "a man with ren, desiring to establish himself, helps others establish themselves; desiring to succeed himself, helps others to succeed" (Analects 12.2; 6.28).
 Confucius taught that the ability of people to imagine and project themselves into the places of others was a crucial quality for the pursuit of moral self-cultivation (Analects 4.15; see also 5.12; 6.30; 15.24). [29]  Confucius regarded the exercise of devotion to one's parents and older siblings as the simplest, most basic way to cultivate ren. (Analects 1.2).
 Confucius believed that ren could best be cultivated by those who had already learned self-discipline, and that self-discipline was best learned by practicing and cultivating one's understanding of  li : rituals and forms of propriety through which people demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society (Analects 3.3). Confucius said that one's understanding of li should inform everything that one says and does (Analects 12.1). He believed that subjecting oneself to li did not mean suppressing one's desires, but learning to reconcile them with the needs of one's family and broader community.
 By leading individuals to express their desires within the context of social responsibility, Confucius and his followers taught that the public cultivation of li was the basis of a well-ordered society (Analects 2.3). Confucius taught his students that an important aspect of li was observing the practical social differences that exist between people in daily life. In Confucian philosophy these "five relationships" include: ruler to ruled; father to son; husband to wife; elder brother to younger brother; and friend to friend.
  Ren and li have a special relationship in the Analects: li manages one's relationship with one's family and close community, while ren is practiced broadly and informs one's interactions with all people. Confucius did not believe that ethical self-cultivation meant unquestioned loyalty to an evil ruler. He argued that the demands of ren and li meant that rulers could oppress their subjects only at their own peril: "You may rob the Three Armies of their commander, but you cannot deprive the humblest peasant of his opinion" (Analects 9.26). Confucius said that a morally well-cultivated individual would regard his devotion to loving others as a mission for which he would be willing to die (Analects 15.8).
Political philosophy[edit]
Confucius' political beliefs were rooted in his belief that a good ruler would be self-disciplined, would govern his subjects through education and by his own example, and would seek to correct his subjects with love and concern rather than punishment and coercion. "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of shame and come to you of their own accord" (Analects 2.3; see also 13.6). Confucius' political theories were directly contradictory to the Legalistic political orientations of China's rulers, and he failed to popularize his ideals among China's leaders within his own lifetime. [30] 
 Confucius believed that the social chaos of his time was largely due to China's ruling elite aspiring to, and claiming, titles of which they were unworthy. When the ruler of the large state of Qi asked Confucius about the principles of good government, Confucius responded: "Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son" (Analects 12.11).
 The analysis of the need to raise officials' behavior to reflect the way that they identify and describe themselves is known as the rectification of names, and he stated that the rectification of names should be the first responsibility of a ruler upon taking office (Analects 13.3). Confucius believed that, because the ruler was the model for all who were under him in society, the rectification of names had to begin with the ruler, and that afterwards others would change to imitate him (Analects 12.19). [30] 
 Confucius judged a good ruler by his possession of  de  ("virtue"): a sort of moral force that allows those in power to rule and gain the loyalty of others without the need for physical coercion (Analects 2.1). Confucius said that one of the most important ways that a ruler cultivates his sense of de is through a devotion to the correct practices of li. Examples of rituals identified by Confucius as important to cultivate a ruler's de include: sacrificial rites held at ancestral temples to express thankfulness and humility; ceremonies of enfeoffment, toasting, and gift exchanges that bound nobility in complex hierarchical relationships of obligation and indebtedness; and, acts of formal politeness and decorum (i.e. bowing and yielding) that identify the performers as morally well-cultivated. [30] 
Education[edit]
The importance of education and study is a fundamental theme of the Analects. For Confucius, a good student respects and learns from the words and deeds of his teacher, and a good teacher is someone older who is familiar with the ways of the past and the practices of antiquity (Analects 7.22). Confucius emphasized the need to find balance between formal study and intuitive self-reflection (Analects 2.15). When teaching he is never cited in the Analects as lecturing at length about any subject, but instead challenges his students to discover the truth through asking direct questions, citing passages from the classics, and using analogies (Analects 7.8). [31]  He sometimes required his students to demonstrate their understanding of subjects by making intuitive conceptual leaps before accepting their understanding and discussing those subjects at greater levels of depth. (Analects 3.8) [32] 
 His primary goal in educating his students was to produce ethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things (Analects 12.11; see also 13.3). He was willing to teach anyone regardless of social class, as long as they were sincere, eager, and tireless to learn (Analects 7.7; 15.38). He is traditionally credited with teaching three thousand students, though only seventy are said to have mastered what he taught. He taught practical skills, but regarded moral self-cultivation as his most important subject. [31] 
Chapters[edit]
The traditional titles given to each chapter are mostly an initial two or three incipits. In some cases a title may indicate a central theme of a chapter, but it is inappropriate to regard a title as a description or generalization of the content of a chapter. Chapters in the Analects are grouped by individual themes, but the chapters are not arranged in a way as to carry a continuous stream of thoughts or ideas. The themes of adjacent chapters are completely unrelated to each other. Central themes recur repeatedly in different chapters, sometimes in exactly the same wording and sometimes with small variations.
 Chapter 10 contains detailed descriptions of Confucius's behaviors in various daily activities. Voltaire and Ezra Pound believed that this chapter demonstrated how Confucius was a mere human. Simon Leys, who recently translated the Analects into English and French, said that the book may have been the first in human history to describe the life of an individual, historic personage. Elias Canetti wrote: "Confucius's Analects is the oldest complete intellectual and spiritual portrait of a man. It strikes one as a modern book; everything it contains and indeed everything it lacks is important." [33] 
 Chapter 20, "Yao Yue", particularly the first verse, is bizarre in terms of both language and content. In terms of language, the text appears to be archaic (or a deliberate imitation of the archaic language of the Western Zhou) and bears some similarity with the language of the speeches in the  Shujing . [34]   [35]  [ page needed ] In terms of the content, the passage appears to be an admonition by Yao to Shun on the eve of Yao's abdication, which seems to be only tangentially related to Confucius and his philosophy. Moreover, there appear to be some problems with the text's continuity, and scholars have speculated that parts of the text were lost in the process of transmission and possibly transmitted with errors in the order. [36]  The fragmentary nature of the final chapter of the received Lu text has been explained by the "accretion theory", in which the text of the Analects was gradually accreted over a 230-year period, beginning with the death of Confucius and ending suddenly with the conquest of Lu in 249 BCE. [37] 
 Within these incipits a large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic ziyue, "The Master said," but without punctuation marks in classical Chinese, this does not confirm whether what follows ziyue is direct quotation of actual sayings of Confucius, or simply to be understood as "the Master said that.." and the paraphrase of Confucius by the compilers of the Analects. [38] 
 
Book
Title
Translation
Notes
 
1.
 Xue Er 學而
Studying and Practicing
 
2.
Wei Zheng 為政
The practice of government
This chapter explores the theme that political order is best gained through the non-coercive influence of moral self-cultivation rather than through force or excessive government regulation. [39] 
 
3.
Ba Yi 八佾
Eight lines of eight dancers apiece
Ba Yi was a kind of ritual dance practiced in the court of the Zhou king. In Confucius' time, lesser nobles also began staging these dances for themselves. The main themes of this chapter are: criticism of ritual impropriety (especially among China's political leadership), and the need to combine learning with nature in the course moral self-cultivation. [40] 
Chapters 3–9 may be the oldest in the Analects. [41] 
 
4.
Li Ren 里仁
Living in brotherliness
This chapter explores the theme of ren, its qualities, and the qualities of those who have it. A secondary theme is the virtue of filial piety. [42] 
 
5.
Gongye Chang 公冶長
Gongye Chang
The main theme of this chapter is Confucius' examination of others' qualities and faults in order to illustrate the desirable course of moral self-cultivation. [43]  This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Zigong, a student of Confucius. [44]  Gongye Chang was Confucius' son-in-law. [45] 
 
6.
Yong Ye 雍也
There is Yong
Yong is Ran Yong, also called Zhou Gong, a disciple of Confucius.
 
7.
Shu Er 述而
Transmission
Transmission, not invention [of learning].
 
8.
Taibo 泰伯
Taibo
 Wu Taibo was the legendary founder of the state of Wu. He was the oldest son of King Tai and the uncle of King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty.
 
9.
Zi Han 子罕
The Master shunned
Confucius seldom spoke of advantage.
 
10.
Xiang Dang 鄉黨
Among the Xiang and the Dang
A "xiang" was a group of 12,500 families; a "dang" a group of 500 families. This chapter is a collection of maxims related to ritual. [41] 
 
11.
Xian Jin 先進
Those of former eras
The former generations. This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Min Sun (Min Ziqian), a student of Confucius. [44] 
 
12.
Yan Yuan 顏淵
Yan Yuan
 Yan Hui was a common name of Zi Yuan, the favorite disciple of Confucius.
 
13.
Zilu 子路
Zilu
 Zilu was a student of Confucius.
 
14.
Xian Wen 憲問
Xian asked
This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples of Yuan Xian, also called both Yuan Si and Zisi, a student of Confucius. [44] 
 
15.
Wei Ling Gong 衛靈公
 Duke Ling of Wey 
Duke Ling ruled from 534–493 BC in the state of Wey.
 
16.
Ji Shi 季氏
Chief of the Ji Clan
 Jisun was an official from one of the most important families in Lu. This chapter is generally believed to have been written relatively late; [41]  possibly compiled from the extra chapters of the Qi version of the Analects. [44] 
 
17.
Yang Huo 陽貨
Yang Huo
Yang was an official of the Ji clan, an important family in Lu.
 
18.
Weizi 微子
Weizi
Weizi was the older half-brother of Zhou, the last king of the Shang dynasty, and was founder of the state of Song. The writer of this chapter was critical of Confucius. [41] 
 
19.
Zizhang 子張
Zizhang
Zizhang (Zhuansun Shi) was a student of Confucius. This chapter consists entirely of sayings by Confucius' disciples. [41] 
 
20.
 Yao Yue 堯曰
Yao spoke
 Yao was one of the traditional Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors of ancient China. This chapter consists entirely of stray sentences resembling the style and content of the  Shujing . [41] 
 
 
Notable translations[edit]
   Legge, James, trans. (1861).  Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean . The Chinese Classics. Vol. I. London: Trübner. Revised second edition (1893), Oxford: Clarendon Press, reprinted by Cosimo in 2006. ISBN 978-1-60520-643-1 
 Lyall, Leonard A., trans. (1909).  The Sayings of Confucius . London: Longmans, Green and Co. OCLC 1435673. 
  Soothill, William Edward, trans. (1910).  The Analects of Confucius . Yokohama: Fukuin Printing.; rpt. London: Oxford University Press (1937).
  Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. (1930). Entretiens de Confucius [Conversations of Confucius]. Les Quatre Livres (in French) (3rd ed.). Sien Hsien: Mission Catholique. 
  Waley, Arthur, trans. (1938).  The Analects . London: George Allen and Unwin. Archived from the original on 2015-06-16. Retrieved 2011-09-21. Rpt. (2000), New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-375-41204-2 
(in Japanese) Yoshikawa, Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎 (1978). Rongo 論語 [Lunyu], 3 vols. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun. Rpt. 2 vols, Asahi Shinbun (1996).
  Lau, D. C., trans. (1979). Confucius, The Analects (Lun yü). Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.; rpt. with Chinese text, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press (1979).
  Cheng, Anne, trans. (1981). Entretiens de Confucius [Conversations of Confucius] (in French). Paris: Éditions du Seuil. 
  Ryckmans, Pierre, trans. (1987). Les Entretiens de Confucius [The Conversations of Confucius] (in French). Paris: Gallimard. English version published as Simon Leys, trans. (1997), The Analects of Confucius (New York: W. W. Norton).
 Huang, Chi-chung, trans. (1997). The Analects of Confucius. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN  978-0195112764 . 
  Leys, Simon, trans. (1997). The Analects of Confucius. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. ISBN  978-0393316995 . 
  Ames, Roger T.; Rosemont, Henry, trans. (1999). The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballantine Books (Penguin Random House). ISBN  978-0345434074 . 
 Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, Taeko, trans. (2001). The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Followers. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN  978-0231104302 . 
  Slingerland, Edward, trans. (2003). Analects of Confucius: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN  978-0872206359 . 
  Watson, Burton, trans. (2007). The Analects of Confucius. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN  978-0-231-14164-2 .  
See also[edit]
   Kongzi Jiayu , sayings of Confucius not included in the Analects 
 Chinese classic texts 
 Sacred text 
 Virtue jurisprudence 
 Disciples of Confucius 
 Hadith 
 Mahāvākyas 
  The Maxims of Ptahhotep   
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
 
^    a       b       c    Van Norden (2002), p. 12.
^    a       b    Knechtges &amp; Shih (2010), p. 645.
  ^  Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2010), p. 25.
  ^  Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2013), p. 26.
  ^  Slingerland (2003), pp. xiii–xiv.
^    a       b    Lee Dian Rainey (2010).  Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials . Wiley-Blackwell. p. 10. ISBN  978-1444323603 .
  ^  Robert Eno (2015). "The Analects of Confucius" (PDF). Indiana University.
  ^  van Els (2012), pp. 21–23.
  ^  Kim &amp; Csikszentmihalyi (2010), pp. 25–26.
  ^  Waley (1938), p. 23.
^    a       b       c    Gardner (2003), pp. 7, 15–16.
^    a       b    van Els (2012), p. 20.
^    a       b    Waley (1938), p. 24.
  ^  China Daily
  ^  van Els (2012), pp. 1–2.
^    a       b    van Els (2012), pp. 6, 10–11, 20–21.
  ^   "Popularization of the Analects of Confucius in Western Han and the Discovery of the Qi Lun: With a Focus on the Bamboo Slips Unearthed from the Haihunhou Tomb".
  ^  Gardner (2003), p. 7.
  ^  Gardner (2003), pp. 8, 18–19.
  ^  Explanation on the Mean (中說)
  ^  Ivanhoe, Philip (2009). Readings from the Lu-Wang school of Neo-Confucianism. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co. p. 149. ISBN  978-0872209602 .
^    a       b    Gardner (2003), pp. 8, 13–14.
  ^  Gardner (2003), pp. 18–20, 46.
^    a       b    Gardner (2003), pp. 7–8, 21, 46.
  ^  Lau (2002), p. ix.
  ^  Waley (1938), pp. 27–29.
  ^  Gardner (2003), pp. 52–53.
  ^  Slingerland (2003), p. 34.
^    a       b       c    Riegel (2012), "3. Confucius' Political Philosophy".
^    a       b    Riegel (2012), "4. Confucius and Education".
  ^  Slingerland (2003), pp. 19–20.
  ^  Canetti 1984, p. 173.
  ^  Schaberg, David; Ames, Roger T.; Rosemont, Henry; Lau, D. C.; Dawson, Raymond; Leys, Simon; Huang, Chichung; Hinton, David; Brooks, E. Bruce (December 2001). ""Sell it! Sell it!": Recent Translations of Lunyu". Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews. 23: 115–139. doi:10.2307/495503. JSTOR 495503.
  ^  Van Norden (2002).
  ^  Confucius.; 孔子. (2008). The analects, translated by Yang Bojun, D.C. Lau = Lun yu. Yang, Bojun; Lau, D. C. (Dim Cheuk), 杨伯峻., 刘殿爵. (Beijing di 1 ban ed.). Beijing Shi: Zhong hua shu ju. ISBN  978-7101062281 . OCLC 269201157.
  ^  Slingerland, Edward (2000). Brooks, E. Bruce; Brooks, A. Taeko (eds.). "Why Philosophy Is Not "Extra" in Understanding the Analects". Philosophy East and West. 50 (1): 137–141. ISSN 0031-8221. JSTOR 1400076.
  ^  Roger T. Ames The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation 2010 p. 285 "A large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaic ziyue 子曰, "The Master said," but because there are no punctuation marks in classical Chinese, we must ask if whatever follows ziyue is a literal transcription of speech, or a paraphrase of it, or a method of transmitting ideas in a written language which existed in important ways independently of the spoken language."
  ^  Slingerland (2003), p. 8.
  ^  Slingerland (2003), p. 17.
^    a       b       c       d       e       f    Waley (1938), p. 21.
  ^  Slingerland (2003), p. 29.
  ^  Slingerland (2003), p. 39.
^    a       b       c       d    Legge (2009), p. 16.
  ^  Legge (2009), p. 119.
 
Sources[edit]
  Canetti, Elias (1984). The Conscience of Words. Translated by Neugroschel, Joachim. Farrar Straus Giroux. ISBN  0374518815 . 
 Cheng, Anne (1993). "Lun yü 論語". In Loewe, Michael (ed.). Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China; Institute for East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. pp. 313–323. ISBN  978-1-55729-043-4 . 
 Gardner, Daniel K (2003). Zhu Xi's Reading of the Analects: Canon, Commentary, and the Classical Tradition. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN  978-0-231-12865-0 . 
China Daily. "Qi Version of 'Analects of Confucius' Discovered in Haihunhou Tomb". Chinese Archaeology. January 13, 2017. Retrieved April 17, 2019.
 van Els, Paul (2012). "Confucius' sayings entombed: On Two Han Dynasty Analects Manuscripts" (PDF). Analects Studies. Leiden: Brill. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-10-03. 
 Kern, Martin (2010). "Early Chinese literature, Beginnings through Western Han". In Owen, Stephen (ed.). The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–115. ISBN  978-0-521-11677-0 . 
 Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2010). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN  978-9400771123 . 
  Knechtges, David R.; Shih, Hsiang-ling (2010). "Lunyu 論語". In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.). Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One. Leiden: Brill. pp. 645–650. ISBN  978-90-04-19127-3 . 
 Lau, D.C. (2002). "Introduction". The Analects. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. ISBN  962-201-980-3 . 
 Legge, James (2009). "Prolegomena".  The Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and The Doctrine of the Mean . New York: Cosimo. ISBN  978-1-60520-644-8 . 
 Van Norden, Bryan (2002).  Confucius and the Analects : New Essays . New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN  978-0195350821 . OCLC 466432745. 
 Riegel, Jeffrey (Spring 2012). "Confucius". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).  The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Kim, Tae Hyun; Csikszentmihalyi, Mark (2013). "Chapter 2". In Olberding, Amy (ed.). Dao Companion to the Analects. Springer. pp. 21–36. ISBN  978-9400771123 . 
 Slingerland, Edward (2003).  Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries . Indianapolis: Hackett. ISBN  978-1603843454 . 
Waley, Arthur. "Terms". In The Analects of Confucius. Trans. Arthur Waley. New York: Vintage Books. 1938. 
Further reading[edit]
  Van Norden, Bryan W. Confucius and the Analects : New Essays. Oxford University Press, 2001. ISBN 978-0195350821.
 The Analects  at the Database of Religious History. 
External links[edit]
 
  Wikisource has original text related to this article:
  
 
Wikiquote has quotations related to   Analects  . 
 
Look up   analects   in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. 
 
 Chinese Wikisource has original text related to this article:
  
  The Analects of Confucius public domain audiobook at LibriVox 
 Bilingual excerpts and children's audio in Chinese and Japanese. 
 Chinese-English bilingual text (Legge's translation) with links to Zhu Xi's commentary, at Chinese Text Project.
 English translation by A. Charles Muller, with Chinese text. 
 English translation at Confucius.org, one page per verse. 
 English translation at MIT Classics 
 Latin translation (Zottoli, 1879) 
 Legge's English translation from the University of Adelaide Library (no section numbers)
 Multilingual edition of the Analects in Chinese, English and French 
 Translations of the Analects in over 20 languages, with footnotes.
Analects - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Analects
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confucianism
Confucianism - Wikipedia
2001-10-22
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<div><div>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Confucianism</th></tr><tr><th>Chinese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Chinese_language">Chinese</a></th><td>儒家<br />儒<br />儒教</td></tr><tr><th>Literal meaning</th><td>"<i>ru</i> school of thought"</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Rújiā</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Rujia</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Ju<sup>2</sup>-chia<sup>1</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[ɻǔ.tɕjá]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Suzhounese">Suzhounese</a></th><td>Zyú-ka</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Yùh-gāa</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Jyu<sup>4</sup>-gaa<sup>1</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[jy̏ː káː]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Jû-ka, Lû-ka</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>Nyu-kæ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Old_Chinese">Old Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Reconstructions_of_Old_Chinese#Baxter–Sagart_(2014)">Baxter–Sagart (2014)</a></th><td>*no kˤra</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Korean name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hangul">Hangul</a></th><td>유교</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanja">Hanja</a></th><td>儒敎</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Revised_Romanization_of_Korean">Revised Romanization</a></th><td>Yugyo</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><th>Japanese name</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kanji">Kanji</a></th><td>儒教</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Kana">Kana</a></th><td>じゅきょう</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Japanese">Romanization</a></th><td>Jukyō</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
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<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Datong_Wenmiao_2013.08.29_11-33-25.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><b>Confucianism</b>, also known as <b>Ruism</b> or <b>Ru classicism</b>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup> is a system of thought and behavior originating in <a href="/wiki/Ancient_China">ancient China</a>. Variously described as tradition, a philosophy, a <a href="/wiki/Religious_Confucianism">religion</a>, a humanistic or rationalistic religion, a way of governing, or a way of life,<sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> Confucianism developed from what was later called the <a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a> from the teachings of the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosopher</a> <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> (551–479 BCE).
</p><p>Confucius considered himself a transmitter of cultural values inherited from the <a href="/wiki/Xia_dynasty">Xia</a> (c. 2070–1600 BCE), <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang</a> (c. 1600–1046 BCE) and <a href="/wiki/Western_Zhou">Western Zhou dynasties</a> (c. 1046–771 BCE).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFung2008163-3">[3]</a></sup> Confucianism was suppressed during the <a href="/wiki/Legalism_(Chinese_philosophy)">Legalist</a> and autocratic <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a> (221–206 BCE), but survived. During the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> (206 BCE–220 CE), Confucian approaches edged out the "proto-Taoist" <a href="/wiki/Huang%E2%80%93Lao">Huang–Lao</a> as the official ideology, while the emperors mixed both with the realist techniques of Legalism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Lin-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>A Confucian revival began during the <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty">Tang dynasty</a> (618–907 CE). In the late Tang, Confucianism developed in response to <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> and was reformulated as <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a>. This reinvigorated form was adopted as the basis of the <a href="/wiki/Imperial_exams">imperial exams</a> and the core philosophy of the <a href="/wiki/Scholar-officials">scholar official class</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1297). The abolition of the examination system in 1905 marked the end of official Confucianism. The intellectuals of the <a href="/wiki/New_Culture_Movement">New Culture Movement</a> of the early twentieth century blamed Confucianism for <a href="/wiki/Century_of_humiliation">China's weaknesses</a>. They searched for new doctrines to replace Confucian teachings; some of these new ideologies include the "<a href="/wiki/Three_Principles_of_the_People">Three Principles of the People</a>" with the establishment of the <a href="/wiki/Republic_of_China_(1912%E2%80%931949)">Republic of China</a>, and then <a href="/wiki/Maoism">Maoism</a> under the <a href="/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China">People's Republic of China</a>. In the late twentieth century, the Confucian <a href="/wiki/Work_ethic">work ethic</a> has been credited with the rise of the <a href="/wiki/Economy_of_East_Asia">East Asian economy</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Lin-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>With particular emphasis on the importance of the family and <a href="/wiki/Social_harmony">social harmony</a>, rather than on an otherworldly source of spiritual values,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFingarette19721–2-5">[5]</a></sup> the core of Confucianism is <a href="/wiki/Humanism">humanistic</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Juergensmeyer-6">[6]</a></sup> According to American philosopher <a href="/wiki/Herbert_Fingarette">Herbert Fingarette</a>'s conceptualisation of Confucianism as a philosophical system which regards "the <a href="/wiki/Secularity">secular</a> as <a href="/wiki/Sacred">sacred</a>",<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFingarette1972-7">[7]</a></sup> Confucianism transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism, considering the ordinary activities of human life—and especially human relationships—as a manifestation of the sacred,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdler201412-8">[8]</a></sup> because they are the expression of humanity's moral nature (<i>xìng</i> 性), which has a transcendent anchorage in <a href="/wiki/Tian">Heaven</a> (<i>Tiān</i> 天).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201034–36-9">[9]</a></sup> While <i>Tiān</i> has some characteristics that overlap the category of godhead, it is primarily an <i>impersonal</i> <a href="/wiki/Absolute_(philosophy)">absolute principle</a>, like the <i><a href="/wiki/Tao">Dào</a></i> (道) or the <i><a href="/wiki/Brahman">Brahman</a></i>. Confucianism focuses on the practical order that is given by a this-worldly awareness of the <i>Tiān</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-10">[10]</a></sup> Confucian liturgy (called 儒 <i>rú</i>, or sometimes <a href="/wiki/Simplified_Chinese_characters">simplified Chinese</a>: 正统; <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">traditional Chinese</a>: 正統; <a href="/wiki/Pinyin">pinyin</a>: <i>zhèngtǒng</i>, meaning '<a href="/wiki/Orthopraxy">orthopraxy</a>') led by Confucian priests or "sages of rites" (礼生; 禮生; <i>lǐshēng</i>) to worship the gods in public and ancestral <a href="/wiki/Chinese_temple">Chinese temples</a> is preferred on certain occasions, by Confucian religious groups and for civil religious rites, over Taoist or popular ritual.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEClart20033–5-11">[11]</a></sup>
</p><p>The worldly concern of Confucianism rests upon the belief that human beings are fundamentally good, and teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal and communal endeavor, especially <a href="/wiki/Self-cultivation">self-cultivation</a> and self-creation. Confucian thought focuses on the cultivation of virtue in a morally organised world. Some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices include <i>rén</i>, <i>yì</i>, and <i>lǐ</i>, and <i>zhì</i>. <i>Rén</i> (仁, 'benevolence' or 'humaneness') is the essence of the human being which manifests as compassion. It is the virtue-form of Heaven.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010102-12">[12]</a></sup> <i>Yì</i> (义; 義) is the upholding of righteousness and the moral disposition to do good. <i>Lǐ</i> (礼; 禮) is a system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how a person should properly act in everyday life in harmony with the law of Heaven. <i>Zhì</i> (智) is the ability to see what is right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in contempt, either passively or actively, for failure to uphold the cardinal moral values of <i>rén</i> and <i>yì</i>.
</p><p>Traditionally, cultures and countries in the <a href="/wiki/East_Asian_cultural_sphere">East Asian cultural sphere</a> are strongly influenced by Confucianism, including <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_China">China</a>, <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_Taiwan">Taiwan</a>, <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_Korea">Korea</a>, <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_Japan">Japan</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_Vietnam">Vietnam</a>, as well as various territories settled predominantly by <a href="/wiki/Han_Chinese">Han Chinese people</a>, such as <a href="/wiki/Culture_of_Singapore">Singapore</a> and Myanmar's <a href="/wiki/Kokang">Kokang</a>. Today, it has been credited for shaping <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asian</a> societies and <a href="/wiki/Overseas_Chinese">overseas Chinese communities</a>, and to some extent, other parts of Asia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-13">[13]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-14">[14]</a></sup> In the last decades there have been talks of a "Confucian Revival" in the academic and the scholarly community,<sup><a href="#cite_note-15">[15]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-16">[16]</a></sup> and there has been a grassroots proliferation of various types of <a href="/wiki/Confucian_churches">Confucian churches</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioudThoraval2015''passim''-17">[17]</a></sup> In late 2015, many Confucian personalities formally established a national <a href="/wiki/Kongshenghui">Confucian Church</a> (孔圣会; 孔聖會; <i>Kǒngshènghuì</i>) in China to unify the many Confucian congregations and civil society organisations.
</p>
<h2>Terminology</h2>
<div><div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:ACC-L30678.svg"></a></p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:ACC-s05667.svg"></a></p></div></div><div><p>Older versions of the grapheme 儒 <i>rú</i>, meaning "scholar", "refined one", "Confucian". It is composed of 人 <i>rén</i> ("person") and 需 <i>xū</i> ("to await"), itself composed of 雨 <i>yǔ</i> ("rain", "instruction") and 而 <i>ér</i> (glossed as "sky"). According to <a href="/wiki/Kang_Youwei">Kang Youwei</a>, <a href="/wiki/Hu_Shih">Hu Shih</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Xinzhong_Yao">Yao Xinzhong</a>, they were the official shaman-priests (<i><a href="/wiki/Wu_(shaman)">wu</a></i>) experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYao200019-18">[18]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<p>Strictly speaking, there is no term in Chinese which directly corresponds to "Confucianism". In the Chinese language, the character <i>rú</i> 儒 meaning "scholar" or "learned" or "refined man" is generally used both in the past and the present to refer to things related to Confucianism. The character <i>rú</i> in ancient China had diverse meanings. Some examples include "to tame", "to mould", "to educate", "to refine".<sup><a href="#cite_note-Eno-19">[19]</a></sup><sup>: 190–197 </sup> Several different terms, some of which with modern origin, are used in different situations to express different facets of Confucianism, including:
</p>
<ul><li><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%84%92">儒</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AE%B6">家</a>; <i>Rújiā</i> – "<i>ru</i> school of thought";</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%84%92">儒</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%95%99">教</a>; <i>Rújiào</i> – "<i>ru</i> religion" in the sense of "<i>ru</i> doctrine";</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%84%92">儒</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%A6">学</a>; <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%84%92">儒</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%B8">學</a>; <i>Rúxué</i> – "Ruology" or "<i>ru</i> learning";</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94">孔</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%95%99">教</a>; <i>Kǒngjiào</i> – "Confucius's doctrine";</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AD%94">孔</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%AE%B6">家</a><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%BA%97">店</a>; <i>Kǒngjiādiàn</i> – "Kong family's business", a pejorative phrase used in the <a href="/wiki/New_Culture_Movement">New Culture Movement</a> and the <a href="/wiki/Cultural_Revolution">Cultural Revolution</a>.</li></ul>
<p>Three of them use <i>rú</i>. These names do not use the name "Confucius" at all, but instead focus on the ideal of the Confucian man. The use of the term "Confucianism" has been avoided by some modern scholars, who favor "Ruism" and "Ruists" instead. Robert Eno argues that the term has been "burdened ... with the ambiguities and irrelevant traditional associations". Ruism, as he states, is more faithful to the original Chinese name for the school.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Eno-19">[19]</a></sup><sup>: 7 </sup>
</p><p>The term "Traditionalist" has been suggested by David Schaberg to emphasize the connection to the past, its standards, and inherited forms, in which Confucius himself placed so much importance.<sup><a href="#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup> This translation of the word <i>rú</i> is followed by e.g. Yuri Pines.<sup><a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a></sup>
</p><p>According to <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Youguang">Zhou Youguang</a>, 儒 <i>rú</i> originally referred to shamanic methods of holding rites and existed before Confucius's times, but with Confucius it came to mean devotion to propagating such teachings to bring civilisation to the people. Confucianism was initiated by the disciples of Confucius, developed by <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> (c. 372–289 BCE) and inherited by later generations, undergoing constant transformations and restructuring since its establishment, but preserving the principles of humaneness and righteousness at its core.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEZhou20121-22">[22]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Five Classics (五經, <i>Wǔjīng</i>) and the Confucian vision</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Confucius,_fresco_from_a_Western_Han_tomb_of_Dongping_County,_Shandong_province,_China.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor of the <a href="/wiki/Four_Books_and_Five_Classics">Five Classics</a> which were the basic texts of Confucianism. The scholar <a href="/wiki/Xinzhong_Yao">Yao Xinzhong</a> allows that there are good reasons to believe that Confucian classics took shape in the hands of Confucius, but that "nothing can be taken for granted in the matter of the early versions of the classics". Professor Yao says that perhaps most scholars today hold the "pragmatic" view that Confucius and his followers, although they did not intend to create a system of classics, "contributed to their formation".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYao200052–54-23">[23]</a></sup>
</p><p>The scholar <a href="/wiki/Tu_Weiming">Tu Weiming</a> explains these classics as embodying "five visions" which underlie the development of Confucianism:
</p>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/I_Ching">I Ching</a> or <a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Change">Classic of Change</a> or <i>Book of Changes,</i> generally held to be the earliest of the classics, shows a metaphysical vision which combines divinatory art with numerological technique and ethical insight; philosophy of change sees cosmos as interaction between the two energies yin and yang; universe always shows organismic unity and dynamism.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Poetry">Classic of Poetry</a> or <i>Book of Songs</i> is the earliest anthology of <a href="/wiki/Chinese_poetry">Chinese poems</a> and songs. It shows the poetic vision in the belief that poetry and music convey common human feelings and mutual responsiveness.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Documents">Book of Documents</a> or <i>Book of History</i> Compilation of speeches of major figures and records of events in ancient times embodies the political vision and addresses the kingly way in terms of the ethical foundation for humane government. The documents show the sagacity, filial piety, and work ethic of Yao, Shun, and Yu. They established a political culture which was based on responsibility and trust. Their virtue formed a covenant of social harmony which did not depend on punishment or coercion.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Rites">Book of Rites</a> describes the social forms, administration, and ceremonial rites of the Zhou Dynasty. This social vision defined society not as an adversarial system based on contractual relations but as a community of trust based on social responsibility. The <a href="/wiki/Four_occupations">four functional occupations</a> are cooperative (farmer, scholar, artisan, merchant).</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_Annals">Spring and Autumn Annals</a> chronicles the period to which it gives its name, <a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_period">Spring and Autumn period</a> (771–476 BCE), from the perspective of Confucius's home state of <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a>. These events emphasise the significance of collective memory for communal self-identification, for reanimating the old is the best way to attain the new.<sup><a href="#cite_note-24">[24]</a></sup></li></ul>
<h2>Doctrines</h2>
<h3>Theory and theology</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E5%A4%A9-oracle.svg"></a></p></div>
<p>Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and the God of Heaven (<i>Tiān</i> 天), or, otherwise said, around the relationship between humanity and Heaven.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdler201410-26">[26]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010100-27">[27]</a></sup> The principle of Heaven (<i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Neo-Confucianism)">Lǐ</a></i> 理 or <i><a href="/wiki/Tao">Dào</a></i> 道), is the order of the creation and the source of divine authority, <a href="/wiki/Monism">monistic</a> in its structure.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010100-27">[27]</a></sup> Individuals may realise their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation of such order.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010100-27">[27]</a></sup> This transformation of the self may be extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010100-27">[27]</a></sup> Joël Thoraval studied Confucianism as a diffused <a href="/wiki/Civil_religion">civil religion</a> in contemporary China, finding that it expresses itself in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth (<i><a href="/wiki/Di_(Chinese_concept)">Di</a></i> 地), the sovereign or the government (<i>jūn</i> 君), ancestors (<i>qīn</i> 親) and masters (<i>shī</i> 師).<sup><a href="#cite_note-28">[28]</a></sup>
</p><p>According to the scholar <a href="/wiki/Stephan_Feuchtwang">Stephan Feuchtwang</a>, in Chinese cosmology, which is not merely Confucian but shared by all <a href="/wiki/Chinese_folk_religion">Chinese religions</a>, "the universe creates itself out of a primary chaos of material energy" (<i><a href="/wiki/Hundun">hundun</a></i> 混沌 and <i><a href="/wiki/Qi">qi</a></i> 氣), organising through the polarity of <a href="/wiki/Yin_and_yang">yin and yang</a> which characterises any thing and life. Creation is therefore a continuous ordering; it is not a <i><a href="/wiki/Creatio_ex_nihilo">creation <i>ex nihilo</i></a>.</i> "Yin and yang are the invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped and the shaped; they characterise the yearly cycle (winter and summer), the landscape (shady and bright), the sexes (female and male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order). Confucianism is concerned with finding "middle ways" between yin and yang at every new configuration of the world."<i><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146–150-29">[29]</a></sup></i>
</p><p>Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of spiritual cultivation, that is to say <a href="/wiki/Self-cultivation">self-cultivation</a> and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010100-27">[27]</a></sup> <i>Rén</i>, translated as "humaneness" or the essence proper of a human being, is the character of compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time the means by which man may achieve oneness with Heaven comprehending his own origin in Heaven and therefore divine essence. In the <i>Dàtóng shū</i> (大同书; 大同書) it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ... compassion is aroused".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010102-12">[12]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4><i>Tiān</i> and the gods</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Precessional_north_pole_(B%C4%9Bij%C3%AD_%E5%8C%97%E6%9E%81)_in_%CE%B1_Ursae_Minoris,_drawing_a_w%C3%A0n_%E5%8D%8D_in_the_four_phases_of_time.svg"></a></p><div><p>Like other symbols such as the <i><a href="/wiki/Sauwastika">sauwastika</a></i>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009256,_Vol._III-30">[30]</a></sup> <i>wàn</i> 卍 ("all things") in Chinese, the <a href="/wiki/Mesopotamia">Mesopotamian</a> 𒀭 <i><a href="/wiki/Dingir">Dingir</a></i>/<i><a href="/wiki/Anu">An</a></i> ("Heaven"),<sup><a href="#cite_note-31">[31]</a></sup> and also the Chinese 巫 <i><a href="/wiki/Wu_(shaman)">wū</a></i> ("shaman"; in <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang</a> script represented by the <a href="/wiki/Cross_potent">cross potent</a> ☩),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009257,_Vol._I-32">[32]</a></sup> <i>Tiān</i> refers to the northern <a href="/wiki/Celestial_pole">celestial pole</a> (北極 <i>Běijí</i>), the pivot and the vault of the sky with its spinning constellations.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''-33">[33]</a></sup> Here is an approximate representation of the <i>Tiānmén</i> 天門 ("Gate of Heaven")<sup><a href="#cite_note-34">[34]</a></sup> or <i>Tiānshū</i> 天樞 ("Pivot of Heaven")<sup><a href="#cite_note-35">[35]</a></sup> as the precessional north celestial pole, with <a href="/wiki/Polaris">α Ursae Minoris</a> as the <a href="/wiki/Pole_star">pole star</a>, with the spinning <a href="/wiki/Big_Dipper">Chariot</a> constellations in the four phases of time. According to Reza Assasi's theories, the <i>wan</i> may not only be centred in the current precessional pole at α Ursae Minoris, but also very near to the north <a href="/wiki/Orbital_pole">ecliptic pole</a> if <a href="/wiki/Draco_(constellation)">Draco</a> (<i>Tiānlóng</i> 天龙) is conceived as one of its two beams.<sup><a href="#cite_note-36">[36]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-37">[note 1]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<p>Main article: <a href="/wiki/Tian">Tian</a></p>
<p><i>Tiān</i> (天), a key concept in Chinese thought, refers to the God of Heaven, the <a href="/wiki/Celestial_pole">northern culmen of the skies</a> and its spinning stars,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''-33">[33]</a></sup> earthly nature and its laws which come from Heaven, to "Heaven and Earth" (that is, "all things"), and to the awe-inspiring forces beyond human control.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Hagen-38">[37]</a></sup> There are such a number of uses in Chinese thought that it is not possible to give one translation into English.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035-39">[38]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucius used the term in a mystical way.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHsu2014-40">[39]</a></sup> He wrote in the <i><a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a></i> (7.23) that Tian gave him life, and that Tian watched and judged (6.28; 9.12). In 9.5 Confucius says that a person may know the movements of the Tian, and this provides with the sense of having a special place in the universe. In 17.19 Confucius says that Tian spoke to him, though not in words. The scholar Ronnie Littlejohn warns that Tian was not to be interpreted as a personal God comparable to that of the Abrahamic faiths, in the sense of an otherworldly or transcendent creator.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035–36-41">[40]</a></sup> Rather it is similar to what <a href="/wiki/Taoists">Taoists</a> meant by <i>Dao</i>: "the way things are" or "the regularities of the world",<sup><a href="#cite_note-Hagen-38">[37]</a></sup> which Stephan Feuchtwang equates with the ancient Greek concept of <i><a href="/wiki/Physis">physis</a></i>, "nature" as the generation and regenerations of things and of the moral order.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup> Tian may also be compared to the <i><a href="/wiki/Brahman">Brahman</a></i> of <a href="/wiki/Hinduism">Hindu</a> and <a href="/wiki/Veda">Vedic</a> traditions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdler201410-26">[26]</a></sup> The scholar Promise Hsu, in the wake of Robert B. Louden, explained 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four seasons going round and there are the hundred things coming into being. What does Tian say?") as implying that even though Tian is not a "speaking person", it constantly "does" through the rhythms of nature, and communicates "how human beings ought to live and act", at least to those who have learnt to carefully listen to it.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHsu2014-40">[39]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Duanmu_Ci">Zigong</a>, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tian had set the master on the path to become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23 Confucius says that he has no doubt left that the Tian gave him life, and from it he had developed right virtue (德 <i>dé</i>). In 8.19 he says that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tian.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035-39">[38]</a></sup>
</p><p>Regarding personal <a href="/wiki/Deity">gods</a> (<i><a href="/wiki/Shen_(Chinese_religion)">shén</a></i>, energies who emanate from and reproduce the Tian) enliving nature, in the <i>Analects</i> Confucius says that it is appropriate (义; 義; <i>yì</i>) for people to worship (敬 <i>jìng</i>) them,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036-43">[42]</a></sup> though through proper <a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucianism)">rites</a> (礼; 禮; <i>lǐ</i>), implying respect of positions and discretion.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036-43">[42]</a></sup> Confucius himself was a ritual and <a href="/wiki/Sacrifice">sacrificial</a> master.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201037-44">[43]</a></sup> Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a popular saying), in 3.13 Confucius says that in order to appropriately pray gods one should first know and respect Heaven. In 3.12 he explains that religious rituals produce meaningful experiences,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036–37-45">[44]</a></sup> and one has to offer sacrifices in person, acting in presence, otherwise "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the gods have an <a href="/wiki/Ethics">ethical</a> importance: they generate good life, because taking part in them leads to the overcoming of the self.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShenShun2007278–279-46">[45]</a></sup> Analects 10.11 tells that Confucius always took a small part of his food and placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an offering to his <a href="/wiki/Ancestor">ancestors</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201037-44">[43]</a></sup>
</p><p>Other movements, such as <a href="/wiki/Mohism">Mohism</a> which was later absorbed by Taoism, developed a more <a href="/wiki/Theism">theistic</a> idea of Heaven.<sup><a href="#cite_note-47">[46]</a></sup> Feuchtwang explains that the difference between Confucianism and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on the realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society, while the latter on the contemplation of the Dao which spontaneously arises in nature.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Social morality and ethics</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E5%BC%A0%E6%8C%A5%E5%85%AC%E5%A4%A7%E6%AE%BF.jpg"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Mazhan_Zhen_-_Houxian_Cun_-_P1220012.JPG"></a></p></div>
<p>As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from Heaven preserves the world, and has to be followed by humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and yang forces in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or morality is identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the worship of ancestors and deified progenitors in the male line, at <a href="/wiki/Ancestral_shrines">ancestral shrines</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Juergensmeyer-6">[6]</a></sup> They may be practiced by all the members of a society. Confucian ethics is characterised by the promotion of virtues, encompassed by the Five Constants, <i>Wǔcháng</i> (五常) in Chinese, elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited tradition during the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Runes-48">[47]</a></sup> The Five Constants are:<sup><a href="#cite_note-Runes-48">[47]</a></sup>
</p>
<ul><li><i><a href="/wiki/Ren_(Confucianism)">Rén</a></i> (仁, benevolence, humaneness);</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Yi_(Confucianism)">Yì</a></i> (义; 義, righteousness, justice);</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucianism)">Lǐ</a></i> (礼; 禮, propriety, rites);</li>
<li><i>Zhì</i> (智, wisdom, knowledge);</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Xin_(virtue)">Xìn</a></i> (信, sincerity, faithfulness).</li></ul>
<p>These are accompanied by the classical <i>Sìzì</i> (四字), that singles out four virtues, one of which (Yì) is included among the Five Constants:
</p>
<ul><li><i>Zhōng</i> (忠, loyalty);</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Xi%C3%A0o">Xiào</a></i> (孝, filial piety);</li>
<li><i>Jié</i> (节; 節, continence);</li>
<li><i>Yì</i> (义; 義, righteousness).</li></ul>
<p>There are still many other elements, such as <i>chéng</i> (诚; 誠, honesty), <i>shù</i> (恕, kindness and forgiveness), <i>lián</i> (廉, honesty and cleanness), <i>chǐ</i> (耻; 恥, shame, judge and sense of right and wrong), <i>yǒng</i> (勇, bravery), <i>wēn</i> (温; 溫, kind and gentle), <i>liáng</i> (良, good, kindhearted), <i>gōng</i> (恭, respectful, reverent), <i>jiǎn</i> (俭; 儉, frugal), <i>ràng</i> (让; 讓, modestly, self-effacing).
</p>
<h4>Humaneness</h4>
<p><i>Rén</i> (<a href="/wiki/Chinese_language">Chinese</a>: 仁) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous human experiences when being <a href="/wiki/Altruistic">altruistic</a>. It is exemplified by a normal adult's protective feelings for children. It is considered the essence of the human being, endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means by which man may act according to the principle of Heaven (天理, <i>Tiān lǐ</i>) and become one with it.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETay2010102-12">[12]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Yan_Hui_(disciple_of_Confucius)">Yán Huí</a>, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe the rules of <i>rén</i> and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear nothing improper, say nothing improper, do nothing improper."<sup><a href="#cite_note-49">[48]</a></sup> Confucius also defined <i>rén</i> in the following way: "wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others."<sup><a href="#cite_note-50">[49]</a></sup>
</p><p>Another meaning of <i>rén</i> is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself."<sup><a href="#cite_note-51">[50]</a></sup> Confucius also said, "<i>rén</i> is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it." <i>Rén</i> is close to man and never leaves him.
</p>
<h4>Rite and centring</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Guan_County_Temple_of_Confucius.jpg"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Korean_Confucianism-Chugyedaeje-02.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><i>Li</i> (礼; 禮) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most extensive use in <a href="/wiki/Confucian">Confucian</a> and post-Confucian <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosophy</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(Confucianism)">Li</a></i> is variously translated as "<a href="/wiki/Ritual">rite</a>" or "<a href="/wiki/Reason">reason</a>," "ratio" in the pure sense of <a href="/wiki/Veda">Vedic</a> <i><a href="/wiki/%E1%B9%9Ata">ṛta</a></i> ("right," "order") when referring to the <a href="/wiki/Cosmos">cosmic</a> law, but when referring to its realisation in the context of human social behaviour it has also been translated as "<a href="/wiki/Convention_(norm)">customs</a>", "measures" and "rules", among other terms. <i>Li</i> also means religious rites which establish relations between humanity and the gods.
</p><p>According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what makes the invisible visible", making possible for humans to cultivate the underlying order of nature. Correctly performed rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly (astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—Heaven, Earth and humanity. This practice is defined as "centring" (央 <i>yāng</i> or 中 <i>zhōng</i>). Among all things of creation, humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability to cultivate and centre natural forces.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016150-52">[51]</a></sup>
</p><p><i>Li</i> embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity, human objects, and nature. Confucius includes in his discussions of <i>li</i> such diverse topics as learning, tea drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. <a href="/wiki/Xun_Kuang">Xunzi</a> cites "songs and laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes... spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts of the fabric of <i>li</i>.
</p><p>Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of <i>li</i>. Some Confucians proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and practising <i>li</i>. Overall, Confucians believe that governments should place more emphasis on <i>li</i> and rely much less on penal punishment when they govern.
</p>
<h4>Loyalty</h4>
<p>Loyalty (忠, <i>zhōng</i>) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of Confucius's students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious young scholar to become a prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.
</p><p>Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right," but rather that a superior should be obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean subservience to authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior as well. As Confucius stated "a prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)."<sup><a href="#cite_note-53">[52]</a></sup>
</p><p>Similarly, <a href="/wiki/Mencius">Mencius</a> also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an enemy."<sup><a href="#cite_note-54">[53]</a></sup> Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is incompetent, he should be replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow him.<sup><a href="#cite_note-55">[54]</a></sup> A good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when necessary.<sup><a href="#cite_note-56">[55]</a></sup> At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his ministers' advice, as this will help him govern the realm better.
</p><p>In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the ruled to the ruler, and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety, loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless, throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to fight against unrighteous superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes died because of their conviction and action.<sup><a href="#cite_note-57">[56]</a></sup> During the Ming-Qing era, prominent Confucians such as <a href="/wiki/Wang_Yangming">Wang Yangming</a> promoted individuality and independent thinking as a counterweight to subservience to authority.<sup><a href="#cite_note-58">[57]</a></sup> The famous thinker Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the autocratic nature of the imperial system and wanted to keep imperial power in check.<sup><a href="#cite_note-59">[58]</a></sup>
</p><p>Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of coming into conflict with one another. This may be true especially in times of social chaos, such as during the period of the Ming-Qing transition.<sup><a href="#cite_note-60">[59]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Filial piety</h4>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E5%B0%9D%E7%B2%AA%E5%BF%83%E5%BF%A7.JPG"></a></p></div>
<p>In Confucian philosophy, filial <a href="/wiki/Piety">piety</a> (孝, <i>xiào</i>) is a virtue of respect for one's parents and ancestors, and of the hierarchies within society: father–son, elder–junior and male–female.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup> The Confucian classic <i><a href="/wiki/Classic_of_Filial_Piety">Xiaojing</a></i> ("Book of Piety"), thought to be written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the authoritative source on the Confucian tenet of <i>xiào</i>. The book, a conversation between Confucius and his disciple <a href="/wiki/Zeng_Shen">Zeng Shen</a>, is about how to set up a good society using the principle of <i>xiào</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Chang-61">[60]</a></sup>
</p><p>In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's parents; to take care of one's parents; to engage in good conduct not just towards parents but also outside the home so as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to perform the duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material means to support parents as well as carry out sacrifices to the ancestors; not be <a href="/wiki/Rebellious">rebellious</a>; show love, respect and support; the <a href="/wiki/Feminism_in_China">wife</a> in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and take care of the whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy; ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including dissuading them from moral unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not considered to be <i>xiao</i>; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out <a href="/wiki/Sacrifice">sacrifices</a> after their death.
</p><p>Filial piety is considered a key virtue in <a href="/wiki/Chinese_culture">Chinese culture</a>, and it is the main concern of a large number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "<a href="/wiki/The_Twenty-four_Filial_Exemplars">The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars</a>". These stories depict how children exercised their filial piety in the past. While China has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial piety has been common to almost all of them; historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls respect for the family the only element common to almost all Chinese believers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-62">[61]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Relationships</h3>
<p>Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the natural order, and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (<i>renqing</i>) extends beyond filial piety and involves the entire network of social relations, even the respect for rulers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup> This is shown in the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about government, by which he meant proper administration so as to bring social harmony.
</p>
<blockquote><p>齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰：君君，臣臣，父父，子子。<br />
The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son."
</p><p>— <cite><i>Analects</i> 12.11 (Legge translation).</cite></p></blockquote>
<p>Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.
</p><p>The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the participants in these sets of relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead, where the living stand as sons to their deceased family. The only relationship where respect for elders isn't stressed was the friend to friend relationship, where mutual equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the practical form of prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146-42">[41]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3><i>Junzi</i></h3>
<p>The <i>junzi</i> (君子, <i>jūnzǐ</i>, "<a href="/wiki/Prince">lord's son</a>") is a <a href="/wiki/Chinese_philosophy">Chinese philosophical</a> term often translated as "<a href="/wiki/Gentleman">gentleman</a>" or "superior person"<sup><a href="#cite_note-63">[62]</a></sup> and employed by <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> in the <i>Analects</i> to describe the ideal man.
</p><p>In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to become one of them. Confucius created the model of <i>junzi</i>, gentleman, which may be achieved by any individual. Later, <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> defined <i>junzi</i> as second only to the sage. There are many characteristics of the <i>junzi</i>: he may live in <a href="/wiki/Poverty">poverty</a>, he does more and speaks less, he is <a href="/wiki/Loyalty">loyal</a>, obedient and knowledgeable. The <i>junzi</i> disciplines himself. <i>Ren</i> is fundamental to become a <i>junzi</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-64">[63]</a></sup>
</p><p>As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior ethical and moral position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius, the <i>junzi</i> sustained the functions of government and social stratification through his ethical values. Despite its literal meaning, any righteous man willing to improve himself may become a <i>junzi</i>.
</p><p>On the contrary, the <i>xiaoren</i> (小人, <i>xiăorén</i>, "small or petty person") does not grasp the value of virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person is <a href="/wiki/Egotistic">egotistic</a> and does not consider the consequences of his action in the overall scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by <i>xiaoren</i> as opposed to <i>junzi</i>, his governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness. Examples of such <i>xiaoren</i> individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual and <a href="/wiki/Emotion">emotional</a> pleasures all day to the <a href="/wiki/Politician">politician</a> who is interested merely in <a href="/wiki/Power_(social_and_political)">power</a> and <a href="/wiki/Celebrity">fame</a>; neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.
</p><p>The <i>junzi</i> enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought that his pure <a href="/wiki/Virtue">virtue</a> would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that the government behaves much like a <a href="/wiki/Family">family</a>, the <i>junzi</i> being a beacon of filial piety.
</p>
<h3>Rectification of names</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tablet_of_Confucius.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Priest paying homage to Confucius's tablet, c. 1900</p></div></div>
<p>Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from failure to perceive, understand, and deal with <a href="/wiki/Reality">reality</a>. Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem from the failure to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this was <i>zhèngmíng</i> (正名; <i>zhèngmíng</i>; 'rectification of terms'). He gave an explanation of <i>zhengming</i> to one of his disciples.
</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"<br />
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."<br />
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"<br />
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!<br />
        If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.<br />
        If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.<br />
        When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish.<br />
        When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded.<br />
        When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.<br />
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."<br />
(<i>Analects</i> XIII, 3, tr. Legge)
</p>
</blockquote>
<p><a href="/wiki/Xun_Zi">Xun Zi</a> chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings chose names (名; <i>míng</i>) that directly corresponded with actualities (實; <i>shí</i>), but later generations confused terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no longer distinguish right from wrong. Since <a href="/wiki/Harmonious_society">social harmony</a> is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed."<sup><a href="#cite_note-65">[64]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>History</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Temple_rooftop_dragon_in_Taiwan_(1).jpg"></a></p><div><p>The <a href="/wiki/Chinese_dragon">dragon</a> is one of the oldest symbols of Chinese religious culture. It symbolises the supreme godhead, Di or Tian, at the north <a href="/wiki/Orbital_pole">ecliptic pole</a>, around which it coils itself as the <a href="/wiki/Draco_(constellation)">homonymous constellation</a>. It is a symbol of the "protean" supreme power which has in itself both <a href="/wiki/Yin_and_yang">yin and yang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEPankenier201355-66">[65]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Birth_Places_of_Chinese_Philosophers.png"></a></p><div><p>Birthplaces of notable Chinese philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought in Zhou dynasty. Confucians are marked by triangles in dark red.</p></div></div>
<p>According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of the <a href="/wiki/Shang_dynasty">Shang</a>-<a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty">Zhou</a> (~1600–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012105,_note_45-67">[66]</a></sup> Both the dynasties worshipped the supreme godhead, called <i><a href="/wiki/Shangdi">Shangdi</a></i> (上帝 "Highest Deity") or <i>Dì</i> (帝) by the Shang and <i><a href="/wiki/Tian">Tian</a></i> (天 "Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceived as the first ancestor of the Shang royal house,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743-68">[67]</a></sup> an alternate name for him being the "Supreme Progenitor" (上甲 <i>Shàngjiǎ</i>).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009227–228,_Vol._II-69">[68]</a></sup> In Shang theology, the multiplicity of gods of nature and ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the four 方 <i><a href="/wiki/Wufang_Shangdi">fāng</a></i> ("directions" or "sides") and their 風 <i>fēng</i> ("winds") as his <a href="/wiki/Cosmos">cosmic</a> will.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009143–144,_Vol._II-70">[69]</a></sup> With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the Shang, the name for the supreme godhead became <i><a href="/wiki/Tian">Tian</a></i> (天 "Heaven").<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743-68">[67]</a></sup> While the Shang identified Shangdi as their ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the Zhou transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral power, the <a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a>. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFung2008163-3">[3]</a></sup>
</p><p>John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient <a href="/wiki/Chinese_characters">Chinese characters</a> for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole as a square,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009103,_Vol._II-71">[70]</a></sup> or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader <a href="/wiki/Ursa_Major">Ursa Major</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Ursa_Minor">Ursa Minor</a> (Little Dipper).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEPankenier2013138–148,_&quot;Chapter_4:_Bringing_Heaven_Down_to_Earth&quot;-72">[71]</a></sup> Cultures in other parts of the world have also conceived these stars or constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead, divinity and royal power.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''_Vol._I-73">[72]</a></sup> The supreme godhead was also identified with the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_dragon">dragon</a>, symbol of unlimited power (<i><a href="/wiki/Qi">qi</a></i>),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743-68">[67]</a></sup> of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both <a href="/wiki/Yin_and_yang">yin and yang</a> in unity, associated to the constellation <a href="/wiki/Draco_(constellation)">Draco</a> which winds around the north <a href="/wiki/Orbital_pole">ecliptic pole</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEPankenier201355-66">[65]</a></sup> and slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.
</p><p>By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth (architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system) became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the authority of Tian.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009xxxvi–xxxvii,_Vol._I-74">[73]</a></sup>
</p><p>Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" (野 <i>yě</i>) traditions, or traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to access the will of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. The traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the <i><a href="/wiki/Yijing">Yijing</a></i> flourished.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009xxxvii–xxxviii,_Vol._I-75">[74]</a></sup> Chinese thinkers, faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "<a href="/wiki/Hundred_Schools_of_Thought">Hundred Schools of Thought</a>", each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral order.
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning. He was educated in Shang-Zhou theology, which he contributed to transmit and reformulate giving centrality to <a href="/wiki/Self-cultivation">self-cultivation</a> and agency of humans,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFung2008163-3">[3]</a></sup> and the educational power of the self-established individual in assisting others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 <i>àirén</i>, "loving others").<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEZhou20122-76">[75]</a></sup> As the Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a period of perceived moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the culture, opposing scholars, and religious authorities of the time, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion.<sup><a href="#cite_note-77">[76]</a></sup> In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state of <a href="/wiki/Meditation">meditation</a> that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009xxxviii,_Vol._I-78">[77]</a></sup> Confucius amended and recodified the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_classics">classical books</a> inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, and composed the <i><a href="/wiki/Spring_and_Autumn_Annals">Spring and Autumn Annals</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEZhou20121-22">[22]</a></sup>
</p><p>Philosophers in the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States_period">Warring States period</a>, both "inside the square" (focused on state-endorsed ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon Confucius's legacy, compiled in the <i><a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a></i>, and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. In accordance with the Master, they identified mental tranquility as the state of Tian, or the One (一 <i>Yī</i>), which in each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule one's own life and the world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDidier2009xxxviii–xxxix,_Vol._I-79">[78]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Organisation and liturgy</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E6%9F%B3%E5%B7%9E%E5%B8%82%E5%AD%94%E5%BA%99_Liuzhou_Confucius_Temple.jpg"></a></p><div><p>A Temple of the God of Culture (文庙 <i>wénmiào</i>) in <a href="/wiki/Liuzhou">Liuzhou</a>, <a href="/wiki/Guangxi">Guangxi</a>, where <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a> is worshiped as <i>Wéndì</i> (文帝), "God of Culture"</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Temple_of_the_Filial_Blessing_in_Ouhai,_Wenzhou,_Zhejiang,_China_(1).jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang2010-80">[79]</a></sup> In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardisation and development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organisations.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang2010-80">[79]</a></sup> Another modern proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a <a href="/wiki/State_church">state church</a> is <a href="/wiki/Jiang_Qing_(Confucian)">Jiang Qing</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012175-81">[80]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established,<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang2010-80">[79]</a></sup> and <i><a href="/wiki/Guoxue">guoxue</a></i> started to be implemented in public schools on all levels. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on television since 2006.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang2010-80">[79]</a></sup> The most enthusiastic New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang2010-80">[79]</a></sup>
</p><p>The idea of a "<a href="/wiki/Confucian_Church">Confucian Church</a>" as the <a href="/wiki/State_religion">state religion</a> of <a href="/wiki/China">China</a> has roots in the thought of <a href="/wiki/Kang_Youwei">Kang Youwei</a>, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the collapse of the <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a> and the Chinese empire.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012174-82">[81]</a></sup> Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the teachings of <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012174-82">[81]</a></sup>
</p><p>In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (<i><a href="/wiki/Shuyuan">shuyuan</a></i> 书院),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012175-81">[80]</a></sup> the resurgence of <a href="/wiki/Confucian_rites">Confucian rites</a> (<i>chuántǒng lǐyí</i> 传统礼仪),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen2012175-81">[80]</a></sup> and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (<i>shèqū rúxué</i> 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of <a href="/wiki/Lineage_churches">lineage churches</a> and their <a href="/wiki/Ancestral_temples">ancestral temples</a>, as well as cults and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFanChen2015a7-83">[82]</a></sup>
</p><p>Other forms of revival are <a href="/wiki/Chinese_salvationist_religion">salvationist folk religious movements</a><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioud2010203–214-84">[83]</a></sup> groups with a specifically Confucian focus, or <a href="/wiki/Confucian_churches">Confucian churches</a>, for example the <i>Yidan xuetang</i> (一耽学堂) of <a href="/wiki/Beijing">Beijing</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioud2010219-85">[84]</a></sup> the <i>Mengmutang</i> (孟母堂) of <a href="/wiki/Shanghai">Shanghai</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFanChen201529-86">[85]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Confucian_Shenism">Confucian Shenism</a> (儒宗神教 <i>Rúzōng Shénjiào</i>) or the phoenix churches,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFanChen201534-87">[86]</a></sup> the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道坛 <i>Rújiào Dàotán</i>) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFanChen201534-87">[86]</a></sup> and <a href="/wiki/Ancestral_temples">ancestral temples</a> of the Kong kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching churches.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFanChen201529-86">[85]</a></sup>
</p><p>Also, the Hong Kong <a href="/wiki/Confucian_Academy">Confucian Academy</a>, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioudThoraval2015148-88">[87]</a></sup> In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔圣堂 <i>Kǒngshèngtáng</i>) in <a href="/wiki/Shenzhen">Shenzhen</a>, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of <a href="/wiki/Qufu">Qufu</a> City.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEPayette2014-89">[88]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioudThoraval2015152–156-90">[89]</a></sup> It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the <a href="/wiki/Kongshenghui">Church of Confucius</a> (孔圣会 <i>Kǒngshènghuì</i>). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar <a href="/wiki/Jiang_Qing_(Confucian)">Jiang Qing</a>, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 <i>Yángmíng jīngshě</i>), a Confucian academy in <a href="/wiki/Guiyang">Guiyang</a>, <a href="/wiki/Guizhou">Guizhou</a>.
</p><p>Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called 儒 <i>rú</i> or 正统 <i>zhèngtǒng</i>, "<a href="/wiki/Orthopraxy">orthopraxy</a>") led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 <i>lǐshēng</i>) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEClart20033–5-11">[11]</a></sup> "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人 <i>rúshāngrén</i>, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBillioud2010204-91">[90]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Governance</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Yushima_Seido_002.jpg"></a></p></div>
<blockquote><p>子曰：為政以德，譬如北辰，居其所而眾星共之。<br />
The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it."
</p><p>— <cite><i>Analects</i> 2.1 (Legge translation).</cite></p></blockquote>
<p>A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue (<i>de</i>) spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. This idea is developed further in the <a href="/wiki/Great_Learning">Great Learning</a>, and is tightly linked with the <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoist</a> concept of <a href="/wiki/Wu_wei">wu wei</a> (无为; 無為; <i>wú wéi</i>): the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center" around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole.
</p><p>This idea may be traced back to the ancient <a href="/wiki/Shamanism">shamanic</a> beliefs of the <a href="/wiki/King">king</a> being the <a href="/wiki/Axis_mundi">axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth</a>. The <a href="/wiki/Emperors_of_China">emperors of China</a> were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the <a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a>. They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore establishing their cults.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146–147-92">[91]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than being unconditional. Submission to authority (<i>tsun wang</i>) was only taken within the context of the moral obligations that rulers had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence (<i>jen</i>). Confucianism — including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as <a href="/wiki/Xun_Kuang">Xunzi</a> — has always recognised the <a href="/wiki/Right_of_revolution">Right of revolution</a> against tyranny.<sup><a href="#cite_note-93">[92]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Meritocracy</h2>
<blockquote><p>子曰：有教無類。<br />
The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."
</p><p>— <cite><i>Analects</i> 15.39 (Legge translation).</cite></p></blockquote>
<p>Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge (<i>Analects</i> 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American admirers such as <a href="/wiki/Voltaire">Voltaire</a> and <a href="/wiki/Herrlee_G._Creel">Herrlee G. Creel</a> point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue.<sup><a href="#cite_note-94">[93]</a></sup> <i>Jūnzǐ</i> (君子, lit. "lord's son"), which originally signified the younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman."
</p><p>A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of the king is only a "petty person". That Confucius admitted students of different classes as disciples is a clear demonstration that he fought against the feudal structures that defined pre-imperial Chinese society.<sup><a href="#cite_note-95">[94]</a></sup>
</p><p>Another new idea, that of <a href="/wiki/Meritocracy">meritocracy</a>, led to the introduction of the <a href="/wiki/Imperial_examination">imperial examination</a> system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial examination system started in the <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a>. Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of written government examinations.<sup><a href="#cite_note-96">[95]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice of meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today, and a wide range of contemporary intellectuals — from <a href="/wiki/Daniel_A._Bell">Daniel Bell</a> to Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan, and <a href="/wiki/Jiang_Qing_(Confucian)">Jiang Qing</a> — defend political meritocracy as a viable alternative to liberal democracy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-97">[96]</a></sup>
</p><p>In <i>Just Hierarchy</i>, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei argue that hierarchies are inevitable.<sup><a href="#cite_note-98">[97]</a></sup> Faced with ever-increasing complexity at scale, modern societies must build hierarchies to coordinate collective action and tackle long-term problems such as climate change. In this context, people need not — and should not — want to flatten hierarchies as much as possible. They ought to ask what makes political hierarchies just and use these criteria to decide the institutions that deserve preservation, those that require reform, and those that need radical transformation. They call this approach "progressive conservatism", a term that reflects the ambiguous place of the Confucian tradition within the Left-Right dichotomy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-99">[98]</a></sup>
</p><p>Bell and Wang propose two justifications for political hierarchies that do <i>not</i> depend on a "one person, one vote" system. First is raw efficiency, which may require centralized rule in the hands of the competent few. Second, and most important, is serving the interests of the people (and the common good more broadly).<sup><a href="#cite_note-Daniel_A_2020-100">[99]</a></sup> In <i><a href="/wiki/Against_Political_Equality">Against Political Equality</a></i>, Tongdong Bai complements this account by using a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle". Just as Rawls claims that economic inequality is justified so long as it benefits those at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, so Bai argues that political inequality is justified so long as it benefits those materially worse off.<sup><a href="#cite_note-101">[100]</a></sup>
</p><p>Bell, Wang, and Bai all criticize liberal democracy to argue that government <i>by</i> the people may not be government <i>for</i> the people in any meaningful sense of the term. They argue that voters tend to act in irrational, tribal, short-termist ways; they are vulnerable to populism and struggle to account for the interests of future generations. In other words, at a minimum, democracy needs Confucian meritocratic checks.<sup><a href="#cite_note-102">[101]</a></sup>
</p><p>In <i>The China Model</i>, Bell argues that Confucian political meritocracy provides—and has provided—a blueprint for China's development.<sup><a href="#cite_note-103">[102]</a></sup> For Bell, the ideal according to which China should reform itself (and has reformed itself) follows a simple structure: Aspiring rulers first pass hyper-selective examinations, then have to rule well at the local level to be promoted to positions as the provincial level, then have to excel at the provincial level to access positions at the national level, and so on.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Daniel_A._Bell_2016-104">[103]</a></sup> This system aligns with what Harvard historian James Hankins calls "virtue politics", or the idea that institutions should be built to select the most competent and virtuous rulers — as opposed to institutions concerned first and foremost with limiting the power of rulers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-105">[104]</a></sup>
</p><p>While contemporary defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all accept this broad frame, they disagree with each other on three main questions: institutional design, the means by which meritocrats are promoted, and the compatibility of Confucian political meritocracy with liberalism.
</p>
<h3>Institutional design</h3>
<p>Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Daniel_A_2020-100">[99]</a></sup> As Bell puts it, he defends "democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Daniel_A._Bell_2016-104">[103]</a></sup> Bell and Wang argue that this combination conserves the main advantages of democracy — involving the people in public affairs at the local level, strengthening the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of direct accountability, etc. — while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime.
</p><p>Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber selected by the people (the House of the Commoners 庶民院), one chamber composed of Confucian meritocrats selected via examination and gradual promotion (the House of Confucian Tradition 通儒院), and one body made up of descendants of Confucius himself (The House of National Essence 国体院).<sup><a href="#cite_note-106">[105]</a></sup> Jiang's aim is to construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic, individualist, and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's proposals, it represents a more traditionalist alternative.
</p><p>Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral system.<sup><a href="#cite_note-107">[106]</a></sup> At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory democracy. At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats (selected by examination, by examination and promotion, from leaders in certain professional fields, etc.), and one of representatives elected by the people. While the lower house does not have any legislative power per se, it acts as a popular accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting pressure on the upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of life, he points to the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have a democratic lifestyle, participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic men". Similarly, the lower house allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure accountability. Meanwhile, the meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.
</p>
<h3>Promotion system</h3>
<p>Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all champion a system in which rulers are selected on the basis of intellect, social skills, and virtue. Bell proposes a model wherein aspiring meritocrats take hyper-selective exams and prove themselves at the local levels of government before reaching the higher levels of government, where they hold more centralized power.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Daniel_A._Bell_2016-104">[103]</a></sup> In his account, the exams select for intellect and other virtues — for instance, the ability to argue three different viewpoints on a contentious issue may indicate a certain degree of openness.<sup><a href="#cite_note-108">[107]</a></sup> Tongdong Bai's approach incorporates different ways to select members of the meritocratic house, from exams to performance in various fields — business, science, administration, and so on. In every case, Confucian meritocrats draw on China's extensive history of meritocratic administration to outline the pros and cons of competing methods of selection.<sup><a href="#cite_note-109">[108]</a></sup>
</p><p>For those who, like Bell, defend a model in which performance at the local levels of government determines future promotion, an important question is how the system judges who "performs best". In other words, while examinations may ensure that early-career officials are competent and educated, how is it thereafter ensured that <i>only</i> those who rule well get promoted? The literature opposes those who prefer evaluation by peers to evaluation by superiors, with some thinkers including quasi-democratic selection mechanisms along the way. Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-110">[109]</a></sup> Because they believe that promotion should depend upon peer evaluations only, Bell and Wang argue against transparency — i.e. the public should not know how officials are selected, since ordinary people are in no position to judge officials beyond the local level.<sup><a href="#cite_note-111">[110]</a></sup> Others, like Jiang Qing, defend a model in which superiors decide who gets promoted; this method is in line with more traditionalist strands of Confucian political thought, which place a greater emphasis on strict hierarchies and epistemic paternalism — that is, the idea that older and more experienced people know more.<sup><a href="#cite_note-112">[111]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy</h3>
<p>Another key question is whether Confucian political thought is compatible with liberalism. Tongdong Bai, for instance, argues that while Confucian political thought departs from the "one person, one vote" model, it can conserve many of the essential characteristics of liberalism, such as freedom of speech and individual rights.<sup><a href="#cite_note-113">[112]</a></sup> In fact, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai hold that Confucian political meritocracy can tackle challenges that liberalism wants to tackle, but cannot by itself. At the cultural level, for instance, Confucianism, its institutions, and its rituals offer bulwarks against atomization and individualism. At the political level, the non-democratic side of political meritocracy is — for Bell and Bai — more efficient at addressing long-term questions such as climate change, in part because the meritocrats do not have to worry about the whims of public opinion.<sup><a href="#cite_note-114">[113]</a></sup>
</p><p>Joseph Chan defends the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberalism and democracy. In his book <i>Confucian Perfectionism</i>, he argues that Confucians can embrace both democracy and liberalism on instrumental grounds; that is, while liberal democracy may not be valuable for its own sake, its institutions remains valuable — particularly when combined with a broadly Confucian culture — to serve Confucian ends and inculcate Confucian virtues.<sup><a href="#cite_note-115">[114]</a></sup>
</p><p>Other Confucians have criticized Confucian meritocrats like Bell for their rejection of democracy. For them, Confucianism does not have to be premised on the assumption that meritorious, virtuous political leadership is inherently incompatible with popular sovereignty, political equality and the right to political participation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-116">[115]</a></sup> These thinkers accuse the meritocrats of overestimating the flaws of democracy, mistaking temporary flaws for permanent and inherent features, and underestimating the challenges that the construction of a true political meritocracy poses in practice — including those faced by contemporary China and Singapore.<sup><a href="#cite_note-117">[116]</a></sup> Franz Mang claims that, when decoupled from democracy, meritocracy tends to deteriorate into an oppressive regime under putatively "meritorious" but actually "authoritarian" rulers; Mang accuses Bell's China model of being self-defeating, as — Mang claims — the CCP's authoritarian modes of engagement with the dissenting voices illustrate.<sup><a href="#cite_note-118">[117]</a></sup> Baogang He and Mark Warren add that "meritocracy" should be understood as a concept describing a regime's character rather than its type, which is determined by distribution of political power — on their view, democratic institutions can be built which are meritocratic insofar as they favour competence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-119">[118]</a></sup>
</p><p>Roy Tseng, drawing on the New Confucians of the twentieth century, argues that Confucianism and liberal democracy can enter into a dialectical process, in which liberal rights and voting rights are rethought into resolutely modern, but nonetheless Confucian ways of life.<sup><a href="#cite_note-120">[119]</a></sup> This synthesis, blending Confucians rituals and institutions with a broader liberal democratic frame, is distinct from both Western-style liberalism — which, for Tseng, suffers from excessive individualism and a lack of moral vision — and from traditional Confucianism — which, for Tseng, has historically suffered from rigid hierarchies and sclerotic elites. Against defenders of political meritocracy, Tseng claims that the fusion of Confucian and democratic institutions can conserve the best of both worlds, producing a more communal democracy which draws on a rich ethical tradition, addresses abuses of power, and combines popular accountability with a clear attention to the cultivation of virtue in elites.
</p>
<h2>Influence</h2>
<h3>In 17th-century Europe</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:LifeAndWorksOfConfucius1687.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The works of Confucius were translated into European languages through the agency of <a href="/wiki/Jesuit_China_missions">Jesuit missionaries stationed in China</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-121">[note 2]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Matteo_Ricci">Matteo Ricci</a> was among the very earliest to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and father <a href="/wiki/Prospero_Intorcetta">Prospero Intorcetta</a> wrote about the life and works of Confucius in <a href="/wiki/Latin">Latin</a> in 1687.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Windows_into_China-122">[120]</a></sup>
</p><p>Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers of the period,<sup><a href="#cite_note-Mungello-123">[121]</a></sup> particularly among the <a href="/wiki/Deism">Deists</a> and other philosophical groups of the <a href="/wiki/Age_of_Enlightenment">Enlightenment</a> who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into <a href="/wiki/Western_culture">Western civilization</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Windows_into_China-122">[120]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-124">[122]</a></sup>
</p><p>Confucianism influenced the German philosopher <a href="/wiki/Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz">Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz</a>, who was attracted to the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "<a href="/wiki/Pre-established_harmony">Pre-established harmony</a>," were borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Mungello-123">[121]</a></sup> 
</p>
<p>The French philosopher <a href="/wiki/Voltaire">Voltaire</a>, Leibniz's intellectual rival, was also influenced by Confucius, seeing the concept of Confucian rationalism as an alternative to Christian dogma.<sup><a href="#cite_note-epc-125">[123]</a></sup> He praised Confucian ethics and politics, portraying the sociopolitical hierarchy of China as a model for Europe.<sup><a href="#cite_note-epc-125">[123]</a></sup>
</p>
<blockquote><p>Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived...</p></blockquote>
<h3>On Islamic thought</h3>
<p>From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the <a href="/wiki/Han_Kitab">Han Kitab</a> developed amongst the <a href="/wiki/Hui_people">Hui Muslims</a> of China who infused <a href="/wiki/Islam">Islamic</a> thought with Confucianism. Especially the works of <a href="/wiki/Liu_Zhi_(scholar)">Liu Zhi</a> such as <i>Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ</i> (天方典禮) sought to harmonise Islam with not only Confucianism but also with <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> and is considered to be one of the crowning achievements of the Chinese Islamic culture.<sup><a href="#cite_note-126">[124]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>In modern times</h3>
<p>Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord <a href="/wiki/Ma_Fuxiang">Ma Fuxiang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-127">[125]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/New_Life_Movement">New Life Movement</a> in the early 20th century was also influenced by Confucianism.
</p><p>Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with. These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly as <a href="/wiki/Singapore">Singapore</a>, <a href="/wiki/Malaysia">Malaysia</a>, <a href="/wiki/Hong_Kong">Hong Kong</a>, <a href="/wiki/Taiwan">Taiwan</a>, <a href="/wiki/Japan">Japan</a>, <a href="/wiki/South_Korea">South Korea</a> and even <a href="/wiki/China">China</a> have done.
</p><p>For example, the impact of the <a href="/wiki/Vietnam_War">Vietnam War</a> on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of this idea to futurologist <a href="/wiki/Herman_Kahn">Herman Kahn</a>'s <i>World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-128">[126]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-129">[127]</a></sup>
</p><p>Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's <i>Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development</i>, have attributed the Asian growth to other factors, for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" (<a href="/wiki/State_capacity">state capacity</a>), and interaction between agriculture and industry.<sup><a href="#cite_note-130">[128]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>On Chinese martial arts</h3>
<p>After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial Arts (with the exception of Archery), he did serve under rulers who used military power extensively to achieve their goals. In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many educated martial artists of great influence, such as <a href="/wiki/Sun_Lutang">Sun Lutang</a>,<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> especially from the 19th century onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Daoism">Daoism</a>. Some argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of much relevance to it.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style/Words_to_watch#Unsupported_attributions">according to whom?</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h2>Criticism</h2>
<p>Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including <a href="/wiki/Laozi">Laozi</a>'s philosophy and <a href="/wiki/Mozi">Mozi</a>'s critique, and Legalists such as <a href="/wiki/Han_Fei">Han Fei</a> ridiculed the idea that virtue would lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame for its failures. The <a href="/wiki/Taiping_Rebellion">Taiping Rebellion</a> described Confucianism sages as well as gods in <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> as devils.
</p>
<h3>Contradiction with modernist values</h3>
<p>In the <a href="/wiki/New_Culture_Movement">New Culture Movement</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lu_Xun">Lu Xun</a> criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into the condition they had reached by the late <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a>: his criticisms are expressed metaphorically in the work "<a href="/wiki/Diary_of_a_Madman_(Lu_Xun)">Diary of a Madman</a>", in which traditional Chinese Confucian society is portrayed as feudalistic, hypocritical, socially cannibalistic, despotic, fostering a "slave mentality" favouring despotism, lack of critical thinking and blind obedience and worship of authority, fuelling a form of "Confucian authoritarianism" which persists into the present day.<sup><a href="#cite_note-131">[129]</a></sup> Leftists during the <a href="/wiki/Cultural_Revolution">Cultural Revolution</a> described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave owners.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>In <a href="/wiki/South_Korea">South Korea</a>, there has long been criticism. Some South Koreans believe Confucianism has not contributed to the modernisation of South Korea. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il wrote an essay<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style/Dates_and_numbers#Chronological_items">when?</a></i>]</sup> entitled "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" (공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다, <i>gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda</i>). Kim said that <a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">filial piety</a> is one-sided and blind, and if it continues, social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations onto families.<sup><a href="#cite_note-132">[130]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-133">[131]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Women in Confucian thought</h3>
<p>Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> onward."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Adler-134">[132]</a></sup> The gender roles prescribed in the <a href="/wiki/Three_Obediences_and_Four_Virtues">Three Obediences and Four Virtues</a> became a cornerstone of the family, and thus, societal stability. The Three Obediences and Four Virtues is one of the moral standards for feudal etiquette to bind women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-135">[133]</a></sup> Starting from the Han period, Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family: the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian <a href="/wiki/Cheng_Yi_(philosopher)">Cheng Yi</a> stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter."<sup><a href="#cite_note-ebrey-136">[134]</a></sup> Chaste widows were revered and memorialised during the <a href="/wiki/Ming_Dynasty">Ming</a> and <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing</a> periods. This "<a href="/wiki/Cult_of_widow_chastity">cult of chastity</a>" accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a social stigma on remarriage.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Adler-134">[132]</a></sup>
</p><p>For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that was historically damaging to Chinese women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-137">[135]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-138">[136]</a></sup> It has also been argued by some Chinese and Western writers that the rise of neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty had led to a decline of status of women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-ebrey-136">[134]</a></sup> Some critics have also accused the prominent Song neo-Confucian scholar <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> for believing in the inferiority of women and that men and women need to be kept strictly separate,<sup><a href="#cite_note-139">[137]</a></sup> while <a href="/wiki/Sima_Guang">Sima Guang</a> also believed that women should remain indoors and not deal with the matters of men in the outside world.<sup><a href="#cite_note-140">[138]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-141">[139]</a></sup> Finally, scholars have discussed the attitudes toward women in Confucian texts such as <a href="/wiki/Analects">Analects</a>. In a much-discussed passage, women are grouped together with <i>xiaoren</i> (小人, literally "small people", meaning people of low status or low moral) and described as being difficult to cultivate or deal with.<sup><a href="#cite_note-142">[140]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-143">[141]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-144">[142]</a></sup> Many traditional commentators and modern scholars have debated over the precise meaning of the passage, and whether Confucius referred to all women or just certain groups of women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-145">[143]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-146">[144]</a></sup>
</p><p>Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more complex.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Adler-134">[132]</a></sup> During the Han dynasty period, the influential Confucian text <i><a href="/wiki/Lessons_for_Women">Lessons for Women</a></i> (<i>Nüjie</i>), was written by <a href="/wiki/Ban_Zhao">Ban Zhao</a> (45–114 CE) to instruct her daughters how to be proper Confucian wives and mothers, that is, to be silent, hard-working, and compliant. She stresses the complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory, but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Adler-134">[132]</a></sup>
</p><p>Joseph A. Adler points out that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Adler-134">[132]</a></sup> Matthew Sommers has also indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to realise the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and began to allow practices such as widow remarrying to stand.<sup><a href="#cite_note-147">[145]</a></sup> Moreover, some Confucian texts like the <i>Chunqiu Fanlu</i> 春秋繁露 have passages that suggest a more equal relationship between a husband and his wife.<sup><a href="#cite_note-148">[146]</a></sup> More recently, some scholars have also begun to discuss the viability of constructing a "Confucian feminism".<sup><a href="#cite_note-149">[147]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Catholic controversy over Chinese rites</h2>
<p>Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, the Christian <a href="/wiki/Jesuits">Jesuits</a>, considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Elman-150">[148]</a></sup> The Jesuits, including <a href="/wiki/Matteo_Ricci">Matteo Ricci</a>, saw Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could co-exist alongside the spiritual rituals of Catholicism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Elman-150">[148]</a></sup>
</p><p>By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the <a href="/wiki/Dominican_Order">Dominicans</a> and <a href="/wiki/Franciscans">Franciscans</a>, creating a dispute among Catholics in <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asia</a> that was known as the "Rites Controversy."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Gunn-151">[149]</a></sup> The Dominicans and Franciscans argued that <a href="/wiki/Chinese_ancestral_worship">Chinese ancestral worship</a> was a form of idolatry that was contradictory to the tenets of Christianity. This view was reinforced by <a href="/wiki/Pope_Benedict_XIV">Pope Benedict XIV</a>, who ordered a ban on Chinese rituals,<sup><a href="#cite_note-Gunn-151">[149]</a></sup> though this ban was re-assessed and repealed in 1939 by <a href="/wiki/Pope_Pius_XII">Pope Pius XII</a>, provided that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit of the liturgy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-152">[150]</a></sup>
</p><p>Some critics view Confucianism as definitely <a href="/wiki/Pantheism">pantheistic</a> and <a href="/wiki/Nontheism">nontheistic</a>, in that it is not based on the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal plane.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdler201412-8">[8]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang-153">[151]</a></sup> Confucius views about Tiān 天 and about the divine providence ruling the world, can be found above (in this page) and in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12, for example. On spirituality, Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?"<sup><a href="#cite_note-Sinaiko-154">[152]</a></sup> Attributes such as <a href="/wiki/Ancestor_worship">ancestor worship</a>, <a href="/wiki/Ritual">ritual</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Sacrifice">sacrifice</a> were advocated by Confucius as necessary for social harmony; these attributes may be traced to the traditional <a href="/wiki/Chinese_folk_religion">Chinese folk religion</a>.
</p><p>Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or philosophy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-155">[153]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-156">[154]</a></sup> But using a broader definition, such as <a href="/wiki/Frederick_Streng">Frederick Streng</a>'s characterisation of religion as "a means of ultimate transformation,"<sup><a href="#cite_note-157">[155]</a></sup> Confucianism could be described as a "sociopolitical doctrine having religious qualities."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang-153">[151]</a></sup> With the latter definition, Confucianism is religious, even if non-theistic, in the sense that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social functions of full-fledged religions."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Yang-153">[151]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>See also</h2>
<div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_culture">Chinese culture</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_folk_religion">Chinese folk religion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucian_art">Confucian art</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucian_church">Confucian church</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucian_view_of_marriage">Confucian view of marriage</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucianism_in_Indonesia">Confucianism in Indonesia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucianism_in_the_United_States">Confucianism in the United States</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confucius_Institute">Confucius Institute</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Edo_Neo-Confucianism">Edo Neo-Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Family_as_a_model_for_the_state">Family as a model for the state</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Korean_Confucianism">Korean Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Korean_shamanism">Korean shamanism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Radical_orthodoxy">Radical orthodoxy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Religious_humanism">Religious humanism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sinology">Sinology</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Temple_of_Confucius">Temple of Confucius</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Vietnamese_folk_religion">Vietnamese folk religion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Vietnamese_philosophy">Vietnamese philosophy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_Confucian_states_and_dynasties">List of Confucian states and dynasties</a></li></ul></div>
<h2>Notes</h2>
<div>
<ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-37">^</a></b> Whether centred in the changeful precessional north <a href="/wiki/Celestial_pole">celestial pole</a> or in the fixed north <a href="/wiki/Orbital_pole">ecliptic pole</a>, the spinning constellations draw the <i>wàn</i> 卍 symbol around the centre.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-121">^</a></b> The first was <a href="/wiki/Michele_Ruggieri">Michele Ruggieri</a> who had returned from China to Italy in 1588, and carried on translating in Latin Chinese classics, while residing in Salerno.
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>Citations</h2>
<div><ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b> <cite>Nylan, Michael (1 October 2008). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=KykM1DhBxd8C"><i>The Five "Confucian" Classics</i></a>. Yale University Press. p. 23. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-300-13033-1"><bdi>978-0-300-13033-1</bdi></a>. Retrieved 12 March 2022.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYao2000">Yao 2000</a>, pp. 38–47
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFung2008163_3-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFung2008163_3-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFung2008163_3-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFFung2008">Fung (2008)</a>, p. 163.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Lin_4-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Lin_4-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Lin, Justin Yifu (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=rxzJoskK_rwC"><i>Demystifying the Chinese Economy</i></a>. Cambridge University Press. p. 107. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-19180-7"><bdi>978-0-521-19180-7</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFingarette19721–2_5-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFingarette1972">Fingarette (1972)</a>, pp. 1–2.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Juergensmeyer_6-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Juergensmeyer_6-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Juergensmeyer, Mark (2005). Juergensmeyer, Mark (ed.). <i>Religion in Global Civil Society</i>. Oxford University Press. p. 70. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093%2Facprof%3Aoso%2F9780195188356.001.0001">10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.001.0001</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-518835-6"><bdi>978-0-19-518835-6</bdi></a>. <q>...humanist philosophies such as Confucianism, which do not share a belief in divine law and do not exalt faithfulness to a higher law as a manifestation of divine will</q></cite>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFingarette1972_7-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFingarette1972">Fingarette (1972)</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdler201412_8-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdler201412_8-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdler2014">Adler (2014)</a>, p. 12.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201034–36_9-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, pp. 34–36.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdler2014">Adler (2014)</a>, p. 10: [...] Confucianism is basically <i>non-theistic</i>. While Heaven (<i>tiān</i>) has some characteristics that overlap the category of deity, it is primarily an <i>impersonal</i> absolute, like <i>dao</i> and <i>Brahman</i>. "Deity" (<i>theos</i>, <i>deus</i>), on the other hand connotes something <i>personal</i> (he or she, not it).<br /><a href="#CITEREFAdler2014">Adler (2014)</a>, p. 12: Confucianism deconstructs the sacred-profane dichotomy; it asserts that sacredness is to be found <i>in</i>, not behind or beyond, the ordinary activities of human life—and especially in human relationships. Human relationships are sacred in Confucianism because they are the expression of our moral nature (性 <i>xìng</i>), which has a transcendent anchorage in Heaven (<i>tiān</i> 天). Herbert Fingarette captured this essential feature of Confucianism in the title of his 1972 book, <i>Confucius: The Secular as Sacred</i>. To assume a dualistic relationship between sacred and profane and to use this as a criterion of religion is to beg the question of whether Confucianism can count as a religious tradition.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEClart20033–5_11-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEClart20033–5_11-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFClart2003">Clart (2003)</a>, pp. 3–5.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010102_12-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010102_12-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010102_12-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFTay2010">Tay (2010)</a>, p. 102.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-13">^</a></b> <cite>Kaplan, Robert D. (6 February 2015). <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/asias-rise-is-rooted-in-confucian-values-1423254759">"Asia's Rise Is Rooted in Confucian Values"</a>. <i>The Wall Street Journal</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-14">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://fore.yale.edu/religion/confucianism/">"Confucianism | Religion | Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology"</a>. <i>Fore.yale.edu</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-15">^</a></b> Benjamin Elman, John Duncan and Herman Ooms ed. <i>Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam</i> (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian Pacific Monograph Series, 2002).
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-16">^</a></b> Yu Yingshi, <i>Xiandai Ruxue Lun</i> (River Edge: Global Publishing Co. Inc. 1996).
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBillioudThoraval2015''passim''_17-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBillioudThoraval2015">Billioud &amp; Thoraval (2015)</a>, <i>passim</i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEYao200019_18-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYao2000">Yao (2000)</a>, p. 19.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Eno_19-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Eno_19-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Eno, Robert (1990). <i>The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense of Ritual Mastery</i> (1st ed.). State University of New York Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7914-0191-0"><bdi>978-0-7914-0191-0</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-20">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/David_Schaberg">Schaberg, David</a> (1997). <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23354245">"Remonstrance in Eastern Zhou History"</a>. <i>Early China</i>. Cambridge University Press. <b>22</b>: 130–179 at <b>138</b>. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0362502800003266">10.1017/S0362502800003266</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/23354245">23354245</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:163038164">163038164</a>. Retrieved 5 July 2022.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-21">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Yuri_Pines">Pines, Yuri</a> (2005–2006). <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/24047638">"Biases and Their Sources: Qin History in the "Shiji""</a>. <i>Oriens Extremus</i>. Harrassowitz Verlag. <b>45</b>: 10–34 at <b>30</b>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/24047638">24047638</a>. Retrieved 3 July 2022.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEZhou20121_22-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEZhou20121_22-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFZhou2012">Zhou (2012)</a>, p. 1.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEYao200052–54_23-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYao2000">Yao (2000)</a>, pp. 52–54.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-24">^</a></b> <cite>Tu, Weiming (1990). "Confucian Tradition in Chinese History". In Ropp, Paul S.; Barrett, Timothy Hugh (eds.). <i>The Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization</i>. University of California Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-06441-6"><bdi>978-0-520-06441-6</bdi></a>.</cite> p. 113
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''_and_p._3,_Vol._III,_for_the_graphic_interpretation_of_the_character_25-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, <i>passim</i> and p. 3, Vol. III, for the graphic interpretation of the character.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdler201410_26-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdler201410_26-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdler2014">Adler (2014)</a>, p. 10.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010100_27-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010100_27-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010100_27-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010100_27-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETay2010100_27-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFTay2010">Tay (2010)</a>, p. 100.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-28">^</a></b> <cite>Thoraval, Joël (2016). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20180116171349/https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01374321/document">"Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, Ancestors, Masters: Some Remarks on the Politico-Religious in China Today"</a>. Occasional Papers. No. 5. Paris: Centre for Studies on China, Korea and Japan. Archived from <a href="https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01374321/document">the original</a> on 16 January 2018.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146–150_29-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFeuchtwang2016">Feuchtwang (2016)</a>, pp. 146–150.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009256,_Vol._III_30-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, p. 256, Vol. III.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-31">^</a></b> <cite>Mair, Victor H. (2011). "Religious Formations and Intercultural Contacts in Early China". In Krech, Volkhard; Steinicke, Marion (eds.). <i>Dynamics in the History of Religions between Asia and Europe: Encounters, Notions, and Comparative Perspectives</i>. Leiden: Brill. pp. 85–110. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-22535-0"><bdi>978-90-04-22535-0</bdi></a>.</cite> pp. 97–98, note 26.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009257,_Vol._I_32-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, p. 257, Vol. I.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''_33-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''_33-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, <i>passim</i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-34">^</a></b> <cite>Reiter, Florian C. (2007). <i>Purposes, Means and Convictions in Daoism: A Berlin Symposium</i>. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-3-447-05513-0"><bdi>978-3-447-05513-0</bdi></a>.</cite> p. 190.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-35">^</a></b> <cite>Milburn, Olivia (2016). <i>The Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan</i>. Sinica Leidensia. Brill. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-30966-1"><bdi>978-90-04-30966-1</bdi></a>.</cite> p. 343, note 17.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-36">^</a></b> <cite>Assasi, Reza (2013). <a href="https://www.academia.edu/4087681">"Swastika: The Forgotten Constellation Representing the Chariot of Mithras"</a>. <i>Anthropological Notebooks</i> (Supplement: Šprajc, Ivan; Pehani, Peter, eds. <i>Ancient Cosmologies and Modern Prophets: Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the European Society for Astronomy in Culture</i>). <b>XIX</b> (2). <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/1408-032X">1408-032X</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Hagen_38-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Hagen_38-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Hagen, Kurtis. <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141203164801/http://faculty.plattsburgh.edu/kurtis.hagen/keyterms_tian.html">"Confucian Key Terms – Tian 天"</a>. State University of New York at Plattsburgh. Archived from <a href="http://faculty.plattsburgh.edu/kurtis.hagen/keyterms_tian.html">the original</a> on 3 December 2014.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035_39-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035_39-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, p. 35.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHsu2014_40-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHsu2014_40-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFHsu2014">Hsu (2014)</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201035–36_41-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, pp. 35–36.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016146_42-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFFeuchtwang2016">Feuchtwang (2016)</a>, p. 146.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036_43-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036_43-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, p. 36.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201037_44-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201037_44-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, p. 37.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELittlejohn201036–37_45-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLittlejohn2010">Littlejohn (2010)</a>, pp. 36–37.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShenShun2007278–279_46-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFShenShun2007">Shen &amp; Shun (2007)</a>, pp. 278–279.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-47">^</a></b> <cite>Dubs, Homer (1960). "Theism and Naturalism in Ancient Chinese Philosophy". <i>Philosophy East and West</i>. University of Hawaii Press. <b>9</b> (3–4): 163–172. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1397096">10.2307/1397096</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/1397096">1397096</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Runes_48-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Runes_48-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Runes, Dagobert D., ed. (1983). <a href="https://archive.org/details/dictionaryofphil0000unse/page/338"><i>Dictionary of Philosophy</i></a>. Philosophical Library. p. <a href="https://archive.org/details/dictionaryofphil0000unse/page/338">338</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8022-2388-3"><bdi>978-0-8022-2388-3</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-49">^</a></b> Analects 12:1
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-50">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/analects/yong-ye/zh?en=on"><i>中國哲學書電子化計劃</i> <bdi>論語 : 雍也 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃</bdi></a> (in Chinese).</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-51">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/analects/yan-yuan/zh?en=on"><i>中國哲學書電子化計劃</i> <bdi>論語 : 顏淵 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃</bdi></a> (in Chinese).</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFeuchtwang2016150_52-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFeuchtwang2016">Feuchtwang (2016)</a>, p. 150.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-53">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/analects/ba-yi"><i>The Analects : Ba Yi</i></a>. <i>Chinese Text Project</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-54">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/mengzi/li-lou-ii"><i>Mengzi : Li Lou II</i></a>. <i>Chinese Text Project</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-55">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/mengzi/liang-hui-wang-ii/zh?en=on"><i>中國哲學書電子化計劃</i> <bdi>孟子 : 梁惠王下 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃</bdi></a> (in Chinese).</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-56">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/analects/xian-wen/zh?en=on"><i>中國哲學書電子化計劃</i> <bdi>論語 : 憲問 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃</bdi></a> (in Chinese).</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-57">^</a></b> Example: Hai Rui 海瑞 in the Ming dynasty, Yuan Chang 袁昶 in the Qing and so forth.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-58">^</a></b> Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, Wing-tsit Chan tran. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 159.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-59">^</a></b> William Theodore De Bary, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 91–110.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-60">^</a></b> See the discussion in 何冠彪 He Guanbiao, 生與死 : 明季士大夫的抉擇 (Taipei: Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi, 1997).
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Chang_61-0">^</a></b> <cite>Wonsuk Chang; Leah Kalmanson (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=_UC1mvUKaU8C&amp;pg=PA68"><i>Confucianism in Context: Classic Philosophy and Contemporary Issues, East Asia and Beyond</i></a>. SUNY Press. p. 68. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4384-3191-8"><bdi>978-1-4384-3191-8</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-62">^</a></b> Baker, Hugh D.R. <i>Chinese Family and Kinship</i>. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979. p. 98
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-63">^</a></b> Sometimes "exemplary person." Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., <i>The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation</i>. Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to capture both its early political and later moral meaning. Cf. "<a href="http://faculty.plattsburgh.edu/kurtis.hagen/keyterms_junzi.html">Confucian Key Terms: Junzi</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20140520073016/http://faculty.plattsburgh.edu/kurtis.hagen/keyterms_junzi.html">Archived</a> 20 May 2014 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a>."
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-64">^</a></b> (in Chinese) <a href="http://jds.cass.cn/Item/1390.aspx">君子 – 儒学的理想人格</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150418015158/http://jds.cass.cn/Item/1390.aspx">Archived</a> 18 April 2015 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-65">^</a></b> <cite>Taylor, Rodney L.; Choy, Howard Y.F. (2004). <i>The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Confucianism</i>. New York: Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 48–50. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8239-4079-0"><bdi>978-0-8239-4079-0</bdi></a>.</cite>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPankenier201355_66-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPankenier201355_66-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFPankenier2013">Pankenier (2013)</a>, p. 55.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEChen2012105,_note_45_67-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFChen2012">Chen (2012)</a>, p. 105, note 45.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743_68-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743_68-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELibbrecht200743_68-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFLibbrecht2007">Libbrecht (2007)</a>, p. 43.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009227–228,_Vol._II_69-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, pp. 227–228, Vol. II.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009143–144,_Vol._II_70-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, pp. 143–144, Vol. II.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009103,_Vol._II_71-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, p. 103, Vol. II.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPankenier2013138–148,_&quot;Chapter_4:_Bringing_Heaven_Down_to_Earth&quot;_72-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFPankenier2013">Pankenier (2013)</a>, pp. 138–148, "Chapter 4: Bringing Heaven Down to Earth".
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009''passim''_Vol._I_73-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, <i>passim</i> Vol. I.
</li>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDidier2009xxxviii,_Vol._I_78-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDidier2009">Didier (2009)</a>, p. xxxviii, Vol. I.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-139">^</a></b> <cite>Anders Hansson (1996). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=4Ibp1RTW0AoC&amp;pg=PA46"><i>Chinese Outcasts: Discrimination and Emancipation in Late Imperial China</i></a>. Brill. p. 46. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-10596-6"><bdi>978-90-04-10596-6</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-140">^</a></b> <cite>Ebrey, Patricia (2 September 2003). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=iL2AAgAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA24"><i>Women and the Family in Chinese History</i></a>. Routledge. pp. 24–25. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1134442935"><bdi>978-1134442935</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-141">^</a></b> <cite>Wang, Robin (2003). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xQiJWZNQZfgC&amp;pg=PA414">"Precepts for Family Life"</a>. <i>Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture: Writings from the Pre-Qin Period to the Song Dynasty</i>. Hackett Publishing. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-87220-651-9"><bdi>978-0-87220-651-9</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-142">^</a></b> <cite>Lee Dian Rainey (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ID4gMCaLr0MC&amp;pg=PA55"><i>Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials</i></a>. John Wiley and Sons Ltd. p. 55. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4443-2360-3"><bdi>978-1-4443-2360-3</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-143">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://ctext.org/dictionary.pl?if=gb&amp;id=1561#s10028160"><bdi>儒家 -&gt; 論語 -&gt; 陽貨 -&gt; 25</bdi></a>. <i>ctext.org</i>.</cite> Original text: "唯女子與小人爲難養也，近之則不孫，遠之則怨。"
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-144">^</a></b> <cite>Yuan, Lijun (2005). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=wpcSq6aTcgMC&amp;pg=PA5"><i>Reconceiving Women's Equality in China: A Critical Examination of Models of Sex Equality</i></a>. Lexington Books. pp. 5–6. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7391-1228-1"><bdi>978-0-7391-1228-1</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-145">^</a></b> Qiu Chong 邱崇, "释 '唯女子与小人为难养也'" <i>Yuejiang Academic Journal</i>, vol. 6 (December 2013), 141–145. <a href="http://yj.nuist.edu.cn/ch/reader/create_pdf.aspx?file_no=20130621&amp;year_id=2013&amp;quarter_id=6&amp;falg=1">http://yj.nuist.edu.cn/ch/reader/create_pdf.aspx?file_no=20130621&amp;year_id=2013&amp;quarter_id=6&amp;falg=1</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20180405214741/http://yj.nuist.edu.cn/ch/reader/create_pdf.aspx?file_no=20130621&amp;year_id=2013&amp;quarter_id=6&amp;falg=1">Archived</a> 5 April 2018 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a> The article points out the various disputes among traditional Confucian commentators on what the passage really means. It also summarizes the debate in contemporary academia regarding the phrase's meaning.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-146">^</a></b> Liao Mingchun 廖名春,“'唯女子与小人为难养也'疏注及新解" <i>Renwen Zaizhi</i>, vol. 6 (2012). <a href="http://www.rujiazg.com/article/id/11256/">http://www.rujiazg.com/article/id/11256/</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-147">^</a></b> Matthew Sommers, <i>Sex, Law and Society in Late Imperial China</i> (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 319.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-148">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://ctext.org/chun-qiu-fan-lu/ji-yi/zh"><i>中國哲學書電子化計劃</i> <bdi>春秋繁露 : 基義 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃</bdi></a> (in Chinese).</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-149">^</a></b> <cite>Rosenlee, Li-Hsiang Lisa (2007). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=yTvLQbaH81wC&amp;pg=PA16"><i>Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation</i></a>. State University of New York Press. pp. 4, 149–160. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7914-6750-3"><bdi>978-0-7914-6750-3</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Elman_150-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Elman_150-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFElman2005">Elman 2005</a>, p. 112.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Gunn_151-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Gunn_151-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGunn2003">Gunn 2003</a>, p. 108.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-152">^</a></b> Sacrosanctum concilium, para. 37. <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20080221180735/https://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_const_19631204_sacrosanctum-concilium_en.html">"Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium"</a>. Archived from <a href="https://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_const_19631204_sacrosanctum-concilium_en.html">the original</a> on 21 February 2008. Retrieved 9 February 2008.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Yang_153-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Yang_153-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Yang_153-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFYang1961">Yang 1961</a>, p. 26.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Sinaiko_154-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSinaiko1998">Sinaiko 1998</a>, p. 176.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-155">^</a></b> <a href="http://terpconnect.umd.edu/~tkang/welcome_files/religion.htm">Centre for Confucian Science (Korea)</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090716073420/http://terpconnect.umd.edu/~tkang/welcome_files/religion.htm">Archived</a> 16 July 2009 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-156">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://urantiabook.org/archive/readers/601_confucianism.htm">"Introduction to Confucianism"</a>. <i>urantiabook.org</i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-157">^</a></b> Streng, Frederick, "Understanding Religious Life," 3rd ed. (1985), p. 2
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>Bibliography</h2>
<div>
<ul><li><cite>Adler, Joseph A. (2014), <a href="https://www2.kenyon.edu/Depts/Religion/Fac/Adler/Writings/Confucianism_as_Religious_Tradition.pdf"><i>Confucianism as a Religious Tradition: Linguistic and Methodological Problems</i></a> (PDF), Gambier, OH: Kenyon College, <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220123231845/https://www2.kenyon.edu/Depts/Religion/Fac/Adler/Writings/Confucianism_as_Religious_Tradition.pdf">archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022</cite>.</li>
<li><cite>William Theodore De Bary (1989). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=Gb0RcMQ-sOkC"><i>Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage</i></a>. University of California Press. pp. 455–. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-06393-8"><bdi>978-0-520-06393-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Billioud, Sébastien; Thoraval, Joël (2015). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=jZLxCQAAQBAJ"><i>The Sage and the People: The Confucian Revival in China</i></a>. Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-025814-6"><bdi>978-0-19-025814-6</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Billioud, Sébastien (2010). <a href="http://www.oriens-extremus.de/inhalt/pdf/49/OE49-09.pdf">"Carrying the Confucian Torch to the Masses: The Challenge of Structuring the Confucian Revival in the People's Republic of China"</a> (PDF). <i>OE</i>. <b>49</b>. <a href="https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221010/http://www.oriens-extremus.de/inhalt/pdf/49/OE49-09.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Clart, Philip (2003). <a href="http://home.uni-leipzig.de/clartp/Clart%202003.pdf">"Confucius and the Mediums: Is There a "Popular Confucianism"?"</a> (PDF). <i>T'oung Pao</i>. <b>LXXXIX</b>. <a href="https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221010/http://home.uni-leipzig.de/clartp/Clart%202003.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Chan, Joseph (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=VW2YDwAAQBAJ&amp;q=%22Confucian+Perfectionism%22"><i>Confucian Perfectionism: A Political Philosophy for Modern Times</i></a>. Princeton University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780691168166"><bdi>9780691168166</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Chen, Yong (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=I-JpRmACSdYC"><i>Confucianism as Religion: Controversies and Consequences</i></a>. Brill. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-24373-6"><bdi>978-90-04-24373-6</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Herrlee_Creel">Creel, Herrlee</a> (1949). <i>Confucius and the Chinese Way</i>. New York: Harper Torchbooks.</cite></li>
<li><cite>John W. Dardess (1983). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=OvdqvKxbCc4C"><i>Confucianism and Autocracy: Professional Elites in the Founding of the Ming Dynasty</i></a>. University of California Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-04733-4"><bdi>978-0-520-04733-4</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Didier, John C. (2009). "In and Outside the Square: The Sky and the Power of Belief in Ancient China and the World, c. 4500 BC – AD 200". <i><a href="/wiki/Sino-Platonic_Papers">Sino-Platonic Papers</a></i> (192).</cite> <i><a href="http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp192_vol1.pdf">Volume I: The Ancient Eurasian World and the Celestial Pivot</a></i>, <i><a href="http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp192_vol2.pdf">Volume II: Representations and Identities of High Powers in Neolithic and Bronze China</a></i>, <i><a href="http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp192_vol3.pdf">Volume III: Terrestrial and Celestial Transformations in Zhou and Early-Imperial China</a></i>.</li>
<li><cite>Elman, Benjamin A. (2005), <i>On Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900</i>, Harvard University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-01685-9"><bdi>978-0-674-01685-9</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Fan, Lizhu; Chen, Na (2015). <a href="https://doi.org/10.1515%2Fcdc-2015-0005">"The Religiousness of "Confucianism" and the Revival of Confucian Religion in China Today"</a>. <i>Cultural Diversity in China</i>. <b>1</b> (1): 27–43. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1515%2Fcdc-2015-0005">10.1515/cdc-2015-0005</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/2353-7795">2353-7795</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Fan, Lizhu; Chen, Na (2015a), "Revival of Confucianism and Reconstruction of Chinese Identity", <i>The Presence and Future of Humanity in the Cosmos</i>, Tokyo, 18–23 March: ICU</cite><code>{{<a href="/wiki/Template:Citation">citation</a>}}</code>: CS1 maint: location (<a href="/wiki/Category:CS1_maint:_location">link</a>).</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Stephan_Feuchtwang">Feuchtwang, Stephan</a> (2016), "Chinese religions", in Woodhead, Linda; Kawanami, Hiroko; Partridge, Christopher H. (eds.), <i>Religions in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformations</i> (3nd ed.), London: Routledge, pp. 143–172, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-317-43960-8"><bdi>978-1-317-43960-8</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Herbert_Fingarette">Fingarette, Herbert</a> (1972). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=lawUAAAAQBAJ"><i>Confucius: The Secular as Sacred</i></a>. New York: Harper. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4786-0866-0"><bdi>978-1-4786-0866-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Fung, Yiu-ming (2008), "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia", in Richey, Jeffrey (ed.), <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=w8vSE2lN0H4C"><i>Teaching Confucianism</i></a>, Oxford University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-804256-3"><bdi>978-0-19-804256-3</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Gunn, Geoffrey C. (2003), <i>First Globalization: The Eurasian Exchange, 1500 to 1800</i>, Rowman &amp; Littlefield, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7425-2662-4"><bdi>978-0-7425-2662-4</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Haynes, Jeffrey (2008), <i>Routledge Handbook of Religion and Politics</i>, Taylor &amp; Francis, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-415-41455-5"><bdi>978-0-415-41455-5</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Philip_J._Ivanhoe">Ivanhoe, Philip J.</a> (2000). <i>Confucian Moral Self Cultivation</i> (2nd rev. ed.). Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-87220-508-6"><bdi>978-0-87220-508-6</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Li-Hsiang, Lisa Rosenlee (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=yTvLQbaH81wC"><i>Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation</i></a>. SUNY Press. pp. 164–. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7914-8179-0"><bdi>978-0-7914-8179-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Ulrich_Libbrecht">Libbrecht, Ulrich</a> (2007). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=rmT3ZHGxJPgC"><i>Within the Four Seas...: Introduction to Comparative Philosophy</i></a>. Peeters Publishers. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-429-1812-2"><bdi>978-90-429-1812-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Littlejohn, Ronnie (2010), <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=_RZe8Hr57NEC"><i>Confucianism: An Introduction</i></a>, I.B. Tauris, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-84885-174-0"><bdi>978-1-84885-174-0</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Nivison, David S. (1996). <i>The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy</i>. Chicago: Open Court Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8126-9340-9"><bdi>978-0-8126-9340-9</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Payette, Alex (2014), "Shenzhen's Kongshengtang: Religious Confucianism and Local Moral Governance", <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20171023011728/http://paperroom.ipsa.org/papers/paper_30036.pdf"><i>Panel RC43: Role of Religion in Political Life</i></a> (PDF), 23rd World Congress of Political Science, 19–24 July, archived from <a href="http://paperroom.ipsa.org/papers/paper_30036.pdf">the original</a> (PDF) on 23 October 2017, retrieved 9 May 2015</cite><code>{{<a href="/wiki/Template:Citation">citation</a>}}</code>: CS1 maint: location (<a href="/wiki/Category:CS1_maint:_location">link</a>).</li>
<li><cite>Pankenier, David W. (2013). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=wUuyAAAAQBAJ"><i>Astrology and Cosmology in Early China</i></a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-107-00672-0"><bdi>978-1-107-00672-0</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Shen, Qingsong; Shun, Kwong-loi (2007), <i>Confucian Ethics in Retrospect and Prospect</i>, Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-56518-245-5"><bdi>978-1-56518-245-5</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Sinaiko, Herman L. (1998), <a href="https://archive.org/details/reclaimingcanone00sina"><i>Reclaiming the Canon: Essays on Philosophy, Poetry, and History</i></a>, Yale University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-300-06529-9"><bdi>978-0-300-06529-9</bdi></a></cite>.</li>
<li><cite>Tay, Wei Leong (2010). <a href="http://utcp.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp/publications/pdf/UTCPBooklet17_08_Tay.pdf">"Kang Youwei: The Martin Luther of Confucianism and His Vision of Confucian Modernity and Nation"</a> (PDF). <i>Secularization, Religion and the State</i>. <a href="https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221010/http://utcp.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp/publications/pdf/UTCPBooklet17_08_Tay.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/C._K._Yang_(sociologist)">Yang, C.K.</a> (1961). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=N2d09EhGBgkC"><i>Religion in Chinese Society; a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors</i></a>. Berkeley: University of California Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-01371-1"><bdi>978-0-520-01371-1</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Xinzhong_Yao">Yao, Xinzhong</a> (2000). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=tAE2OJ9bPG0C"><i>An Introduction to Confucianism</i></a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-64312-2"><bdi>978-0-521-64312-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Zhou_Youguang">Zhou, Youguang</a> (2012). <a href="http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp226_zhou_youguang_modern_confucianism.pdf">"To Inherit the Ancient Teachings of Confucius and Mencius and Establish Modern Confucianism"</a> (PDF). <i><a href="/wiki/Sino-Platonic_Papers">Sino-Platonic Papers</a></i> (226). <a href="https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221010/http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp226_zhou_youguang_modern_confucianism.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.</cite></li></ul>
<dl><dt>Articles</dt></dl>
<ul><li><cite>Hsu, Promise (16 November 2014). <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20191224202106/https://voegelinview.com/civil-theology-confucius-tian-symbol/">"The Civil Theology of Confucius' "Tian" Symbol"</a>. <i>Voegelin View</i>. Archived from <a href="https://voegelinview.com/civil-theology-confucius-tian-symbol/">the original</a> on 24 December 2019. Retrieved 25 February 2018.</cite></li></ul>
</div>
<h2>Translations of texts attributed to Confucius</h2>
<h3>Analects (<i>Lun Yu</i>)</h3>
<ul><li><a href="http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/conf1.htm">Confucian Analects</a> (1893) Translated by James Legge.</li>
<li><i>The Analects of Confucius</i> (1915; rpr. NY: Paragon, 1968). Translated by <a href="/wiki/William_Edward_Soothill">William Edward Soothill</a>.</li>
<li><i>The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation</i> (New York: Ballantine, 1998). Translated by Roger T. Ames, Henry Rosemont.</li>
<li><i>Confucius: The Analects (Lun yü)</i> (London: Penguin, 1979; rpr. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992). Translated by <a href="/wiki/D.C._Lau">D.C. Lau</a>.</li>
<li><i>The Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu)</i> (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Translated by Chichung Huang.</li>
<li><i>The Analects of Confucius</i> (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Translated by Simon Leys.</li>
<li><i>Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries</i> (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003). Translated by Edward Slingerland.</li></ul>
<h2>External links</h2>
<ul><li><cite><a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/confuciu">"Confucius"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="http://www.iep.utm.edu/neo-conf">"Neo-Confucian Philosophy"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Internet_Encyclopedia_of_Philosophy">Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</a></i>.</cite></li>
<li><a href="http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/confucius/#ConPol/">Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Entry: Confucius</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150619113741/http://www.interfaith.org/confucianism/">Interfaith Online: Confucianism</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/index.htm">Confucian Documents</a> at the Internet Sacred Texts Archive.</li>
<li><a href="http://philosophy.lander.edu/oriental/confucism.html">Oriental Philosophy, "Topic:Confucianism"</a></li></ul>
<dl><dt>Institutional</dt></dl>
<ul><li><a href="http://www.rujiazg.com/">China Confucian Philosophy</a></li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150814223204/http://www.rjzg.net/">China Confucian Religion</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.chinakongzi.org/">China Kongzi Network</a></li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 Terminology
 + 1.1 Five Classics ( 五經 , Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision
 * 2 Doctrines
 + 2.1 Theory and theology
 o 2.1.1 Tiān and the gods
 + 2.2 Social morality and ethics
 o 2.2.1 Humaneness
 o 2.2.2 Rite and centring
 o 2.2.3 Loyalty
 o 2.2.4 Filial piety
 + 2.3 Relationships
 + 2.4 Junzi
 + 2.5 Rectification of names
 * 3 History
 * 4 Organisation and liturgy
 * 5 Governance
 * 6 Meritocracy
 + 6.1 Institutional design
 + 6.2 Promotion system
 + 6.3 Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy
 * 7 Influence
 + 7.1 In 17th-century Europe
 + 7.2 On Islamic thought
 + 7.3 In modern times
 + 7.4 On Chinese martial arts
 * 8 Criticism
 + 8.1 Contradiction with modernist values
 + 8.2 Women in Confucian thought
 * 9 Catholic controversy over Chinese rites
 * 10 See also
 * 11 Notes
 * 12 Citations
 * 13 Bibliography
 * 14 Translations of texts attributed to Confucius
 + 14.1 Analects (Lun Yu)
 * 15 External links
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 Confucianism

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 Part of a series on 
 Confucianism 
 
 Early history 
 Spring and Autumn period 
 * Confucius 
 Warring States period 
 * Mencius 
 * Xunzi 
 Western Han 
 * Dong Zhongshu 
 * Gongsun Hong 
 Fundamental concepts 
 * Tian 
 * Ganying 
 * Zhengming 
 * Xiao 
 Sangang Wuchang 
 * Li 
 * Ren 
 * Xin 
 * Yi 
 * Zhi 
 Schools 
 * Neo-Confucianism 
 * Han Learning 
 * Taigu school 
 * Lingnan Confucianism 
 * New Confucianism 
 * Progressive Confucianism 
 Hermeneutic schools 
 * Old Text 
 * New Text 
 Confucianism by country 
 * Korea 
 * Japan 
 * Indonesia 
 * United States 
 Confucian texts 
 * Ruzang 
 Five Classics 
 * Classic of Poetry 
 * Book of Documents 
 * Book of Rites 
 * Book of Changes 
 * Spring and Autumn Annals 
 Four Books 
 * Analects 
 * Mencius 
 * Doctrine of the Mean 
 * Great Learning 
 Other texts 
 * Three Commentaries 
 * Rites of Zhou 
 * Ceremonial Rites 
 * Classic of Filial Piety 
 * Erya 
 Organization 
 * Confucian ritual religion 
 * Temple of Confucius 
 Confucian churches and sects 
 * Holy Confucian Church 
 * Indonesian Confucian Church 
 * Universal Church of the Way and its Virtue
 * Phoenix churches 
 * Xuanyuanism 
 * Shengdao 
 * v 
 * t 
 * e 
 
 Confucianism 
 
 Chinese name 
 儒家 
 Chinese 儒 
 儒教 
 Literal meaning "ru school of thought"
 Transcriptions 
 Standard Mandarin 
 Hanyu Pinyin Rújiā 
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Rujia 
 Wade–Giles Ju 2 -chia 1
 IPA [ɻǔ.tɕjá] 
 Wu 
 Suzhounese Zyú-ka 
 Yue: Cantonese 
 Yale Romanization Yùh-gāa 
 Jyutping Jyu 4 -gaa 1
 IPA [jy̏ː káː] 
 Southern Min 
 Tâi-lô Jû-ka, Lû-ka
 Middle Chinese 
 Middle Chinese Nyu-kæ 
 Old Chinese 
 Baxter–Sagart (2014) * no kˤra 
 
 Korean name 
 Hangul 유교 
 Hanja 儒敎 
 Transcriptions 
 Revised Romanization Yugyo 
 
 Japanese name 
 Kanji 儒教 
 Kana じゅきょう 
 Transcriptions 
 Romanization Jukyō 
 
 
 
 Temple of Confucius of Jiangyin, Wuxi, Jiangsu. This is a wénmiào ( 文庙 ), that is to say a temple where Confucius is worshipped as Wéndì, "God of Culture" ( 文帝 ).
 Gates of the wénmiào of Datong, Shanxi

 Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism,[1] is a system of thought and behavior originating in ancient China. Variously described as tradition, a philosophy, a religion, a humanistic or rationalistic religion, a way of governing, or a way of life,[2] Confucianism developed from what was later called the Hundred Schools of Thought from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE).

 Confucius considered himself a transmitter of cultural values inherited from the Xia (c. 2070–1600 BCE), Shang (c. 1600–1046 BCE) and Western Zhou dynasties (c. 1046–771 BCE).[3] Confucianism was suppressed during the Legalist and autocratic Qin dynasty (221–206 BCE), but survived. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), Confucian approaches edged out the "proto-Taoist" Huang–Lao as the official ideology, while the emperors mixed both with the realist techniques of Legalism.[4]

 A Confucian revival began during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE). In the late Tang, Confucianism developed in response to Buddhism and Taoism and was reformulated as Neo-Confucianism. This reinvigorated form was adopted as the basis of the imperial exams and the core philosophy of the scholar official class in the Song dynasty (960–1297). The abolition of the examination system in 1905 marked the end of official Confucianism. The intellectuals of the New Culture Movement of the early twentieth century blamed Confucianism for China's weaknesses. They searched for new doctrines to replace Confucian teachings; some of these new ideologies include the "Three Principles of the People" with the establishment of the Republic of China, and then Maoism under the People's Republic of China. In the late twentieth century, the Confucian work ethic has been credited with the rise of the East Asian economy.[4]

 With particular emphasis on the importance of the family and social harmony, rather than on an otherworldly source of spiritual values,[5] the core of Confucianism is humanistic.[6] According to American philosopher Herbert Fingarette's conceptualisation of Confucianism as a philosophical system which regards "the secular as sacred",[7] Confucianism transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism, considering the ordinary activities of human life—and especially human relationships—as a manifestation of the sacred,[8] because they are the expression of humanity's moral nature (xìng 性 ), which has a transcendent anchorage in Heaven (Tiān 天 ).[9] While Tiān has some characteristics that overlap the category of godhead, it is primarily an impersonal absolute principle, like the Dào ( 道 ) or the Brahman. Confucianism focuses on the practical order that is given by a this-worldly awareness of the Tiān.[10] Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú, or sometimes simplified Chinese: 正统 ; traditional Chinese: 正統 ; pinyin: zhèngtǒng , meaning 'orthopraxy') led by Confucian priests or "sages of rites" ( 礼生 ; 禮生 ; lǐshēng ) to worship the gods in public and ancestral Chinese temples is preferred on certain occasions, by Confucian religious groups and for civil religious rites, over Taoist or popular ritual.[11]

 The worldly concern of Confucianism rests upon the belief that human beings are fundamentally good, and teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal and communal endeavor, especially self-cultivation and self-creation. Confucian thought focuses on the cultivation of virtue in a morally organised world. Some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices include rén, yì, and lǐ, and zhì. Rén ( 仁 , 'benevolence' or 'humaneness') is the essence of the human being which manifests as compassion. It is the virtue-form of Heaven.[12] Yì ( 义 ; 義 ) is the upholding of righteousness and the moral disposition to do good. Lǐ ( 礼 ; 禮 ) is a system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how a person should properly act in everyday life in harmony with the law of Heaven. Zhì ( 智 ) is the ability to see what is right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in contempt, either passively or actively, for failure to uphold the cardinal moral values of rén and yì.

 Traditionally, cultures and countries in the East Asian cultural sphere are strongly influenced by Confucianism, including China, Taiwan, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, as well as various territories settled predominantly by Han Chinese people, such as Singapore and Myanmar's Kokang. Today, it has been credited for shaping East Asian societies and overseas Chinese communities, and to some extent, other parts of Asia.[13][14] In the last decades there have been talks of a "Confucian Revival" in the academic and the scholarly community,[15][16] and there has been a grassroots proliferation of various types of Confucian churches.[17] In late 2015, many Confucian personalities formally established a national Confucian Church ( 孔圣会 ; 孔聖會 ; Kǒngshènghuì ) in China to unify the many Confucian congregations and civil society organisations.

 Terminology

 Large seal
 Small seal
 Older versions of the grapheme 儒 rú, meaning "scholar", "refined one", "Confucian". It is composed of 人 rén ("person") and 需 xū ("to await"), itself composed of 雨 yǔ ("rain", "instruction") and 而 ér (glossed as "sky"). According to Kang Youwei, Hu Shih, and Yao Xinzhong, they were the official shaman-priests (wu) experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty.[18]

 Strictly speaking, there is no term in Chinese which directly corresponds to "Confucianism". In the Chinese language, the character rú 儒 meaning "scholar" or "learned" or "refined man" is generally used both in the past and the present to refer to things related to Confucianism. The character rú in ancient China had diverse meanings. Some examples include "to tame", "to mould", "to educate", "to refine".[19] : 190–197 Several different terms, some of which with modern origin, are used in different situations to express different facets of Confucianism, including:

 * 儒家; Rújiā – "ru school of thought";
 * 儒教; Rújiào – "ru religion" in the sense of "ru doctrine";
 * 儒学; 儒學; Rúxué – "Ruology" or "ru learning";
 * 孔教; Kǒngjiào – "Confucius's doctrine";
 * 孔家店; Kǒngjiādiàn – "Kong family's business", a pejorative phrase used in the New Culture Movement and the Cultural Revolution.

 Three of them use rú. These names do not use the name "Confucius" at all, but instead focus on the ideal of the Confucian man. The use of the term "Confucianism" has been avoided by some modern scholars, who favor "Ruism" and "Ruists" instead. Robert Eno argues that the term has been "burdened ... with the ambiguities and irrelevant traditional associations". Ruism, as he states, is more faithful to the original Chinese name for the school.[19] : 7

 The term "Traditionalist" has been suggested by David Schaberg to emphasize the connection to the past, its standards, and inherited forms, in which Confucius himself placed so much importance.[20] This translation of the word rú is followed by e.g. Yuri Pines.[21]

 According to Zhou Youguang, 儒 rú originally referred to shamanic methods of holding rites and existed before Confucius's times, but with Confucius it came to mean devotion to propagating such teachings to bring civilisation to the people. Confucianism was initiated by the disciples of Confucius, developed by Mencius (c. 372–289 BCE) and inherited by later generations, undergoing constant transformations and restructuring since its establishment, but preserving the principles of humaneness and righteousness at its core.[22]

 Five Classics ( 五經 , Wǔjīng ) and the Confucian vision

 Confucius in a fresco from a Western Han tomb in Dongping, Shandong

 Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor of the Five Classics which were the basic texts of Confucianism. The scholar Yao Xinzhong allows that there are good reasons to believe that Confucian classics took shape in the hands of Confucius, but that "nothing can be taken for granted in the matter of the early versions of the classics". Professor Yao says that perhaps most scholars today hold the "pragmatic" view that Confucius and his followers, although they did not intend to create a system of classics, "contributed to their formation".[23]

 The scholar Tu Weiming explains these classics as embodying "five visions" which underlie the development of Confucianism:

 * I Ching or Classic of Change or Book of Changes, generally held to be the earliest of the classics, shows a metaphysical vision which combines divinatory art with numerological technique and ethical insight; philosophy of change sees cosmos as interaction between the two energies yin and yang; universe always shows organismic unity and dynamism.
 * Classic of Poetry or Book of Songs is the earliest anthology of Chinese poems and songs. It shows the poetic vision in the belief that poetry and music convey common human feelings and mutual responsiveness.
 * Book of Documents or Book of History Compilation of speeches of major figures and records of events in ancient times embodies the political vision and addresses the kingly way in terms of the ethical foundation for humane government. The documents show the sagacity, filial piety, and work ethic of Yao, Shun, and Yu. They established a political culture which was based on responsibility and trust. Their virtue formed a covenant of social harmony which did not depend on punishment or coercion.
 * Book of Rites describes the social forms, administration, and ceremonial rites of the Zhou Dynasty. This social vision defined society not as an adversarial system based on contractual relations but as a community of trust based on social responsibility. The four functional occupations are cooperative (farmer, scholar, artisan, merchant).
 * Spring and Autumn Annals chronicles the period to which it gives its name, Spring and Autumn period (771–476 BCE), from the perspective of Confucius's home state of Lu. These events emphasise the significance of collective memory for communal self-identification, for reanimating the old is the best way to attain the new.[24]

 Doctrines

 Theory and theology

 Zhou dynasty oracular version of the grapheme for Tiān, representing a man with a head informed by the north celestial pole[25]
 Further information: Religious Confucianism and Confucian theology

 Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and the God of Heaven (Tiān 天 ), or, otherwise said, around the relationship between humanity and Heaven.[26][27] The principle of Heaven (Lǐ 理 or Dào 道 ), is the order of the creation and the source of divine authority, monistic in its structure.[27] Individuals may realise their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation of such order.[27] This transformation of the self may be extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community.[27] Joël Thoraval studied Confucianism as a diffused civil religion in contemporary China, finding that it expresses itself in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth (Di 地 ), the sovereign or the government (jūn 君 ), ancestors (qīn 親 ) and masters (shī 師 ).[28]

 According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, in Chinese cosmology, which is not merely Confucian but shared by all Chinese religions, "the universe creates itself out of a primary chaos of material energy" (hundun 混沌 and qi 氣 ), organising through the polarity of yin and yang which characterises any thing and life. Creation is therefore a continuous ordering; it is not a creation ex nihilo. "Yin and yang are the invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped and the shaped; they characterise the yearly cycle (winter and summer), the landscape (shady and bright), the sexes (female and male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order). Confucianism is concerned with finding "middle ways" between yin and yang at every new configuration of the world."[29]

 Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of spiritual cultivation, that is to say self-cultivation and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without".[27] Rén, translated as "humaneness" or the essence proper of a human being, is the character of compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time the means by which man may achieve oneness with Heaven comprehending his own origin in Heaven and therefore divine essence. In the Dàtóng shū ( 大同书 ; 大同書 ) it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ... compassion is aroused".[12]

 Tiān and the gods

 Like other symbols such as the sauwastika,[30] wàn 卍 ("all things") in Chinese, the Mesopotamian 𒀭 Dingir/An ("Heaven"),[31] and also the Chinese 巫 wū ("shaman"; in Shang script represented by the cross potent ☩),[32] Tiān refers to the northern celestial pole ( 北極 Běijí), the pivot and the vault of the sky with its spinning constellations.[33] Here is an approximate representation of the Tiānmén 天門 ("Gate of Heaven")[34] or Tiānshū 天樞 ("Pivot of Heaven")[35] as the precessional north celestial pole, with α Ursae Minoris as the pole star, with the spinning Chariot constellations in the four phases of time. According to Reza Assasi's theories, the wan may not only be centred in the current precessional pole at α Ursae Minoris, but also very near to the north ecliptic pole if Draco (Tiānlóng 天龙 ) is conceived as one of its two beams.[36][note 1]
 Main article: Tian

 Tiān ( 天 ), a key concept in Chinese thought, refers to the God of Heaven, the northern culmen of the skies and its spinning stars,[33] earthly nature and its laws which come from Heaven, to "Heaven and Earth" (that is, "all things"), and to the awe-inspiring forces beyond human control.[37] There are such a number of uses in Chinese thought that it is not possible to give one translation into English.[38]

 Confucius used the term in a mystical way.[39] He wrote in the Analects (7.23) that Tian gave him life, and that Tian watched and judged (6.28; 9.12). In 9.5 Confucius says that a person may know the movements of the Tian, and this provides with the sense of having a special place in the universe. In 17.19 Confucius says that Tian spoke to him, though not in words. The scholar Ronnie Littlejohn warns that Tian was not to be interpreted as a personal God comparable to that of the Abrahamic faiths, in the sense of an otherworldly or transcendent creator.[40] Rather it is similar to what Taoists meant by Dao: "the way things are" or "the regularities of the world",[37] which Stephan Feuchtwang equates with the ancient Greek concept of physis, "nature" as the generation and regenerations of things and of the moral order.[41] Tian may also be compared to the Brahman of Hindu and Vedic traditions.[26] The scholar Promise Hsu, in the wake of Robert B. Louden, explained 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four seasons going round and there are the hundred things coming into being. What does Tian say?") as implying that even though Tian is not a "speaking person", it constantly "does" through the rhythms of nature, and communicates "how human beings ought to live and act", at least to those who have learnt to carefully listen to it.[39]

 Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tian had set the master on the path to become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23 Confucius says that he has no doubt left that the Tian gave him life, and from it he had developed right virtue ( 德 dé). In 8.19 he says that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tian.[38]

 Regarding personal gods (shén, energies who emanate from and reproduce the Tian) enliving nature, in the Analects Confucius says that it is appropriate ( 义 ; 義 ; yì ) for people to worship ( 敬 jìng) them,[42] though through proper rites ( 礼 ; 禮 ; lǐ ), implying respect of positions and discretion.[42] Confucius himself was a ritual and sacrificial master.[43] Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a popular saying), in 3.13 Confucius says that in order to appropriately pray gods one should first know and respect Heaven. In 3.12 he explains that religious rituals produce meaningful experiences,[44] and one has to offer sacrifices in person, acting in presence, otherwise "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the gods have an ethical importance: they generate good life, because taking part in them leads to the overcoming of the self.[45] Analects 10.11 tells that Confucius always took a small part of his food and placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an offering to his ancestors.[43]

 Other movements, such as Mohism which was later absorbed by Taoism, developed a more theistic idea of Heaven.[46] Feuchtwang explains that the difference between Confucianism and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on the realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society, while the latter on the contemplation of the Dao which spontaneously arises in nature.[41]

 Social morality and ethics

 Further information: Three Fundamental Bonds and Five Constant Virtues
 Worship at the Great Temple of Lord Zhang Hui ( 张挥公大殿 Zhāng Huī gōng dàdiàn), the cathedral ancestral shrine of the Zhang lineage corporation, at their ancestral home in Qinghe, Hebei
 Ancestral temple of the Zeng lineage and Houxian village cultural centre, Cangnan, Zhejiang

 As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from Heaven preserves the world, and has to be followed by humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and yang forces in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or morality is identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the worship of ancestors and deified progenitors in the male line, at ancestral shrines.[41]

 Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.[6] They may be practiced by all the members of a society. Confucian ethics is characterised by the promotion of virtues, encompassed by the Five Constants, Wǔcháng ( 五常 ) in Chinese, elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited tradition during the Han dynasty.[47] The Five Constants are:[47]

 * Rén ( 仁 , benevolence, humaneness);
 * Yì ( 义 ; 義 , righteousness, justice);
 * Lǐ ( 礼 ; 禮 , propriety, rites);
 * Zhì ( 智 , wisdom, knowledge);
 * Xìn ( 信 , sincerity, faithfulness).

 These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì ( 四字 ), that singles out four virtues, one of which (Yì) is included among the Five Constants:

 * Zhōng ( 忠 , loyalty);
 * Xiào ( 孝 , filial piety);
 * Jié ( 节 ; 節 , continence);
 * Yì ( 义 ; 義 , righteousness).

 There are still many other elements, such as chéng ( 诚 ; 誠 , honesty), shù ( 恕 , kindness and forgiveness), lián ( 廉 , honesty and cleanness), chǐ ( 耻 ; 恥 , shame, judge and sense of right and wrong), yǒng ( 勇 , bravery), wēn ( 温 ; 溫 , kind and gentle), liáng ( 良 , good, kindhearted), gōng ( 恭 , respectful, reverent), jiǎn ( 俭 ; 儉 , frugal), ràng ( 让 ; 讓 , modestly, self-effacing).

 Humaneness

 Main article: Ren (Confucianism)

 Rén (Chinese: 仁 ) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous human experiences when being altruistic. It is exemplified by a normal adult's protective feelings for children. It is considered the essence of the human being, endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means by which man may act according to the principle of Heaven ( 天理 , Tiān lǐ) and become one with it.[12]

 Yán Huí, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe the rules of rén and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear nothing improper, say nothing improper, do nothing improper."[48] Confucius also defined rén in the following way: "wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others."[49]

 Another meaning of rén is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself."[50] Confucius also said, "rén is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it." Rén is close to man and never leaves him.

 Rite and centring

 Temple of Confucius in Dujiangyan, Chengdu, Sichuan
 Korean Confucian rite in Jeju
 Main article: Li (Confucianism)

 Li ( 礼 ; 禮 ) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most extensive use in Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese philosophy. Li is variously translated as "rite" or "reason," "ratio" in the pure sense of Vedic ṛta ("right," "order") when referring to the cosmic law, but when referring to its realisation in the context of human social behaviour it has also been translated as "customs", "measures" and "rules", among other terms. Li also means religious rites which establish relations between humanity and the gods.

 According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what makes the invisible visible", making possible for humans to cultivate the underlying order of nature. Correctly performed rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly (astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—Heaven, Earth and humanity. This practice is defined as "centring" ( 央 yāng or 中 zhōng). Among all things of creation, humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability to cultivate and centre natural forces.[51]

 Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity, human objects, and nature. Confucius includes in his discussions of li such diverse topics as learning, tea drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi cites "songs and laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes... spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts of the fabric of li.

 Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of li. Some Confucians proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and practising li. Overall, Confucians believe that governments should place more emphasis on li and rely much less on penal punishment when they govern.

 Loyalty

 Loyalty ( 忠 , zhōng) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of Confucius's students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious young scholar to become a prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.

 Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right," but rather that a superior should be obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean subservience to authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior as well. As Confucius stated "a prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)."[52]

 Similarly, Mencius also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an enemy."[53] Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is incompetent, he should be replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow him.[54] A good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when necessary.[55] At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his ministers' advice, as this will help him govern the realm better.

 In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the ruled to the ruler, and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety, loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless, throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to fight against unrighteous superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes died because of their conviction and action.[56] During the Ming-Qing era, prominent Confucians such as Wang Yangming promoted individuality and independent thinking as a counterweight to subservience to authority.[57] The famous thinker Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the autocratic nature of the imperial system and wanted to keep imperial power in check.[58]

 Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of coming into conflict with one another. This may be true especially in times of social chaos, such as during the period of the Ming-Qing transition.[59]

 Filial piety

 Fourteenth of The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars
 Main article: Filial piety

 In Confucian philosophy, filial piety ( 孝 , xiào) is a virtue of respect for one's parents and ancestors, and of the hierarchies within society: father–son, elder–junior and male–female.[41] The Confucian classic Xiaojing ("Book of Piety"), thought to be written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the authoritative source on the Confucian tenet of xiào. The book, a conversation between Confucius and his disciple Zeng Shen, is about how to set up a good society using the principle of xiào.[60]

 In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's parents; to take care of one's parents; to engage in good conduct not just towards parents but also outside the home so as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to perform the duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material means to support parents as well as carry out sacrifices to the ancestors; not be rebellious; show love, respect and support; the wife in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and take care of the whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy; ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including dissuading them from moral unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not considered to be xiao; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out sacrifices after their death.

 Filial piety is considered a key virtue in Chinese culture, and it is the main concern of a large number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars". These stories depict how children exercised their filial piety in the past. While China has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial piety has been common to almost all of them; historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls respect for the family the only element common to almost all Chinese believers.[61]

 Relationships

 Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the natural order, and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (renqing) extends beyond filial piety and involves the entire network of social relations, even the respect for rulers.[41] This is shown in the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about government, by which he meant proper administration so as to bring social harmony.

 齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰：君君，臣臣，父父，子子。
 The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son."

 — Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).

 Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.

 The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the participants in these sets of relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead, where the living stand as sons to their deceased family. The only relationship where respect for elders isn't stressed was the friend to friend relationship, where mutual equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the practical form of prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals.[41]

 Junzi

 Main article: Junzi

 The junzi ( 君子 , jūnzǐ, "lord's son") is a Chinese philosophical term often translated as "gentleman" or "superior person"[62] and employed by Confucius in the Analects to describe the ideal man.

 In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to become one of them. Confucius created the model of junzi, gentleman, which may be achieved by any individual. Later, Zhu Xi defined junzi as second only to the sage. There are many characteristics of the junzi: he may live in poverty, he does more and speaks less, he is loyal, obedient and knowledgeable. The junzi disciplines himself. Ren is fundamental to become a junzi.[63]

 As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior ethical and moral position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius, the junzi sustained the functions of government and social stratification through his ethical values. Despite its literal meaning, any righteous man willing to improve himself may become a junzi.

 On the contrary, the xiaoren ( 小人 , xiăorén, "small or petty person") does not grasp the value of virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person is egotistic and does not consider the consequences of his action in the overall scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by xiaoren as opposed to junzi, his governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness. Examples of such xiaoren individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual and emotional pleasures all day to the politician who is interested merely in power and fame; neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.

 The junzi enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought that his pure virtue would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that the government behaves much like a family, the junzi being a beacon of filial piety.

 Rectification of names

 Priest paying homage to Confucius's tablet, c. 1900
 Main article: Rectification of names

 Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from failure to perceive, understand, and deal with reality. Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem from the failure to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this was zhèngmíng ( 正名 ; zhèngmíng ; 'rectification of terms'). He gave an explanation of zhengming to one of his disciples.

 Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"
 The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."
 "So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"
 The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
 If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.
 If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
 When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish.
 When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded.
 When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
 Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."
 (Analects XIII, 3, tr. Legge)

 Xun Zi chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings chose names ( 名 ; míng ) that directly corresponded with actualities ( 實 ; shí ), but later generations confused terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no longer distinguish right from wrong. Since social harmony is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed."[64]

 History

 The dragon is one of the oldest symbols of Chinese religious culture. It symbolises the supreme godhead, Di or Tian, at the north ecliptic pole, around which it coils itself as the homonymous constellation. It is a symbol of the "protean" supreme power which has in itself both yin and yang.[65]
 Birthplaces of notable Chinese philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought in Zhou dynasty. Confucians are marked by triangles in dark red.
 See also: History of religion in China

 According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of the Shang-Zhou (~1600–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years.[66] Both the dynasties worshipped the supreme godhead, called Shangdi ( 上帝 "Highest Deity") or Dì ( 帝 ) by the Shang and Tian ( 天 "Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceived as the first ancestor of the Shang royal house,[67] an alternate name for him being the "Supreme Progenitor" ( 上甲 Shàngjiǎ).[68] In Shang theology, the multiplicity of gods of nature and ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the four 方 fāng ("directions" or "sides") and their 風 fēng ("winds") as his cosmic will.[69] With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the Shang, the name for the supreme godhead became Tian ( 天 "Heaven").[67] While the Shang identified Shangdi as their ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the Zhou transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral power, the Mandate of Heaven. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian.[3]

 John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole as a square,[70] or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little Dipper).[71] Cultures in other parts of the world have also conceived these stars or constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead, divinity and royal power.[72] The supreme godhead was also identified with the dragon, symbol of unlimited power (qi),[67] of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both yin and yang in unity, associated to the constellation Draco which winds around the north ecliptic pole,[65] and slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.

 By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth (architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system) became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the authority of Tian.[73]

 Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" ( 野 yě) traditions, or traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to access the will of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. The traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the Yijing flourished.[74] Chinese thinkers, faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "Hundred Schools of Thought", each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral order.

 Confucius (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning. He was educated in Shang-Zhou theology, which he contributed to transmit and reformulate giving centrality to self-cultivation and agency of humans,[3] and the educational power of the self-established individual in assisting others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 àirén, "loving others").[75] As the Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a period of perceived moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the culture, opposing scholars, and religious authorities of the time, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion.[76] In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.[77] Confucius amended and recodified the classical books inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.[22]

 Philosophers in the Warring States period, both "inside the square" (focused on state-endorsed ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon Confucius's legacy, compiled in the Analects, and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. In accordance with the Master, they identified mental tranquility as the state of Tian, or the One (一 Yī), which in each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule one's own life and the world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.[78]

 Organisation and liturgy

 Main article: Religious Confucianism
 Further information: Confucian churches, Lineage churches, and Temple of Confucius
 See also: Confucian ritual religion and Kongshenghui
 A Temple of the God of Culture ( 文庙 wénmiào) in Liuzhou, Guangxi, where Confucius is worshiped as Wéndì ( 文帝 ), "God of Culture"
 Temple of the Filial Blessing ( 孝佑宫 Xiàoyòugōng), an ancestral temple of a lineage church, in Wenzhou, Zhejiang

 Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism.[79] In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardisation and development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organisations.[79] Another modern proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang Qing.[80]

 In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established,[79] and guoxue started to be implemented in public schools on all levels. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on television since 2006.[79] The most enthusiastic New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.[79]

 The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire.[81] Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the teachings of Confucius.[81]

 In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院 ),[80] the resurgence of Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪 ),[80] and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shèqū rúxué 社区儒学 ). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism.[82]

 Other forms of revival are salvationist folk religious movements[83] groups with a specifically Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang ( 一耽学堂 ) of Beijing,[84] the Mengmutang ( 孟母堂 ) of Shanghai,[85] Confucian Shenism ( 儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the phoenix churches,[86] the Confucian Fellowship ( 儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation,[86] and ancestral temples of the Kong kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching churches.[85]

 Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities.[87] In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius ( 孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City.[88][89] It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Church of Confucius ( 孔圣会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode ( 阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.

 Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthopraxy") led by Confucian ritual masters ( 礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual.[11] "Confucian businessmen" ( 儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.[90]

 Governance

 Yushima Seidō in Bunkyō, Tokyo, Japan

 子曰：為政以德，譬如北辰，居其所而眾星共之。
 The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it."

 — Analects 2.1 (Legge translation).

 A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue (de) spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. This idea is developed further in the Great Learning, and is tightly linked with the Taoist concept of wu wei ( 无为 ; 無為 ; wú wéi ): the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center" around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole.

 This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being the axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth. The emperors of China were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the Mandate of Heaven. They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore establishing their cults.[91]

 Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than being unconditional. Submission to authority (tsun wang) was only taken within the context of the moral obligations that rulers had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence (jen). Confucianism — including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi — has always recognised the Right of revolution against tyranny.[92]

 Meritocracy

 子曰：有教無類。
 The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."

 — Analects 15.39 (Legge translation).

 Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue.[93] Jūnzǐ (君子, lit. "lord's son"), which originally signified the younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman."

 A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of the king is only a "petty person". That Confucius admitted students of different classes as disciples is a clear demonstration that he fought against the feudal structures that defined pre-imperial Chinese society.[94]

 Another new idea, that of meritocracy, led to the introduction of the imperial examination system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial examination system started in the Sui dynasty. Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of written government examinations.[95]

 Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice of meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today, and a wide range of contemporary intellectuals — from Daniel Bell to Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan, and Jiang Qing — defend political meritocracy as a viable alternative to liberal democracy.[96]

 In Just Hierarchy, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei argue that hierarchies are inevitable.[97] Faced with ever-increasing complexity at scale, modern societies must build hierarchies to coordinate collective action and tackle long-term problems such as climate change. In this context, people need not — and should not — want to flatten hierarchies as much as possible. They ought to ask what makes political hierarchies just and use these criteria to decide the institutions that deserve preservation, those that require reform, and those that need radical transformation. They call this approach "progressive conservatism", a term that reflects the ambiguous place of the Confucian tradition within the Left-Right dichotomy.[98]

 Bell and Wang propose two justifications for political hierarchies that do not depend on a "one person, one vote" system. First is raw efficiency, which may require centralized rule in the hands of the competent few. Second, and most important, is serving the interests of the people (and the common good more broadly).[99] In Against Political Equality, Tongdong Bai complements this account by using a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle". Just as Rawls claims that economic inequality is justified so long as it benefits those at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, so Bai argues that political inequality is justified so long as it benefits those materially worse off.[100]

 Bell, Wang, and Bai all criticize liberal democracy to argue that government by the people may not be government for the people in any meaningful sense of the term. They argue that voters tend to act in irrational, tribal, short-termist ways; they are vulnerable to populism and struggle to account for the interests of future generations. In other words, at a minimum, democracy needs Confucian meritocratic checks.[101]

 In The China Model, Bell argues that Confucian political meritocracy provides—and has provided—a blueprint for China's development.[102] For Bell, the ideal according to which China should reform itself (and has reformed itself) follows a simple structure: Aspiring rulers first pass hyper-selective examinations, then have to rule well at the local level to be promoted to positions as the provincial level, then have to excel at the provincial level to access positions at the national level, and so on.[103] This system aligns with what Harvard historian James Hankins calls "virtue politics", or the idea that institutions should be built to select the most competent and virtuous rulers — as opposed to institutions concerned first and foremost with limiting the power of rulers.[104]

 While contemporary defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all accept this broad frame, they disagree with each other on three main questions: institutional design, the means by which meritocrats are promoted, and the compatibility of Confucian political meritocracy with liberalism.

 Institutional design

 Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.[99] As Bell puts it, he defends "democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top."[103] Bell and Wang argue that this combination conserves the main advantages of democracy — involving the people in public affairs at the local level, strengthening the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of direct accountability, etc. — while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime.

 Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber selected by the people (the House of the Commoners 庶民院), one chamber composed of Confucian meritocrats selected via examination and gradual promotion (the House of Confucian Tradition 通儒院), and one body made up of descendants of Confucius himself (The House of National Essence 国体院).[105] Jiang's aim is to construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic, individualist, and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's proposals, it represents a more traditionalist alternative.

 Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral system.[106] At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory democracy. At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats (selected by examination, by examination and promotion, from leaders in certain professional fields, etc.), and one of representatives elected by the people. While the lower house does not have any legislative power per se, it acts as a popular accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting pressure on the upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of life, he points to the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have a democratic lifestyle, participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic men". Similarly, the lower house allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure accountability. Meanwhile, the meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.

 Promotion system

 Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all champion a system in which rulers are selected on the basis of intellect, social skills, and virtue. Bell proposes a model wherein aspiring meritocrats take hyper-selective exams and prove themselves at the local levels of government before reaching the higher levels of government, where they hold more centralized power.[103] In his account, the exams select for intellect and other virtues — for instance, the ability to argue three different viewpoints on a contentious issue may indicate a certain degree of openness.[107] Tongdong Bai's approach incorporates different ways to select members of the meritocratic house, from exams to performance in various fields — business, science, administration, and so on. In every case, Confucian meritocrats draw on China's extensive history of meritocratic administration to outline the pros and cons of competing methods of selection.[108]

 For those who, like Bell, defend a model in which performance at the local levels of government determines future promotion, an important question is how the system judges who "performs best". In other words, while examinations may ensure that early-career officials are competent and educated, how is it thereafter ensured that only those who rule well get promoted? The literature opposes those who prefer evaluation by peers to evaluation by superiors, with some thinkers including quasi-democratic selection mechanisms along the way. Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.[109] Because they believe that promotion should depend upon peer evaluations only, Bell and Wang argue against transparency — i.e. the public should not know how officials are selected, since ordinary people are in no position to judge officials beyond the local level.[110] Others, like Jiang Qing, defend a model in which superiors decide who gets promoted; this method is in line with more traditionalist strands of Confucian political thought, which place a greater emphasis on strict hierarchies and epistemic paternalism — that is, the idea that older and more experienced people know more.[111]

 Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy

 Another key question is whether Confucian political thought is compatible with liberalism. Tongdong Bai, for instance, argues that while Confucian political thought departs from the "one person, one vote" model, it can conserve many of the essential characteristics of liberalism, such as freedom of speech and individual rights.[112] In fact, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai hold that Confucian political meritocracy can tackle challenges that liberalism wants to tackle, but cannot by itself. At the cultural level, for instance, Confucianism, its institutions, and its rituals offer bulwarks against atomization and individualism. At the political level, the non-democratic side of political meritocracy is — for Bell and Bai — more efficient at addressing long-term questions such as climate change, in part because the meritocrats do not have to worry about the whims of public opinion.[113]

 Joseph Chan defends the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberalism and democracy. In his book Confucian Perfectionism, he argues that Confucians can embrace both democracy and liberalism on instrumental grounds; that is, while liberal democracy may not be valuable for its own sake, its institutions remains valuable — particularly when combined with a broadly Confucian culture — to serve Confucian ends and inculcate Confucian virtues.[114]

 Other Confucians have criticized Confucian meritocrats like Bell for their rejection of democracy. For them, Confucianism does not have to be premised on the assumption that meritorious, virtuous political leadership is inherently incompatible with popular sovereignty, political equality and the right to political participation.[115] These thinkers accuse the meritocrats of overestimating the flaws of democracy, mistaking temporary flaws for permanent and inherent features, and underestimating the challenges that the construction of a true political meritocracy poses in practice — including those faced by contemporary China and Singapore.[116] Franz Mang claims that, when decoupled from democracy, meritocracy tends to deteriorate into an oppressive regime under putatively "meritorious" but actually "authoritarian" rulers; Mang accuses Bell's China model of being self-defeating, as — Mang claims — the CCP's authoritarian modes of engagement with the dissenting voices illustrate.[117] Baogang He and Mark Warren add that "meritocracy" should be understood as a concept describing a regime's character rather than its type, which is determined by distribution of political power — on their view, democratic institutions can be built which are meritocratic insofar as they favour competence.[118]

 Roy Tseng, drawing on the New Confucians of the twentieth century, argues that Confucianism and liberal democracy can enter into a dialectical process, in which liberal rights and voting rights are rethought into resolutely modern, but nonetheless Confucian ways of life.[119] This synthesis, blending Confucians rituals and institutions with a broader liberal democratic frame, is distinct from both Western-style liberalism — which, for Tseng, suffers from excessive individualism and a lack of moral vision — and from traditional Confucianism — which, for Tseng, has historically suffered from rigid hierarchies and sclerotic elites. Against defenders of political meritocracy, Tseng claims that the fusion of Confucian and democratic institutions can conserve the best of both worlds, producing a more communal democracy which draws on a rich ethical tradition, addresses abuses of power, and combines popular accountability with a clear attention to the cultivation of virtue in elites.

 Influence

 In 17th-century Europe

 Life and Works of Confucius, by Prospero Intorcetta, 1687

 The works of Confucius were translated into European languages through the agency of Jesuit missionaries stationed in China.[note 2] Matteo Ricci was among the very earliest to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and father Prospero Intorcetta wrote about the life and works of Confucius in Latin in 1687.[120]

 Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers of the period,[121] particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilization.[120][122]

 Confucianism influenced the German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who was attracted to the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "Pre-established harmony," were borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism.[121]

 See also: Monadology and Monad (philosophy)

 The French philosopher Voltaire, Leibniz's intellectual rival, was also influenced by Confucius, seeing the concept of Confucian rationalism as an alternative to Christian dogma.[123] He praised Confucian ethics and politics, portraying the sociopolitical hierarchy of China as a model for Europe.[123]

 Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived...

 — Voltaire[123]

 On Islamic thought

 From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the Han Kitab developed amongst the Hui Muslims of China who infused Islamic thought with Confucianism. Especially the works of Liu Zhi such as Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ ( 天方典禮 ) sought to harmonise Islam with not only Confucianism but also with Taoism and is considered to be one of the crowning achievements of the Chinese Islamic culture.[124]

 In modern times

 Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang.[125] The New Life Movement in the early 20th century was also influenced by Confucianism.

 Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with. These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly as Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea and even China have done.

 For example, the impact of the Vietnam War on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of this idea to futurologist Herman Kahn's World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond.[126][127]

 Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development, have attributed the Asian growth to other factors, for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" (state capacity), and interaction between agriculture and industry.[128]

 On Chinese martial arts

 After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial Arts (with the exception of Archery), he did serve under rulers who used military power extensively to achieve their goals. In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many educated martial artists of great influence, such as Sun Lutang,[ citation needed ] especially from the 19th century onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Some argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of much relevance to it.[ according to whom? ]

 Criticism

 New Culture Movement 
  
 Background 
 Political turmoil after 1911 Revolution 
 * Second Revolution 
 * Coronation of Yuan Shikai 
 * National Protection War 
 * Manchu Restoration 
 * Constitutional Protection Movement 
 * Warlord Era 
 Spread of Western ideologies in China 
 * Scientific revolution 
 * Boxer Indemnity Scholarship 
 * French Revolution 
 * Russian Revolution (October Revolution)
 * May Fourth Movement 
 Ideologies 
 * Democracy 
 * Science (Scientism) 
 * Anti-Confucianism 
 * Social Darwinism 
 * Anarchism 
 * Modernism 
 * Liberalism 
 * Socialism 
 * Communism (Marxism) 
 * New humanism 
 Practice 
 * Westernization 
 * Democratization 
 * Simplification of Chinese characters 
 * Romanization of Chinese languages 
 * Writing with vernacular Chinese 
 * National Language Movement 
 * Translation of foreign literature 
 * Sorting out national heritages 
 * Feminist movement 
 * Education reforms 
 Schools of thought 
 * Doubting Antiquity School 
 * Xueheng School 
 * Communists 
 * Creation Society 
 * New Confucianism 
 * Research Clique 
 * Crescent Moon Society 
 * League of Left-Wing Writers 
 Major publications 
 * La Jeunesse 
 * The Critical Review 
 * A Madman's Diary 
 * The Tiger 
 Notable people 
 * Ba Jin 
 * Chen Duxiu 
 * Guo Moruo 
 * Hu Shih 
 * Lao She 
 * Li Dazhao 
 * Lu Xun 
 * Mao Dun 
 * Qian Xuantong 
 * Shen Congwen 
 * Yu Dafu 
 * Zhu Ziqing 
 * Kang Youwei 
 * Qian Xuantong 
 * v 
 * t 
 * e 
 

 Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including Laozi's philosophy and Mozi's critique, and Legalists such as Han Fei ridiculed the idea that virtue would lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame for its failures. The Taiping Rebellion described Confucianism sages as well as gods in Taoism and Buddhism as devils.

 Contradiction with modernist values

 See also: New Culture Movement

 In the New Culture Movement, Lu Xun criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into the condition they had reached by the late Qing dynasty: his criticisms are expressed metaphorically in the work "Diary of a Madman", in which traditional Chinese Confucian society is portrayed as feudalistic, hypocritical, socially cannibalistic, despotic, fostering a "slave mentality" favouring despotism, lack of critical thinking and blind obedience and worship of authority, fuelling a form of "Confucian authoritarianism" which persists into the present day.[129] Leftists during the Cultural Revolution described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave owners.[ citation needed ]

 In South Korea, there has long been criticism. Some South Koreans believe Confucianism has not contributed to the modernisation of South Korea. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il wrote an essay[ when? ] entitled "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" ( 공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다 , gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda). Kim said that filial piety is one-sided and blind, and if it continues, social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations onto families.[130][131]

 Women in Confucian thought

 See also: Women in ancient and imperial China

 Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty onward."[132] The gender roles prescribed in the Three Obediences and Four Virtues became a cornerstone of the family, and thus, societal stability. The Three Obediences and Four Virtues is one of the moral standards for feudal etiquette to bind women.[133] Starting from the Han period, Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family: the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian Cheng Yi stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter."[134] Chaste widows were revered and memorialised during the Ming and Qing periods. This "cult of chastity" accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a social stigma on remarriage.[132]

 For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that was historically damaging to Chinese women.[135][136] It has also been argued by some Chinese and Western writers that the rise of neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty had led to a decline of status of women.[134] Some critics have also accused the prominent Song neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi for believing in the inferiority of women and that men and women need to be kept strictly separate,[137] while Sima Guang also believed that women should remain indoors and not deal with the matters of men in the outside world.[138][139] Finally, scholars have discussed the attitudes toward women in Confucian texts such as Analects. In a much-discussed passage, women are grouped together with xiaoren ( 小人 , literally "small people", meaning people of low status or low moral) and described as being difficult to cultivate or deal with.[140][141][142] Many traditional commentators and modern scholars have debated over the precise meaning of the passage, and whether Confucius referred to all women or just certain groups of women.[143][144]

 Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more complex.[132] During the Han dynasty period, the influential Confucian text Lessons for Women (Nüjie), was written by Ban Zhao (45–114 CE) to instruct her daughters how to be proper Confucian wives and mothers, that is, to be silent, hard-working, and compliant. She stresses the complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory, but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought.[132]

 Joseph A. Adler points out that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women."[132] Matthew Sommers has also indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to realise the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and began to allow practices such as widow remarrying to stand.[145] Moreover, some Confucian texts like the Chunqiu Fanlu 春秋繁露 have passages that suggest a more equal relationship between a husband and his wife.[146] More recently, some scholars have also begun to discuss the viability of constructing a "Confucian feminism".[147]

 Catholic controversy over Chinese rites

 Main article: Chinese Rites controversy

 Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, the Christian Jesuits, considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity.[148] The Jesuits, including Matteo Ricci, saw Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could co-exist alongside the spiritual rituals of Catholicism.[148]

 By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans, creating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia that was known as the "Rites Controversy."[149] The Dominicans and Franciscans argued that Chinese ancestral worship was a form of idolatry that was contradictory to the tenets of Christianity. This view was reinforced by Pope Benedict XIV, who ordered a ban on Chinese rituals,[149] though this ban was re-assessed and repealed in 1939 by Pope Pius XII, provided that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit of the liturgy.[150]

 Some critics view Confucianism as definitely pantheistic and nontheistic, in that it is not based on the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal plane.[8][151] Confucius views about Tiān 天 and about the divine providence ruling the world, can be found above (in this page) and in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12, for example. On spirituality, Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?"[152] Attributes such as ancestor worship, ritual, and sacrifice were advocated by Confucius as necessary for social harmony; these attributes may be traced to the traditional Chinese folk religion.

 Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or philosophy.[153][154] But using a broader definition, such as Frederick Streng's characterisation of religion as "a means of ultimate transformation,"[155] Confucianism could be described as a "sociopolitical doctrine having religious qualities."[151] With the latter definition, Confucianism is religious, even if non-theistic, in the sense that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social functions of full-fledged religions."[151]

 See also

 * Chinese culture
 * Chinese folk religion
 * Confucian art
 * Confucian church
 * Confucian view of marriage
 * Confucianism in Indonesia
 * Confucianism in the United States
 * Confucius Institute
 * Edo Neo-Confucianism
 * Family as a model for the state
 * Korean Confucianism
 * Korean shamanism
 * Neo-Confucianism
 * Radical orthodoxy
 * Religious humanism
 * Sinology
 * Taoism
 * Temple of Confucius
 * Vietnamese folk religion
 * Vietnamese philosophy
 * List of Confucian states and dynasties

 Notes

 1. ^ Whether centred in the changeful precessional north celestial pole or in the fixed north ecliptic pole , the spinning constellations draw the wàn 卍 symbol around the centre.
 2. ^ The first was Michele Ruggieri who had returned from China to Italy in 1588, and carried on translating in Latin Chinese classics, while residing in Salerno.

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 3. ^ a b c Fung (2008) , p. 163.
 4. ^ a b Lin, Justin Yifu (2012). Demystifying the Chinese Economy. Cambridge University Press. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-521-19180-7.
 5. ^ Fingarette (1972) , pp. 1–2.
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 7. ^ Fingarette (1972) .
 8. ^ a b Adler (2014) , p. 12.
 9. ^ Littlejohn (2010) , pp. 34–36.
 10. ^ Adler (2014) , p. 10: [...] Confucianism is basically non-theistic . While Heaven ( tiān ) has some characteristics that overlap the category of deity, it is primarily an impersonal absolute, like dao and Brahman . "Deity" ( theos , deus ), on the other hand connotes something personal (he or she, not it).
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 57. ^ Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, Wing-tsit Chan tran. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 159.
 58. ^ William Theodore De Bary, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 91–110.
 59. ^ See the discussion in 何冠彪 He Guanbiao, 生與死 : 明季士大夫的抉擇 (Taipei: Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi, 1997).
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 62. ^ Sometimes "exemplary person." Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation . Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to capture both its early political and later moral meaning. Cf. " Confucian Key Terms: Junzi Archived 20 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine ."
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 69. ^ Didier (2009) , pp. 143–144, Vol. II.
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 71. ^ Pankenier (2013) , pp. 138–148, "Chapter 4: Bringing Heaven Down to Earth".
 72. ^ Didier (2009) , passim Vol. I.
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 126. ^ Hicks, George. 1990. "Explaining the Success of the Four Little Dragons: A Survey." In Seiji Naya and Akira Takayama, eds. Economic Development in East and Southeast Asia: Essays in Honor of Professor Shinichi Ichimura. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies: Singapore, and the East-West Center: Honolulu, p. 25., ISBN 978-981-3035-63-8 .
 127. ^ Hofstede, Geert; Harris Bond, Michael (1988). "The Confucius Connection: From Cultural Roots to Economic Growth" (PDF) . Organizational Dynamics. 16 (4): 124–5. doi:10.1016/0090-2616(88)90009-5. PMID 4640478. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 June 2013.
 128. ^ Kay, Cristóbal (2002). "Why East Asia overtook Latin America: Agrarian reform, industrialisation and development" (PDF) . Third World Quarterly. 23 (6): 1073–1102. doi:10.1080/0143659022000036649. S2CID 154253600.
 129. ^ "The True Story of Lu Xun". ChinaFile. 23 November 2017 . Retrieved 26 August 2022 .
 130. ^ 공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다고? – 시사저널. Sisapress.com . Retrieved 10 June 2012 .
 131. ^ 하늘날아 (18 April 2011). 지식이 물 흐르듯이 :: 공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다. Zerocdh.tistory.com. Archived from the original on 15 April 2012 . Retrieved 10 June 2012 .
 132. ^ a b c d e Adler, Joseph A. (Winter 2006). "Daughter/Wife/Mother or Sage/Immortal/Bodhisattva? Women in the Teaching of Chinese Religions". ASIANetwork Exchange, vol. XIV, no. 2 . Retrieved 18 May 2011 .
 133. ^ Gao, Xiongya (2003). "Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in China". Race, Gender & Class. 10 (3): 114–125. ISSN 1082-8354. JSTOR 41675091.
 134. ^ a b Patricia Buckley Ebrey (2002). Women and the Family in Chinese History. Routledge. pp. 10–12. ISBN 978-0-415-28822-4.
 135. ^ Xiongya Gao (2003). "Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in China". Race, Gender & Class. 10 (3, Interdisciplinary Topics in Race, Gender, and Class): 114–125. JSTOR 41675091.
 136. ^ Li-Hsiang Lisa Rosenlee (2007). Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation. State University of New York Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN 978-0-7914-6750-3.{{cite book}} : CS1 maint: uses authors parameter ( link )
 137. ^ Anders Hansson (1996). Chinese Outcasts: Discrimination and Emancipation in Late Imperial China. Brill. p. 46. ISBN 978-90-04-10596-6.
 138. ^ Ebrey, Patricia (2 September 2003). Women and the Family in Chinese History. Routledge. pp. 24–25. ISBN 978-1134442935.
 139. ^ Wang, Robin (2003). "Precepts for Family Life". Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture: Writings from the Pre-Qin Period to the Song Dynasty. Hackett Publishing. ISBN 978-0-87220-651-9.
 140. ^ Lee Dian Rainey (2010). Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials. John Wiley and Sons Ltd. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-4443-2360-3.
 141. ^ 儒家 -> 論語 -> 陽貨 -> 25. ctext.org. Original text: " 唯女子與小人爲難養也，近之則不孫，遠之則怨。 "
 142. ^ Yuan, Lijun (2005). Reconceiving Women's Equality in China: A Critical Examination of Models of Sex Equality. Lexington Books. pp. 5–6. ISBN 978-0-7391-1228-1.
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 144. ^ Liao Mingchun 廖名春,“'唯女子与小人为难养也'疏注及新解" Renwen Zaizhi , vol. 6 (2012). http://www.rujiazg.com/article/id/11256/
 145. ^ Matthew Sommers, Sex, Law and Society in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 319.
 146. ^ 中國哲學書電子化計劃 春秋繁露 : 基義 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃 (in Chinese).
 147. ^ Rosenlee, Li-Hsiang Lisa (2007). Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation. State University of New York Press. pp. 4, 149–160. ISBN 978-0-7914-6750-3.
 148. ^ a b Elman 2005 , p. 112.
 149. ^ a b Gunn 2003 , p. 108.
 150. ^ Sacrosanctum concilium, para. 37. "Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium". Archived from the original on 21 February 2008 . Retrieved 9 February 2008 .
 151. ^ a b c Yang 1961 , p. 26.
 152. ^ Sinaiko 1998 , p. 176.
 153. ^ Centre for Confucian Science (Korea) Archived 16 July 2009 at the Wayback Machine
 154. ^ "Introduction to Confucianism". urantiabook.org.
 155. ^ Streng, Frederick, "Understanding Religious Life," 3rd ed. (1985), p. 2

 Bibliography

 * Adler, Joseph A. (2014), Confucianism as a Religious Tradition: Linguistic and Methodological Problems (PDF) , Gambier, OH: Kenyon College, archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.
 * William Theodore De Bary (1989). Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage. University of California Press. pp. 455–. ISBN 978-0-520-06393-8.
 * Billioud, Sébastien; Thoraval, Joël (2015). The Sage and the People: The Confucian Revival in China. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-025814-6.
 * Billioud, Sébastien (2010). "Carrying the Confucian Torch to the Masses: The Challenge of Structuring the Confucian Revival in the People's Republic of China" (PDF) . OE. 49. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.
 * Clart, Philip (2003). "Confucius and the Mediums: Is There a "Popular Confucianism"?" (PDF) . T'oung Pao. LXXXIX. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.
 * Chan, Joseph (2013). Confucian Perfectionism: A Political Philosophy for Modern Times. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691168166.
 * Chen, Yong (2012). Confucianism as Religion: Controversies and Consequences. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-24373-6.
 * Creel, Herrlee (1949). Confucius and the Chinese Way. New York: Harper Torchbooks.
 * John W. Dardess (1983). Confucianism and Autocracy: Professional Elites in the Founding of the Ming Dynasty. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04733-4.
 * Didier, John C. (2009). "In and Outside the Square: The Sky and the Power of Belief in Ancient China and the World, c. 4500 BC – AD 200". Sino-Platonic Papers (192). Volume I: The Ancient Eurasian World and the Celestial Pivot, Volume II: Representations and Identities of High Powers in Neolithic and Bronze China, Volume III: Terrestrial and Celestial Transformations in Zhou and Early-Imperial China.
 * Elman, Benjamin A. (2005), On Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-01685-9.
 * Fan, Lizhu; Chen, Na (2015). "The Religiousness of "Confucianism" and the Revival of Confucian Religion in China Today". Cultural Diversity in China. 1 (1): 27–43. doi:10.1515/cdc-2015-0005. ISSN 2353-7795.
 * Fan, Lizhu; Chen, Na (2015a), "Revival of Confucianism and Reconstruction of Chinese Identity", The Presence and Future of Humanity in the Cosmos, Tokyo, 18–23 March: ICU{{citation}} : CS1 maint: location ( link ) .
 * Feuchtwang, Stephan (2016), "Chinese religions", in Woodhead, Linda; Kawanami, Hiroko; Partridge, Christopher H. (eds.), Religions in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformations (3nd ed.), London: Routledge, pp. 143–172, ISBN 978-1-317-43960-8.
 * Fingarette, Herbert (1972). Confucius: The Secular as Sacred. New York: Harper. ISBN 978-1-4786-0866-0.
 * Fung, Yiu-ming (2008), "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia", in Richey, Jeffrey (ed.), Teaching Confucianism, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-804256-3.
 * Gunn, Geoffrey C. (2003), First Globalization: The Eurasian Exchange, 1500 to 1800, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-0-7425-2662-4.
 * Haynes, Jeffrey (2008), Routledge Handbook of Religion and Politics, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 978-0-415-41455-5.
 * Ivanhoe, Philip J. (2000). Confucian Moral Self Cultivation (2nd rev. ed.). Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. ISBN 978-0-87220-508-6.
 * Li-Hsiang, Lisa Rosenlee (2012). Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation. SUNY Press. pp. 164–. ISBN 978-0-7914-8179-0.
 * Libbrecht, Ulrich (2007). Within the Four Seas...: Introduction to Comparative Philosophy. Peeters Publishers. ISBN 978-90-429-1812-2.
 * Littlejohn, Ronnie (2010), Confucianism: An Introduction, I.B. Tauris, ISBN 978-1-84885-174-0.
 * Nivison, David S. (1996). The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy. Chicago: Open Court Press. ISBN 978-0-8126-9340-9.
 * Payette, Alex (2014), "Shenzhen's Kongshengtang: Religious Confucianism and Local Moral Governance", Panel RC43: Role of Religion in Political Life (PDF) , 23rd World Congress of Political Science, 19–24 July, archived from the original (PDF) on 23 October 2017 , retrieved 9 May 2015 {{citation}} : CS1 maint: location ( link ) .
 * Pankenier, David W. (2013). Astrology and Cosmology in Early China. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-00672-0.
 * Shen, Qingsong; Shun, Kwong-loi (2007), Confucian Ethics in Retrospect and Prospect, Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, ISBN 978-1-56518-245-5.
 * Sinaiko, Herman L. (1998), Reclaiming the Canon: Essays on Philosophy, Poetry, and History, Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-06529-9.
 * Tay, Wei Leong (2010). "Kang Youwei: The Martin Luther of Confucianism and His Vision of Confucian Modernity and Nation" (PDF) . Secularization, Religion and the State. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.
 * Yang, C.K. (1961). Religion in Chinese Society; a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-01371-1.
 * Yao, Xinzhong (2000). An Introduction to Confucianism. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-64312-2.
 * Zhou, Youguang (2012). "To Inherit the Ancient Teachings of Confucius and Mencius and Establish Modern Confucianism" (PDF) . Sino-Platonic Papers (226). Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2022.
 Articles
 * Hsu, Promise (16 November 2014). "The Civil Theology of Confucius' "Tian" Symbol". Voegelin View. Archived from the original on 24 December 2019 . Retrieved 25 February 2018 .

 Translations of texts attributed to Confucius

 Analects ( Lun Yu )

 * Confucian Analects (1893) Translated by James Legge.
 * The Analects of Confucius (1915; rpr. NY: Paragon, 1968). Translated by William Edward Soothill.
 * The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York: Ballantine, 1998). Translated by Roger T. Ames, Henry Rosemont.
 * Confucius: The Analects (Lun yü) (London: Penguin, 1979; rpr. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992). Translated by D.C. Lau.
 * The Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Translated by Chichung Huang.
 * The Analects of Confucius (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Translated by Simon Leys.
 * Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003). Translated by Edward Slingerland.

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Confucianism   Chinese name    Chinese  儒家儒儒教   Literal meaning "ru school of thought"       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Rújiā    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Rujia    Wade–Giles  Ju2-chia1     IPA   [ɻǔ.tɕjá]     Wu     Suzhounese  Zyú-ka    Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Yùh-gāa    Jyutping  Jyu4-gaa1     IPA   [jy̏ː káː]     Southern Min     Tâi-lô  Jû-ka, Lû-ka    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  Nyu-kæ    Old Chinese     Baxter–Sagart (2014)  *no kˤra       Korean name    Hangul  유교    Hanja  儒敎       Transcriptions    Revised Romanization  Yugyo       Japanese name    Kanji  儒教    Kana  じゅきょう       Transcriptions    Romanization  Jukyō       
     
     
 Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism, [1]  is a system of thought and behavior originating in ancient China. Variously described as tradition, a philosophy, a religion, a humanistic or rationalistic religion, a way of governing, or a way of life, [2]  Confucianism developed from what was later called the Hundred Schools of Thought from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE).
 Confucius considered himself a transmitter of cultural values inherited from the Xia (c. 2070–1600 BCE), Shang (c. 1600–1046 BCE) and Western Zhou dynasties (c. 1046–771 BCE). [3]  Confucianism was suppressed during the Legalist and autocratic Qin dynasty (221–206 BCE), but survived. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), Confucian approaches edged out the "proto-Taoist" Huang–Lao as the official ideology, while the emperors mixed both with the realist techniques of Legalism. [4] 
 A Confucian revival began during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE). In the late Tang, Confucianism developed in response to Buddhism and Taoism and was reformulated as Neo-Confucianism. This reinvigorated form was adopted as the basis of the imperial exams and the core philosophy of the scholar official class in the Song dynasty (960–1297). The abolition of the examination system in 1905 marked the end of official Confucianism. The intellectuals of the New Culture Movement of the early twentieth century blamed Confucianism for China's weaknesses. They searched for new doctrines to replace Confucian teachings; some of these new ideologies include the "Three Principles of the People" with the establishment of the Republic of China, and then Maoism under the People's Republic of China. In the late twentieth century, the Confucian work ethic has been credited with the rise of the East Asian economy. [4] 
 With particular emphasis on the importance of the family and social harmony, rather than on an otherworldly source of spiritual values, [5]  the core of Confucianism is humanistic. [6]  According to American philosopher Herbert Fingarette's conceptualisation of Confucianism as a philosophical system which regards "the secular as sacred", [7]  Confucianism transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism, considering the ordinary activities of human life—and especially human relationships—as a manifestation of the sacred, [8]  because they are the expression of humanity's moral nature (xìng 性), which has a transcendent anchorage in Heaven (Tiān 天). [9]  While Tiān has some characteristics that overlap the category of godhead, it is primarily an impersonal absolute principle, like the  Dào  (道) or the  Brahman . Confucianism focuses on the practical order that is given by a this-worldly awareness of the Tiān. [10]  Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú, or sometimes simplified Chinese: 正统; traditional Chinese: 正統; pinyin: zhèngtǒng, meaning 'orthopraxy') led by Confucian priests or "sages of rites" (礼生; 禮生; lǐshēng) to worship the gods in public and ancestral Chinese temples is preferred on certain occasions, by Confucian religious groups and for civil religious rites, over Taoist or popular ritual. [11] 
 The worldly concern of Confucianism rests upon the belief that human beings are fundamentally good, and teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal and communal endeavor, especially self-cultivation and self-creation. Confucian thought focuses on the cultivation of virtue in a morally organised world. Some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices include rén, yì, and lǐ, and zhì. Rén (仁, 'benevolence' or 'humaneness') is the essence of the human being which manifests as compassion. It is the virtue-form of Heaven. [12]  Yì (义; 義) is the upholding of righteousness and the moral disposition to do good. Lǐ (礼; 禮) is a system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how a person should properly act in everyday life in harmony with the law of Heaven. Zhì (智) is the ability to see what is right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in contempt, either passively or actively, for failure to uphold the cardinal moral values of rén and yì.
 Traditionally, cultures and countries in the East Asian cultural sphere are strongly influenced by Confucianism, including China, Taiwan, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, as well as various territories settled predominantly by Han Chinese people, such as Singapore and Myanmar's Kokang. Today, it has been credited for shaping East Asian societies and overseas Chinese communities, and to some extent, other parts of Asia. [13]   [14]  In the last decades there have been talks of a "Confucian Revival" in the academic and the scholarly community, [15]   [16]  and there has been a grassroots proliferation of various types of Confucian churches. [17]  In late 2015, many Confucian personalities formally established a national Confucian Church (孔圣会; 孔聖會; Kǒngshènghuì) in China to unify the many Confucian congregations and civil society organisations.
Terminology
                Older versions of the grapheme 儒 rú, meaning "scholar", "refined one", "Confucian". It is composed of 人 rén ("person") and 需 xū ("to await"), itself composed of 雨 yǔ ("rain", "instruction") and 而 ér (glossed as "sky"). According to Kang Youwei, Hu Shih, and Yao Xinzhong, they were the official shaman-priests ( wu ) experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty. [18]    
Strictly speaking, there is no term in Chinese which directly corresponds to "Confucianism". In the Chinese language, the character rú 儒 meaning "scholar" or "learned" or "refined man" is generally used both in the past and the present to refer to things related to Confucianism. The character rú in ancient China had diverse meanings. Some examples include "to tame", "to mould", "to educate", "to refine". [19]  : 190–197  Several different terms, some of which with modern origin, are used in different situations to express different facets of Confucianism, including:
  儒 家; Rújiā – "ru school of thought";
 儒 教; Rújiào – "ru religion" in the sense of "ru doctrine";
 儒 学; 儒 學; Rúxué – "Ruology" or "ru learning";
 孔 教; Kǒngjiào – "Confucius's doctrine";
 孔 家 店; Kǒngjiādiàn – "Kong family's business", a pejorative phrase used in the New Culture Movement and the Cultural Revolution. 
Three of them use rú. These names do not use the name "Confucius" at all, but instead focus on the ideal of the Confucian man. The use of the term "Confucianism" has been avoided by some modern scholars, who favor "Ruism" and "Ruists" instead. Robert Eno argues that the term has been "burdened ... with the ambiguities and irrelevant traditional associations". Ruism, as he states, is more faithful to the original Chinese name for the school. [19]  : 7 
 The term "Traditionalist" has been suggested by David Schaberg to emphasize the connection to the past, its standards, and inherited forms, in which Confucius himself placed so much importance. [20]  This translation of the word rú is followed by e.g. Yuri Pines. [21] 
 According to Zhou Youguang, 儒 rú originally referred to shamanic methods of holding rites and existed before Confucius's times, but with Confucius it came to mean devotion to propagating such teachings to bring civilisation to the people. Confucianism was initiated by the disciples of Confucius, developed by Mencius (c. 372–289 BCE) and inherited by later generations, undergoing constant transformations and restructuring since its establishment, but preserving the principles of humaneness and righteousness at its core. [22] 
Five Classics (五經, Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision
     
Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor of the Five Classics which were the basic texts of Confucianism. The scholar Yao Xinzhong allows that there are good reasons to believe that Confucian classics took shape in the hands of Confucius, but that "nothing can be taken for granted in the matter of the early versions of the classics". Professor Yao says that perhaps most scholars today hold the "pragmatic" view that Confucius and his followers, although they did not intend to create a system of classics, "contributed to their formation". [23] 
 The scholar Tu Weiming explains these classics as embodying "five visions" which underlie the development of Confucianism:
  I Ching or Classic of Change or Book of Changes, generally held to be the earliest of the classics, shows a metaphysical vision which combines divinatory art with numerological technique and ethical insight; philosophy of change sees cosmos as interaction between the two energies yin and yang; universe always shows organismic unity and dynamism.
 Classic of Poetry or Book of Songs is the earliest anthology of Chinese poems and songs. It shows the poetic vision in the belief that poetry and music convey common human feelings and mutual responsiveness.
 Book of Documents or Book of History Compilation of speeches of major figures and records of events in ancient times embodies the political vision and addresses the kingly way in terms of the ethical foundation for humane government. The documents show the sagacity, filial piety, and work ethic of Yao, Shun, and Yu. They established a political culture which was based on responsibility and trust. Their virtue formed a covenant of social harmony which did not depend on punishment or coercion.
 Book of Rites describes the social forms, administration, and ceremonial rites of the Zhou Dynasty. This social vision defined society not as an adversarial system based on contractual relations but as a community of trust based on social responsibility. The four functional occupations are cooperative (farmer, scholar, artisan, merchant).
 Spring and Autumn Annals chronicles the period to which it gives its name, Spring and Autumn period (771–476 BCE), from the perspective of Confucius's home state of Lu. These events emphasise the significance of collective memory for communal self-identification, for reanimating the old is the best way to attain the new. [24]   
Doctrines
Theory and theology
     
Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and the God of Heaven (Tiān 天), or, otherwise said, around the relationship between humanity and Heaven. [26]   [27]  The principle of Heaven ( Lǐ  理 or  Dào  道), is the order of the creation and the source of divine authority, monistic in its structure. [27]  Individuals may realise their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation of such order. [27]  This transformation of the self may be extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community. [27]  Joël Thoraval studied Confucianism as a diffused civil religion in contemporary China, finding that it expresses itself in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth ( Di  地), the sovereign or the government (jūn 君), ancestors (qīn 親) and masters (shī 師). [28] 
 According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, in Chinese cosmology, which is not merely Confucian but shared by all Chinese religions, "the universe creates itself out of a primary chaos of material energy" ( hundun  混沌 and  qi  氣), organising through the polarity of yin and yang which characterises any thing and life. Creation is therefore a continuous ordering; it is not a  creation ex nihilo . "Yin and yang are the invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped and the shaped; they characterise the yearly cycle (winter and summer), the landscape (shady and bright), the sexes (female and male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order). Confucianism is concerned with finding "middle ways" between yin and yang at every new configuration of the world."  [29]  
 Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of spiritual cultivation, that is to say self-cultivation and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without". [27]  Rén, translated as "humaneness" or the essence proper of a human being, is the character of compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time the means by which man may achieve oneness with Heaven comprehending his own origin in Heaven and therefore divine essence. In the Dàtóng shū (大同书; 大同書) it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ... compassion is aroused". [12] 
 Tiān and the gods
      Like other symbols such as the  sauwastika , [30]  wàn 卍 ("all things") in Chinese, the Mesopotamian 𒀭  Dingir / An  ("Heaven"), [31]  and also the Chinese 巫  wū  ("shaman"; in Shang script represented by the cross potent ☩), [32]  Tiān refers to the northern celestial pole (北極 Běijí), the pivot and the vault of the sky with its spinning constellations. [33]  Here is an approximate representation of the Tiānmén 天門 ("Gate of Heaven") [34]  or Tiānshū 天樞 ("Pivot of Heaven") [35]  as the precessional north celestial pole, with α Ursae Minoris as the pole star, with the spinning Chariot constellations in the four phases of time. According to Reza Assasi's theories, the wan may not only be centred in the current precessional pole at α Ursae Minoris, but also very near to the north ecliptic pole if Draco (Tiānlóng 天龙) is conceived as one of its two beams. [36]   [note 1]    
Main article: Tian 
 Tiān (天), a key concept in Chinese thought, refers to the God of Heaven, the northern culmen of the skies and its spinning stars, [33]  earthly nature and its laws which come from Heaven, to "Heaven and Earth" (that is, "all things"), and to the awe-inspiring forces beyond human control. [37]  There are such a number of uses in Chinese thought that it is not possible to give one translation into English. [38] 
 Confucius used the term in a mystical way. [39]  He wrote in the  Analects  (7.23) that Tian gave him life, and that Tian watched and judged (6.28; 9.12). In 9.5 Confucius says that a person may know the movements of the Tian, and this provides with the sense of having a special place in the universe. In 17.19 Confucius says that Tian spoke to him, though not in words. The scholar Ronnie Littlejohn warns that Tian was not to be interpreted as a personal God comparable to that of the Abrahamic faiths, in the sense of an otherworldly or transcendent creator. [40]  Rather it is similar to what Taoists meant by Dao: "the way things are" or "the regularities of the world", [37]  which Stephan Feuchtwang equates with the ancient Greek concept of  physis , "nature" as the generation and regenerations of things and of the moral order. [41]  Tian may also be compared to the  Brahman  of Hindu and Vedic traditions. [26]  The scholar Promise Hsu, in the wake of Robert B. Louden, explained 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four seasons going round and there are the hundred things coming into being. What does Tian say?") as implying that even though Tian is not a "speaking person", it constantly "does" through the rhythms of nature, and communicates "how human beings ought to live and act", at least to those who have learnt to carefully listen to it. [39] 
  Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tian had set the master on the path to become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23 Confucius says that he has no doubt left that the Tian gave him life, and from it he had developed right virtue (德 dé). In 8.19 he says that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tian. [38] 
 Regarding personal gods ( shén , energies who emanate from and reproduce the Tian) enliving nature, in the Analects Confucius says that it is appropriate (义; 義; yì) for people to worship (敬 jìng) them, [42]  though through proper rites (礼; 禮; lǐ), implying respect of positions and discretion. [42]  Confucius himself was a ritual and sacrificial master. [43]  Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a popular saying), in 3.13 Confucius says that in order to appropriately pray gods one should first know and respect Heaven. In 3.12 he explains that religious rituals produce meaningful experiences, [44]  and one has to offer sacrifices in person, acting in presence, otherwise "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the gods have an ethical importance: they generate good life, because taking part in them leads to the overcoming of the self. [45]  Analects 10.11 tells that Confucius always took a small part of his food and placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an offering to his ancestors. [43] 
 Other movements, such as Mohism which was later absorbed by Taoism, developed a more theistic idea of Heaven. [46]  Feuchtwang explains that the difference between Confucianism and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on the realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society, while the latter on the contemplation of the Dao which spontaneously arises in nature. [41] 
Social morality and ethics
     
     
As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from Heaven preserves the world, and has to be followed by humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and yang forces in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or morality is identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the worship of ancestors and deified progenitors in the male line, at ancestral shrines. [41] 
 Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic. [6]  They may be practiced by all the members of a society. Confucian ethics is characterised by the promotion of virtues, encompassed by the Five Constants, Wǔcháng (五常) in Chinese, elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited tradition during the Han dynasty. [47]  The Five Constants are: [47] 
   Rén  (仁, benevolence, humaneness);
  Yì  (义; 義, righteousness, justice);
  Lǐ  (礼; 禮, propriety, rites);
 Zhì (智, wisdom, knowledge);
  Xìn  (信, sincerity, faithfulness). 
These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì (四字), that singles out four virtues, one of which (Yì) is included among the Five Constants:
  Zhōng (忠, loyalty);
  Xiào  (孝, filial piety);
 Jié (节; 節, continence);
 Yì (义; 義, righteousness). 
There are still many other elements, such as chéng (诚; 誠, honesty), shù (恕, kindness and forgiveness), lián (廉, honesty and cleanness), chǐ (耻; 恥, shame, judge and sense of right and wrong), yǒng (勇, bravery), wēn (温; 溫, kind and gentle), liáng (良, good, kindhearted), gōng (恭, respectful, reverent), jiǎn (俭; 儉, frugal), ràng (让; 讓, modestly, self-effacing).
Humaneness
 Rén (Chinese: 仁) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous human experiences when being altruistic. It is exemplified by a normal adult's protective feelings for children. It is considered the essence of the human being, endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means by which man may act according to the principle of Heaven (天理, Tiān lǐ) and become one with it. [12] 
  Yán Huí, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe the rules of rén and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear nothing improper, say nothing improper, do nothing improper." [48]  Confucius also defined rén in the following way: "wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others." [49] 
 Another meaning of rén is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself." [50]  Confucius also said, "rén is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it." Rén is close to man and never leaves him.
Rite and centring
     
     
 Li (礼; 禮) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most extensive use in Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese philosophy.  Li  is variously translated as "rite" or "reason," "ratio" in the pure sense of Vedic  ṛta  ("right," "order") when referring to the cosmic law, but when referring to its realisation in the context of human social behaviour it has also been translated as "customs", "measures" and "rules", among other terms. Li also means religious rites which establish relations between humanity and the gods.
 According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what makes the invisible visible", making possible for humans to cultivate the underlying order of nature. Correctly performed rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly (astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—Heaven, Earth and humanity. This practice is defined as "centring" (央 yāng or 中 zhōng). Among all things of creation, humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability to cultivate and centre natural forces. [51] 
  Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity, human objects, and nature. Confucius includes in his discussions of li such diverse topics as learning, tea drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi cites "songs and laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes... spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts of the fabric of li.
 Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of li. Some Confucians proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and practising li. Overall, Confucians believe that governments should place more emphasis on li and rely much less on penal punishment when they govern.
Loyalty
Loyalty (忠, zhōng) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of Confucius's students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious young scholar to become a prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.
 Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right," but rather that a superior should be obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean subservience to authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior as well. As Confucius stated "a prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)." [52] 
 Similarly, Mencius also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an enemy." [53]  Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is incompetent, he should be replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow him. [54]  A good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when necessary. [55]  At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his ministers' advice, as this will help him govern the realm better.
 In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the ruled to the ruler, and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety, loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless, throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to fight against unrighteous superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes died because of their conviction and action. [56]  During the Ming-Qing era, prominent Confucians such as Wang Yangming promoted individuality and independent thinking as a counterweight to subservience to authority. [57]  The famous thinker Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the autocratic nature of the imperial system and wanted to keep imperial power in check. [58] 
 Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of coming into conflict with one another. This may be true especially in times of social chaos, such as during the period of the Ming-Qing transition. [59] 
Filial piety
     
In Confucian philosophy, filial piety (孝, xiào) is a virtue of respect for one's parents and ancestors, and of the hierarchies within society: father–son, elder–junior and male–female. [41]  The Confucian classic  Xiaojing  ("Book of Piety"), thought to be written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the authoritative source on the Confucian tenet of xiào. The book, a conversation between Confucius and his disciple Zeng Shen, is about how to set up a good society using the principle of xiào. [60] 
 In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's parents; to take care of one's parents; to engage in good conduct not just towards parents but also outside the home so as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to perform the duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material means to support parents as well as carry out sacrifices to the ancestors; not be rebellious; show love, respect and support; the wife in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and take care of the whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy; ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including dissuading them from moral unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not considered to be xiao; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out sacrifices after their death.
 Filial piety is considered a key virtue in Chinese culture, and it is the main concern of a large number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars". These stories depict how children exercised their filial piety in the past. While China has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial piety has been common to almost all of them; historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls respect for the family the only element common to almost all Chinese believers. [61] 
Relationships
Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the natural order, and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (renqing) extends beyond filial piety and involves the entire network of social relations, even the respect for rulers. [41]  This is shown in the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about government, by which he meant proper administration so as to bring social harmony.
 齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰：君君，臣臣，父父，子子。
The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son."
 —  Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).  
Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.
 The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the participants in these sets of relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead, where the living stand as sons to their deceased family. The only relationship where respect for elders isn't stressed was the friend to friend relationship, where mutual equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the practical form of prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals. [41] 
 Junzi 
The junzi (君子, jūnzǐ, "lord's son") is a Chinese philosophical term often translated as "gentleman" or "superior person" [62]  and employed by Confucius in the Analects to describe the ideal man.
 In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to become one of them. Confucius created the model of junzi, gentleman, which may be achieved by any individual. Later, Zhu Xi defined junzi as second only to the sage. There are many characteristics of the junzi: he may live in poverty, he does more and speaks less, he is loyal, obedient and knowledgeable. The junzi disciplines himself. Ren is fundamental to become a junzi. [63] 
 As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior ethical and moral position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius, the junzi sustained the functions of government and social stratification through his ethical values. Despite its literal meaning, any righteous man willing to improve himself may become a junzi.
 On the contrary, the xiaoren (小人, xiăorén, "small or petty person") does not grasp the value of virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person is egotistic and does not consider the consequences of his action in the overall scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by xiaoren as opposed to junzi, his governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness. Examples of such xiaoren individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual and emotional pleasures all day to the politician who is interested merely in power and fame; neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.
 The junzi enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought that his pure virtue would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that the government behaves much like a family, the junzi being a beacon of filial piety.
Rectification of names
      Priest paying homage to Confucius's tablet, c. 1900  
Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from failure to perceive, understand, and deal with reality. Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem from the failure to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this was zhèngmíng (正名; zhèngmíng; 'rectification of terms'). He gave an explanation of zhengming to one of his disciples.
Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
        If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.
        If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
        When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish.
        When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded.
        When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."
(Analects XIII, 3, tr. Legge)
 Xun Zi chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings chose names (名; míng) that directly corresponded with actualities (實; shí), but later generations confused terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no longer distinguish right from wrong. Since social harmony is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed." [64] 
History
      The dragon is one of the oldest symbols of Chinese religious culture. It symbolises the supreme godhead, Di or Tian, at the north ecliptic pole, around which it coils itself as the homonymous constellation. It is a symbol of the "protean" supreme power which has in itself both yin and yang. [65]    
      Birthplaces of notable Chinese philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought in Zhou dynasty. Confucians are marked by triangles in dark red.  
According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of the Shang-Zhou (~1600–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years. [66]  Both the dynasties worshipped the supreme godhead, called  Shangdi  (上帝 "Highest Deity") or Dì (帝) by the Shang and  Tian  (天 "Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceived as the first ancestor of the Shang royal house, [67]  an alternate name for him being the "Supreme Progenitor" (上甲 Shàngjiǎ). [68]  In Shang theology, the multiplicity of gods of nature and ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the four 方  fāng  ("directions" or "sides") and their 風 fēng ("winds") as his cosmic will. [69]  With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the Shang, the name for the supreme godhead became  Tian  (天 "Heaven"). [67]  While the Shang identified Shangdi as their ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the Zhou transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral power, the Mandate of Heaven. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian. [3] 
 John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole as a square, [70]  or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little Dipper). [71]  Cultures in other parts of the world have also conceived these stars or constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead, divinity and royal power. [72]  The supreme godhead was also identified with the dragon, symbol of unlimited power ( qi ), [67]  of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both yin and yang in unity, associated to the constellation Draco which winds around the north ecliptic pole, [65]  and slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.
 By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth (architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system) became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the authority of Tian. [73] 
 Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" (野 yě) traditions, or traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to access the will of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. The traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the  Yijing  flourished. [74]  Chinese thinkers, faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "Hundred Schools of Thought", each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral order.
  Confucius (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning. He was educated in Shang-Zhou theology, which he contributed to transmit and reformulate giving centrality to self-cultivation and agency of humans, [3]  and the educational power of the self-established individual in assisting others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 àirén, "loving others"). [75]  As the Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a period of perceived moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the culture, opposing scholars, and religious authorities of the time, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion. [76]  In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts. [77]  Confucius amended and recodified the classical books inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, and composed the  Spring and Autumn Annals . [22] 
 Philosophers in the Warring States period, both "inside the square" (focused on state-endorsed ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon Confucius's legacy, compiled in the  Analects , and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. In accordance with the Master, they identified mental tranquility as the state of Tian, or the One (一 Yī), which in each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule one's own life and the world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter. [78] 
Organisation and liturgy
      A Temple of the God of Culture (文庙 wénmiào) in Liuzhou, Guangxi, where Confucius is worshiped as Wéndì (文帝), "God of Culture"  
     
Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism. [79]  In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardisation and development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organisations. [79]  Another modern proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang Qing. [80] 
 In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established, [79]  and  guoxue  started to be implemented in public schools on all levels. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on television since 2006. [79]  The most enthusiastic New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China. [79] 
 The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire. [81]  Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the teachings of Confucius. [81] 
 In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies ( shuyuan  书院), [80]  the resurgence of Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪), [80]  and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shèqū rúxué 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism. [82] 
 Other forms of revival are salvationist folk religious movements  [83]  groups with a specifically Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (一耽学堂) of Beijing, [84]  the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai, [85]  Confucian Shenism (儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the phoenix churches, [86]  the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation, [86]  and ancestral temples of the Kong kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching churches. [85] 
 Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities. [87]  In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City. [88]   [89]  It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Church of Confucius (孔圣会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.
 Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthopraxy") led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual. [11]  "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business. [90] 
Governance
     
 子曰：為政以德，譬如北辰，居其所而眾星共之。
The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it."
 —  Analects 2.1 (Legge translation).  
A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue (de) spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. This idea is developed further in the Great Learning, and is tightly linked with the Taoist concept of wu wei (无为; 無為; wú wéi): the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center" around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole.
 This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being the axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth. The emperors of China were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the Mandate of Heaven. They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore establishing their cults. [91] 
 Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than being unconditional. Submission to authority (tsun wang) was only taken within the context of the moral obligations that rulers had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence (jen). Confucianism — including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi — has always recognised the Right of revolution against tyranny. [92] 
Meritocracy
 子曰：有教無類。
The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."
 —  Analects 15.39 (Legge translation).  
Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue. [93]  Jūnzǐ (君子, lit. "lord's son"), which originally signified the younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman."
 A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of the king is only a "petty person". That Confucius admitted students of different classes as disciples is a clear demonstration that he fought against the feudal structures that defined pre-imperial Chinese society. [94] 
 Another new idea, that of meritocracy, led to the introduction of the imperial examination system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial examination system started in the Sui dynasty. Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of written government examinations. [95] 
 Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice of meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today, and a wide range of contemporary intellectuals — from Daniel Bell to Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan, and Jiang Qing — defend political meritocracy as a viable alternative to liberal democracy. [96] 
 In Just Hierarchy, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei argue that hierarchies are inevitable. [97]  Faced with ever-increasing complexity at scale, modern societies must build hierarchies to coordinate collective action and tackle long-term problems such as climate change. In this context, people need not — and should not — want to flatten hierarchies as much as possible. They ought to ask what makes political hierarchies just and use these criteria to decide the institutions that deserve preservation, those that require reform, and those that need radical transformation. They call this approach "progressive conservatism", a term that reflects the ambiguous place of the Confucian tradition within the Left-Right dichotomy. [98] 
 Bell and Wang propose two justifications for political hierarchies that do not depend on a "one person, one vote" system. First is raw efficiency, which may require centralized rule in the hands of the competent few. Second, and most important, is serving the interests of the people (and the common good more broadly). [99]  In  Against Political Equality , Tongdong Bai complements this account by using a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle". Just as Rawls claims that economic inequality is justified so long as it benefits those at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, so Bai argues that political inequality is justified so long as it benefits those materially worse off. [100] 
 Bell, Wang, and Bai all criticize liberal democracy to argue that government by the people may not be government for the people in any meaningful sense of the term. They argue that voters tend to act in irrational, tribal, short-termist ways; they are vulnerable to populism and struggle to account for the interests of future generations. In other words, at a minimum, democracy needs Confucian meritocratic checks. [101] 
 In The China Model, Bell argues that Confucian political meritocracy provides—and has provided—a blueprint for China's development. [102]  For Bell, the ideal according to which China should reform itself (and has reformed itself) follows a simple structure: Aspiring rulers first pass hyper-selective examinations, then have to rule well at the local level to be promoted to positions as the provincial level, then have to excel at the provincial level to access positions at the national level, and so on. [103]  This system aligns with what Harvard historian James Hankins calls "virtue politics", or the idea that institutions should be built to select the most competent and virtuous rulers — as opposed to institutions concerned first and foremost with limiting the power of rulers. [104] 
 While contemporary defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all accept this broad frame, they disagree with each other on three main questions: institutional design, the means by which meritocrats are promoted, and the compatibility of Confucian political meritocracy with liberalism.
Institutional design
Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers. [99]  As Bell puts it, he defends "democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top." [103]  Bell and Wang argue that this combination conserves the main advantages of democracy — involving the people in public affairs at the local level, strengthening the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of direct accountability, etc. — while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime.
 Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber selected by the people (the House of the Commoners 庶民院), one chamber composed of Confucian meritocrats selected via examination and gradual promotion (the House of Confucian Tradition 通儒院), and one body made up of descendants of Confucius himself (The House of National Essence 国体院). [105]  Jiang's aim is to construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic, individualist, and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's proposals, it represents a more traditionalist alternative.
 Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral system. [106]  At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory democracy. At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats (selected by examination, by examination and promotion, from leaders in certain professional fields, etc.), and one of representatives elected by the people. While the lower house does not have any legislative power per se, it acts as a popular accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting pressure on the upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of life, he points to the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have a democratic lifestyle, participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic men". Similarly, the lower house allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure accountability. Meanwhile, the meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.
Promotion system
Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all champion a system in which rulers are selected on the basis of intellect, social skills, and virtue. Bell proposes a model wherein aspiring meritocrats take hyper-selective exams and prove themselves at the local levels of government before reaching the higher levels of government, where they hold more centralized power. [103]  In his account, the exams select for intellect and other virtues — for instance, the ability to argue three different viewpoints on a contentious issue may indicate a certain degree of openness. [107]  Tongdong Bai's approach incorporates different ways to select members of the meritocratic house, from exams to performance in various fields — business, science, administration, and so on. In every case, Confucian meritocrats draw on China's extensive history of meritocratic administration to outline the pros and cons of competing methods of selection. [108] 
 For those who, like Bell, defend a model in which performance at the local levels of government determines future promotion, an important question is how the system judges who "performs best". In other words, while examinations may ensure that early-career officials are competent and educated, how is it thereafter ensured that only those who rule well get promoted? The literature opposes those who prefer evaluation by peers to evaluation by superiors, with some thinkers including quasi-democratic selection mechanisms along the way. Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers. [109]  Because they believe that promotion should depend upon peer evaluations only, Bell and Wang argue against transparency — i.e. the public should not know how officials are selected, since ordinary people are in no position to judge officials beyond the local level. [110]  Others, like Jiang Qing, defend a model in which superiors decide who gets promoted; this method is in line with more traditionalist strands of Confucian political thought, which place a greater emphasis on strict hierarchies and epistemic paternalism — that is, the idea that older and more experienced people know more. [111] 
Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy
Another key question is whether Confucian political thought is compatible with liberalism. Tongdong Bai, for instance, argues that while Confucian political thought departs from the "one person, one vote" model, it can conserve many of the essential characteristics of liberalism, such as freedom of speech and individual rights. [112]  In fact, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai hold that Confucian political meritocracy can tackle challenges that liberalism wants to tackle, but cannot by itself. At the cultural level, for instance, Confucianism, its institutions, and its rituals offer bulwarks against atomization and individualism. At the political level, the non-democratic side of political meritocracy is — for Bell and Bai — more efficient at addressing long-term questions such as climate change, in part because the meritocrats do not have to worry about the whims of public opinion. [113] 
 Joseph Chan defends the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberalism and democracy. In his book Confucian Perfectionism, he argues that Confucians can embrace both democracy and liberalism on instrumental grounds; that is, while liberal democracy may not be valuable for its own sake, its institutions remains valuable — particularly when combined with a broadly Confucian culture — to serve Confucian ends and inculcate Confucian virtues. [114] 
 Other Confucians have criticized Confucian meritocrats like Bell for their rejection of democracy. For them, Confucianism does not have to be premised on the assumption that meritorious, virtuous political leadership is inherently incompatible with popular sovereignty, political equality and the right to political participation. [115]  These thinkers accuse the meritocrats of overestimating the flaws of democracy, mistaking temporary flaws for permanent and inherent features, and underestimating the challenges that the construction of a true political meritocracy poses in practice — including those faced by contemporary China and Singapore. [116]  Franz Mang claims that, when decoupled from democracy, meritocracy tends to deteriorate into an oppressive regime under putatively "meritorious" but actually "authoritarian" rulers; Mang accuses Bell's China model of being self-defeating, as — Mang claims — the CCP's authoritarian modes of engagement with the dissenting voices illustrate. [117]  Baogang He and Mark Warren add that "meritocracy" should be understood as a concept describing a regime's character rather than its type, which is determined by distribution of political power — on their view, democratic institutions can be built which are meritocratic insofar as they favour competence. [118] 
 Roy Tseng, drawing on the New Confucians of the twentieth century, argues that Confucianism and liberal democracy can enter into a dialectical process, in which liberal rights and voting rights are rethought into resolutely modern, but nonetheless Confucian ways of life. [119]  This synthesis, blending Confucians rituals and institutions with a broader liberal democratic frame, is distinct from both Western-style liberalism — which, for Tseng, suffers from excessive individualism and a lack of moral vision — and from traditional Confucianism — which, for Tseng, has historically suffered from rigid hierarchies and sclerotic elites. Against defenders of political meritocracy, Tseng claims that the fusion of Confucian and democratic institutions can conserve the best of both worlds, producing a more communal democracy which draws on a rich ethical tradition, addresses abuses of power, and combines popular accountability with a clear attention to the cultivation of virtue in elites.
Influence
In 17th-century Europe
     
The works of Confucius were translated into European languages through the agency of Jesuit missionaries stationed in China. [note 2]  Matteo Ricci was among the very earliest to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and father Prospero Intorcetta wrote about the life and works of Confucius in Latin in 1687. [120] 
 Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers of the period, [121]  particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilization. [120]   [122] 
 Confucianism influenced the German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who was attracted to the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "Pre-established harmony," were borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism. [121]  
The French philosopher Voltaire, Leibniz's intellectual rival, was also influenced by Confucius, seeing the concept of Confucian rationalism as an alternative to Christian dogma. [123]  He praised Confucian ethics and politics, portraying the sociopolitical hierarchy of China as a model for Europe. [123] 
 Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived... 
On Islamic thought
From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the Han Kitab developed amongst the Hui Muslims of China who infused Islamic thought with Confucianism. Especially the works of Liu Zhi such as Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ (天方典禮) sought to harmonise Islam with not only Confucianism but also with Taoism and is considered to be one of the crowning achievements of the Chinese Islamic culture. [124] 
In modern times
Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang. [125]  The New Life Movement in the early 20th century was also influenced by Confucianism.
 Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with. These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly as Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea and even China have done.
 For example, the impact of the Vietnam War on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of this idea to futurologist Herman Kahn's World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond. [126]   [127] 
 Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development, have attributed the Asian growth to other factors, for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" (state capacity), and interaction between agriculture and industry. [128] 
On Chinese martial arts
After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial Arts (with the exception of Archery), he did serve under rulers who used military power extensively to achieve their goals. In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many educated martial artists of great influence, such as Sun Lutang,[ citation needed ] especially from the 19th century onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Some argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of much relevance to it.[ according to whom? ]
Criticism
Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including Laozi's philosophy and Mozi's critique, and Legalists such as Han Fei ridiculed the idea that virtue would lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame for its failures. The Taiping Rebellion described Confucianism sages as well as gods in Taoism and Buddhism as devils.
Contradiction with modernist values
In the New Culture Movement, Lu Xun criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into the condition they had reached by the late Qing dynasty: his criticisms are expressed metaphorically in the work "Diary of a Madman", in which traditional Chinese Confucian society is portrayed as feudalistic, hypocritical, socially cannibalistic, despotic, fostering a "slave mentality" favouring despotism, lack of critical thinking and blind obedience and worship of authority, fuelling a form of "Confucian authoritarianism" which persists into the present day. [129]  Leftists during the Cultural Revolution described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave owners.[ citation needed ]
 In South Korea, there has long been criticism. Some South Koreans believe Confucianism has not contributed to the modernisation of South Korea. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il wrote an essay[ when? ] entitled "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" (공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다, gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda). Kim said that filial piety is one-sided and blind, and if it continues, social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations onto families. [130]   [131] 
Women in Confucian thought
Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty onward." [132]  The gender roles prescribed in the Three Obediences and Four Virtues became a cornerstone of the family, and thus, societal stability. The Three Obediences and Four Virtues is one of the moral standards for feudal etiquette to bind women. [133]  Starting from the Han period, Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family: the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian Cheng Yi stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter." [134]  Chaste widows were revered and memorialised during the Ming and Qing periods. This "cult of chastity" accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a social stigma on remarriage. [132] 
 For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that was historically damaging to Chinese women. [135]   [136]  It has also been argued by some Chinese and Western writers that the rise of neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty had led to a decline of status of women. [134]  Some critics have also accused the prominent Song neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi for believing in the inferiority of women and that men and women need to be kept strictly separate, [137]  while Sima Guang also believed that women should remain indoors and not deal with the matters of men in the outside world. [138]   [139]  Finally, scholars have discussed the attitudes toward women in Confucian texts such as Analects. In a much-discussed passage, women are grouped together with xiaoren (小人, literally "small people", meaning people of low status or low moral) and described as being difficult to cultivate or deal with. [140]   [141]   [142]  Many traditional commentators and modern scholars have debated over the precise meaning of the passage, and whether Confucius referred to all women or just certain groups of women. [143]   [144] 
 Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more complex. [132]  During the Han dynasty period, the influential Confucian text  Lessons for Women  (Nüjie), was written by Ban Zhao (45–114 CE) to instruct her daughters how to be proper Confucian wives and mothers, that is, to be silent, hard-working, and compliant. She stresses the complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory, but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought. [132] 
 Joseph A. Adler points out that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women." [132]  Matthew Sommers has also indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to realise the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and began to allow practices such as widow remarrying to stand. [145]  Moreover, some Confucian texts like the Chunqiu Fanlu 春秋繁露 have passages that suggest a more equal relationship between a husband and his wife. [146]  More recently, some scholars have also begun to discuss the viability of constructing a "Confucian feminism". [147] 
Catholic controversy over Chinese rites
Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, the Christian Jesuits, considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity. [148]  The Jesuits, including Matteo Ricci, saw Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could co-exist alongside the spiritual rituals of Catholicism. [148] 
 By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans, creating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia that was known as the "Rites Controversy." [149]  The Dominicans and Franciscans argued that Chinese ancestral worship was a form of idolatry that was contradictory to the tenets of Christianity. This view was reinforced by Pope Benedict XIV, who ordered a ban on Chinese rituals, [149]  though this ban was re-assessed and repealed in 1939 by Pope Pius XII, provided that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit of the liturgy. [150] 
 Some critics view Confucianism as definitely pantheistic and nontheistic, in that it is not based on the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal plane. [8]   [151]  Confucius views about Tiān 天 and about the divine providence ruling the world, can be found above (in this page) and in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12, for example. On spirituality, Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?" [152]  Attributes such as ancestor worship, ritual, and sacrifice were advocated by Confucius as necessary for social harmony; these attributes may be traced to the traditional Chinese folk religion.
 Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or philosophy. [153]   [154]  But using a broader definition, such as Frederick Streng's characterisation of religion as "a means of ultimate transformation," [155]  Confucianism could be described as a "sociopolitical doctrine having religious qualities." [151]  With the latter definition, Confucianism is religious, even if non-theistic, in the sense that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social functions of full-fledged religions." [151] 
See also
  Chinese culture 
 Chinese folk religion 
 Confucian art 
 Confucian church 
 Confucian view of marriage 
 Confucianism in Indonesia 
 Confucianism in the United States 
 Confucius Institute 
 Edo Neo-Confucianism 
 Family as a model for the state 
 Korean Confucianism 
 Korean shamanism 
 Neo-Confucianism 
 Radical orthodoxy 
 Religious humanism 
 Sinology 
 Taoism 
 Temple of Confucius 
 Vietnamese folk religion 
 Vietnamese philosophy 
 List of Confucian states and dynasties   
Notes
  ^  Whether centred in the changeful precessional north celestial pole or in the fixed north ecliptic pole, the spinning constellations draw the wàn 卍 symbol around the centre.
  ^  The first was Michele Ruggieri who had returned from China to Italy in 1588, and carried on translating in Latin Chinese classics, while residing in Salerno.
 
Citations
 
  ^  Nylan, Michael (1 October 2008).  The Five "Confucian" Classics . Yale University Press. p. 23. ISBN  978-0-300-13033-1 . Retrieved 12 March 2022.
  ^  Yao 2000, pp. 38–47
^    a       b       c    Fung (2008), p. 163.
^    a       b    Lin, Justin Yifu (2012).  Demystifying the Chinese Economy . Cambridge University Press. p. 107. ISBN  978-0-521-19180-7 .
  ^  Fingarette (1972), pp. 1–2.
^    a       b    Juergensmeyer, Mark (2005). Juergensmeyer, Mark (ed.). Religion in Global Civil Society. Oxford University Press. p. 70. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.001.0001. ISBN  978-0-19-518835-6 . ...humanist philosophies such as Confucianism, which do not share a belief in divine law and do not exalt faithfulness to a higher law as a manifestation of divine will .
  ^  Fingarette (1972).
^    a       b    Adler (2014), p. 12.
  ^  Littlejohn (2010), pp. 34–36.
  ^  Adler (2014), p. 10: [...] Confucianism is basically non-theistic. While Heaven (tiān) has some characteristics that overlap the category of deity, it is primarily an impersonal absolute, like dao and Brahman. "Deity" (theos, deus), on the other hand connotes something personal (he or she, not it). Adler (2014), p. 12: Confucianism deconstructs the sacred-profane dichotomy; it asserts that sacredness is to be found in, not behind or beyond, the ordinary activities of human life—and especially in human relationships. Human relationships are sacred in Confucianism because they are the expression of our moral nature (性 xìng), which has a transcendent anchorage in Heaven (tiān 天). Herbert Fingarette captured this essential feature of Confucianism in the title of his 1972 book, Confucius: The Secular as Sacred. To assume a dualistic relationship between sacred and profane and to use this as a criterion of religion is to beg the question of whether Confucianism can count as a religious tradition.
^    a       b    Clart (2003), pp. 3–5.
^    a       b       c    Tay (2010), p. 102.
  ^  Kaplan, Robert D. (6 February 2015). "Asia's Rise Is Rooted in Confucian Values". The Wall Street Journal.
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  ^  Benjamin Elman, John Duncan and Herman Ooms ed. Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian Pacific Monograph Series, 2002).
  ^  Yu Yingshi, Xiandai Ruxue Lun (River Edge: Global Publishing Co. Inc. 1996).
  ^  Billioud &amp; Thoraval (2015), passim.
  ^  Yao (2000), p. 19.
^    a       b    Eno, Robert (1990). The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense of Ritual Mastery (1st ed.). State University of New York Press. ISBN  978-0-7914-0191-0 .
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  ^   Pines, Yuri (2005–2006). "Biases and Their Sources: Qin History in the "Shiji"". Oriens Extremus. Harrassowitz Verlag. 45: 10–34 at 30. JSTOR 24047638. Retrieved 3 July 2022.
^    a       b    Zhou (2012), p. 1.
  ^  Yao (2000), pp. 52–54.
  ^  Tu, Weiming (1990). "Confucian Tradition in Chinese History". In Ropp, Paul S.; Barrett, Timothy Hugh (eds.). The Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization. University of California Press. ISBN  978-0-520-06441-6 . p. 113
  ^  Didier (2009), passim and p. 3, Vol. III, for the graphic interpretation of the character.
^    a       b    Adler (2014), p. 10.
^    a       b       c       d       e    Tay (2010), p. 100.
  ^  Thoraval, Joël (2016). "Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, Ancestors, Masters: Some Remarks on the Politico-Religious in China Today". Occasional Papers. No. 5. Paris: Centre for Studies on China, Korea and Japan. Archived from the original on 16 January 2018.
  ^  Feuchtwang (2016), pp. 146–150.
  ^  Didier (2009), p. 256, Vol. III.
  ^  Mair, Victor H. (2011). "Religious Formations and Intercultural Contacts in Early China". In Krech, Volkhard; Steinicke, Marion (eds.). Dynamics in the History of Religions between Asia and Europe: Encounters, Notions, and Comparative Perspectives. Leiden: Brill. pp. 85–110. ISBN  978-90-04-22535-0 . pp. 97–98, note 26.
  ^  Didier (2009), p. 257, Vol. I.
^    a       b    Didier (2009), passim.
  ^  Reiter, Florian C. (2007). Purposes, Means and Convictions in Daoism: A Berlin Symposium. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN  978-3-447-05513-0 . p. 190.
  ^  Milburn, Olivia (2016). The Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan. Sinica Leidensia. Brill. ISBN  978-90-04-30966-1 . p. 343, note 17.
  ^  Assasi, Reza (2013). "Swastika: The Forgotten Constellation Representing the Chariot of Mithras". Anthropological Notebooks (Supplement: Šprajc, Ivan; Pehani, Peter, eds. Ancient Cosmologies and Modern Prophets: Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the European Society for Astronomy in Culture). XIX (2). ISSN 1408-032X.
^    a       b    Hagen, Kurtis. "Confucian Key Terms – Tian 天". State University of New York at Plattsburgh. Archived from the original on 3 December 2014.
^    a       b    Littlejohn (2010), p. 35.
^    a       b    Hsu (2014).
  ^  Littlejohn (2010), pp. 35–36.
^    a       b       c       d       e       f    Feuchtwang (2016), p. 146.
^    a       b    Littlejohn (2010), p. 36.
^    a       b    Littlejohn (2010), p. 37.
  ^  Littlejohn (2010), pp. 36–37.
  ^  Shen &amp; Shun (2007), pp. 278–279.
  ^  Dubs, Homer (1960). "Theism and Naturalism in Ancient Chinese Philosophy". Philosophy East and West. University of Hawaii Press. 9 (3–4): 163–172. doi:10.2307/1397096. JSTOR 1397096.
^    a       b    Runes, Dagobert D., ed. (1983).  Dictionary of Philosophy . Philosophical Library. p. 338. ISBN  978-0-8022-2388-3 .
  ^  Analects 12:1
  ^    中國哲學書電子化計劃 論語 : 雍也 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃  (in Chinese).
  ^    中國哲學書電子化計劃 論語 : 顏淵 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃  (in Chinese).
  ^  Feuchtwang (2016), p. 150.
  ^    The Analects : Ba Yi . Chinese Text Project.
  ^    Mengzi : Li Lou II . Chinese Text Project.
  ^    中國哲學書電子化計劃 孟子 : 梁惠王下 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃  (in Chinese).
  ^    中國哲學書電子化計劃 論語 : 憲問 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃  (in Chinese).
  ^  Example: Hai Rui 海瑞 in the Ming dynasty, Yuan Chang 袁昶 in the Qing and so forth.
  ^  Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, Wing-tsit Chan tran. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 159.
  ^  William Theodore De Bary, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 91–110.
  ^  See the discussion in 何冠彪 He Guanbiao, 生與死 : 明季士大夫的抉擇 (Taipei: Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi, 1997).
  ^  Wonsuk Chang; Leah Kalmanson (2010).  Confucianism in Context: Classic Philosophy and Contemporary Issues, East Asia and Beyond . SUNY Press. p. 68. ISBN  978-1-4384-3191-8 .
  ^  Baker, Hugh D.R. Chinese Family and Kinship. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979. p. 98
  ^  Sometimes "exemplary person." Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to capture both its early political and later moral meaning. Cf. "Confucian Key Terms: Junzi Archived 20 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine."
  ^  (in Chinese) 君子 – 儒学的理想人格 Archived 18 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine
  ^  Taylor, Rodney L.; Choy, Howard Y.F. (2004). The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Confucianism. New York: Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 48–50. ISBN  978-0-8239-4079-0 ..
^    a       b    Pankenier (2013), p. 55.
  ^  Chen (2012), p. 105, note 45.
^    a       b       c    Libbrecht (2007), p. 43.
  ^  Didier (2009), pp. 227–228, Vol. II.
  ^  Didier (2009), pp. 143–144, Vol. II.
  ^  Didier (2009), p. 103, Vol. II.
  ^  Pankenier (2013), pp. 138–148, "Chapter 4: Bringing Heaven Down to Earth".
  ^  Didier (2009), passim Vol. I.
  ^  Didier (2009), pp. xxxvi–xxxvii, Vol. I.
  ^  Didier (2009), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii, Vol. I.
  ^  Zhou (2012), p. 2.
  ^  Ivanhoe, Philip J.; Van Norden, Bryan W. (2005).  Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy  (2nd ed.). Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. p. 2. ISBN  0-87220-781-1 . OCLC 60826646.
  ^  Didier (2009), p. xxxviii, Vol. I.
  ^  Didier (2009), pp. xxxviii–xxxix, Vol. I.
^    a       b       c       d       e    Yang, Fenggang (July 2007). "Cultural Dynamics in China: Today and in 2020" (PDF). Asia Policy (4): 48. Archived (PDF) from the original on 13 September 2014.
^    a       b       c    Chen (2012), p. 175.
^    a       b    Chen (2012), p. 174.
  ^  Fan &amp; Chen (2015a), p. 7.
  ^  Billioud (2010), pp. 203–214.
  ^  Billioud (2010), p. 219.
^    a       b    Fan &amp; Chen (2015), p. 29.
^    a       b    Fan &amp; Chen (2015), p. 34.
  ^  Billioud &amp; Thoraval (2015), p. 148.
  ^  Payette (2014).
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  ^  Billioud (2010), p. 204.
  ^  Feuchtwang (2016), pp. 146–147.
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  ^  Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020), 8-21.
^    a       b    Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020), 66-93.
  ^  Tongdong Bai, Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 102-106.
  ^  Tongdong Bai, Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 32-47.
  ^  Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).
^    a       b       c    Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 151-179.
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  ^  Tongdong Bai, Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 52-110.
  ^  Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 63-110.
  ^  Tongdong Bai, Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 67-97.
  ^  Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020), 84-106.
  ^  Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020), 76-78.
  ^  Qing Jiang, A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), 27-44.
  ^  Tongdong Bai, Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 97-110.
  ^  Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 14-63.
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^    a       b    "Windows into China," John Parker, p. 25, ISBN 0-89073-050-4
^    a       b     Mungello, David E. (1971). "Leibniz's Interpretation of Neo-Confucianism".  Philosophy East and West . University of Hawaii Press. 21 (1): 3–22. doi:10.2307/1397760. JSTOR 1397760.
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^    a       b       c    Lan, Feng (2005). Ezra Pound and Confucianism: Remaking Humanism In The Face of Modernity. University of Toronto Press. p. 190. ISBN  978-0-8020-8941-0 .
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  ^  Stéphane A. Dudoignon; Hisao Komatsu; Yasushi Kosugi, eds. (2006).  Intellectuals in the modern Islamic world: transmission, transformation, communication . London: Routledge. pp. 250, 375. ISBN  978-0-415-36835-3 . Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  ^  Hicks, George. 1990. "Explaining the Success of the Four Little Dragons: A Survey." In Seiji Naya and Akira Takayama, eds. Economic Development in East and Southeast Asia: Essays in Honor of Professor Shinichi Ichimura. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies: Singapore, and the East-West Center: Honolulu, p. 25., ISBN 978-981-3035-63-8.
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^    a       b       c       d       e    Adler, Joseph A. (Winter 2006). "Daughter/Wife/Mother or Sage/Immortal/Bodhisattva? Women in the Teaching of Chinese Religions". ASIANetwork Exchange, vol. XIV, no. 2. Retrieved 18 May 2011.
  ^  Gao, Xiongya (2003). "Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in China". Race, Gender &amp; Class. 10 (3): 114–125. ISSN 1082-8354. JSTOR 41675091.
^    a       b    Patricia Buckley Ebrey (2002).  Women and the Family in Chinese History . Routledge. pp. 10–12. ISBN  978-0-415-28822-4 .
  ^  Xiongya Gao (2003). "Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in China". Race, Gender &amp; Class. 10 (3, Interdisciplinary Topics in Race, Gender, and Class): 114–125. JSTOR 41675091.
  ^  Li-Hsiang Lisa Rosenlee (2007).  Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation . State University of New York Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN  978-0-7914-6750-3 . {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
  ^  Anders Hansson (1996).  Chinese Outcasts: Discrimination and Emancipation in Late Imperial China . Brill. p. 46. ISBN  978-90-04-10596-6 .
  ^  Ebrey, Patricia (2 September 2003).  Women and the Family in Chinese History . Routledge. pp. 24–25. ISBN  978-1134442935 .
  ^  Wang, Robin (2003). "Precepts for Family Life". Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture: Writings from the Pre-Qin Period to the Song Dynasty. Hackett Publishing. ISBN  978-0-87220-651-9 .
  ^  Lee Dian Rainey (2010).  Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials . John Wiley and Sons Ltd. p. 55. ISBN  978-1-4443-2360-3 .
  ^    儒家 -&gt; 論語 -&gt; 陽貨 -&gt; 25 . ctext.org. Original text: "唯女子與小人爲難養也，近之則不孫，遠之則怨。"
  ^  Yuan, Lijun (2005).  Reconceiving Women's Equality in China: A Critical Examination of Models of Sex Equality . Lexington Books. pp. 5–6. ISBN  978-0-7391-1228-1 .
  ^  Qiu Chong 邱崇, "释 '唯女子与小人为难养也'" Yuejiang Academic Journal, vol. 6 (December 2013), 141–145. http://yj.nuist.edu.cn/ch/reader/create_pdf.aspx?file_no=20130621&amp;year_id=2013&amp;quarter_id=6&amp;falg=1 Archived 5 April 2018 at the Wayback Machine The article points out the various disputes among traditional Confucian commentators on what the passage really means. It also summarizes the debate in contemporary academia regarding the phrase's meaning.
  ^  Liao Mingchun 廖名春,“'唯女子与小人为难养也'疏注及新解" Renwen Zaizhi, vol. 6 (2012). http://www.rujiazg.com/article/id/11256/
  ^  Matthew Sommers, Sex, Law and Society in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 319.
  ^    中國哲學書電子化計劃 春秋繁露 : 基義 – 中國哲學書電子化計劃  (in Chinese).
  ^  Rosenlee, Li-Hsiang Lisa (2007).  Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation . State University of New York Press. pp. 4, 149–160. ISBN  978-0-7914-6750-3 .
^    a       b    Elman 2005, p. 112.
^    a       b    Gunn 2003, p. 108.
  ^  Sacrosanctum concilium, para. 37.  "Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium". Archived from the original on 21 February 2008. Retrieved 9 February 2008.
^    a       b       c    Yang 1961, p. 26.
  ^  Sinaiko 1998, p. 176.
  ^  Centre for Confucian Science (Korea) Archived 16 July 2009 at the Wayback Machine
  ^   "Introduction to Confucianism". urantiabook.org.
  ^  Streng, Frederick, "Understanding Religious Life," 3rd ed. (1985), p. 2
 
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Translations of texts attributed to Confucius
Analects (Lun Yu)
  Confucian Analects (1893) Translated by James Legge.
 The Analects of Confucius (1915; rpr. NY: Paragon, 1968). Translated by William Edward Soothill.
 The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York: Ballantine, 1998). Translated by Roger T. Ames, Henry Rosemont.
 Confucius: The Analects (Lun yü) (London: Penguin, 1979; rpr. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992). Translated by D.C. Lau.
 The Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Translated by Chichung Huang.
 The Analects of Confucius (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Translated by Simon Leys.
 Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003). Translated by Edward Slingerland. 
External links
   "Confucius".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
  "Neo-Confucian Philosophy".  Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy . 
 Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Entry: Confucius 
 Interfaith Online: Confucianism 
 Confucian Documents at the Internet Sacred Texts Archive.
 Oriental Philosophy, "Topic:Confucianism"  
 Institutional 
  China Confucian Philosophy 
 China Confucian Religion 
 China Kongzi Network
Confucianism - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confucianism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tang_dynasty
Tang dynasty - Wikipedia
2002-03-09
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<div><div>
<table><tbody><tr><th><p>Tang</p><p>唐</p></th></tr><tr><td><div>
<ul><li>618–690, 705–907</li>
<li>(690–705: <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty_(690%E2%80%93705)">Wu Zhou</a>)</li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_Dynasty_circa_700_CE.png"></a><p>The empire during the reign of <a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Wu Zetian</a> (<abbr>c.</abbr> 700)</p></td></tr><tr><th>Capital</th><td><div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a> (618–683 and 705–904)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a> (<i><a href="/wiki/De_facto">de facto</a></i> 664–683; <i><a href="/wiki/De_jure">de jure</a></i> 683–705 and 904–907)</li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th>Common languages</th><td><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></td></tr><tr><th>Religion </th><td><div><ul><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_Buddhism">Chinese Buddhism</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_folk_religion">Chinese folk religion</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Church_of_the_East_in_China">Chinese Nestorian Christianity</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_Manicheism">Chinese Manicheism</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Zoroastrianism">Zoroastrianism</a></li><li><a href="/wiki/Islam">Islam</a></li></ul></div></td></tr><tr><th>Government</th><td><a href="/wiki/Monarchy">Monarchy</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/List_of_emperors_of_the_Tang_dynasty">Emperor</a></th><td> </td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><p>• 618–626 (first) </p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozu_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozu</a></td></tr><tr><th><p>• 626–649 </p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong_of_Tang">Emperor Taizong</a></td></tr><tr><th><p>• 712–756 </p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong</a></td></tr><tr><th><p>• 904–907 (last) </p></th><td><a href="/wiki/Emperor_Ai_of_Tang">Emperor Ai</a></td></tr><tr><th>Historical era</th><td><a href="/wiki/Medieval_Asia">Medieval Asia</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><div><p>• <a href="/wiki/Transition_from_Sui_to_Tang">Established</a> </p></div></th><td>June 18, 618</td></tr><tr><th><div><p>• <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty_(690%E2%80%93705)">Wu Zhou</a> interregnum </p></div></th><td>690–705<sup>b</sup></td></tr><tr><th><div><p>• <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan_Rebellion">An Lushan Rebellion</a> </p></div></th><td>755–763<sup>c</sup></td></tr><tr><th><div><p>• Abdication in favor of <a href="/wiki/Later_Liang_(Five_Dynasties)">Later Liang</a> </p></div></th><td>June 1, 907</td></tr><tr><th>Area</th></tr><tr><th>715<sup><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup></th><td>5,400,000 km<sup>2</sup> (2,100,000 sq mi)</td></tr><tr><th>Population</th></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><p>• 7th century </p></th><td>50 million</td></tr><tr><th><p>• 9th century </p></th><td>80 million</td></tr><tr><th>Currency</th><td><div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Chinese_coin">Chinese coin</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty_coinage">Chinese cash</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><td>
<table>
<tbody><tr>
<td> <b>Preceded by</b></td>
<td><b>Succeeded by</b>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>
<table>
<tbody><tr>
<td>
</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>
</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Western_Turkic_Khaganate">Western Turkic Khaganate</a>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td>
</td>
<td><a href="/wiki/Eastern_Turkic_Khaganate">Eastern Turkic Khaganate</a>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</td>
<td>
<table>
<tbody><tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Later_Liang_(Five_Dynasties)">Later Liang</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Yang_Wu">Yang Wu</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Wuyue">Wuyue</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Min_(Ten_Kingdoms)">Min</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Former_Shu">Former Shu</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Liao_dynasty">Liao dynasty</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
<tr>
<td><a href="/wiki/Second_Turkic_Khaganate">Second Turkic Khaganate</a>
</td>
<td>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><td><p><sup>b</sup> October 8, 690 – March 3, 705.<br /><sup>c</sup> December 16, 755 – February 17, 763.</p></td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Tang dynasty</th></tr><tr><td><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_dynasty_(Chinese_characters).svg"></a><p>"Tang dynasty" in Han characters</p></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Chinese_language">Chinese</a></th><td><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%94%90%E6%9C%9D">唐朝</a></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Tángcháo</td></tr><tr><td><table><tbody><tr><th>Transcriptions</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Standard_Chinese">Standard Mandarin</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hanyu_Pinyin">Hanyu Pinyin</a></th><td>Tángcháo</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Bopomofo">Bopomofo</a></th><td>ㄊㄤˊ   ㄔㄠˊ</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Spelling_in_Gwoyeu_Romatzyh">Gwoyeu Romatzyh</a></th><td>Tarngchaur</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wade%E2%80%93Giles">Wade–Giles</a></th><td>Tʻang<sup>2</sup>-chʻao<sup>2</sup></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Tongyong_Pinyin">Tongyong Pinyin</a></th><td>Tángcháo</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Mandarin">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Tángcháu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[tʰǎŋ.ʈʂʰǎʊ]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Wu_Chinese">Wu</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Romanization_of_Wu_Chinese">Romanization</a></th><td>Daon zau</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Cantonese">Yue: Cantonese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Yale_romanization_of_Cantonese">Yale Romanization</a></th><td>Tòhngchìuh</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Jyutping">Jyutping</a></th><td>Tong4ciu4</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">IPA</a></th><td><a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Cantonese">[tʰɔ̏ːŋ.tsʰȉːu]</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Southern_Min">Southern Min</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Hokkien">Hokkien</a> <a href="/wiki/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB">POJ</a></th><td>Tông-tiâu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Taiwanese_Romanization_System">Tâi-lô</a></th><td>Tông-tiâu</td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Middle_Chinese">Middle Chinese</a></th><td>dang djew</td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p>The <b>Tang dynasty</b> (,<sup><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Help:IPA/Mandarin">[tʰǎŋ]</a>; <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_characters">Chinese</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%94%90%E6%9C%9D">唐朝</a><sup><a href="#cite_note-5">[a]</a></sup>), or <b>Tang Empire</b>, was an <a href="/wiki/Dynasties_in_Chinese_history">imperial dynasty of China</a> that ruled from 618 to 907 AD, with an <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty_(690%E2%80%93705)">interregnum</a> between 690 and 705. It was preceded by the <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a> and followed by the <a href="/wiki/Five_Dynasties_and_Ten_Kingdoms_period">Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period</a>. Historians generally regard the Tang as a high point in Chinese civilization, and a <a href="/wiki/Golden_age_(metaphor)">golden age</a> of cosmopolitan culture.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELewis20121-6">[5]</a></sup> Tang territory, acquired through the military campaigns of its early rulers, rivaled that of the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a>.
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/House_of_Li">Lǐ family</a> (李) founded the dynasty, seizing power during the decline and collapse of the Sui Empire and inaugurating a period of progress and stability in the first half of the dynasty's rule. The dynasty was formally interrupted during 690–705 when Empress <a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Wu Zetian</a> seized the throne, proclaiming the <a href="/wiki/Zhou_dynasty_(690%E2%80%93705)">Wu Zhou dynasty</a> and becoming the only legitimate Chinese <a href="/wiki/Empress_regnant">empress regnant</a>. The devastating <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan_Rebellion">An Lushan Rebellion</a> (755–763) shook the nation and led to the decline of central authority in the dynasty's latter half. Like the previous <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a>, the Tang maintained a civil-service system by recruiting <a href="/wiki/Scholar-official">scholar-officials</a> through <a href="/wiki/Imperial_examination">standardized examinations</a> and recommendations to office. The rise of regional military governors known as <i><a href="/wiki/Jiedushi">jiedushi</a></i> during the 9th century undermined this civil order. The dynasty and central government went into decline by the latter half of the 9th century; agrarian rebellions resulted in mass population loss and displacement, widespread poverty, and further government dysfunction that ultimately ended the dynasty in 907.
</p><p>The Tang capital at <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a> (present-day <a href="/wiki/Xi%27an">Xi'an</a>) was then the world's most populous city. Two censuses of the 7th and 8th centuries estimated the empire's population at about 50 million people,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111,_141-8">[7]</a></sup> which grew to an estimated 80 million by the dynasty's end.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDu199837-9">[8]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman2006106-10">[9]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-11">[b]</a></sup> From its numerous subjects, the dynasty raised professional and conscripted armies of hundreds of thousands of troops to contend with nomadic powers for <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty_in_Inner_Asia">control</a> of <a href="/wiki/Inner_Asia">Inner Asia</a> and the lucrative trade-routes along the <a href="/wiki/Silk_Road">Silk Road</a>. <a href="/wiki/List_of_tributaries_of_Imperial_China">Far-flung kingdoms and states paid tribute</a> to the Tang court, while the Tang also indirectly controlled several regions through a <a href="/wiki/Protectorate_(imperial_China)">protectorate</a> system. In addition to its political <a href="/wiki/Hegemony">hegemony</a>, the Tang exerted a powerful cultural influence over neighboring <a href="/wiki/East_Asia">East Asian</a> nations such as <a href="/wiki/Classical_Japan">Japan</a> and <a href="/wiki/Three_Kingdoms_of_Korea">Korea</a>.
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Chinese_culture">Chinese culture</a> flourished and further matured during the Tang era. It is traditionally considered the greatest age for <a href="/wiki/Chinese_poetry">Chinese poetry</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYu199873–87-12">[10]</a></sup> Two of China's most famous poets, <a href="/wiki/Li_Bai">Li Bai</a> and <a href="/wiki/Du_Fu">Du Fu</a>, belonged to this age, contributing with poets such as <a href="/wiki/Wang_Wei_(Tang_dynasty)">Wang Wei</a> to the monumental <i><a href="/wiki/Three_Hundred_Tang_Poems">Three Hundred Tang Poems</a></i>. Many famous painters such as <a href="/wiki/Han_Gan">Han Gan</a>, <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Xuan">Zhang Xuan</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Fang_(Tang_dynasty)">Zhou Fang</a> were active, while Chinese court music flourished with instruments such as the popular <a href="/wiki/Pipa">pipa</a>. Tang scholars compiled a rich variety of <a href="/wiki/Chinese_historiography">historical literature</a>, as well as encyclopedias and geographical works. Notable innovations included the development of <a href="/wiki/Woodblock_printing">woodblock printing</a>. <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> became a major influence in Chinese culture, with <a href="/wiki/Chinese_Buddhism">native Chinese sects</a> gaining prominence. However, in the 840s, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wuzong_of_Tang">Emperor Wuzong</a> enacted policies to <a href="/wiki/Great_Anti-Buddhist_Persecution">suppress Buddhism</a>, which subsequently declined in influence.
</p>
<h2>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Establishment and early reign[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:TangGaozu.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The <a href="/wiki/House_of_Li">Li family</a> had ethnic <a href="/wiki/Han_Chinese">Han</a> origins, and it belonged to the northwest military aristocracy prevalent during the <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200690–91-13">[11]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440–41-14">[12]</a></sup> According to official Tang records, they were <a href="/wiki/Patrilineality">paternally descended</a> from the founder of <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lao_Tzu">Lao Tzu</a> (whose personal name was Li Dan or Li Er), the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> general <a href="/wiki/Li_Guang">Li Guang</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Li_Gao">Li Gao</a>, the founder of the Han-ruled <a href="/wiki/Western_Liang_(Sixteen_Kingdoms)">Western Liang</a> kingdom.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELatourette1934191-15">[13]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDrompp2004126-16">[14]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEDrompp2005376-17">[15]</a></sup> This family was known as the <a href="/wiki/Longxi_County">Longxi</a> Li lineage (<a href="/w/index.php?title=Longxi_Li_lineage&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Li lineage</a> [<a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E9%9A%B4%E8%A5%BF%E6%9D%8E%E6%B0%8F">zh</a>]; 隴西李氏), and it included the prominent Tang poet <a href="/wiki/Li_Bai">Li Bai</a>. Aside from traditional historiography, some modern historians have suggested that the Tang imperial family might have modified its genealogy to conceal <a href="/wiki/Xianbei">Xianbei</a> heritage.<sup><a href="#cite_note-18">[16]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-19">[17]</a></sup> The Tang Emperors had part-<a href="/wiki/Xianbei">Xianbei</a> <a href="/wiki/Matrilineality">maternal ancestry</a>, from <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozu_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozu of Tang</a>'s part-Xianbei mother, <a href="/wiki/Dugu_sisters">Duchess Dugu</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESkaff2012125-20">[18]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETogan2011177-21">[19]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Da_Tang_in_seal_charcaters_on_the_epitaph_of_Shangguan_Wan%27er_(lid).jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Li_Yuan">Li Yuan</a>, the founder of the Tang dynasty, was Duke of Tang and governor of <a href="/wiki/Taiyuan">Taiyuan</a>, the capital of modern <a href="/wiki/Shanxi">Shanxi</a>, during the collapse of the <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200690–91-13">[11]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200078,_93-23">[21]</a></sup> He had prestige and military experience, and was a first cousin of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Yang_of_Sui">Emperor Yang of Sui</a> (their mothers were both one of the <a href="/wiki/Dugu_sisters">Dugu sisters</a>).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> Li Yuan rose in rebellion in 617, along with his son and his equally militant daughter <a href="/wiki/Princess_Pingyang">Princess Pingyang</a> (d. 623), who raised and commanded her own troops. In winter 617, Li Yuan occupied <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a>, relegated Emperor Yang to the position of <i><a href="/wiki/Taishang_Huang">Taishang Huang</a></i> or retired emperor, and acted as <a href="/wiki/Regent">regent</a> to the puppet child-emperor, <a href="/wiki/Yang_You">Yang You</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440-24">[22]</a></sup> On the news of Emperor Yang's murder by General <a href="/wiki/Yuwen_Huaji">Yuwen Huaji</a> on June 18, 618, Li Yuan declared himself the emperor of a new dynasty, the Tang.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440-24">[22]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200078-25">[23]</a></sup>
</p><p>Li Yuan, known as <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozu_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozu of Tang</a>, ruled until 626, when he was forcefully deposed by his son <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong_of_Tang">Li Shimin</a>, the Prince of Qin. Li Shimin had commanded troops since the age of 18 years old, had prowess with <a href="/wiki/Bow_and_arrow">bow and arrow</a>, <a href="/wiki/Chinese_swords">sword</a> and <a href="/wiki/Lance">lance</a> and was known for his effective <a href="/wiki/Cavalry">cavalry</a> charges.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200080-26">[24]</a></sup> Fighting a numerically superior army, he defeated <a href="/wiki/Dou_Jiande">Dou Jiande</a> (573–621) at <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Hulao">Battle of Hulao</a> on May 28, 621.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440–42-27">[25]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200078,_82,_85–86,_95-28">[26]</a></sup> In a violent elimination of royal family due to fear of assassination, Li Shimin ambushed and killed two of his brothers, <a href="/wiki/Li_Yuanji">Li Yuanji</a> (b. 603) and <a href="/wiki/Crown_prince">Crown prince</a> <a href="/wiki/Li_Jiancheng">Li Jiancheng</a> (b. 589), in the <a href="/wiki/Xuanwu_Gate_Incident">Xuanwu Gate Incident</a> on July 2, 626.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442-29">[27]</a></sup> Shortly thereafter, his father abdicated in his favor and Li Shimin ascended the throne. He is conventionally known by his <a href="/wiki/Temple_name">temple name</a> Taizong.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although killing two brothers and deposing his father contradicted the <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucian value</a> of <a href="/wiki/Filial_piety">filial piety</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442-29">[27]</a></sup> Taizong showed himself to be a capable leader who listened to the advice of the wisest members of his council.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> In 628, Emperor Taizong held a Buddhist memorial service for the casualties of war, and in 629 he had Buddhist monasteries erected at the sites of major battles so that monks could pray for the fallen on both sides of the fight.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693-30">[28]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the <a href="/wiki/Tang_campaign_against_the_Eastern_Turks">Tang campaign against the Eastern Turks</a>, the <a href="/wiki/Eastern_Turkic_Khaganate">Eastern Turkic Khaganate</a> was destroyed after the capture of its ruler, <a href="/wiki/Illig_Qaghan">Illig Qaghan</a> by the famed Tang military officer <a href="/wiki/Li_Jing_(Tang_dynasty)">Li Jing</a> (571–649), who later became a <a href="/wiki/Chancellor_of_the_Tang_dynasty">Chancellor of the Tang dynasty</a>. With this victory, the Turks accepted Taizong as their <a href="/wiki/Khagan">khagan</a>, a title rendered as <a href="/wiki/Tian_Kehan">Tian Kehan</a> in addition to his rule as <a href="/wiki/Emperor_of_China">emperor of China</a> under the traditional title "<a href="/wiki/Son_of_Heaven">Son of Heaven</a>".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442–43-31">[29]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000124-32">[30]</a></sup> Taizong was succeeded by his son Li Zhi (as <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozong</a>) in 649 CE.
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Huteng_dancer.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The Tang dynasty further led the <a href="/wiki/Tang_campaigns_against_the_Western_Turks">Tang campaigns against the Western Turks</a>. Early military conflicts were a result of the Tang interventions in the rivalry between the <a href="/wiki/Western_Turks">Western</a> and <a href="/wiki/Eastern_Turkic_Khaganate">Eastern Turks</a> in order to weaken both. Under <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong_of_Tang">Emperor Taizong</a>, campaigns were dispatched in the Western Regions against <a href="/wiki/Gaochang">Gaochang</a> in 640, <a href="/wiki/Karasahr">Karasahr</a> in 644 and 648, and <a href="/wiki/Kucha">Kucha</a> in 648. The wars against the Western Turks continued under <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozong</a>, and the <a href="/wiki/Western_Turkic_Khaganate">Western Turkic Khaganate</a> was finally annexed after General <a href="/wiki/Su_Dingfang">Su Dingfang</a>'s defeat of <a href="/wiki/Khagan">Qaghan</a> <a href="/wiki/Ashina_Helu">Ashina Helu</a> in 657 CE.
</p><p>Around that time, the Tang court enjoyed the visit of numerous dignitaries from foreign lands. These were portraited in <i><a href="/wiki/Portraits_of_Periodical_Offering">The Gathering of Kings</a></i> (王會圖, <i>Wanghuitu</i>), probably painted by <a href="/wiki/Yan_Liben">Yan Liben</a> (閻立本, 601–673 CE).<sup><a href="#cite_note-33">[31]</a></sup> From right to left, the countries are <a href="/wiki/Lu_(state)">Lu</a> (魯國) which is a reference to the <a href="/wiki/Eastern_Wei">Eastern Wei</a>, <a href="/wiki/Rouran">Rouran</a> (芮芮國), <a href="/wiki/Sasanian_Empire">Persia</a> (波斯國), <a href="/wiki/Baekje">Baekje</a> (百濟國), <a href="/wiki/Kunduz">Kumedh</a> (胡密丹), <a href="/wiki/Balkh">Baiti</a> (白題國), <a href="/wiki/Mohe_people">Mohe people</a> (靺國), Central <a href="/wiki/India">India</a> (中天竺), <a href="/wiki/Sri_Lanka">Sri Lanka</a> (獅子國), Northern <a href="/wiki/India">India</a> (北天竺), <a href="/wiki/Tashkurgan">Tashkurgan</a> (謁盤陀), Wuxing City of the <a href="/wiki/Chouchi">Chouchi</a> (武興國), <a href="/wiki/Kucha">Kucha</a> (龜茲國), <a href="/wiki/Japan">Japan</a> (倭國), <a href="/wiki/Goguryeo">Goguryeo</a> (高麗國), <a href="/wiki/Khotan">Khotan</a> (于闐國), <a href="/wiki/Silla">Silla</a> (新羅國), <a href="/wiki/Dangchang">Dangchang</a> (宕昌國), <a href="/wiki/Langkasuka">Langkasuka</a> (狼牙修), <a href="/wiki/Qiang_(historical_people)">Dengzhi</a> (鄧至國), <a href="/wiki/Yarkent_Khanate">Yarkand</a> (周古柯), <a href="/wiki/Kabadiyan">Kabadiyan</a> (阿跋檀), Barbarians of Jianping (建平蠻), Nudan (女蜑國).
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E7%8E%8B%E4%BC%9A%E5%9B%BE_%E5%94%90%E9%98%8E%E7%AB%8B%E6%9C%AC_(annotations).jpg"></a></p></div>
<h3>Wu Zetian's usurpation[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:A_Tang_Dynasty_Empress_Wu_Zetian.JPG"></a></p><div><p>Empress Wu (<a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Wu Zetian</a>), the sole officially recognized empress regnant of China in more than two millennia. She first ruled through her husband and sons for almost three decades, then became emperor herself and ruled in her own right for another fifteen years.</p></div></div>
<p>Although she entered <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozong</a>'s court as the lowly consort, <a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Wu Zetian</a> rose to the highest seat of power in 690, establishing the short-lived Wu Zhou. Empress Wu's rise to power was achieved through cruel and calculating tactics: a popular conspiracy theory stated that she killed her own baby girl and blamed it on Gaozong's empress so that the empress would be demoted.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697-34">[32]</a></sup> Emperor Gaozong suffered a <a href="/wiki/Stroke">stroke</a> in 655, and Wu began to make many of his court decisions for him, discussing affairs of state with his councilors, who took orders from her while she sat behind a screen.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697–98-35">[33]</a></sup> When Empress Wu's eldest son, the crown prince, began to assert his authority and advocate policies opposed by Empress Wu, he suddenly died in 675. Many suspected he was poisoned by Empress Wu. Although the next heir apparent kept a lower profile, in 680 he was accused by Wu of plotting a rebellion. He was then banished and later obliged to commit suicide.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698-36">[34]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 683, Emperor Gaozong died. He was succeeded by <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Zhongzong_of_Tang">Emperor Zhongzong</a>, his eldest surviving son by Wu. Zhongzong tried to appoint his wife's father as chancellor: after only six weeks on the throne, he was deposed by Empress Wu in favor of his younger brother, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Ruizong_of_Tang">Emperor Ruizong</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698-36">[34]</a></sup> This provoked a group of Tang princes to rebel in 684. Wu's armies suppressed them within two months.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698-36">[34]</a></sup> She proclaimed the Tianshou <a href="/wiki/Chinese_era_names">era</a> of Wu Zhou on October 16, 690,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEForte1988234-37">[35]</a></sup> and three days later demoted Emperor Ruizong to <a href="/wiki/Crown_prince_(China)">crown prince</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMarlowe200864-38">[36]</a></sup> He was also forced to give up his father's surname Li in favor of the Empress Wu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMarlowe200864-38">[36]</a></sup> She then ruled as China's only <a href="/wiki/Empress_regnant">empress regnant</a>.
</p><p>A <a href="/wiki/Coup_d%27%C3%A9tat">palace coup</a> on February 20, 705, forced Empress Wu to yield her position on February 22. The next day, her son Zhongzong was restored to power; the Tang was formally restored on March 3. She died soon after.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200445-39">[37]</a></sup> To legitimize her rule, she circulated a document known as the <i>Great Cloud Sutra</i>, which predicted that a <a href="/wiki/Reincarnation">reincarnation</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Maitreya">Maitreya</a> Buddha would be a female monarch who would dispel illness, worry, and disaster from the world.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999116-40">[38]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen200397–98-41">[39]</a></sup> She even introduced numerous revised <a href="/wiki/Chinese_characters_of_Empress_Wu">written characters</a> to <a href="/wiki/Chinese_characters">the written language</a>, which reverted to the originals after her death.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200474-42">[40]</a></sup> Arguably the most important part of her legacy was diminishing the hegemony of the Northwestern aristocracy, allowing people from other clans and regions of China to become more represented in Chinese politics and government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200682-43">[41]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer19858-44">[42]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Emperor Xuanzong's reign[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E8%A5%BF%E5%AE%89%E5%A4%A7%E9%9B%81%E5%A1%94.jpg"></a></p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Xi%27anwildgoosepagoda2.JPG"></a></p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Small_Wild_Goose_Pagoda">Small Wild Goose Pagoda</a>, built by 709, was adjacent to the Dajianfu Temple in Chang'an, where Buddhist monks gathered to translate <a href="/wiki/Sanskrit">Sanskrit</a> texts into Chinese<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKiang199912-45">[43]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<p>There were many prominent women at court during and after Wu's reign, including <a href="/wiki/Shangguan_Wan%27er">Shangguan Wan'er</a> (664–710), a poet, writer, and trusted official in charge of Wu's private office.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200446-46">[44]</a></sup> In 706 the wife of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, <a href="/wiki/Empress_Wei_(Tang_dynasty)">Empress Wei</a> (d. 710), persuaded her husband to staff government offices with his sister and her daughters, and in 709 requested that he grant women the right to bequeath hereditary privileges to their sons (which before was a male right only).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20026-47">[45]</a></sup> Empress Wei eventually poisoned Zhongzong, whereupon she placed his fifteen-year-old son upon the throne in 710. Two weeks later, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Li Longji</a> (the later Emperor Xuanzong) entered the palace with a few followers and slew Empress Wei and her faction. He then installed his father <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Ruizong_of_Tang">Emperor Ruizong</a> (r. 710–712) on the throne.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699-48">[46]</a></sup> Just as Emperor Zhongzong was dominated by Empress Wei, so too was Ruizong dominated by <a href="/wiki/Princess_Taiping">Princess Taiping</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447-49">[47]</a></sup> This was finally ended when Princess Taiping's coup failed in 712 (she later hanged herself in 713) and Emperor Ruizong abdicated to <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699-48">[46]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20026-47">[45]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the 44-year reign of Emperor Xuanzong, the Tang dynasty reached its height, a golden age with low economic inflation and a toned down lifestyle for the imperial court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20027-50">[48]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer19858-44">[42]</a></sup> Seen as a progressive and benevolent ruler, Xuanzong even abolished the death penalty in the year 747; all executions had to be approved beforehand by the emperor himself (these were relatively few, considering that there were only 24 executions in the year 730).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200247-51">[49]</a></sup> Xuanzong bowed to the consensus of his ministers on policy decisions and made efforts to staff government ministries fairly with different political factions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447-49">[47]</a></sup> His staunch Confucian chancellor <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Jiuling">Zhang Jiuling</a> (673–740) worked to reduce <a href="/wiki/Deflation">deflation</a> and increase the money supply by upholding the use of private coinage, while his aristocratic and <a href="/wiki/Technocracy_(bureaucratic)">technocratic</a> successor <a href="/wiki/Li_Linfu">Li Linfu</a> (d. 753) favored government monopoly over the issuance of coinage.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200489-52">[50]</a></sup> After 737, most of Xuanzong's confidence rested in his long-standing chancellor <a href="/wiki/Li_Linfu">Li Linfu</a>, who championed a more aggressive foreign policy employing non-Chinese generals. This policy ultimately created the conditions for a massive rebellion against Xuanzong.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447–48-53">[51]</a></sup>
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<h3>An Lushan Rebellion and catastrophe[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:An_Lushan_Rebellion.png"></a></p></div>
<p>The Tang Empire was at its height of power up until the middle of the 8th century, when the <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan_Rebellion">An Lushan Rebellion</a> (December 16, 755 – February 17, 763) destroyed the prosperity of the empire. <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan">An Lushan</a> was a half-<a href="/wiki/Sogdiana">Sogdian</a>, half-<a href="/wiki/Turkic_peoples">Turk</a> Tang commander since 744, who had experience fighting the <a href="/wiki/Khitan_people">Khitans</a> of <a href="/wiki/Manchuria">Manchuria</a> with a victory in 744,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005184-55">[53]</a></sup> yet most of his campaigns against the Khitans were unsuccessful.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXu1993455–467-56">[54]</a></sup> He was given great responsibility in <a href="/wiki/Hebei">Hebei</a>, which allowed him to rebel with an army of more than 100,000 troops.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup> After capturing Luoyang, he named himself emperor of a new, but short-lived, <a href="/wiki/Yan_(Anshi)">Yan state</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005184-55">[53]</a></sup> Despite early victories scored by Tang General <a href="/wiki/Guo_Ziyi">Guo Ziyi</a> (697–781), the newly recruited troops of the army at the capital were no match for An Lushan's frontier veterans, so the court fled Chang'an.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup> While the heir apparent raised troops in <a href="/wiki/Shanxi">Shanxi</a> and Xuanzong fled to <a href="/wiki/Sichuan">Sichuan</a> province, they called upon the help of the <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_Khaganate">Uyghur Khaganate</a> in 756.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_people">Uyghur</a> khan <a href="/wiki/Bayanchur_Khan">Moyanchur</a> was greatly excited at this prospect, and married his own daughter to the Chinese diplomatic envoy once he arrived, receiving in turn a Chinese princess as his bride.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/History_of_the_Uyghur_people">The Uyghurs</a> helped recapture the Tang capital from the rebels, but they refused to leave until the Tang paid them an enormous sum of tribute in silk.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup> Even <a href="/wiki/Abbasid_caliphate">Abbasid Arabs</a> assisted the Tang in putting down An Lushan's rebellion.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer19859-58">[56]</a></sup> A massacre of foreign Arab and Persian Muslim merchants by <a href="/w/index.php?title=Tian_Shengong&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Tian Shengong</a> happened during the An Lushan rebellion in the <a href="/wiki/Yangzhou_massacre_(760)">Yangzhou massacre (760)</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWan201711-59">[57]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEQi2010221–227-60">[58]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Tibet">Tibetans</a> took hold of the opportunity and raided many areas under Chinese control, and even after the <a href="/wiki/Tibetan_Empire">Tibetan Empire</a> had fallen apart in 842 (and <a href="/wiki/Kingdom_of_Qocho">the Uyghurs soon after</a>) the Tang were in no position to <a href="/wiki/Protectorate_General_to_Pacify_the_West">reconquer Central Asia</a> after 763.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen200334-61">[59]</a></sup> So significant was this loss that half a century later <i>jinshi</i> examination candidates were required to write an essay on the causes of the Tang's decline.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGascoigneGascoigne200397-62">[60]</a></sup> Although An Lushan was killed by one of his eunuchs in 757,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup> this time of troubles and widespread insurrection continued until rebel <a href="/wiki/Shi_Siming">Shi Siming</a> was killed by his own son in 763.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185-57">[55]</a></sup>
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<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Leshan_Buddha_Statue_View.JPG"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Nanchan_Temple_1.JPG"></a></p></div>
<p>One of the legacies that the Tang government left since 710 was the gradual rise of regional military governors, the <a href="/wiki/Jiedushi">jiedushi</a>, who slowly came to challenge the power of the central government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang200391-63">[61]</a></sup> After the An Lushan Rebellion, the autonomous power and authority accumulated by <a href="/wiki/Three_Fanzhen_of_Hebei">the jiedushi in Hebei</a> went beyond the central government's control. After a series of rebellions between 781 and 784 in today's Hebei, <a href="/wiki/Shandong">Shandong</a>, Hubei and <a href="/wiki/Henan">Henan</a> provinces, the government had to officially acknowledge the jiedushi's hereditary ruling without accreditation. The Tang government relied on these governors and their armies for protection and to suppress locals that would take up arms against the government. In return, the central government would acknowledge the rights of these governors to maintain their army, collect taxes and even to pass on their title to heirs.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200843–44-64">[62]</a></sup> As time passed, these military governors slowly phased out the prominence of civil officials drafted by exams, and became more autonomous from central authority.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup> The rule of these powerful military governors lasted until 960, when a new civil order under the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> was established. Also, the abandonment of the equal-field system meant that people could buy and sell land freely. Many poor fell into debt because of this, forced to sell their land to the wealthy, which led to the exponential growth of large estates.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup> With the breakdown of the land allocation system after 755, the central Chinese state barely interfered in agricultural management and acted merely as tax collector for roughly a millennium, save a few instances such as the Song's failed land nationalization during the 13th-century war with the <a href="/wiki/Mongols">Mongols</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200490–91-65">[63]</a></sup>
</p><p>With the central government collapsing in authority over the various regions of the empire, it was recorded in 845 that bandits and river pirates in parties of 100 or more began plundering settlements along the Yangtze River with little resistance.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105-66">[64]</a></sup> In 858, massive floods along the <a href="/wiki/Grand_Canal_of_China">Grand Canal</a> inundated vast tracts of land and terrain of the <a href="/wiki/North_China_Plain">North China Plain</a>, which drowned tens of thousands of people in the process.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105-66">[64]</a></sup>
The Chinese belief in the <a href="/wiki/Mandate_of_Heaven">Mandate of Heaven</a> granted to the ailing Tang was also challenged when natural calamities occurred, forcing many to believe that the Tang had lost their right to rule. Furthermore, in 873 a disastrous harvest shook the foundations of the empire; in some areas only half of all agricultural produce was gathered, and tens of thousands faced famine and starvation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105-66">[64]</a></sup> In the earlier period of the Tang, the central government was able to meet crises in the harvest, as it was recorded from 714 to 719 that the Tang government responded effectively to natural disasters by extending the price-regulation <a href="/wiki/Granary">granary</a> system throughout the country.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105-66">[64]</a></sup> The central government was able then to build a large surplus stock of foods to ward off the rising danger of famine and increased agricultural productivity through <a href="/wiki/Land_reclamation">land reclamation</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20027-50">[48]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105-66">[64]</a></sup> In the 9th century, however, the Tang government was nearly helpless in dealing with any calamity.
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<h3>Rebuilding and recovery[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Xumipagodazhengding.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Although these natural calamities and rebellions stained the reputation and hampered the effectiveness of the central government, the early 9th century is nonetheless viewed as a period of recovery for the Tang dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200215–17-67">[65]</a></sup> The government's withdrawal from its role in managing the economy had the unintended effect of stimulating trade, as more markets with fewer bureaucratic restrictions were opened up.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101-68">[66]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200685-69">[67]</a></sup> By 780, the old grain tax and labor service of the 7th century was replaced by a semiannual tax paid in cash, signifying the shift to a money economy boosted by the merchant class.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer19859-58">[56]</a></sup> Cities in the <a href="/wiki/Jiangnan">Jiangnan</a> region to the south, such as <a href="/wiki/Yangzhou">Yangzhou</a>, <a href="/wiki/Suzhou">Suzhou</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Hangzhou">Hangzhou</a> prospered the most economically during the late Tang period.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101-68">[66]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Salt_in_Chinese_history">government monopoly on the production of salt</a>, weakened after the <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan_Rebellion">An Lushan Rebellion</a>, was placed under the <a href="/wiki/Salt_Commission">Salt Commission</a>, which became one of the most powerful state agencies, run by capable ministers chosen as specialists. The commission began the practice of selling merchants the rights to buy monopoly salt, which they would then transport and sell in local markets. In 799 salt accounted for over half of the government's revenues.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup> S.A.M. Adshead writes that this salt tax represents "the first time that an indirect tax, rather than tribute, levies on land or people, or profit from state enterprises such as mines, had been the primary resource of a major state."<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200450-70">[68]</a></sup> Even after the power of the central government was in decline after the mid 8th century, it was still able to function and give out imperial orders on a massive scale. The <i>Tangshu</i> (<a href="/wiki/Old_Book_of_Tang">Old Book of Tang</a>) compiled in the year 945 recorded that in 828 the Tang government issued a decree that standardized <a href="/wiki/Irrigation">irrigational</a> square-pallet <a href="/wiki/Chain_pump">chain pumps</a> in the country:
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<blockquote><p>In the second year of the Taihe reign period [828], in the second month ... a standard model of the chain pump was issued from the palace, and the people of <a href="/wiki/Jingzhao_Fu">Jingzhao Fu</a> (d footnote: the capital) were ordered by the emperor to make a considerable number of machines, for distribution to the people along the <a href="/wiki/Zhengguo_Canal">Zheng Bai Canal</a>, for irrigation purposes.|<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b347-71">[69]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The last great ambitious ruler of the Tang dynasty was <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xianzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xianzong</a> (r. 805–820), whose reign was aided by the fiscal reforms of the 780s, including a government monopoly on the salt industry.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200214–15-72">[70]</a></sup> He also had an effective and well-trained imperial army stationed at the capital led by his court eunuchs; this was the Army of Divine Strategy, numbering 240,000 in strength as recorded in 798.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200215-73">[71]</a></sup> Between the years 806 and 819, Emperor Xianzong conducted seven major military campaigns to quell the rebellious provinces that had claimed autonomy from central authority, managing to subdue all but two of them.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451-74">[72]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200216-75">[73]</a></sup> Under his reign there was a brief end to the hereditary jiedushi, as Xianzong appointed his own military officers and staffed the regional bureaucracies once again with civil officials.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451-74">[72]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200216-75">[73]</a></sup> However, Xianzong's successors proved less capable and more interested in the leisure of hunting, feasting, and playing outdoor sports, allowing eunuchs to amass more power as drafted scholar-officials caused strife in the bureaucracy with factional parties.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200216-75">[73]</a></sup> The eunuchs' power became unchallenged after <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wenzong_of_Tang">Emperor Wenzong</a>'s (r. 826–840) failed <a href="/wiki/Ganlu_Incident">plot to have them overthrown</a>; instead the allies of Emperor Wenzong were publicly executed in the <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an#West_Central_Chang'an">West Market of Chang'an</a>, by the eunuchs' command.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101-68">[66]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Dunhuang_Zhang_Yichao_army.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>However, the Tang did manage to restore at least indirect control over former Tang territories as far west as the <a href="/wiki/Hexi_Corridor">Hexi Corridor</a> and <a href="/wiki/Dunhuang">Dunhuang</a> in <a href="/wiki/Gansu">Gansu</a>. In 848 the ethnic Han Chinese general <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Yichao">Zhang Yichao</a> (799–872) managed to wrestle control of the region from the <a href="/wiki/Era_of_Fragmentation">Tibetan Empire during its civil war</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETaenzer201635–37-76">[74]</a></sup> Shortly afterwards <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xu%C4%81nzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuānzong of Tang</a> (r. 846–859) acknowledged Zhang as the protector (防禦使, <i>Fangyushi</i>) of Sha Prefecture and <i>jiedushi</i> military governor of the new <a href="/wiki/Guiyi_Circuit">Guiyi Circuit</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-ZZTJ249-77">[75]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Tang dynasty recovered its power decades after the An Lushan rebellion and was still able to launch offensive conquests and campaigns like its <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_Khaganate#Fall">destruction of the Uyghur Khaganate in Mongolia in 840–847</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBaumer2012310-78">[76]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>End of the dynasty[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>In addition to natural calamities and <i>jiedushi</i> amassing autonomous control, the <a href="/wiki/Huang_Chao">Huang Chao Rebellion</a> (874–884) resulted in the sacking of both Chang'an and Luoyang, and took an entire decade to suppress.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005189–190-79">[77]</a></sup> It was the Huang Chao rebellion by the native Han rebel Huang Chao that permanently destroyed the power of the Tang dynasty since Huang Chao not only devastated the north but marched into southern China which An Lushan failed to do due to the Battle of Suiyang. Huang Chao's army in southern China committed the <a href="/wiki/Guangzhou_massacre">Guangzhou massacre</a> against foreign Arab and Persian Muslim, Zoroastrian, Jewish and Christian merchants in 878–879 at the seaport and trading port of <a href="/wiki/Guangzhou">Guangzhou</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1996292-80">[78]</a></sup> and captured both Tang dynasty capitals, Luoyang and Chang'an. A medieval Chinese source claimed that Huang Chao killed 8 million people.<sup><a href="#cite_note-81">[79]</a></sup> The Tang never recovered from this rebellion, weakening it for future military powers to replace it. Large groups of bandits in the size of small armies ravaged the countryside in the last years of the Tang. They smuggled illicit salt, ambushed merchants and convoys, and even besieged several walled cities.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006108-82">[80]</a></sup> Amid the sacking of cities and murderous factional strife among eunuchs and officials, the top tier of aristocratic families, which had amassed a large fraction of the landed wealth and official positions, was largely destroyed or marginalized.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20036–7-83">[81]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-84">[82]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the last two decades of the Tang dynasty, the gradual collapse of central authority led to the rise of two prominent rival military figures over <a href="/wiki/Northern_China">northern China</a>: <a href="/wiki/Li_Keyong">Li Keyong</a> and <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Wen">Zhu Wen</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20037–12-85">[83]</a></sup> Tang forces had defeated Huang Chao's rebellion with the crucial aid of allied <a href="/wiki/Shatuo">Shatuo</a> <a href="/wiki/Turkic_peoples">Turkic peoples</a> of what is now <a href="/wiki/Shanxi">Shanxi</a> led by Li Keyong. He was made a jiedushi governor and later <a href="/wiki/Jin_(Later_Tang_precursor)">Prince of Jin</a>, bestowed with the imperial surname Li by the Tang court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20036–7,_10,_12-86">[84]</a></sup> Zhu Wen, originally a salt smuggler who served as a lieutenant under the rebel Huang Chao, surrendered to Tang forces. By helping to defeat Huang, he was <a href="/wiki/Courtesy_name">renamed</a> <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Quanzhong">Zhu Quanzhong</a> ("Zhu of Perfect Loyalty") and granted a series of rapid military promotions to military governor of Xuanwu Circuit.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20037,_10,_12-87">[85]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986c320–321,_footnote_h-88">[86]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 901, from his powerbase of <a href="/wiki/Kaifeng">Kaifeng</a>, Zhu Wen seized control of the Tang capital Chang'an and with it the imperial family.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20037-89">[87]</a></sup> By 903 he forced <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Zhaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Zhaozong of Tang</a> to move the capital to Luoyang, preparing to take the throne for himself. In 904 Zhu assassinated Emperor Zhaozong to replace him with the emperor's young son <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Ai_of_Tang">Emperor Ai of Tang</a>. In 905 Zhu executed the brothers of Emperor Ai as well as many officials and <a href="/wiki/Empress_He_(Tang_dynasty)">Empress Dowager He</a>. In 907 the Tang dynasty was ended when Zhu deposed Ai and took the throne for himself (known posthumously as Emperor Taizu of Later Liang). He established the <a href="/wiki/Later_Liang_(Five_Dynasties)">Later Liang</a>, which inaugurated the <a href="/wiki/Five_Dynasties_and_Ten_Kingdoms_period">Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period</a>. A year later Zhu had the deposed Emperor Ai poisoned to death.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote20037,_10,_12-87">[85]</a></sup>
</p><p>Zhu Wen's hated nemesis Li Keyong died in 908 but, out of loyalty to Tang, Li never claimed the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_sovereign">title of emperor</a>. His son <a href="/wiki/Li_Cunxu">Li Cunxu</a> (Emperor Zhuangzong) inherited his title Prince of Jin along with his father's rivalry against Zhu. In 923 Li Cunxu declared a "restored" Tang dynasty, the <a href="/wiki/Later_Tang">Later Tang</a>, before toppling the Later Liang dynasty the same year.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote200310,_12–13-90">[88]</a></sup> However, <a href="/wiki/Southern_China">southern China</a> would remain splintered into various small kingdoms until most of China was reunified under the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1279).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote200310–11-91">[89]</a></sup> Control over parts of <a href="/wiki/Northeast_China">northeast China</a> and <a href="/wiki/Manchuria">Manchuria</a> by the <a href="/wiki/Liao_dynasty">Liao dynasty</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Khitan_people">Khitan people</a> also stemmed from this period. In 905 their leader <a href="/wiki/Abaoji">Abaoji</a> formed a military alliance with Li Keyong against Zhu Wen but the Khitans eventually turned against the Later Tang, helping another Shatuo leader <a href="/wiki/Shi_Jingtang">Shi Jingtang</a> of <a href="/wiki/Later_Jin_(Five_Dynasties)">Later Jin</a> to overthrow Later Tang in 936.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEMote200312–13-92">[90]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Administration and politics[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Initial reforms[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_XianZong.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Taizong set out to solve internal problems within the government which had constantly plagued past dynasties. Building upon the Sui <a href="/wiki/Code_(law)">legal code</a>, he issued <a href="/wiki/Tang_Code">a new legal code</a> that subsequent Chinese dynasties would model theirs upon, as well as neighboring polities in <a href="/wiki/Vietnam">Vietnam</a>, <a href="/wiki/Korea">Korea</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Japan">Japan</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> The earliest law code to survive was the one established in the year 653, which was divided into 500 articles specifying different crimes and penalties ranging from ten blows with a light stick, one hundred blows with a heavy rod, exile, penal servitude, or execution.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111–112-93">[91]</a></sup>
</p><p>The legal code distinguished different levels of severity in meted punishments when different members of the social and political hierarchy committed the same crime.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112-94">[92]</a></sup> For example, the severity of punishment was different when a servant or nephew killed a master or an uncle than when a master or uncle killed a servant or nephew.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112-94">[92]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:CMOC_Treasures_of_Ancient_China_exhibit_-_tri-coloured_figure_of_a_civil_official.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Tang <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty_tomb_figures">tomb figure</a> of an official dressed in <a href="/wiki/Han_Chinese_clothing">Hanfu</a>, with a tall hat, wide-sleeved belted outer garment, and rectangular "kerchief" in front. A white inner gown hangs over his square shoes. He holds a tablet to his chest, a report to his superiors.</p></div></div>
<p>The Tang Code was largely retained by later codes such as the early <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a> (1368–1644) code of 1397,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAndrewRapp200025-95">[93]</a></sup> yet there were several revisions in later times, such as <a href="/wiki/Society_of_the_Song_dynasty#Women:_legality_and_lifestyles">improved property rights for women</a> during the <a href="/wiki/Song_dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1279).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999158-96">[94]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBernhardt1995274–275-97">[95]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Tang had three departments (Chinese: 省; pinyin: <i>shěng</i>), which were obliged to draft, review, and implement policies respectively. There were also six ministries (Chinese: 部; pinyin: <i>bù</i>) under the administrations that implemented policy, each of which was assigned different tasks. These <a href="/wiki/Three_Departments_and_Six_Ministries">Three Departments and Six Ministries</a> included the personnel administration, finance, rites, military, justice, and public works—an administrative model which would last until the fall of the <a href="/wiki/Qing_dynasty">Qing dynasty</a> (1644–1912).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200678-98">[96]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although the founders of the Tang related to the glory of the earlier <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> (3rd century BC–3rd century AD), the basis for much of their administrative organization was very similar to the previous <a href="/wiki/Northern_and_Southern_dynasties">Northern and Southern dynasties</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Northern_Zhou">Northern Zhou</a> (6th century) <a href="/wiki/Fubing_system">fubing system</a> of divisional militia was continued by the Tang, along with farmer-soldiers serving in rotation from the capital or frontier in order to receive appropriated farmland. The <a href="/wiki/Equal-field_system">equal-field system</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Northern_Wei">Northern Wei</a> (4th–6th centuries) was also kept, although there were a few modifications.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although the central and local governments kept an enormous number of records about land property in order to assess taxes, it became common practice in the Tang for literate and affluent people to create their own private documents and signed contracts. These had their own signature and that of a witness and scribe in order to prove in court (if necessary) that their claim to property was legitimate. The prototype of this actually existed since the ancient Han dynasty, while contractual language became even more common and embedded into Chinese literary culture in later dynasties.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBrook199859-99">[97]</a></sup>
</p><p>The center of the political power of the Tang was the capital city of <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a> (modern <a href="/wiki/Xi%27an">Xi'an</a>), where the emperor maintained his large palace quarters and entertained political emissaries with music, sports, <a href="/wiki/Acrobatics">acrobatic</a> stunts, poetry, paintings, and <a href="/wiki/Pear_Garden">dramatic theater performances</a>. The capital was also filled with incredible amounts of riches and resources to spare. When the Chinese <a href="/wiki/Prefecture">prefectural</a> government officials traveled to the capital in the year 643 to give the annual report of the affairs in their districts, Emperor Taizong discovered that many had no proper quarters to rest in and were renting rooms with merchants. Therefore, Emperor Taizong ordered the government agencies in charge of <a href="/wiki/Township">municipal</a> construction to build every visiting official his own private <a href="/wiki/Mansion">mansion</a> in the capital.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200259-100">[98]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Imperial examinations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Civilserviceexam1.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Civil service exam candidates gather around the wall where results had been posted. Artwork by <a href="/wiki/Qiu_Ying">Qiu Ying</a>.</p></div></div>
<p>Students of <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucian</a> studies were candidates for the <a href="/wiki/Imperial_examination">imperial examinations</a>, which qualified their graduates for appointment to the local, provincial, and central government bureaucracies. Two types of exams given, <i>mingjing</i> (明經; "illuminating the classics") and <i>jinshi</i> (進士; "presented scholar").<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691–92-101">[99]</a></sup> The <i>mingjing</i> was based upon the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_classic_texts">Confucian classics</a> and tested the student's knowledge of a broad variety of texts.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691–92-101">[99]</a></sup> The <i>jinshi</i> tested a student's literary abilities in writing essays in response to questions on governance and politics, as well as in composing <a href="/wiki/Chinese_poetry">poetry</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200692-102">[100]</a></sup> Candidates were also judged on proper deportment, appearance, speech, and <a href="/wiki/Calligraphy">calligraphy</a>, all subjective criteria that favored the wealthy over those of more modest means who were unable to pay tutors of <a href="/wiki/Rhetoric">rhetoric</a> and writing.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697-34">[32]</a></sup> Although a disproportionate number of civil officials came from aristocratic families,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697-34">[32]</a></sup> wealth and noble status were not prerequisites, and the exams were open to all male subjects whose fathers were not of the <a href="/wiki/Four_occupations">artisan or merchant classes</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGascoigneGascoigne200395-103">[101]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697-34">[32]</a></sup> To promote widespread Confucian education, the Tang government established state-run schools and issued standard versions of the <a href="/wiki/Five_Classics">Five Classics</a> with commentaries.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112-94">[92]</a></sup>
</p><p>Open competition was designed to draw the best talent into government. But perhaps an even greater consideration for the Tang rulers was to avoid imperial dependence on powerful aristocratic families and <a href="/wiki/Warlord">warlords</a> by recruiting a body of career officials having no family or local <a href="/wiki/Base_(politics)">power base</a>. The Tang law code ensured equal division of inherited property amongst legitimate heirs, encouraging <a href="/wiki/Social_mobility">social mobility</a> by preventing powerful families from becoming <a href="/wiki/Landed_nobility">landed nobility</a> through <a href="/wiki/Primogeniture">primogeniture</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200683-104">[102]</a></sup> The competition system proved successful, as <a href="/wiki/Scholar-bureaucrats">scholar-officials</a> acquired status in their local communities while developing an <a href="/wiki/Morale">esprit de corps</a> that connected them to the imperial court. From Tang times until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912, scholar-officials served as intermediaries between the <a href="/wiki/Grassroots">people</a> and the government.
</p><p>Yet the potential of a widespread examination system was not fully realized until the succeeding Song dynasty, when the merit-driven scholar official largely shed his aristocratic habits and defined his social status through the examination system.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006159-105">[103]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200695-106">[104]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200454-107">[105]</a></sup> 
</p>
<blockquote><p>The examination system, used only on a small scale in Sui and Tang times, played a central role in the fashioning of this new elite. The early Song emperors, concerned above all to avoid domination of the government by military men, greatly expanded the civil service examination system and the government school system.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999145–146-108">[106]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<h3>Religion and politics[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Audience_by_Emperor_Tang_Xuanzong.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>From the outset, religion played a role in Tang politics. In his bid for power, Li Yuan had attracted a following by claiming descent from the <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> sage <a href="/wiki/Lao_Tzu">Lao Tzu</a> (<abbr>fl.</abbr> 6th century BC).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff200079-109">[107]</a></sup> People bidding for office would request the prayers of Buddhist monks, with successful aspirants making donations in return. Before the persecution of Buddhism in the 9th century, Buddhism and Taoism were both accepted.
</p><p>Religion was central in the reign of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong</a> (r. 712–756). The Emperor invited Taoist and Buddhist monks and clerics to his court, exalted the Taoist ancient Lao Tzu with grand titles, wrote commentary on the <i>Lao Tzu</i> scriptures, and set up a school to prepare candidates for Taoist examinations. In 726 he called upon the Indian monk <a href="/wiki/Vajrabodhi">Vajrabodhi</a> (671–741) to perform <a href="/wiki/Vajrayana">Tantric</a> rites to avert a drought. In 742 he personally held the incense burner while <a href="/wiki/Amoghavajra">Amoghavajra</a> (705–774, patriarch of the <a href="/wiki/Shingon_Buddhism">Shingon school</a>) recited "mystical incantations to secure the victory of Tang forces."<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699-48">[46]</a></sup>
</p><p>Emperor Xuanzong closely regulated religious finances. Near the beginning of his reign in 713, he liquidated the <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an#Northwestern_Chang'an">Inexhaustible Treasury</a> of a prominent Buddhist monastery in Chang'an which had collected vast riches as multitudes of anonymous repentants left money, silk, and treasure at its doors. Although the monastery used its funds generously, the Emperor condemned it for fraudulent <a href="/wiki/History_of_banking_in_China">banking</a> practices, and distributed its wealth to other Buddhist and Taoist monasteries, and to repair local statues, halls, and bridges.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200261-110">[108]</a></sup> In 714, he forbade Chang'an shops from selling copied Buddhist sutras, giving a monopoly of this trade to the Buddhist clergy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200257-111">[109]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Taxes and the census[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The Tang dynasty government attempted to create an accurate census of the empire's population, mostly for effective taxation and military conscription. The early Tang government established modest grain and cloth taxes on each household, persuading households to register and provide the government with accurate demographic information.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> In the official census of 609, the population was tallied at 9 million households, about 50 million people,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> and this number did not increase in the census of 742.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999141-112">[110]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Patricia_Ebrey">Patricia Ebrey</a> writes that nonwithstanding census undercounting, China's population had not grown significantly since the earlier <a href="/wiki/History_of_the_Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a>, which recorded 58 million people in the year 2.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENishijima1986595–596-113">[111]</a></sup> S.A.M. Adshead disagrees, estimating about 75 million people by 750.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200472-114">[112]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the Tang census of 754, there were 1,859 cities, 321 <a href="/wiki/Prefecture_(China)">prefectures</a>, and 1,538 <a href="/wiki/Counties_of_the_People%27s_Republic_of_China#History">counties</a> throughout the empire.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200245-115">[113]</a></sup> Although there were many large and prominent cities, the rural and agrarian areas comprised some 80 to 90% of the population.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200232-116">[114]</a></sup> There was also a dramatic migration from <a href="/wiki/Northern_and_southern_China">northern to southern China</a>, as the North held 75% of the overall population at the dynasty's inception, which by its end was reduced to 50%.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200475-117">[115]</a></sup>
</p><p>Chinese population would not dramatically increase until the Song dynasty, when it doubled to 100 million because of extensive rice cultivation in central and southern China, coupled with higher yields of grain sold in a growing market.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006156-118">[116]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Military and foreign policy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=13">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Emperor_Taizong_gives_an_audience_to_the_ambassador_of_Tibet.jpg"></a></p></div>
<h3>Protectorates and tributaries[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=14">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The 7th and first half of the 8th century are generally considered to be the era in which the Tang reached the zenith of its power. In this period, Tang control extended further west than any previous dynasty, stretching from north Vietnam in the south, to a point north of <a href="/wiki/Kashmir">Kashmir</a> bordering Persia in the west, to northern Korea in the north-east.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002xii,_4-119">[117]</a></sup>
</p><p>Some of the kingdoms paying tribute to the Tang dynasty included <a href="/wiki/Kashmir_region">Kashmir</a>, Nepal, <a href="/wiki/Khotan">Khotan</a>, <a href="/wiki/Kucha">Kucha</a>, <a href="/wiki/Kashgar">Kashgar</a>, <a href="/wiki/Silla">Silla</a>, <a href="/wiki/Champa">Champa</a>, and kingdoms located in <a href="/wiki/Amu_Darya">Amu Darya</a> and <a href="/wiki/Syr_Darya">Syr Darya</a> valley.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200447-120">[118]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000116–118-121">[119]</a></sup> Turkic nomads addressed the Emperor of Tang China as <i><a href="/wiki/Tian_Kehan">Tian Kehan</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000124-32">[30]</a></sup> After the widespread Göktürk revolt of <a href="/wiki/Shabol%C3%BCe_Khan">Shabolüe Khan</a> (d. 658) was put down at <a href="/wiki/Issyk_Kul">Issyk Kul</a> in 657 by <a href="/wiki/Su_Dingfang">Su Dingfang</a> (591–667), Emperor Gaozong established several protectorates governed by a Protectorate General or Grand Protectorate General, which extended the Chinese <a href="/wiki/Sphere_of_influence">sphere of influence</a> as far as <a href="/wiki/Herat">Herat</a> in Western Afghanistan.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000118,_122-122">[120]</a></sup> Protectorate Generals were given a great deal of autonomy to handle local crises without waiting for central admission. After Xuanzong's reign, military governors (jiedushi) were given enormous power, including the ability to maintain their own armies, collect taxes, and pass their titles on hereditarily. This is commonly recognized as the beginning of the fall of Tang's central government.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100-54">[52]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang200391-63">[61]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E5%94%90%E6%9C%9D%E7%96%86%E5%9F%9F%EF%BC%88%E7%B9%81%EF%BC%89.png"></a></p><div><p>The Chinese Tang dynasty during its greatest extension, controlling large parts of Central Asia.</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Officer_of_the_Guard_of_Honour._Tomb_of_Princess_Changle_(%E9%95%BF%E4%B9%90%E5%85%AC%E4%B8%BB%E5%A2%93),_Zhao_Mausoleum,_Shaanxi_province._Tang_Zhenguan_year_17,_ie_644_CE.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Chinese officer of the Guard of Honour. Tomb of Princess Chang-le (长乐公主墓), <a href="/wiki/Zhao_Mausoleum_(Tang_dynasty)">Zhao Mausoleum</a>, Shaanxi province. Tang Zhenguan year 17, i.e. 644 CE</p></div></div>
<h3>Soldiers and conscription[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=15">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>By the year 737, Emperor Xuanzong discarded the policy of conscripting soldiers that were replaced every three years, replacing them with long-service soldiers who were more battle-hardened and efficient. It was more economically feasible as well, since training new recruits and sending them out to the frontier every three years drained the treasury.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20029-123">[121]</a></sup> By the late 7th century, the <i><a href="/wiki/Fubing_system">fubing</a></i> troops began abandoning military service and the homes provided to them in the equal-field system. The supposed standard of 100 <i><a href="/wiki/Mu_(unit_of_area)">mu</a></i> of land allotted to each family was in fact decreasing in size in places where population expanded and the wealthy bought up most of the land.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff2002208-124">[122]</a></sup> Hard-pressed peasants and vagrants were then induced into military service with benefits of exemption from both taxation and corvée labor service, as well as provisions for farmland and dwellings for dependents who accompanied soldiers on the frontier.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff2002209-125">[123]</a></sup> By the year 742 the total number of enlisted troops in the Tang armies had risen to about 500,000 men.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20029-123">[121]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Eastern regions[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=16">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>In East Asia, Tang Chinese military campaigns were less successful elsewhere than in previous imperial Chinese dynasties. <a href="/wiki/Goguryeo%E2%80%93Sui_War">Like the emperors of the Sui dynasty before him</a>, Taizong established a military campaign in 644 against the Korean kingdom of <a href="/wiki/Goguryeo">Goguryeo</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Goguryeo%E2%80%93Tang_War">Goguryeo–Tang War</a>; however, this led to its withdrawal in the <a href="/wiki/First_conflict_of_the_Goguryeo%E2%80%93Tang_War">first campaign</a> because they failed to overcome the successful defense led by General <a href="/wiki/Yeon_Gaesomun">Yeon Gaesomun</a>. <a href="/wiki/Silla%E2%80%93Tang_alliance">Allying with the Korean Silla Kingdom</a>, the Chinese fought against <a href="/wiki/Baekje">Baekje</a> and their <a href="/wiki/Kofun_period">Yamato Japanese</a> allies in the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Baekgang">Battle of Baekgang</a> in August 663, a decisive Tang–Silla victory. The Tang dynasty navy had <a href="/wiki/Naval_history_of_China#Tang_era">several different ship types</a> at its disposal to engage in <a href="/wiki/Naval_warfare">naval warfare</a>, these ships described by Li Quan in his <i>Taipai Yinjing</i> (Canon of the White and Gloomy Planet of War) of 759.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986c685–687-126">[124]</a></sup> The Battle of Baekgang was actually a restoration movement by remnant forces of Baekje, since their kingdom was toppled in 660 by a joint Tang–Silla invasion, led by Chinese general Su Dingfang and Korean general <a href="/wiki/Kim_Yushin">Kim Yushin</a> (595–673). In another joint invasion with Silla, the Tang army severely weakened the Goguryeo Kingdom in the north by taking out its outer forts in the year 645. With joint attacks by Silla and Tang armies under commander <a href="/wiki/Li_Shiji">Li Shiji</a> (594–669), the Kingdom of Goguryeo was destroyed by 668.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20024-127">[125]</a></sup>
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<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Mogao_Cave_61,_painting_of_Mount_Wutai_monasteries.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Although they were formerly enemies, the Tang accepted officials and generals of Goguryeo into their administration and military, such as the brothers <a href="/wiki/Yeon_Namsaeng">Yeon Namsaeng</a> (634–679) and <a href="/wiki/Yeon_Namsan">Yeon Namsan</a> (639–701). From 668 to 676, the Tang Empire would control northern Korea. However, in 671 Silla broke the alliance and began the <a href="/wiki/Silla%E2%80%93Tang_War">Silla–Tang War</a> to expel the Tang forces. At the same time the Tang faced threats on its western border when a large Chinese army was defeated by the Tibetans on the Dafei River in 670.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff2002201-128">[126]</a></sup> By 676, the Tang army was expelled out of Korea by <a href="/wiki/Later_Silla">Unified Silla</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKang200654-129">[127]</a></sup> Following a revolt of the Eastern Turks in 679, the Tang abandoned its Korean campaigns.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGraff2002201-128">[126]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although the Tang had fought the Japanese, they still held cordial relations with Japan. There were numerous <a href="/wiki/Imperial_embassies_to_China">Imperial embassies to China</a> from Japan, diplomatic missions that were not halted until 894 by <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Uda">Emperor Uda</a> (r. 887–897), upon persuasion by <a href="/wiki/Sugawara_no_Michizane">Sugawara no Michizane</a> (845–903).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEKitagawaTsuchida1975222-130">[128]</a></sup> The Japanese <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Tenmu">Emperor Tenmu</a> (r. 672–686) even established his conscripted army on that of the Chinese model, based his state ceremonies on the Chinese model, and constructed his palace at <a href="/wiki/Fujiwara-ky%C5%8D">Fujiwara</a> on the <a href="/wiki/Chinese_architecture">Chinese model of architecture</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006144-131">[129]</a></sup>
</p><p>Many Chinese Buddhist monks came to Japan to help further the spread of Buddhism as well. Two 7th-century monks in particular, Zhi Yu and Zhi You, visited the court of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Tenji">Emperor Tenji</a> (r. 661–672), whereupon they presented a gift of a <a href="/wiki/South-pointing_chariot">south-pointing chariot</a> that they had crafted.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b289-132">[130]</a></sup> This 3rd century mechanically driven directional-<a href="/wiki/Compass">compass</a> vehicle (employing a <a href="/wiki/Differential_(mechanical_device)">differential gear</a>) was again reproduced in several models for Tenji in 666, as recorded in the <i><a href="/wiki/Nihon_Shoki">Nihon Shoki</a></i> of 720.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b289-132">[130]</a></sup> Japanese monks also visited China; such was the case with <a href="/wiki/Ennin">Ennin</a> (794–864), who wrote of his travel experiences including travels along <a href="/wiki/Grand_Canal_(China)">China's Grand Canal</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986c308-133">[131]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940152-134">[132]</a></sup> The Japanese monk <a href="/wiki/Enchin">Enchin</a> (814–891) stayed in China from 839 to 847 and again from 853 to 858, landing near <a href="/wiki/Fuzhou">Fuzhou, Fujian</a> and setting sail for Japan from <a href="/wiki/Taizhou,_Zhejiang">Taizhou, Zhejiang</a> during his second trip to China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940155-135">[133]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451-74">[72]</a></sup>
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<h3>Western and Northern regions[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=17">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_Pottery_Horse_%26_Rider2.jpg"></a></p><div><p>Tomb figure of mounted warrior similar to the one unearthed from the tomb of Crown Prince <a href="/wiki/Li_Chongrun">Li Chongrun</a></p></div></div>
<p>The Sui and Tang carried out successful military campaigns against the steppe nomads. Chinese foreign policy to the north and west now had to deal with <a href="/wiki/Turkic_peoples">Turkic</a> nomads, who were becoming the most dominant ethnic group in Central Asia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006113-136">[134]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXue1992149–152,_257–264-137">[135]</a></sup> To handle and avoid any threats posed by the Turks, the Sui government repaired fortifications and received their trade and tribute missions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200692-102">[100]</a></sup> They sent four royal princesses to form <a href="/wiki/Heqin">marriage alliances</a> with Turkic clan leaders, in 597, 599, 614, and 617. The Sui stirred trouble and conflict amongst ethnic groups against the Turks.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20022–3-138">[136]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECui2005655–659-139">[137]</a></sup> As early as the Sui dynasty, the Turks had become <a href="/wiki/Turks_in_the_Tang_military">a major militarized force employed by the Chinese</a>. When the <a href="/wiki/Khitan_people">Khitans</a> began raiding northeast China in 605, a Chinese general led 20,000 Turks against them, distributing Khitan livestock and women to the Turks as a reward.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111-140">[138]</a></sup> On two occasions between 635 and 636, Tang royal princesses were married to Turk mercenaries or generals in Chinese service.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTECui2005655–659-139">[137]</a></sup> Throughout the Tang dynasty until the end of 755, there were approximately ten Turkic generals serving under the Tang.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXue1992788-141">[139]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000125-142">[140]</a></sup> While most of the Tang army was made of <i>fubing</i> Chinese conscripts, the majority of the troops led by Turkic generals were of non-Chinese origin, campaigning largely in the western frontier where the presence of <i>fubing</i> troops was low.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu200085–95-143">[141]</a></sup> Some "Turkic" troops were tribalized Han Chinese, a <a href="/wiki/Desinicization">desinicized</a> people.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1996248-144">[142]</a></sup>
</p><p>Civil war in China was almost totally diminished by 626, along with the defeat in 628 of the <a href="/wiki/Ordos_Desert">Ordos</a> Chinese warlord <a href="/wiki/Liang_Shidu">Liang Shidu</a>; after these internal conflicts, the Tang began an offensive against the Turks.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXue1992226–227-145">[143]</a></sup> In the year 630, Tang armies captured areas of the Ordos Desert, modern-day <a href="/wiki/Inner_Mongolia">Inner Mongolia</a> province, and southern <a href="/wiki/Mongolia">Mongolia</a> from the Turks.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111-140">[138]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXue1992380–386-146">[144]</a></sup> After this military victory, On June 11, 631, Emperor Taizong also sent envoys to the <a href="/wiki/Xueyantuo">Xueyantuo</a> bearing gold and silk in order to persuade the release of enslaved Chinese prisoners who were captured during the <a href="/wiki/Transition_from_Sui_to_Tang">transition from Sui to Tang</a> from the northern frontier; this embassy succeeded in freeing 80,000 Chinese men and women who were then returned to China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20022-147">[145]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXue1992222–225-148">[146]</a></sup>
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<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Cernuschi_Museum_20060812_162.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>While the Turks were settled in the Ordos region (former territory of the <a href="/wiki/Xiongnu">Xiongnu</a>), the Tang government took on the military policy of dominating the central <a href="/wiki/Steppe">steppe</a>. Like the earlier Han dynasty, the Tang dynasty (along with Turkic allies) conquered and subdued Central Asia during the 640s and 650s.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200692-102">[100]</a></sup> During Emperor Taizong's reign alone, large campaigns were launched against not only the <a href="/wiki/G%C3%B6kt%C3%BCrk">Göktürks</a>, but also separate campaigns against the <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong%27s_campaign_against_Tuyuhun">Tuyuhun</a>, the <a href="/wiki/Tang_campaign_against_the_oasis_states">oasis city-states</a>, and the <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong%27s_campaign_against_Xueyantuo">Xueyantuo</a>. Under Emperor Gaozong, a campaign led by the general <a href="/wiki/Su_Dingfang">Su Dingfang</a> was <a href="/wiki/Conquest_of_the_Western_Turks">launched against the Western Turks</a> ruled by Ashina Helu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESkaff2009183-149">[147]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Tang Empire competed with the <a href="/wiki/Tibetan_Kingdom">Tibetan Empire</a> for control of areas in Inner and Central Asia, which was at times settled with <a href="/wiki/Marriage_alliances">marriage alliances</a> such as the marrying of <a href="/wiki/Princess_Wencheng">Princess Wencheng</a> (d. 680) to <a href="/wiki/Songts%C3%A4n_Gampo">Songtsän Gampo</a> (d. 649).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield2004193-150">[148]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen200324,_30–31-151">[149]</a></sup> A Tibetan tradition mentions that Chinese troops captured Lhasa after Songtsän Gampo's death,<sup><a href="#cite_note-152">[150]</a></sup> but no such invasion is mentioned in either Chinese annals or the Tibetan manuscripts of <a href="/wiki/Dunhuang">Dunhuang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-153">[151]</a></sup>
</p><p>
There was a long string of conflicts with Tibet over territories in the <a href="/wiki/Tarim_Basin">Tarim Basin</a> between 670 and 692, and in 763 the Tibetans even captured the capital of China, <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a>, for fifteen days during the <a href="/wiki/An_Shi_Rebellion">An Shi Rebellion</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBeckwith1987146-154">[152]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEStein197265-155">[153]</a></sup> In fact, it was during this rebellion that the Tang withdrew its western garrisons stationed in what is now <a href="/wiki/Gansu">Gansu</a> and <a href="/wiki/Qinghai">Qinghai</a>, which the Tibetans then occupied along with the territory of what is now <a href="/wiki/Xinjiang">Xinjiang</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000109-156">[154]</a></sup> Hostilities between the Tang and Tibet continued until they signed a formal peace treaty in 821.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200211-157">[155]</a></sup> The terms of this treaty, including the fixed borders between the two countries, are recorded in a bilingual inscription on <a href="/wiki/Tang%E2%80%93Tibet_Treaty_Inscription">a stone pillar</a> outside the <a href="/wiki/Jokhang">Jokhang</a> temple in Lhasa.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTERichardson1985106–143-158">[156]</a></sup></p><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Emperor_Taizongs_horses_by_Yan_Liben.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>During the <a href="/wiki/Islamic_conquest_of_Persia">Islamic conquest of Persia</a> (633–656), the son of the last ruler of the <a href="/wiki/Sassanid_Empire">Sassanid Empire</a>, <a href="/wiki/Peroz_III">Prince Peroz</a> and his court moved to Tang China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200447-120">[118]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198510,_25–26-159">[157]</a></sup> According to the <i><a href="/wiki/Old_Book_of_Tang">Old Book of Tang</a></i>, Peroz was made the head of a Governorate of Persia in what is now <a href="/wiki/Zaranj">Zaranj</a>, Afghanistan. During this conquest of Persia, the <a href="/wiki/Rashidun">Rashidun</a> Caliph <a href="/wiki/Uthman_Ibn_Affan">Uthman Ibn Affan</a> (r. 644–656) sent an embassy to the Tang court at Chang'an.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000125-142">[140]</a></sup> Arab sources claim Umayyad commander <a href="/wiki/Qutayba_ibn_Muslim">Qutayba ibn Muslim</a> briefly took <a href="/wiki/Shule_Kingdom">Kashgar</a> from China and withdrew after an agreement,<sup><a href="#cite_note-Olimat2015-160">[158]</a></sup> but modern historians entirely dismiss this claim.<sup><a href="#cite_note-161">[159]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-162">[160]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-163">[161]</a></sup> The Arab <a href="/wiki/Umayyad_Caliphate">Umayyad Caliphate</a> in 715 deposed <a href="/wiki/Ikhshid">Ikhshid</a>, the king the <a href="/wiki/Fergana_Valley">Fergana Valley</a>, and installed a new king Alutar on the throne. The deposed king fled to <a href="/wiki/Kucha">Kucha</a> (seat of <a href="/wiki/Anxi_Protectorate">Anxi Protectorate</a>), and sought Chinese intervention. The Chinese sent 10,000 troops under <a href="/w/index.php?title=Zhang_Xiaosong&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Zhang Xiaosong</a> to <a href="/wiki/Ferghana">Ferghana</a>. He defeated Alutar and the Arab occupation force at <a href="/wiki/Namangan">Namangan</a> and reinstalled Ikhshid on the throne.<sup><a href="#cite_note-bai-164">[162]</a></sup> The Tang dynasty Chinese defeated the Arab <a href="/wiki/Umayyad_Caliphate">Umayyad</a> invaders at the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Aksu_(717)">Battle of Aksu (717)</a>. The Arab Umayyad commander Al-Yashkuri and his army fled to Tashkent after they were defeated.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Beckwith1993-165">[163]</a></sup> The Turgesh then <a href="/wiki/Muslim_conquest_of_Transoxiana#Umayyad–Turgesh_Wars">crushed the Arab Umayyads</a> and drove them out. By the 740s, the <a href="/wiki/Arabs">Arabs</a> under the <a href="/wiki/Abbasid_Caliphate">Abbasid Caliphate</a> in <a href="/wiki/Greater_Khorasan">Khorasan</a> had reestablished a presence in the <a href="/wiki/Ferghana">Ferghana</a> basin and in <a href="/wiki/Sogdiana">Sogdiana</a>. At the <a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Talas">Battle of Talas</a> in 751, <a href="/wiki/Karluks">Karluk</a> mercenaries under the Chinese defected, helping the Arab armies of the Caliphate to defeat the Tang force under commander <a href="/wiki/Gao_Xianzhi">Gao Xianzhi</a>. Although the battle itself was not of the greatest significance militarily, this was a pivotal moment in history, as it marks the spread of Chinese <a href="/wiki/Papermaking">papermaking</a><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBai2003242–243-166">[164]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005183-167">[165]</a></sup> into regions west of China as captured Chinese soldiers shared the technique of papermaking to the Arabs. These techniques ultimately reached Europe by the 12th century through <a href="/wiki/Al-Andalus">Arab-controlled Spain</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-fuller-168">[166]</a></sup> Although they had fought at Talas, on June 11, 758, an <a href="/wiki/Abbasid">Abbasid</a> embassy arrived at Chang'an simultaneously with the Uighur Turks bearing gifts for the Tang Emperor.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198526-169">[167]</a></sup> In 788–789 the Chinese concluded a military alliance with the <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_people">Uighur</a> Turks who twice defeated the Tibetans, in 789 near the town of <a href="/wiki/Gaochang">Gaochang</a> in <a href="/wiki/Dzungaria">Dzungaria</a>, and in 791 near <a href="/wiki/Ningxia">Ningxia</a> on the Yellow River.<sup><a href="#cite_note-170">[168]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Illustration_of_Byzantine_embassy_to_Tang_Taizong_643_CE.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Joseph_Needham">Joseph Needham</a> writes that a <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E6%96%B0%E5%94%90%E6%9B%B8/%E5%8D%B7221%E4%B8%8B">tributary embassy came to the court of Emperor Taizong in 643</a> from the <a href="/wiki/List_of_Patriarchs_of_Antioch">Patriarch of Antioch</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b476-171">[169]</a></sup> However, <a href="/wiki/Friedrich_Hirth">Friedrich Hirth</a> and other <a href="/wiki/Sinology">sinologists</a> such as S.A.M. Adshead have identified <i>Fu lin</i> (拂菻) in the <i><a href="/wiki/Old_Book_of_Tang">Old</a></i> and <i><a href="/wiki/New_Book_of_Tang">New Book of Tang</a></i> as the <a href="/wiki/Byzantine_Empire">Byzantine Empire</a>, which those histories directly associated with <i><a href="/wiki/Daqin">Daqin</a></i> (i.e. the <a href="/wiki/Roman_Empire">Roman Empire</a>).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead1995104–106-172">[170]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-halsall_2000-173">[171]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYule191554–55-174">[172]</a></sup> The embassy sent in 643 by <i>Boduoli</i> (波多力) was identified as Byzantine ruler <a href="/wiki/Constans_II">Constans II Pogonatos</a> (<i>Kōnstantinos Pogonatos</i>, or "Constantine the Bearded") and <a href="/wiki/Sino-Roman_relations">further embassies</a> were recorded as being sent into the 8th century.<sup><a href="#cite_note-halsall_2000-173">[171]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYule191554–55-174">[172]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead1995104–106-172">[170]</a></sup> S.A.M. Adshead offers a different transliteration stemming from "<a href="/wiki/Patriarch">patriarch</a>" or "<a href="/wiki/Patrician_(ancient_Rome)">patrician</a>", possibly a reference to one of the acting <a href="/wiki/Regent">regents</a> for the young Byzantine monarch.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead1995105-175">[173]</a></sup> The <i>Old</i> and <i>New Book of Tang</i> also provide a description of the Byzantine capital <a href="/wiki/Constantinople">Constantinople</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBall2016152–153,_see_endnote_114-176">[174]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYule191546–48-177">[175]</a></sup> including <a href="/wiki/Siege_of_Constantinople_(674%E2%80%93678)">how it was besieged</a> by the <i>Da shi</i> (大食, i.e. <a href="/wiki/Umayyad_Caliphate">Umayyad Caliphate</a>) forces of <a href="/wiki/Muawiyah_I">Muawiyah I</a>, who forced them to pay tribute to the Arabs.<sup><a href="#cite_note-halsall_2000-173">[171]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYule191548–49-178">[176]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-179">[c]</a></sup> The 7th-century Byzantine historian <a href="/wiki/Theophylact_Simocatta">Theophylact Simocatta</a> wrote about the reunification of <a href="/wiki/Northern_and_Southern_dynasties">northern and southern China</a> by the Sui dynasty (dating this to the time of <a href="/wiki/Maurice_(emperor)">Emperor Maurice</a>); the capital city <i>Khubdan</i> (from <a href="/wiki/Old_Turkic_language">Old Turkic</a> <i>Khumdan</i>, i.e. Chang'an); the basic <a href="/wiki/Geography_of_China">geography of China</a> including its previous political division around the <a href="/wiki/Yangtze_River">Yangtze River</a>; the name of China's ruler <i>Taisson</i> meaning "<a href="/wiki/Son_of_Heaven">Son of God</a>", but possibly derived from the name of the contemporaneous ruler Emperor Taizong.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYule191529–31-180">[177]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Economy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=18">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Gilt_silver_jar_with_pattern_of_dancing_horses.jpg"></a></p><p>A Tang period <a href="/wiki/Gilding">gilt</a>-silver jar, shaped in the style of northern <a href="/wiki/Nomad">nomad</a>'s leather bag<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999127-181">[178]</a></sup> decorated with a <a href="/wiki/Domestication_of_the_horse">horse</a> dancing with a cup of wine in its mouth, as the horses of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong</a> were trained to do.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999127-181">[178]</a></sup></p></div>
<p>Through use of the land trade along the <a href="/wiki/Silk_Road">Silk Road</a> and <a href="/wiki/Maritime_history">maritime trade</a> by sail at sea, the Tang were able to acquire and gain many new technologies, cultural practices, rare luxury, and contemporary items. From Europe, the Middle East, Central and South Asia, the Tang dynasty were able to acquire new ideas in fashion, new types of ceramics, and improved silver-smithing techniques.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999118–119-182">[179]</a></sup> The Tang Chinese also gradually adopted the foreign concept of stools and chairs as seating, whereas the Chinese beforehand always sat on mats placed on the floor.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999119-183">[180]</a></sup> People of the Middle East coveted and purchased in bulk Chinese goods such as silks, <a href="/wiki/Lacquerware">lacquerwares</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Porcelain">porcelain</a> wares.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006112-184">[181]</a></sup> Songs, dances, and musical instruments from foreign regions became popular in China during the Tang dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006114-185">[182]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield2004255-186">[183]</a></sup> These musical instruments included <a href="/wiki/Oboe">oboes</a>, <a href="/wiki/Flute">flutes</a>, and small lacquered drums from <a href="/wiki/Kucha">Kucha</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Tarim_Basin">Tarim Basin</a>, and percussion instruments from India such as <a href="/wiki/Cymbal">cymbals</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006114-185">[182]</a></sup> At the court there were nine musical ensembles (expanded from seven in the Sui dynasty) that played ecletic Asian music.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002134-187">[184]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Qianfengquanbao_and_Qianyuanzhongbao.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>There was great interaction with India, a hub for Buddhist knowledge, with famous travelers such as <a href="/wiki/Xuanzang">Xuanzang</a> (d. 664) visiting the South Asian state. After a 17-year-long trip, Xuanzang managed to bring back valuable <a href="/wiki/Sanskrit">Sanskrit</a> texts to be translated into Chinese. There was also a <a href="/wiki/Turkic_languages">Turkic</a>–Chinese dictionary available for serious scholars and students, while Turkic folk songs gave inspiration to some Chinese poetry.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198528-188">[185]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005182-189">[186]</a></sup> In the interior of China, trade was facilitated by the <a href="/wiki/Grand_Canal_of_China">Grand Canal</a> and the Tang government's rationalization of the greater canal system that reduced costs of transporting grain and other commodities.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn20027-50">[48]</a></sup> The state also managed roughly 32,100 km (19,900 mi) of <a href="/wiki/Postal_administration">postal service</a> routes by horse or boat.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200490-190">[187]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Silk Road[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=19">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Although the <a href="/wiki/Silk_Road">Silk Road</a> from China to <a href="/wiki/Western_world">Europe and the Western World</a> was initially formulated during the reign of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wu_of_Han">Emperor Wu</a> (141–87 BC) during the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han</a>, it was reopened by the Tang in 639 when <a href="/wiki/Hou_Junji">Hou Junji</a> (<abbr>d.</abbr> 643) conquered the West, and remained open for almost four decades. It was closed after the Tibetans captured it in 678, but in 699, during Empress Wu's period, the Silk Road reopened when the Tang reconquered the <a href="/wiki/Four_Garrisons_of_Anxi">Four Garrisons of Anxi</a> originally installed in 640,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000118-191">[188]</a></sup> once again connecting China directly to the West for land-based trade.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005179-192">[189]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_Sancai_Porcelain_with_Musicians_on_a_Camel_(no_background).jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The Tang captured the vital route through the <a href="/wiki/Gilgit">Gilgit Valley</a> from Tibet in 722, lost it to the Tibetans in 737, and regained it under the command of the Goguryeo-Korean General Gao Xianzhi.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen200330–32-193">[190]</a></sup> When the An Lushan Rebellion ended in 763, the Tang Empire withdrew its troops from its western lands, allowing the Tibetan Empire to largely cut off China's direct access to the Silk Road.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200211-157">[155]</a></sup> An internal rebellion in 848 ousted the Tibetan rulers, and Tang China regained its northwestern prefectures from Tibet in 851. These lands contained crucial grazing areas and pastures for raising horses that the Tang dynasty desperately needed.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200211-157">[155]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200457,_228-194">[191]</a></sup>
</p><p>Despite the many expatriate European travelers coming into China to live and trade, many travelers, mainly religious monks and missionaries, recorded China's stringent immigrant laws. As the monk Xuanzang and many other monk travelers attested to, there were many Chinese government <a href="/wiki/Border_checkpoint">checkpoints</a> along the Silk Road that examined travel permits into the Tang Empire. Furthermore, <a href="/wiki/Outlaw">banditry</a> was a problem along the checkpoints and <a href="/wiki/Oasis">oasis</a> towns, as Xuanzang also recorded that his group of travelers were assaulted by bandits on multiple occasions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006112-184">[181]</a></sup>
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Silk_Road">Silk Road</a> also affected <a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty_paintings&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Tang dynasty art</a>. Horses became a significant symbol of prosperity and power as well as an instrument of military and diplomatic policy. Horses were also revered as a relative of the dragon.<sup><a href="#cite_note-195">[192]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Seaports and maritime trade[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=20">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chinese_Slave_trade.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Chinese envoys had been sailing through the Indian Ocean to states of <a href="/wiki/Kanchipuram">India</a> since perhaps the 2nd century BC,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESun1989161–167-196">[193]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEChen200267–71-197">[194]</a></sup> yet it was during the Tang dynasty that a strong Chinese maritime presence could be found in the <a href="/wiki/Persian_Gulf">Persian Gulf</a> and <a href="/wiki/Red_Sea">Red Sea</a>, into <a href="/wiki/Persia">Persia</a>, <a href="/wiki/Mesopotamia">Mesopotamia</a> (sailing up the <a href="/wiki/Euphrates">Euphrates River</a> in modern-day <a href="/wiki/Iraq">Iraq</a>), <a href="/wiki/Arabia">Arabia</a>, Egypt in the Middle East and <a href="/wiki/Aksum">Aksum</a> (<a href="/wiki/Ethiopia">Ethiopia</a>), and <a href="/wiki/Somalia">Somalia</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Horn_of_Africa">Horn of Africa</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBowman2000104–105-198">[195]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the Tang dynasty, thousands of foreign expatriate merchants came and lived in numerous Chinese cities to do business with China, including <a href="/wiki/Persian_people">Persians</a>, <a href="/wiki/Arabs">Arabs</a>, <a href="/wiki/Hindu">Hindu</a> Indians, <a href="/wiki/Malays_(ethnic_group)">Malays</a>, <a href="/wiki/Bengalis">Bengalis</a>, <a href="/wiki/Sinhalese_people">Sinhalese</a>, <a href="/wiki/Khmer_people">Khmers</a>, <a href="/wiki/Cham_(Asia)">Chams</a>, <a href="/wiki/History_of_the_Jews_in_China">Jews</a> and <a href="/wiki/Nestorianism">Nestorian Christians</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Near_East">Near East</a>, among many others.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200246-199">[196]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198520-200">[197]</a></sup> In 748, the Buddhist monk Jian Zhen described <a href="/wiki/Guangzhou">Guangzhou</a> as a bustling mercantile business center where many large and impressive foreign ships came to dock. He wrote that "many large ships came from <a href="/wiki/Borneo">Borneo</a>, Persia, Qunglun (<a href="/wiki/Indonesia">Indonesia</a>/<a href="/wiki/Java">Java</a>) ... with ... spices, pearls, and jade piled up mountain high",<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETang199161-201">[198]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198515-202">[199]</a></sup> as written in the <i>Yue Jue Shu</i> (Lost Records of the State of Yue). Relations with the Arabs were often strained: When the imperial government was attempting to quell the <a href="/wiki/An_Lushan_Rebellion">An Lushan Rebellion</a>, Arab and Persian <a href="/wiki/Pirate">pirates</a> burned and looted Canton on October 30, 758. <sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200211-157">[155]</a></sup> The Tang government reacted by shutting the port of Canton down for roughly five decades; thus, foreign vessels docked at <a href="/wiki/Hanoi">Hanoi</a> instead.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198516-203">[200]</a></sup> However, when the port reopened, it continued to thrive. In 851 the Arab merchant <a href="/wiki/Sulaiman_al-Tajir">Sulaiman al-Tajir</a> observed the manufacturing of Chinese <a href="/wiki/Porcelain">porcelain</a> in Guangzhou and admired its transparent quality.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen1996163-204">[201]</a></sup> He also provided a description of Guangzhou's landmarks, granaries, local government administration, some of its written records, treatment of travelers, along with the use of <a href="/wiki/Ceramic">ceramics</a>, rice, wine, and tea.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWoods1996143-205">[202]</a></sup> Their presence <a href="/wiki/Guangzhou_massacre">came to an end</a> under the revenge of Chinese rebel Huang Chao in 878, who purportedly slaughtered thousands regardless of ethnicity.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006108-82">[80]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198510,_16-206">[203]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005190-207">[204]</a></sup> Huang's rebellion was eventually suppressed in 884.
</p><p>Vessels from other East Asian states such as <a href="/wiki/Silla">Silla</a>, <a href="/wiki/Balhae">Bohai</a> and the <a href="/wiki/Hizen_Province">Hizen Province</a> of Japan were all involved in the <a href="/wiki/Yellow_Sea">Yellow Sea</a> trade, which Silla of Korea dominated.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198511-208">[205]</a></sup> After Silla and Japan reopened renewed hostilities in the late 7th century, most Japanese maritime merchants chose to set sail from <a href="/wiki/Nagasaki_Prefecture">Nagasaki</a> towards the mouth of the <a href="/wiki/Huai_River">Huai River</a>, the Yangtze River, and even as far south as the <a href="/wiki/Hangzhou_Bay">Hangzhou Bay</a> in order to avoid Korean ships in the Yellow Sea.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198511-208">[205]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940157-209">[206]</a></sup> In order to sail back to Japan in 838, the Japanese embassy to China procured nine ships and sixty Korean sailors from the Korean wards of Chuzhou and Lianshui cities along the Huai River.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940162-210">[207]</a></sup> It is also known that Chinese trade ships traveling to Japan set sail from the various ports along the coasts of <a href="/wiki/Zhejiang">Zhejiang</a> and <a href="/wiki/Fujian">Fujian</a> provinces.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940155–156-211">[208]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Chinese engaged in large-scale production for overseas export by at least the time of the Tang. This was proven by the discovery of the <a href="/wiki/Belitung_shipwreck">Belitung shipwreck</a>, a silt-preserved shipwrecked Arabian <a href="/wiki/Dhow">dhow</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Gaspar_Strait">Gaspar Strait</a> near <a href="/wiki/Belitung">Belitung</a>, which had 63,000 pieces of Tang ceramics, silver, and gold (including a <a href="/wiki/Changsha">Changsha</a> bowl inscribed with a date: "16th day of the seventh month of the second year of the Baoli reign", or 826, roughly confirmed by <a href="/wiki/Radiocarbon_dating">radiocarbon dating</a> of <a href="/wiki/Star_anise">star anise</a> at the wreck).<sup><a href="#cite_note-bbc_news-212">[209]</a></sup> Beginning in 785, the Chinese began to call regularly at <a href="/wiki/Sufala">Sufala</a> on the East African coast in order to cut out Arab middlemen,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen1996155-213">[210]</a></sup> with various contemporary Chinese sources giving detailed descriptions of trade in Africa. The official and geographer <a href="/wiki/Jia_Dan">Jia Dan</a> (730–805) wrote of two common sea trade routes in his day: one from the coast of the <a href="/wiki/Bohai_Sea">Bohai Sea</a> towards Korea and another from Guangzhou through <a href="/wiki/Malacca">Malacca</a> towards the <a href="/wiki/Nicobar_Islands">Nicobar Islands</a>, Sri Lanka and India, the eastern and northern shores of the Arabian Sea to the Euphrates River.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHsu198896-214">[211]</a></sup> In 863 the Chinese author <a href="/wiki/Duan_Chengshi">Duan Chengshi</a> (d. 863) provided a detailed description of the <a href="/wiki/Slave_trade">slave trade</a>, <a href="/wiki/Ivory_trade">ivory trade</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Ambergris">ambergris</a> trade in a country called <a href="/w/index.php?title=Bobali_(Chinese_geography)&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Bobali</a>, which historians suggest was <a href="/wiki/Berbera">Berbera</a> in Somalia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELevathes199438-215">[212]</a></sup> In <a href="/wiki/Fustat">Fustat</a> (old <a href="/wiki/Cairo">Cairo</a>), Egypt, the fame of Chinese ceramics there led to an enormous demand for Chinese goods; hence Chinese often traveled there (this continued into later periods such as <a href="/wiki/Fatimid">Fatimid</a> Egypt).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEShen1996158-216">[213]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200480-217">[214]</a></sup> From this time period, the Arab merchant Shulama once wrote of his admiration for Chinese seafaring <a href="/wiki/Junk_(ship)">junks</a>, but noted that their draft was too deep for them to enter the Euphrates River, which forced them to ferry passengers and cargo in small boats.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu1991178-218">[215]</a></sup> Shulama also noted that Chinese ships were often very large, with capacities up to 600–700 passengers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHsu198896-214">[211]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu1991178-218">[215]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Culture and society[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=21">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Art[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=22">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:EightySevenCelestials3.jpg"></a></p><div><p><i>Eighty Seven Celestials</i>, draft painting of a fresco by <a href="/wiki/Wu_Daozi">Wu Daozi</a> (c. 685–758)</p></div></div>
<p>Both the Sui and Tang Dynasties had turned away from the more <a href="/wiki/Feudal">feudal</a> culture of the preceding Northern Dynasties, in favor of staunch civil <a href="/wiki/Confucianism">Confucianism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691-7">[6]</a></sup> The governmental system was supported by a large class of Confucian intellectuals selected through either civil service examinations or recommendations. In the Tang period, <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> and <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a> were commonly practiced ideologies that played a large role in people's daily lives. The Tang Chinese enjoyed feasting, drinking, holidays, sports, and all sorts of entertainment, while <a href="/wiki/Chinese_literature">Chinese literature</a> blossomed and was more widely accessible with new <a href="/wiki/Printing">printing</a> methods.
</p>
<h3>Chang'an, the Tang capital[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=23">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Prince_Yide%27s_tomb,_towers.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Although Chang'an was the capital of the earlier Han and Jin dynasties, after subsequent destruction in warfare, it was the Sui dynasty model that comprised the Tang era capital. The roughly square dimensions of the city had six miles (10 km) of outer walls running east to west, and more than five miles (8 km) of outer walls running north to south.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693-30">[28]</a></sup> The royal palace, the Taiji Palace, stood north of the city's central axis.<sup><a href="#cite_note-219">[216]</a></sup> From the large Mingde Gates located mid-center of the main southern wall, a wide city avenue stretched from there all the way north to the central administrative city, behind which was the Chentian Gate of the royal palace, or Imperial City. Intersecting this were fourteen main streets running east to west, while eleven main streets ran north to south. These main intersecting roads formed 108 rectangular wards with walls and four gates each, and each ward filled with multiple <a href="/wiki/City_block">city blocks</a>. The city was made famous for this checkerboard pattern of main roads with walled and gated districts, its layout even mentioned in one of Du Fu's poems.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006103-220">[217]</a></sup> During the <a href="/wiki/Heian_period">Heian period</a>, the city of <a href="/wiki/Heian_ky%C5%8D">Heian kyō</a> (present-day <a href="/wiki/Kyoto">Kyoto</a>) of Japan like many cities was arranged in the checkerboard street grid pattern of the Tang capital and in accordance with traditional geomancy following the model of Chang'an.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200692-102">[100]</a></sup> Of these 108 wards in Chang'an, two of them (each the size of two regular city wards) were designated as government-supervised markets, and other space reserved for temples, gardens, ponds, etc.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693-30">[28]</a></sup> Throughout the entire city, there were 111 Buddhist monasteries, 41 Taoist abbeys, 38 family shrines, 2 official temples, 7 churches of foreign religions, 10 city wards with provincial transmission offices, 12 major inns, and 6 graveyards.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002xiii-221">[218]</a></sup> Some city wards were literally filled with open public playing fields or the backyards of lavish mansions for playing horse polo and <a href="/wiki/Cuju">cuju</a> (Chinese soccer).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002xiv,_xv,_xvi,_xvii,_xviii-222">[219]</a></sup> In 662, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozong</a> moved the imperial court to the <a href="/wiki/Daming_Palace">Daming Palace</a>, which became the political center of the empire and served as the royal residence of the Tang emperors for more than 220 years.<sup><a href="#cite_note-223">[220]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chang%27an_of_Tang.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The Tang capital was the largest city in the world at its time, the population of the city wards and its suburban countryside reaching two million inhabitants.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693-30">[28]</a></sup> The Tang capital was very cosmopolitan, with ethnicities of <a href="/wiki/Persia">Persia</a>, Central Asia, Japan, Korea, <a href="/wiki/Vietnam">Vietnam</a>, Tibet, India, and many other places living within. Naturally, with this plethora of different ethnicities living in Chang'an, there were also many different practiced religions, such as <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Nestorianism">Nestorian Christianity</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Zoroastrianism">Zoroastrianism</a>, among others.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200679-224">[221]</a></sup> With the open access to China that the <a href="/wiki/Silk_Road">Silk Road</a> to the west facilitated, many foreign settlers were able to move east to China, while the city of Chang'an itself had about 25,000 foreigners living within.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006112-184">[181]</a></sup> Exotic green-eyed, blond-haired <a href="/wiki/Tocharians">Tocharian ladies</a> serving wine in <a href="/wiki/Agate">agate</a> and <a href="/wiki/Amber">amber</a> cups, singing, and dancing at taverns attracted customers.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198521-225">[222]</a></sup> If a foreigner in China pursued a Chinese woman for marriage, he was required to stay in China and was unable to take his bride back to his homeland, as stated in a law passed in 628 to protect women from temporary marriages with foreign envoys.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198525-226">[223]</a></sup> Several laws enforcing segregation of foreigners from Chinese were passed during the Tang dynasty. In 779 the Tang dynasty issued an edict which forced <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_people">Uighurs</a> in the capital, Chang'an, to wear their ethnic dress, stopped them from marrying Chinese females, and banned them from passing off as Chinese.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198522-227">[224]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Jingyun_Bell.JPG"></a></p><div><p>The bronze Jingyun Bell cast 711, height 247 cm high, weight 6,500 kg, now in the Xi'an Bell Tower</p></div></div>
<p>Chang'an was the center of the central government, the home of the imperial family, and was filled with splendor and wealth. However, incidentally it was not the economic hub during the Tang dynasty. The city of <a href="/wiki/Yangzhou">Yangzhou</a> along the <a href="/wiki/Grand_Canal_of_China">Grand Canal</a> and close to the <a href="/wiki/Yangtze_River">Yangtze River</a> was the greatest economic center during the Tang era.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200246-199">[196]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198517–18-228">[225]</a></sup>
</p><p>Yangzhou was the headquarters for the Tang government's salt monopoly, and was the greatest industrial center of China. It acted as a midpoint in shipping of foreign goods that would be organized and distributed to the major cities of the north.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200246-199">[196]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198517–18-228">[225]</a></sup> Much like the seaport of <a href="/wiki/Guangzhou">Guangzhou</a> in the south, Yangzhou boasted thousands of foreign traders from all across Asia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198517–18-228">[225]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940143–144-229">[226]</a></sup>
</p><p>There was also the secondary capital city of <a href="/wiki/Luoyang">Luoyang</a>, which was the favored capital of the two by <a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Empress Wu</a>. In the year 691 she had more than 100,000 families (more than 500,000 people) from around the region of Chang'an move to populate Luoyang instead. With a population of about a million, Luoyang became the second largest city in the empire, and with its closeness to the Luo River it benefited from southern agricultural fertility and trade traffic of the Grand Canal. However, the Tang court eventually demoted its capital status and did not visit Luoyang after the year 743, when Chang'an's problem of acquiring adequate supplies and stores for the year was solved.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200246-199">[196]</a></sup> As early as 736, granaries were built at critical points along the route from Yangzhou to Chang'an, which eliminated shipment delays, spoilage, and pilfering.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198518–19-230">[227]</a></sup> An artificial lake used as a transshipment pool was dredged east of Chang'an in 743, where curious northerners could finally see the array of boats found in southern China, delivering tax and tribute items to the imperial court.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198519–20-231">[228]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Literature[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=24">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%22Lan-ting_Xu%22_Preface_to_the_Poems_Composed_at_the_Orchid_Pavilion,_copy_by_an_artist_in_the_Tang_dynasty_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:LiBai-Kalligraphie.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>The Tang period was a <a href="/wiki/Golden_age">golden age</a> of Chinese literature and <a href="/wiki/Chinese_art">art</a>. Over 48,900 poems penned by some 2,200 Tang authors have survived to the present day.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999120-232">[229]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHarper200533-233">[230]</a></sup> Skill in the composition of poetry became a required study for those wishing to pass imperial examinations,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002259-234">[231]</a></sup> while poetry was also heavily competitive; poetry contests amongst guests at banquets and courtiers were common.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002137-235">[232]</a></sup> Poetry styles that were popular in the Tang included <a href="/wiki/Shi_(poetry)#Gushi"><i>gushi</i></a> and <a href="/wiki/Shi_(poetry)#Jintishi"><i>jintishi</i></a>, with the renowned poet <a href="/wiki/Li_Bai">Li Bai</a> (701–762) famous for the former style, and poets like <a href="/wiki/Wang_Wei_(Tang_dynasty)">Wang Wei</a> (701–761) and <a href="/wiki/Cui_Hao_(poet)">Cui Hao</a> (704–754) famous for their use of the latter. <i>Jintishi</i> poetry, or regulated verse, is in the form of eight-line <a href="/wiki/Stanza">stanzas</a> or seven <a href="/wiki/Chinese_characters">characters</a> per line with a fixed pattern of tones that required the second and third couplets to be antithetical (although the <a href="/wiki/Antithesis">antithesis</a> is often lost in translation to other languages).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006102-236">[233]</a></sup> Tang poems remained popular and great emulation of Tang era poetry began in the Song dynasty; in that period, Yan Yu (嚴羽; active 1194–1245) was the first to confer the poetry of the High Tang (c. 713–766) era with "canonical status within the classical poetic tradition." Yan Yu reserved the position of highest esteem among all Tang poets for <a href="/wiki/Du_Fu">Du Fu</a> (712–770), who was not viewed as such in his own era, and was branded by his peers as an anti-traditional rebel.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEYu199875–76-237">[234]</a></sup>
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/Classical_Prose_Movement">Classical Prose Movement</a> was spurred in large part by the writings of Tang authors <a href="/wiki/Liu_Zongyuan">Liu Zongyuan</a> (773–819) and <a href="/wiki/Han_Yu">Han Yu</a> (768–824). This new prose style broke away from the poetry tradition of the <i>piantiwen</i> (騙體文, "parallel prose") style begun in the Han dynasty. Although writers of the Classical Prose Movement imitated <i>piantiwen</i>, they criticized it for its often vague content and lack of colloquial language, focusing more on clarity and precision to make their writing more direct.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006106-238">[235]</a></sup> This <i>guwen</i> (archaic prose) style can be traced back to Han Yu, and would become largely associated with <a href="/wiki/Orthodoxy">orthodox</a> <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHuters198752-239">[236]</a></sup>
</p><p>Short story fiction and tales were also popular during the Tang, one of the more famous ones being <i>Yingying's Biography</i> by <a href="/wiki/Yuan_Zhen">Yuan Zhen</a> (779–831), which was widely circulated in his own time and by the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a> (1279–1368) became the basis for plays in <a href="/wiki/Chinese_opera">Chinese opera</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006104–105-240">[237]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWong197997-241">[238]</a></sup> Timothy C. Wong places this story within the wider context of Tang love tales, which often share the plot designs of quick passion, inescapable societal pressure leading to the abandonment of romance, followed by a period of <a href="/wiki/Melancholia">melancholy</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWong197995–100-242">[239]</a></sup> Wong states that this scheme lacks the undying vows and total self-commitment to love found in Western romances such as <i><a href="/wiki/Romeo_and_Juliet">Romeo and Juliet</a></i>, but that underlying traditional Chinese values of inseparableness of self from one's environment (including human society) served to create the necessary fictional device of romantic tension.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWong197998–99-243">[240]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Li_Shiming_Fountain_Memory.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>There were large <a href="/wiki/Encyclopedia">encyclopedias</a> published in the Tang. The <i><a href="/wiki/Yiwen_Leiju">Yiwen Leiju</a></i> encyclopedia was compiled in 624 by the chief editor <a href="/wiki/Ouyang_Xun">Ouyang Xun</a> (557–641) as well as <a href="/wiki/Linghu_Defen">Linghu Defen</a> (582–666) and <a href="/wiki/Chen_Shuda">Chen Shuda</a> (d. 635). The encyclopedia <i><a href="/wiki/Treatise_on_Astrology_of_the_Kaiyuan_Era">Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era</a></i> was fully compiled in 729 by <a href="/wiki/Gautama_Siddha">Gautama Siddha</a> (fl. 8th century), an ethnic Indian astronomer, astrologer, and scholar born in the capital Chang'an.
</p><p><a href="/wiki/History_of_geography#China">Chinese geographers</a> such as <a href="/wiki/Jia_Dan">Jia Dan</a> wrote accurate descriptions of places far abroad. In his work written between 785 and 805, he described the sea route going into the mouth of the <a href="/wiki/Persian_Gulf">Persian Gulf</a>, and that the medieval <a href="/wiki/Iranian_peoples">Iranians</a> (whom he called the people of Luo-He-Yi) had erected 'ornamental pillars' in the sea that acted as <a href="/wiki/Lighthouse">lighthouse</a> beacons for ships that might go astray.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986c661-244">[241]</a></sup> Confirming Jia's reports about lighthouses in the Persian Gulf, Arabic writers a century after Jia wrote of the same structures, writers such as <a href="/wiki/Al-Mas%27udi">al-Mas'udi</a> and <a href="/wiki/Al-Muqaddasi">al-Muqaddasi</a>. The Tang dynasty Chinese diplomat <a href="/wiki/Wang_Xuance">Wang Xuance</a> traveled to <a href="/wiki/Magadha">Magadha</a> (modern northeastern <a href="/wiki/India">India</a>) during the 7th century.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen20039,_22–24-245">[242]</a></sup> Afterwards he wrote the book <i>Zhang Tianzhu Guotu</i> (Illustrated Accounts of Central India), which included a wealth of geographical information.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a511-246">[243]</a></sup>
</p><p>Many histories of previous dynasties were compiled between 636 and 659 by court officials during and shortly after the reign of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong_of_Tang">Emperor Taizong of Tang</a>. These included the <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Liang">Book of Liang</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Chen">Book of Chen</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Northern_Qi">Book of Northern Qi</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Zhou">Book of Zhou</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Sui">Book of Sui</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/Book_of_Jin">Book of Jin</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/History_of_Northern_Dynasties">History of Northern Dynasties</a></i> and the <i><a href="/wiki/History_of_Southern_Dynasties">History of Southern Dynasties</a></i>. Although not included in the official <i><a href="/wiki/Twenty-Four_Histories">Twenty-Four Histories</a></i>, the <i><a href="/wiki/Tongdian">Tongdian</a></i> and <i><a href="/wiki/Tang_Huiyao">Tang Huiyao</a></i> were nonetheless valuable written historical works of the Tang period. The <i><a href="/wiki/Shitong">Shitong</a></i> written by <a href="/wiki/Liu_Zhiji">Liu Zhiji</a> in 710 was a meta-history, as it covered the history of <a href="/wiki/Chinese_historiography">Chinese historiography</a> in past centuries until his time. The <i><a href="/wiki/Great_Tang_Records_on_the_Western_Regions">Great Tang Records on the Western Regions</a></i>, compiled by <a href="/wiki/Bianji">Bianji</a>, recounted the journey of <a href="/wiki/Xuanzang">Xuanzang</a>, the Tang era's most renowned <a href="/wiki/Buddhist_monk">Buddhist monk</a>.
</p><p>Other important literary offerings included <a href="/wiki/Duan_Chengshi">Duan Chengshi</a>'s (d. 863) <i><a href="/wiki/Miscellaneous_Morsels_from_Youyang">Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang</a></i>, an entertaining collection of foreign legends and hearsay, reports on natural phenomena, short <a href="/wiki/Anecdote">anecdotes</a>, mythical and mundane tales, as well as notes on various subjects. The exact literary category or classification that Duan's large informal narrative would fit into is still debated amongst scholars and historians.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEReed2003121-247">[244]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Religion and philosophy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=25">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:TangBodhisattva.JPG"></a></p></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Anonymous-Describing_the_Doctrine_Under_a_Tree.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Since ancient times, some Chinese had believed in <a href="/wiki/Chinese_folk_religion">folk religion</a> and <a href="/wiki/Taoism">Taoism</a> that incorporated many deities. Practitioners believed the <a href="/wiki/Tao">Tao</a> and the afterlife was a reality parallel to the living world, complete with its own bureaucracy and afterlife currency needed by dead ancestors.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield2004333-248">[245]</a></sup> Funerary practices included providing the deceased with everything they might need in the afterlife, including animals, servants, entertainers, hunters, homes, and officials. This ideal is reflected in <a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty_art">Tang dynasty art</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-249">[246]</a></sup> This is also reflected in many short stories written in the Tang about people accidentally winding up in the realm of the dead, only to come back and report their experiences.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWhitfield2004333-248">[245]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a>, originating in India around the time of <a href="/wiki/Confucius">Confucius</a>, continued its influence during the Tang period and was accepted by some members of imperial family, becoming thoroughly sinicized and a permanent part of Chinese traditional culture. In an age before <a href="/wiki/Neo-Confucianism">Neo-Confucianism</a> and figures such as <a href="/wiki/Zhu_Xi">Zhu Xi</a> (1130–1200), Buddhism had begun to flourish in China during the <a href="/wiki/Northern_and_Southern_dynasties">Northern and Southern dynasties</a>, and became the dominant ideology during the prosperous Tang. Buddhist monasteries played an integral role in Chinese society, offering lodging for travelers in remote areas, schools for children throughout the country, and a place for urban literati to stage social events and gatherings such as going-away parties.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999121-250">[247]</a></sup> Buddhist monasteries were also engaged in the economy, since their land property and serfs gave them enough revenues to set up mills, oil presses, and other enterprises.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999122-251">[248]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005181-252">[249]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200486-253">[250]</a></sup> Although the monasteries retained 'serfs', these monastery dependents could actually own property and employ others to help them in their work, including their own slaves.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999126-254">[251]</a></sup>
</p><p>The prominent status of Buddhism in Chinese culture began to decline as the dynasty and central government declined as well during the late 8th century to 9th century. Buddhist <a href="/wiki/Convent">convents</a> and <a href="/wiki/List_of_Buddhist_temples">temples</a> that were exempt from state taxes beforehand were targeted by the state for taxation. In 845 <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wuzong_of_Tang">Emperor Wuzong of Tang</a> finally shut down 4,600 Buddhist monasteries along with 40,000 temples and shrines, forcing 260,000 Buddhist monks and nuns to return to <a href="/wiki/Secular">secular</a> life;<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200696-255">[252]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200686-256">[253]</a></sup> this episode would later be dubbed one of the <a href="/wiki/Four_Buddhist_Persecutions_in_China">Four Buddhist Persecutions in China</a>. Although the ban would be lifted just a few years after, Buddhism never regained its once dominant status in Chinese culture.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200696-255">[252]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200686-256">[253]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999124-257">[254]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHarper200534-258">[255]</a></sup> This situation also came about through a revival of interest in native Chinese philosophies such as Confucianism and Taoism. <a href="/wiki/Han_Yu">Han Yu</a> (786–824)—who <a href="/wiki/Arthur_F._Wright">Arthur F. Wright</a> stated was a "brilliant <a href="/wiki/Polemicist">polemicist</a> and ardent <a href="/wiki/Xenophobia">xenophobe</a>"—was one of the first men of the Tang to denounce Buddhism.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWright195988-259">[256]</a></sup> Although his contemporaries found him crude and obnoxious, he would foreshadow the later persecution of Buddhism in the Tang, as well as the revival of Confucian theory with the rise of Neo-Confucianism of the Song dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWright195988-259">[256]</a></sup> Nonetheless, <a href="/wiki/Zen">Chán Buddhism</a> gained popularity amongst the educated elite.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200696-255">[252]</a></sup> There were also many famous Chan monks from the Tang era, such as <a href="/wiki/Mazu_Daoyi">Mazu Daoyi</a>, <a href="/wiki/Baizhang">Baizhang</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Huangbo_Xiyun">Huangbo Xiyun</a>. The sect of <a href="/wiki/Pure_Land_Buddhism">Pure Land Buddhism</a> initiated by the Chinese monk <a href="/wiki/Huiyuan_(Buddhist)">Huiyuan</a> (334–416) was also just as popular as Chan Buddhism during the Tang.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999123-260">[257]</a></sup>
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<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Wutai_Foguang_Si_2013.08.28_11-20-48.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Rivaling Buddhism was Taoism, a native Chinese philosophical and religious belief system that found its roots in the <i><a href="/wiki/Tao_Te_Ching">Tao Te Ching</a></i> (a text attributed to a 6th-century BC figure named <a href="/wiki/Lao_Tzu">Lao Tzu</a>) and the <i><a href="/wiki/Zhuangzi_(book)">Zhuangzi</a></i>. The ruling Li family of the Tang dynasty actually claimed descent from the ancient Lao Tzu.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200260-262">[259]</a></sup> On numerous occasions where Tang princes would become crown prince or Tang princesses taking vows as Taoist priestesses, their lavish former mansions would be converted into Taoist <a href="/wiki/Abbey">abbeys</a> and places of worship.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200260-262">[259]</a></sup> Many Taoists were associated with <a href="/wiki/Alchemy">alchemy</a> in their pursuits to find an <a href="/wiki/Elixir_of_life">elixir of immortality</a> and a means to create gold from concocted mixtures of many other elements.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200681-263">[260]</a></sup> Although they never achieved their goals in either of these futile pursuits, they did contribute to the discovery of new metal alloys, porcelain products, and new dyes.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200681-263">[260]</a></sup> The historian Joseph Needham labeled the work of the Taoist alchemists as "protoscience rather than pseudoscience."<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200681-263">[260]</a></sup> However, the close connection between Taoism and alchemy, which some <a href="/wiki/Sinology">sinologists</a> have asserted, is refuted by <a href="/wiki/Nathan_Sivin">Nathan Sivin</a>, who states that alchemy was just as prominent (if not more so) in the secular sphere and practiced more often by laymen.<sup><a href="#cite_note-264">[261]</a></sup>
</p>
<p>The Tang dynasty also officially recognized various foreign religions. The <a href="/wiki/Assyrian_Church_of_the_East">Assyrian Church of the East</a>, otherwise known as the <a href="/wiki/Nestorian_Church">Nestorian Church</a> or the <a href="/wiki/Church_of_the_East_in_China">Church of the East in China</a>, was given recognition by the Tang court. In 781, the <a href="/wiki/Nestorian_Stele">Nestorian Stele</a> was created in order to honor the achievements of their community in China. A Christian monastery was established in Shaanxi province where the <a href="/wiki/Daqin_Pagoda">Daqin Pagoda</a> still stands, and inside the pagoda there is Christian-themed artwork. Although the religion largely died out after the Tang, it was revived in China following the <a href="/wiki/Mongol_conquest_of_the_Song_dynasty">Mongol invasions</a> of the 13th century.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1962215-265">[262]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although the <a href="/wiki/Sogdia">Sogdians</a> had been responsible for transmitting Buddhism to China from India during the 2nd to 4th centuries, soon afterwards they largely converted to <a href="/wiki/Zoroastrianism">Zoroastrianism</a> due to their links to <a href="/wiki/Sassanid">Sassanid</a> Persia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu2001168-266">[263]</a></sup> Sogdian merchants and their families living in cities such as Chang'an, Luoyang, and Xiangyang usually built a Zoroastrian temple once their local communities grew larger than 100 households.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHoward2012[httpsbooksgooglecombooksid6QPWXrCCzBIClpgPP1pgPA134_134]-267">[264]</a></sup> Sogdians were also responsible for spreading <a href="/wiki/Manicheism">Manicheism</a> in Tang China and the <a href="/wiki/Uyghur_Khaganate">Uighur Khaganate</a>. The Uighurs built the first Manichean monastery in China in 768, yet in 843 the Tang government ordered that the property of all Manichean monasteries be confiscated in response to the outbreak of war with the Uighurs.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu2001168–69-268">[265]</a></sup> With the blanket ban on foreign religions two years later, Manicheism was driven underground and never flourished in China again.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTELiu2001169-269">[266]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Leisure[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=26">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Palefrenier_menant_deux_chevaux_par_Han_Gan.jpg"></a></p><p><i>A Man Herding Horses</i>, by <a href="/wiki/Han_Gan">Han Gan</a> (706–783), a court artist under Xuanzong</p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Spring_Outing_of_the_Tang_Court.jpg"></a></p><p><i>Spring Outing of the Tang Court</i>, by <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Xuan">Zhang Xuan</a> (713–755)</p></div></div>
<p>Much more than earlier periods, the Tang era was renowned for the time reserved for leisure activity, especially for those in the upper classes.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002149-270">[267]</a></sup> Many outdoor sports and activities were enjoyed during the Tang, including <a href="/wiki/Archery">archery</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200239,_170-271">[268]</a></sup> hunting,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200222,_32-272">[269]</a></sup> horse <a href="/wiki/Polo">polo</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200216,_90-273">[270]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Cuju">cuju</a> (soccer),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002151–152-274">[271]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Cockfighting">cockfighting</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002173–174-275">[272]</a></sup> and even <a href="/wiki/Tug_of_war">tug of war</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002152-276">[273]</a></sup> Government officials were granted <a href="/wiki/Annual_leave">vacations</a> during their tenure in office. Officials were granted 30 days off every three years to visit their parents if they lived 1,000 mi (1,600 km) away, or 15 days off if the parents lived more than 167 mi (269 km) away (travel time not included).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002149-270">[267]</a></sup> Officials were granted nine days of vacation time for weddings of a son or daughter, and either five, three, or one days/day off for the <a href="/wiki/Nuptial">nuptials</a> of close relatives (travel time not included).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002149-270">[267]</a></sup> Officials also received a total of three days off for their son's capping initiation rite into manhood, and one day off for the ceremony of initiation rite of a close relative's son.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002149-270">[267]</a></sup>
</p>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tang_Dynasty-Polo_Game_Relief_Block.JPG"></a></p><div><p>A Tang <a href="/wiki/Sancai">sancai</a>-glazed carved relief showing horseback riders playing <a href="/wiki/Polo">polo</a></p></div></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_holidays">Traditional Chinese holidays</a> such as <a href="/wiki/Chinese_New_Year">Chinese New Year</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lantern_Festival">Lantern Festival</a>, <a href="/wiki/Cold_Food_Festival">Cold Food Festival</a>, and others were universal holidays. In the capital city of <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an">Chang'an</a> there was always lively celebration, especially for the <a href="/wiki/Lantern_Festival">Lantern Festival</a> since the city's nighttime <a href="/wiki/Curfew">curfew</a> was lifted by the government for three days straight.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002150–154-277">[274]</a></sup> Between the years 628 and 758, the imperial throne bestowed a total of sixty-nine grand <a href="/wiki/Carnival">carnivals</a> nationwide, granted by the emperor in the case of special circumstances such as important military victories, abundant <a href="/wiki/Harvest">harvests</a> after a long <a href="/wiki/Drought">drought</a> or <a href="/wiki/Famine">famine</a>, the granting of <a href="/wiki/Amnesty">amnesties</a>, the installment of a new <a href="/wiki/Crown_prince">crown prince</a>, etc.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002154–155-278">[275]</a></sup> For special celebration in the Tang era, lavish and gargantuan-sized feasts were sometimes prepared, as the imperial court had staffed agencies to prepare the meals.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002132-279">[276]</a></sup> This included a prepared feast for 1,100 elders of Chang'an in 664, a feast for 3,500 officers of the Divine Strategy Army in 768, and a feast for 1,200 women of the palace and members of the imperial family in the year 826.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002132-279">[276]</a></sup> Drinking wine and alcoholic beverages was heavily ingrained into Chinese culture, as people drank for nearly every social event.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002142–147-280">[277]</a></sup> A court official in the 8th century allegedly had a serpentine-shaped structure called the 'Ale Grotto' built with 50,000 bricks on the groundfloor that each featured a bowl from which his friends could drink.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002143-281">[278]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Status in clothing[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=27">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Tang-4.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>In general, garments were made from silk, wool, or linen depending on your social status and what you could afford. Furthermore, there were laws that specified what kinds of clothing could be worn by whom. The color of the clothing also indicated rank. During this period, China's power, culture, economy, and influence were thriving. As a result, women could afford to wear loose-fitting, wide-sleeved garments. Even lower-class women's robes would have sleeves four to five feet in width.<sup><a href="#cite_note-282">[279]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Position of women[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=28">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chou_Fang_004.jpg"></a></p><p><i>Beauties Wearing Flowers</i> by <a href="/wiki/Zhou_Fang_(Tang_dynasty)">Zhou Fang</a>, 8th century</p></div><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Joueuse_de_polo_Tang_29102.jpg"></a></p><p>Woman playing polo, 8th century</p></div></div>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Li_Xian%27s_tomb,_palace_ladies.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Concepts of women's social rights and social status during the Tang era were notably liberal-minded for the period. However, this was largely reserved for urban women of elite status, as men and women in the rural countryside labored hard in their different set of tasks; with wives and daughters responsible for more domestic tasks of weaving textiles and rearing of <a href="/wiki/Silk_worm">silk worms</a>, while men tended to farming in the fields.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200232-116">[114]</a></sup>
</p><p>There were many women in the Tang era who gained access to religious authority by taking vows as Taoist priestesses.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200260-262">[259]</a></sup> The head mistresses of high-class <a href="/wiki/Courtesan">courtesans</a> in the <a href="/wiki/Chang%27an#East_Central_Chang'an">North Hamlet</a> of the capital Chang'an acquired large amounts of wealth and power.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200264–66-283">[280]</a></sup> Such <a href="/wiki/Courtesan">courtesans</a>, who likely influenced the Japanese <a href="/wiki/Geisha">geishas</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200264-284">[281]</a></sup> were well respected. These courtesans were known as great singers and poets, supervised banquets and feasts, knew the rules to all the <a href="/wiki/Drinking_game">drinking games</a>, and were trained to have the utmost respectable <a href="/wiki/Table_manners">table manners</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200264–66-283">[280]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although they were renowned for their polite behavior, the courtesans were known to dominate the conversation among elite men, and were not afraid to openly castigate or criticize prominent male guests who talked too much or too loudly, boasted too much of their accomplishments, or had in some way ruined dinner for everyone by rude behavior (on one occasion a courtesan even beat up a drunken man who had insulted her).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn200266-285">[282]</a></sup> When singing to entertain guests, courtesans not only composed the lyrics to their own songs, but they popularized a new form of lyrical verse by singing lines written by various renowned and famous men in Chinese history.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999120-232">[229]</a></sup>
</p><p>It was fashionable for women to be full-figured (or plump). Men enjoyed the presence of assertive, active women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999114–115-286">[283]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165–166-287">[284]</a></sup> The foreign horse-riding sport of <a href="/wiki/Polo">polo</a> from Persia became a wildly popular trend among the Chinese elite, and women often played the sport (as glazed <a href="/wiki/Earthenware">earthenware</a> figurines from the time period portray).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999114–115-286">[283]</a></sup> The preferred hairstyle for women was to bunch their hair up like "an elaborate edifice above the forehead",<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165–166-287">[284]</a></sup> while affluent ladies wore extravagant head ornaments, combs, pearl necklaces, face powders, and perfumes.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165-288">[285]</a></sup> A law was passed in 671 which attempted to force women to wear hats with veils again in order to promote decency, but these laws were ignored as some women started wearing caps and even no hats at all, as well as men's riding clothes and boots, and tight-sleeved bodices.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer198528–29-289">[286]</a></sup>
</p><p>There were some prominent court women after the era of <a href="/wiki/Wu_Zetian">Empress Wu</a>, such as <a href="/wiki/Yang_Guifei">Yang Guifei</a> (719–756), who had Emperor Xuanzong appoint many of her relatives and cronies to important ministerial and martial positions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699-48">[46]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Cuisine[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=29">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>During the earlier <a href="/wiki/Northern_and_Southern_dynasties">Northern and Southern dynasties</a> (420–589), and perhaps even earlier, the drinking of tea (<i><a href="/wiki/Camellia_sinensis">Camellia sinensis</a></i>) became popular in southern China. Tea was viewed then as a beverage of tasteful pleasure and with pharmacological purpose as well.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999120-232">[229]</a></sup> During the Tang dynasty, tea became synonymous with everything sophisticated in society. The poet <a href="/wiki/Lu_Tong">Lu Tong</a> (790–835) devoted most of his poetry to his love of tea. The 8th-century author <a href="/wiki/Lu_Yu">Lu Yu</a> (known as the Sage of Tea) even wrote a treatise on the art of drinking tea, called <i><a href="/wiki/The_Classic_of_Tea">The Classic of Tea</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey199995-290">[287]</a></sup> Although <a href="/wiki/Gift_wrapping">wrapping paper</a> had been used in China since the 2nd century BC,<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d122-291">[288]</a></sup> during the Tang dynasty the Chinese were using wrapping paper as folded and sewn square bags to hold and preserve the flavor of tea leaves.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d122-291">[288]</a></sup> This followed many other uses for paper such as the first recorded use of <a href="/wiki/Toilet_paper">toilet paper</a> made in 589 by the scholar-official <a href="/wiki/Yan_Zhitui">Yan Zhitui</a> (531–591),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d123-292">[289]</a></sup> confirmed in 851 by an Arab traveler who remarked that Tang Chinese lacked cleanliness because they relied on toilet paper instead of washing themselves with water.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d123-292">[289]</a></sup>
</p><p>In ancient times, the Chinese had outlined the five most basic foodstuffs known as the five grains: <a href="/wiki/Sesamum">sesamum</a>, <a href="/wiki/Legume">legumes</a>, wheat, <a href="/wiki/Panicle">panicled</a> <a href="/wiki/Millet">millet</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Glutinous">glutinous</a> millet.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESong19663–4-293">[290]</a></sup> The <a href="/wiki/Ming_dynasty">Ming dynasty</a> <a href="/wiki/Encyclopedia">encyclopedist</a> <a href="/wiki/Song_Yingxing">Song Yingxing</a> (1587–1666) noted that rice was not counted amongst the five grains from the time of the legendary and deified Chinese sage <a href="/wiki/Shennong">Shennong</a> (the existence of whom Yingxing wrote was "an uncertain matter") into the 2nd millenniums BC, because the properly wet and humid climate in southern China for growing rice was not yet fully settled or cultivated by the Chinese.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESong19663–4-293">[290]</a></sup> Song Yingxing also noted that in the Ming dynasty, seven tenths of civilians' food was rice. During the Tang dynasty rice was not only the most important staple in southern China, but had also become popular in the north where central authority resided.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi200318-294">[291]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the Tang dynasty, wheat replaced the position of millet and became the main staple crop. As a consequence, wheat cake shared a considerable amount in the staple of Tang.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20031-295">[292]</a></sup> There were four main kinds of cake: steamed cake, boiled cake, pancake, and Hu cake. Steamed cake was consumed commonly by both civilians and aristocrats. Like <i><a href="/wiki/Rougamo">rougamo</a></i> in modern Chinese cuisine, steamed cake was usually stuffed with meat and vegetables. Shops and packmen regularly sold inexpensive steamed cake on the streets of Chang’an.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Li_1999-296">[293]</a></sup> Boiled cake was the staple of the Northern Dynasties, and it kept its popularity in the Tang dynasty. It included a wide variety of dishes similar to modern <a href="/wiki/Wonton">wonton</a>, noodles, and many other kinds of food that soak wheat in water. While aristocrats favored wonton, civilians usually consumed noodles and noodle slice soup that were easier to produce.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20036-297">[294]</a></sup> Pancakes was rare in China before the Tang, when it gained popularity.<sup><a href="#cite_note-298">[295]</a></sup> Food shops in Tang cities such as Chang'an commonly sold both pancakes and <a href="/wiki/Dumpling">dumplings</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Li_1999-296">[293]</a></sup> Hu cake, which means "foreign cake", was extremely popular during the Tang.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20034-299">[296]</a></sup> Hu cake was toasted in the oven, covered with <a href="/wiki/Sesame_seed">sesame seeds</a>, and served at taverns, inns and shops. Japanese Buddhist monk Ennin observed that Hu cake was popular among all of China's civilians.<sup><a href="#cite_note-300">[297]</a></sup>
</p><p>During the Tang, the many common foodstuffs and cooking ingredients in addition to those already listed were barley, garlic, salt, turnips, soybeans, pears, apricots, peaches, apples, pomegranates, jujubes, rhubarb, hazelnuts, pine nuts, chestnuts, walnuts, yams, taro, etc. The various meats that were consumed included pork, chicken, <a href="/wiki/Lamb_and_mutton">lamb</a> (especially preferred in the north), <a href="/wiki/Sea_otter">sea otter</a>, bear (which was hard to catch, but there were recipes for steamed, boiled, and <a href="/wiki/Marination">marinated</a> bear), and even <a href="/wiki/Bactrian_camel">Bactrian camels</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002120-301">[298]</a></sup> In the south along the coast meat from seafood was by default the most common, as the Chinese enjoyed eating cooked <a href="/wiki/Jellyfish">jellyfish</a> with <a href="/wiki/Cinnamon">cinnamon</a>, <a href="/wiki/Sichuan_pepper">Sichuan pepper</a>, <a href="/wiki/Cardamom">cardamom</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Ginger">ginger</a>, as well as <a href="/wiki/Oyster">oysters</a> with wine, fried <a href="/wiki/Squid">squid</a> with ginger and vinegar, <a href="/wiki/Horseshoe_crab">horseshoe crabs</a> and <a href="/wiki/Portunus">red swimming crabs</a>, <a href="/wiki/Shrimp">shrimp</a> and <a href="/wiki/Tetraodontidae">pufferfish</a>, which the Chinese called "river piglet".<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002121-302">[299]</a></sup>
</p><p>From the trade overseas and over land, the Chinese acquired peaches from <a href="/wiki/Samarkand">Samarkand</a>, date palms, pistachios, and figs from <a href="/wiki/Greater_Iran">Greater Iran</a>, <a href="/wiki/Pine_nut">pine nuts</a> and <a href="/wiki/Ginseng">ginseng</a> roots from <a href="/wiki/Korea">Korea</a> and <a href="/wiki/Mango">mangoes</a> from <a href="/wiki/Southeast_Asia">Southeast Asia</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002123-303">[300]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESchafer19851–2-304">[301]</a></sup> In China, there was a great demand for sugar; during the reign of <a href="/wiki/Harsha">Harsha</a> over <a href="/wiki/North_India">North India</a> (r. 606–647), Indian envoys to the Tang brought two makers of sugar who successfully taught the Chinese how to cultivate <a href="/wiki/Sugarcane">sugarcane</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTESen200338–40-305">[302]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200476,_83–84-306">[303]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Cotton">Cotton</a> also came from India as a finished product from <a href="/wiki/Bengal">Bengal</a>, although it was during the Tang that the Chinese began to grow and process cotton, and by the <a href="/wiki/Yuan_dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a> it became the prime textile fabric in China.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200483-307">[304]</a></sup>
</p><p>Some foods were also <a href="/wiki/Food_taboo">off-limits</a>, as the Tang court encouraged people <a href="/wiki/Beef_taboo#China">not to eat beef</a>. This was due to the role of the bull as a valuable <a href="/wiki/Working_animal">working animal</a>. From 831 to 833 <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Wenzong_of_Tang">Emperor Wenzong of Tang</a> even banned the slaughter of cattle on the grounds of his religious convictions to <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002125-308">[305]</a></sup>
</p><p>Methods of <a href="/wiki/Food_preservation">food preservation</a> were important, and practiced throughout China. The common people used simple methods of preservation, such as digging deep ditches and trenches, <a href="/wiki/Brining">brining</a>, and salting their foods.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002126–127-309">[306]</a></sup> The emperor had large ice pits located in the parks in and around Chang'an for preserving food, while the wealthy and elite had their own smaller ice pits. Each year the emperor had laborers carve 1000 blocks of ice from frozen creeks in mountain valleys, each block with the dimension of 3 ft (0.91 m) by 3 ft by 3.5 ft (1.1 m). Frozen delicacies such as chilled melon were enjoyed during the summer.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002126-310">[307]</a></sup>
</p>
<ul>
	<li><div>
	<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:%E9%B8%B3%E9%B8%AF%E8%8E%B2%E7%93%A3%E7%BA%B9%E9%87%91%E7%A2%97_20091112.jpg"></a></p></div>
	<p>Tang era <a href="/wiki/Gilding">gilt</a>-gold bowl with lotus and animal motifs
</p>
	</div></li>
	<li><div>
	<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Plat_%C3%A0_offrandes_Chine_Mus%C3%A9e_Guimet_2418_3.jpg"></a></p></div>
	<p>A Tang <a href="/wiki/Sancai">sancai</a>-glazed lobed dish with incised decorations, 8th century
</p>
	</div></li>
	<li><div>
	<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Dame_Chine_Guimet_291003.jpg"></a></p></div>
	<p><a href="/wiki/Tang_dynasty_tomb_figures">Tomb figure</a> of a lady attendant, 7th- to 8th-century; during the Tang era, female hosts prepared feasts, tea parties, and played drinking games with their guests.
</p>
	</div></li>
	<li><div>
	<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Plat_%C3%A0_offrandes_Chine_Mus%C3%A9e_Guimet_2418_1.jpg"></a></p></div>
	<p>A rounded "offering plate" with design in "three colors" (<a href="/wiki/Sancai">sancai</a>) glaze, 8th-century
</p>
	</div></li>
	<li><div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Chajing.jpeg"></a></p></div></li>
</ul>
<h2>Science and technology[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=30">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Engineering[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=31">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Square_mirror_with_phoenix_motif,_Tang_Dynasty.jpg"></a></p></div>
<p>Technology during the Tang period was built also upon the precedents of the past. Previous advancements in clockworks and timekeeping included the mechanical gear systems of <a href="/wiki/Zhang_Heng">Zhang Heng</a> (78–139) and <a href="/wiki/Ma_Jun_(mechanical_engineer)">Ma Jun</a> (fl. 3rd century), which gave the Tang mathematician, mechanical engineer, astronomer, and monk <a href="/wiki/Yi_Xing">Yi Xing</a> (683–727) inspiration when he invented the world's first clockwork <a href="/wiki/Escapement">escapement</a> mechanism in 725.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a319-311">[308]</a></sup> This was used alongside a <a href="/wiki/Water_clock">clepsydra</a> clock and <a href="/wiki/Waterwheel">waterwheel</a> to power a rotating <a href="/wiki/Armillary_sphere">armillary sphere</a> in representation of <a href="/wiki/Astronomical">astronomical</a> observation.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b473–475-312">[309]</a></sup> Yi Xing's device also had a mechanically timed bell that was struck automatically every hour, and a drum that was struck automatically every quarter-hour; essentially, a <a href="/wiki/Striking_clock">striking clock</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b473–474-313">[310]</a></sup> Yi Xing's <a href="/wiki/Astronomical_clock">astronomical clock</a> and water-powered armillary sphere became well known throughout the country, since students attempting to pass the imperial examinations by 730 had to write an essay on the device as an exam requirement.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b475-314">[311]</a></sup> However, the most common type of public and palace timekeeping device was the inflow clepsydra. Its design was improved c. 610 by the Sui-dynasty engineers Geng Xun and Yuwen Kai. They provided a <a href="/wiki/Steelyard_balance">steelyard balance</a> that allowed seasonal adjustment in the <a href="/wiki/Pressure_head">pressure head</a> of the compensating tank and could then control the rate of flow for different lengths of day and night.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b480-315">[312]</a></sup>
</p><p>There were many other mechanical inventions during the Tang era. These included a 3 ft (0.91 m) tall mechanical wine server of the early 8th century that was in the shape of an artificial mountain, carved out of iron and rested on a <a href="/wiki/Lacquer">lacquered</a>-wooden tortoise frame. This intricate device used a hydraulic pump that siphoned wine out of metal <a href="/wiki/Chinese_dragon">dragon</a>-headed faucets, as well as tilting bowls that were timed to dip wine down, by force of <a href="/wiki/Gravity">gravity</a> when filled, into an artificial lake that had intricate iron leaves popping up as trays for placing party treats.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002144-316">[313]</a></sup> Furthermore, as the historian Charles Benn describes it:
</p>
<blockquote><p>Midway up the southern side of the mountain was a dragon ... the beast opened its mouth and spit brew into a goblet seated on a large [iron] lotus leaf beneath. When the cup was 80% full, the dragon ceased spewing ale, and a guest immediately seized the goblet. If he was slow in draining the cup and returning it to the leaf, the door of a pavilion at the top of the mountain opened and a mechanical wine server, dressed in a cap and gown, emerged with a wooden bat in his hand. As soon as the guest returned the goblet, the dragon refilled it, the wine server withdrew, and the doors of the pavilion closed ... A pump siphoned the ale that flowed into the ale pool through a hidden hole and returned the brew to the reservoir [holding more than 16 quarts/15 liters of wine] inside the mountain.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002144-316">[313]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Yet the use of a teasing mechanical puppet in this wine-serving device wasn't exactly a novel invention of the Tang, since the use of mechanical puppets in China date back to the <a href="/wiki/Qin_dynasty">Qin dynasty</a> (221–207 BC). In the 3rd century <a href="/wiki/Ma_Jun_(mechanical_engineer)">Ma Jun</a> had an entire mechanical puppet theater operated by the rotation of a waterwheel.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b158-317">[314]</a></sup> There was also an automatic wine-server known in the ancient <a href="/wiki/Greco-Roman">Greco-Roman</a> world, a design of the Greek inventor <a href="/wiki/Heron_of_Alexandria">Heron of Alexandria</a> that employed an urn with an inner valve and a lever device similar to the one described above. There are many stories of <a href="/wiki/Automaton">automatons</a> used in the Tang, including general Yang Wulian's wooden statue of a monk who stretched his hands out to collect contributions; when the number of coins reached a certain weight, the mechanical figure moved his arms to deposit them in a satchel.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163-318">[315]</a></sup> This weight-and-lever mechanism was exactly like Heron's penny <a href="/wiki/Slot_machine">slot machine</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163_footnote_c-319">[316]</a></sup> Other devices included one by Wang Ju, whose "wooden otter" could allegedly catch fish; Needham suspects a <a href="/wiki/Spring_(device)">spring trap</a> of some kind was employed here.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163-318">[315]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the realm of structural engineering and technical <a href="/wiki/Chinese_architecture">Chinese architecture</a>, there were also government standard building codes, outlined in the early Tang book of the <i>Yingshan Ling</i> (National Building Law).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGuo19981-320">[317]</a></sup> Fragments of this book have survived in the <i>Tang Lü</i> (The Tang Code),<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGuo19983-321">[318]</a></sup> while the Song dynasty architectural manual of the <i><a href="/wiki/Yingzao_Fashi">Yingzao Fashi</a></i> (State Building Standards) by <a href="/wiki/Architecture_of_the_Song_dynasty#Literature">Li Jie</a> (1065–1101) in 1103 is the oldest existing technical treatise on Chinese architecture that has survived in full.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGuo19981-320">[317]</a></sup> During the reign of <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong of Tang</a> (712–756) there were 34,850 registered <a href="/wiki/Artisan">craftsmen</a> serving the state, managed by the Agency of Palace Buildings (Jingzuo Jian).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEGuo19983-321">[318]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Woodblock printing[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=32">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Jingangjing.jpg"></a></p><div><p>The <a href="/wiki/Diamond_Sutra">Diamond Sutra</a>, printed in 868, is the world's first widely printed book to include a specific date of printing.</p></div></div>
<p><a href="/wiki/Woodblock_printing">Woodblock printing</a> made the written word available to vastly greater audiences. One of the world's oldest surviving printed documents is a miniature Buddhist <i><a href="/wiki/Dharani">dharani</a></i> <a href="/wiki/Sutra">sutra</a> unearthed at Xi'an in 1974 and dated roughly from 650 to 670.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEPan1997979–980-322">[319]</a></sup> The <i><a href="/wiki/Diamond_Sutra">Diamond Sutra</a></i> is the first full-length book printed at regular size, complete with illustrations embedded with the text and dated precisely to 868.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple1986112-323">[320]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d151-324">[321]</a></sup> Among the earliest documents to be printed were Buddhist texts as well as calendars, the latter essential for calculating and marking which days were auspicious and which days were not.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999124–125-325">[322]</a></sup> With so many books coming into circulation for the general public, literacy rates could improve, along with the lower classes being able to obtain cheaper sources of study. Therefore, there were more lower-class people seen entering the Imperial Examinations and passing them by the later Song dynasty.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006159-105">[103]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200694-326">[323]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999147-327">[324]</a></sup> Although the later <a href="/wiki/Bi_Sheng">Bi Sheng</a>'s <a href="/wiki/Movable_type">movable type</a> <a href="/wiki/Printing">printing</a> in the 11th century was innovative for his period, woodblock printing that became widespread in the Tang would remain the dominant <a href="/wiki/History_of_typography_in_East_Asia">printing type in China</a> until the more advanced <a href="/wiki/Printing_press">printing press</a> from Europe became widely accepted and used in East Asia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d227-328">[325]</a></sup> The first use of the <a href="/wiki/Playing_card">playing card</a> during the Tang dynasty was an auxiliary invention of the new age of printing.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d131–132-329">[326]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Cartography[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=33">edit</a>]</h3>
<div><p><a href="/wiki/File:Dunhuang_star_map.jpg"></a></p><div><p>The <a href="/wiki/Dunhuang_map">Dunhuang map</a>, a <a href="/wiki/Star_map">star map</a> showing the North Polar region. c. 700.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEXi1981464-330">[327]</a></sup> The whole set of star maps contains over 1,300 stars.<sup><a href="#cite_note-331">[328]</a></sup></p></div></div>
<p>In the realm of <a href="/wiki/Cartography">cartography</a>, there were further advances beyond the map-makers of the Han dynasty. When the Tang chancellor <a href="/wiki/Pei_Ju">Pei Ju</a> (547–627) was working for the Sui dynasty as a Commercial Commissioner in 605, he created a well-known gridded map with a <a href="/wiki/Scale_(map)">graduated scale</a> in the tradition of <a href="/wiki/Pei_Xiu">Pei Xiu</a> (224–271).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a538–540,_543-332">[329]</a></sup> The Tang chancellor <a href="/wiki/Xu_Jingzong">Xu Jingzong</a> (592–672) was also known for his map of China drawn in the year 658.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543-333">[330]</a></sup> In the year 785 the <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Dezong_of_Tang">Emperor Dezong</a> had the geographer and cartographer <a href="/wiki/Jia_Dan">Jia Dan</a> (730–805) complete a map of China and her former colonies in Central Asia.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543-333">[330]</a></sup> Upon its completion in 801, the map was 9.1 m (30 ft) in length and 10 m (33 ft) in height, mapped out on a grid scale of one inch equaling one hundred <i><a href="/wiki/Li_(unit)">li</a></i> (Chinese unit of measuring distance).<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543-333">[330]</a></sup> A Chinese map of 1137 is similar in complexity to the one made by Jia Dan, carved on a stone stele with a grid scale of 100 li.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986aPlate_LXXXI-334">[331]</a></sup> However, the only type of map that has survived from the Tang period are <a href="/wiki/Star_chart">star charts</a>. Despite this, <a href="/wiki/Chinese_cartography">the earliest extant terrain maps of China</a> come from the ancient <a href="/wiki/Qin_(state)">State of Qin</a>; maps from the 4th century BC that were excavated in 1986.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEHsu199390-335">[332]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Medicine[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=34">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The Chinese of the Tang era were also very interested in the benefits of officially classifying all of the <a href="/wiki/Traditional_Chinese_medicine">medicines</a> used in <a href="/wiki/Pharmacology">pharmacology</a>. In 657, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Gaozong_of_Tang">Emperor Gaozong of Tang</a> (r. 649–683) commissioned the literary project of publishing an official <i><a href="/wiki/Materia_medica">materia medica</a></i>, complete with text and illustrated drawings for 833 different medicinal substances taken from different stones, minerals, metals, <a href="/wiki/History_of_opium_in_China">plants</a>, herbs, animals, vegetables, fruits, and cereal crops.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBenn2002235-336">[333]</a></sup> In addition to compiling pharmacopeias, the Tang fostered learning in medicine by upholding imperial medical colleges, state examinations for doctors, and publishing forensic manuals for physicians.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200483-307">[304]</a></sup> Authors of medicine in the Tang include Zhen Chuan (d. 643) and <a href="/wiki/Sun_Simiao">Sun Simiao</a> (581–682), the former who first identified in writing that patients with <a href="/wiki/Diabetes">diabetes</a> had an excess of sugar in their <a href="/wiki/Urine">urine</a>, and the latter who was the first to recognize that diabetic patients should avoid consuming alcohol and <a href="/wiki/Starch">starchy</a> foods.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple1986132–133-337">[334]</a></sup> As written by Zhen Chuan and others in the Tang, the <a href="/wiki/Thyroid">thyroid</a> glands of sheep and pigs were successfully used to treat <a href="/wiki/Goiter">goiters</a>; thyroid extracts were not used to treat patients with goiter in the West until 1890.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple1986134–135-338">[335]</a></sup> The use of the <a href="/wiki/Amalgam_(dentistry)">dental amalgam</a>, manufactured from tin and silver, was first introduced in the medical text <i><a href="/wiki/Xinxiu_bencao">Xinxiu bencao</a></i> written by Su Gong in 659.<sup><a href="#cite_note-czarnetzki-339">[336]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Alchemy, gas cylinders, and air conditioning[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=35">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Chinese scientists of the Tang period employed complex chemical formulas for an array of different purposes, often found through experiments of <a href="/wiki/Alchemy">alchemy</a>. These included a <a href="/wiki/Waterproof">waterproof</a> and dust-repelling cream or <a href="/wiki/Varnish">varnish</a> for clothes and weapons, <a href="/wiki/Fireproof">fireproof</a> cement for glass and porcelain wares, a waterproof cream applied to silk clothes of <a href="/wiki/Underwater_diving">underwater divers</a>, a cream designated for polishing bronze mirrors, and many other useful formulas.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986e452-340">[337]</a></sup> The vitrified, translucent ceramic known as <a href="/wiki/Porcelain">porcelain</a> was invented in China during the Tang, although many types of glazed ceramics preceded it.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEAdshead200480-217">[214]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWood199949-341">[338]</a></sup>
</p><p>Ever since the <a href="/wiki/Han_dynasty">Han dynasty</a> (202 BC – 220 AD), the Chinese had drilled deep <a href="/wiki/Borehole">boreholes</a> to transport natural gas from <a href="/wiki/Pipeline_transport">bamboo pipelines</a> to stoves where <a href="/wiki/Cast_iron">cast iron</a> evaporation pans boiled <a href="/wiki/Brine">brine</a> to extract salt.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple198678–79-342">[339]</a></sup> During the Tang dynasty, a <a href="/wiki/Gazetteer">gazetteer</a> of Sichuan province stated that at one of these 182 m (600 ft) 'fire wells', men collected natural gas into portable bamboo tubes which could be carried around for dozens of km (mi) and still produce a flame.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple198679–80-343">[340]</a></sup> These were essentially the first <a href="/wiki/Gas_cylinder">gas cylinders</a>; Robert Temple assumes <a href="/wiki/Tap_(valve)">some sort of tap</a> was used for this device.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTETemple198679–80-343">[340]</a></sup>
</p><p>The inventor <a href="/wiki/Ding_Huan">Ding Huan</a> (<a href="/wiki/Floruit">fl.</a> 180 AD) of the Han dynasty invented a <a href="/wiki/Fan_(mechanical)">rotary fan</a> for <a href="/wiki/Air_conditioning">air conditioning</a>, with seven wheels 3 m (10 ft) in diameter and manually powered.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b99,_151,_233-344">[341]</a></sup> In 747, <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Xuanzong_of_Tang">Emperor Xuanzong</a> had a "Cool Hall" built in the imperial palace, which the <i><a href="/wiki/Tang_Yulin">Tang Yulin</a></i> (唐語林) describes as having water-powered fan wheels for air conditioning as well as rising jet streams of water from fountains.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b134,_151-345">[342]</a></sup> During the subsequent Song dynasty, written sources mentioned the air conditioning rotary fan as even more widely used.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b151-346">[343]</a></sup>
</p>
<h2>Historiography[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=36">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>The first classic work about the Tang is the <i><a href="/wiki/Old_Book_of_Tang">Old Book of Tang</a></i> by Liu Xu (887–946) et al. of the <a href="/wiki/Later_Jin_(Five_Dynasties)">Later Jin</a>, who redacted it during the last years of his life. This was edited into another history (labeled the <i><a href="/wiki/New_Book_of_Tang">New Book of Tang</a></i>) in order to distinguish it, which was a work by the Song historians <a href="/wiki/Ouyang_Xiu">Ouyang Xiu</a> (1007–1072), Song Qi (998–1061), et al. of the Song dynasty (between the years 1044 and 1060). Both of them were based upon earlier annals, yet those are now lost.<sup><a href="#cite_note-347">[344]</a></sup> Both of them also rank among the <i><a href="/wiki/Twenty-Four_Histories">Twenty-Four Histories</a></i> of China. One of the surviving sources of the <i>Old Book of Tang</i>, primarily covering up to 756, is the <i><a href="/wiki/Tongdian">Tongdian</a></i>, which <a href="/wiki/Du_You">Du You</a> presented to the emperor in 801. The Tang period was again placed into the enormous <a href="/wiki/Universal_history">universal history</a> text of the <i><a href="/wiki/Zizhi_Tongjian">Zizhi Tongjian</a></i>, edited, compiled, and completed in 1084 by a team of scholars under the Song dynasty Chancellor <a href="/wiki/Sima_Guang">Sima Guang</a> (1019–1086). This historical text, written with three million <a href="/wiki/Chinese_characters">Chinese characters</a> in 294 volumes, covered the history of China from the beginning of the <a href="/wiki/Warring_States">Warring States</a> (403 BC) until the beginning of the Song dynasty (960).
</p>
<h2>Notes[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=37">edit</a>]</h2>
<div><ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-5">^</a></b> The polite form <i>Dà Táng</i> (大唐, <abbr>lit.</abbr> 'Great Tang') was often used, such as in the names of books of the period.<sup><a href="#cite_note-FOOTNOTEWilkinson20136-4">[4]</a></sup>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-11">^</a></b> During the rule of the Tang the world population grew from about 190 million to approximately 240 million, a difference of 50 million. See also <a href="/wiki/Medieval_demography">medieval demography</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-179">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Fordham_University">Fordham University</a> (2000) <a href="http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/eastasia/romchin1.html">offers</a> <a href="/wiki/Friedrich_Hirth">Friedrich Hirth</a>'s (1885) translated passage from the <i><a href="/wiki/Old_Book_of_Tang">Old Book of Tang</a></i>: "The emperor <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Yang_of_Sui">Yang-ti</a> of the <a href="/wiki/Sui_dynasty">Sui dynasty</a> [605–617 C.E.] always wished to open intercourse with <a href="/wiki/Eastern_Roman_Empire">Fu-lin</a>, but did not succeed. In the 17th year of the period Cheng-kuan [643 C.E.], the king of Fu-lin Po-to-li [<a href="/wiki/Constans_II_Pogonatus">Constans II Pogonatus</a>, Emperor 641–668 C.E.] sent an embassy offering red glass, lu-chin-ching [green gold gems], and other articles. <a href="/wiki/Emperor_Taizong_of_Tang">T'ai-tsung</a> [the then ruling emperor] favored them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously granted presents of silk. Since the <a href="/wiki/Umayyad_Caliphate">Ta-shih</a> [the Arabs] had conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief, <a href="/wiki/Muawiyah_I">Mo-i (Mo'awiya)</a>, to besiege their capital city; by means of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in the sequel they became subject to Ta-shih. In the second year of the period Ch'ien-feng [667 C.E.] they sent an embassy offering Ti-yeh-ka. In the first year of the period Ta-tsu [701 C.E.] they again sent an embassy to our court. In the first month of the seventh year of the period K'ai-yuan [719 C.E.] their lord sent the ta-shou-ling [an officer of high rank] of T'u-huo-lo [Khazarstan] to offer lions and ling-yang[antelopes], two of each. A few months after, he further sent ta-te-seng ["priests of great virtue"] to our court with tribute."
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>References[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=38">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Citations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=39">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b> <cite>Turchin, Peter; Adams, Jonathan M.; Hall, Thomas D (December 2006). <a href="http://jwsr.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/jwsr/article/view/369/381">"East-West Orientation of Historical Empires"</a>. <i>Journal of World-Systems Research</i>. <b>12</b> (2): 222. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/1076-156X">1076-156X</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Rein_Taagepera">Taagepera, Rein</a> (1997). <a href="http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/3cn68807">"Expansion and Contraction Patterns of Large Polities: Context for Russia"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/International_Studies_Quarterly">International Studies Quarterly</a></i>. <b>41</b> (3): 492. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111%2F0020-8833.00053">10.1111/0020-8833.00053</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/2600793">2600793</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.dictionary.com/browse/tang">"Tang"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/Random_House_Webster%27s_Unabridged_Dictionary">Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary</a></i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWilkinson20136_4-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWilkinson2013">Wilkinson 2013</a>, p. 6.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELewis20121_6-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLewis2012">Lewis 2012</a>, p. 1.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-7"><sup><i><b>h</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-8"><sup><i><b>i</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-9"><sup><i><b>j</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-10"><sup><i><b>k</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200691_7-11"><sup><i><b>l</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 91.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111,_141_8-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, pp. 111, 141.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDu199837_9-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDu1998">Du 1998</a>, p. 37.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman2006106_10-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006">Fairbank &amp; Goldman 2006</a>, p. 106.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEYu199873–87_12-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFYu1998">Yu 1998</a>, pp. 73–87.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200690–91_13-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200690–91_13-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, pp. 90–91.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440–41_14-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 40–41.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELatourette1934191_15-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFLatourette1934">Latourette 1934</a>, p. 191.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDrompp2004126_16-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDrompp2004">Drompp 2004</a>, p. 126.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDrompp2005376_17-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFDrompp2005">Drompp 2005</a>, p. 376.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-18">^</a></b> <cite>Wechsler, Howard J. (1979). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=idu6-Ie1MhwC&amp;pg=PA151"><i>Sui and T'ang China, 589–906. Part 1</i></a>. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. p. 151. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1139055949"><bdi>978-1139055949</bdi></a>. <q>This genealogy claimed by the T'ang royal house established its claim to be descended from a notable Han clan and to be members of a prominent north-western lineage. However, there is some reason to believe that this line of descent, presented as solid fact by the T'ang histories, was in fact a deliberate fabrication. ... Two of the men who, it has been suggested, were among the ancestors of <a href="/wiki/Li_Bing_(Northern_Zhou)">Li Hu</a> [grandfather of Li Yuan] were the generals <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E6%9D%8E%E5%88%9D%E5%8F%A4%E6%8B%94">Li Ch'u-ku-pa</a> and Li Mai-te, whose names show that they had either adopted or been granted the Chinese surname Li, but retained alien, perhaps <a href="/wiki/Xianbei">Hsien-pei</a>, personal names.</q></cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-19">^</a></b> <cite>Chen, Sanping (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ugbWH-5OjegC&amp;pg=PA5"><i>Multicultural China in the Early Middle Ages</i></a>. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 4–6. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8122-0628-9"><bdi>978-0-8122-0628-9</bdi></a>. <q>More intriguingly, faced with the opposition of imperial court judges who wanted to uphold the mandatory capital punishment, Emperor Taizong explained that Falin's defamation of the royal ancestry "was not without foundation." Emperor Taizong apparently recognized that the imperial clan's genealogical connections to the Tuoba nobles and other "Barbarian" families were open contemporary knowledge ... The newest proof is the recent archaeological discovery that shows that another prominent Li clan of the period, namely that of <a href="/wiki/Li_Xian_(Northern_Zhou_general)">Li Xian</a>, a general in chief of the <a href="/wiki/Northern_Zhou">Northern Zhou</a>, with the same claim to the Longxi ancestry, was in fact of unmistakable Tuoba Xianbei descent.</q></cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESkaff2012125_20-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSkaff2012">Skaff 2012</a>, p. 125.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETogan2011177_21-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTogan2011">Togan 2011</a>, p. 177.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-22">^</a></b> "Great Tang" ("Da Tang") in <a href="/wiki/Seal_characters">seal characters</a> on the epitaph of <a href="/wiki/Shangguan_Wan%27er">Shangguan Wan'er</a> (lid)
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGraff200078,_93_23-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGraff2000">Graff 2000</a>, pp. 78, 93.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440_24-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440_24-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 40.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGraff200078_25-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGraff2000">Graff 2000</a>, p. 78.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGraff200080_26-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGraff2000">Graff 2000</a>, p. 80.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200440–42_27-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 40–42.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGraff200078,_82,_85–86,_95_28-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGraff2000">Graff 2000</a>, pp. 78, 82, 85–86, 95.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442_29-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442_29-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 42.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693_30-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693_30-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693_30-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200693_30-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 93.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200442–43_31-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 42–43.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000124_32-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETwitchett2000124_32-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFTwitchett2000">Twitchett 2000</a>, p. 124.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-33">^</a></b> <cite>Zhou, Xiuqin (University of Pennsylvania) (April 2009). <a href="http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp187_taizong_emperor.pdf">"Zhaoling: The Mausoleum of Emperor Tang Taizong"</a> (PDF). <i>Sino-Platonic Papers</i>. <b>187</b>: 155. <a href="https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221010/http://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp187_taizong_emperor.pdf">Archived</a> (PDF) from the original on October 10, 2022.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697_34-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697_34-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697_34-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697_34-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 97.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200697–98_35-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, pp. 97–98.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698_36-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698_36-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200698_36-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 98.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEForte1988234_37-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFForte1988">Forte 1988</a>, p. 234.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMarlowe200864_38-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMarlowe200864_38-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFMarlowe2008">Marlowe 2008</a>, p. 64.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200445_39-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 45.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999116_40-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, p. 116.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESen200397–98_41-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSen2003">Sen 2003</a>, pp. 97–98.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200474_42-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWhitfield2004">Whitfield 2004</a>, p. 74.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200682_43-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006">Fairbank &amp; Goldman 2006</a>, p. 82.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer19858_44-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer19858_44-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, p. 8.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKiang199912_45-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFKiang1999">Kiang 1999</a>, p. 12.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200446_46-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 46.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn20026_47-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn20026_47-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 6.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699_48-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699_48-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699_48-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais200699_48-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 99.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447_49-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447_49-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 47.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn20027_50-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn20027_50-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn20027_50-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 7.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200247_51-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 47.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200489_52-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 89.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200447–48_53-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 47–48.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-7"><sup><i><b>h</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-8"><sup><i><b>i</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006100_54-9"><sup><i><b>j</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 100.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005184_55-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005184_55-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEberhard2005">Eberhard 2005</a>, p. 184.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEXu1993455–467_56-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFXu1993">Xu 1993</a>, pp. 455–467.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005185_57-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEberhard2005">Eberhard 2005</a>, p. 185.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer19859_58-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer19859_58-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, p. 9.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWan201711_59-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWan2017">Wan 2017</a>, p. 11.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEQi2010221–227_60-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFQi2010">Qi 2010</a>, pp. 221–227.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESen200334_61-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSen2003">Sen 2003</a>, p. 34.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGascoigneGascoigne200397_62-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGascoigneGascoigne2003">Gascoigne &amp; Gascoigne 2003</a>, p. 97.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang200391_63-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang200391_63-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFWang2003">Wang 2003</a>, p. 91.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGraff200843–44_64-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGraff2008">Graff 2008</a>, pp. 43–44.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200490–91_65-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 90–91.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105_66-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105_66-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105_66-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105_66-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000105_66-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBowman2000">Bowman 2000</a>, p. 105.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200215–17_67-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, pp. 15–17.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101_68-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101_68-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006101_68-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 101.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200685_69-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006">Fairbank &amp; Goldman 2006</a>, p. 85.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200450_70-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 50.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b347_71-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 347.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200214–15_72-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, pp. 14–15.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200215_73-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 15.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451_74-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451_74-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200451_74-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 51.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200216_75-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200216_75-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200216_75-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 16.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETaenzer201635–37_76-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTaenzer2016">Taenzer 2016</a>, pp. 35–37.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-ZZTJ249_77-0">^</a></b> <i><a href="/wiki/Zizhi_Tongjian">Zizhi Tongjian</a></i>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7249">vol. 249</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBaumer2012310_78-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBaumer2012">Baumer 2012</a>, p. 310.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005189–190_79-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEberhard2005">Eberhard 2005</a>, pp. 189–190.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGernet1996292_80-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGernet1996">Gernet 1996</a>, p. 292.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-81">^</a></b> 《殘唐五代史演義傳》：“<a href="/wiki/Li_Zhi_(philosopher)">卓吾</a>子評：‘<b>僖宗以貌取人，失之巢賊，致令殺人八百萬，血流三千里</b>’”
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006108_82-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006108_82-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 108.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20036–7_83-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 6–7.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-84">^</a></b> <cite>Scheidel, Walter (2018). <i>The Great Leveler. Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century</i>. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. pp. 276–278. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0691183251"><bdi>978-0691183251</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20037–12_85-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 7–12.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20036–7,_10,_12_86-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 6–7, 10, 12.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20037,_10,_12_87-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20037,_10,_12_87-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 7, 10, 12.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986c320–321,_footnote_h_88-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986c">Needham 1986c</a>, pp. 320–321, footnote h.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote20037_89-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, p. 7.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote200310,_12–13_90-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 10, 12–13.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote200310–11_91-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 10–11.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMote200312–13_92-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFMote2003">Mote 2003</a>, pp. 12–13.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999111–112_93-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, pp. 111–112.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112_94-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112_94-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999112_94-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, p. 112.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAndrewRapp200025_95-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAndrewRapp2000">Andrew &amp; Rapp 2000</a>, p. 25.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200257_111-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 57.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200245_115-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 45.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200232_116-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200232_116-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 32.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002xii,_4_119-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, pp. xii, 4.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006114_185-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006114_185-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 114.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWhitfield2004255_186-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWhitfield2004">Whitfield 2004</a>, p. 255.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002134_187-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 134.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198528_188-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, p. 28.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESen200330–32_193-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSen2003">Sen 2003</a>, pp. 30–32.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWhitfield200457,_228_194-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWhitfield2004">Whitfield 2004</a>, pp. 57, 228.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESun1989161–167_196-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSun1989">Sun 1989</a>, pp. 161–167.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEChen200267–71_197-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFChen2002">Chen 2002</a>, pp. 67–71.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBowman2000104–105_198-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBowman2000">Bowman 2000</a>, pp. 104–105.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200246_199-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200246_199-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200246_199-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200246_199-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 46.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198520_200-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, p. 20.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETang199161_201-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTang1991">Tang 1991</a>, p. 61.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198516_203-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, p. 16.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen1996163_204-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFShen1996">Shen 1996</a>, p. 163.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWoods1996143_205-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWoods1996">Woods 1996</a>, p. 143.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198510,_16_206-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, pp. 10, 16.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEberhard2005190_207-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEberhard2005">Eberhard 2005</a>, p. 190.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940162_210-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFReischauer1940">Reischauer 1940</a>, p. 162.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940155–156_211-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFReischauer1940">Reischauer 1940</a>, pp. 155–156.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-bbc_news_212-0">^</a></b> <cite><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/7675866.stm">"The treasure trove making waves: Simon Worrall explains why a recent discovery on the seabed of the Indian Ocean will revolutionise our understanding of two ancient civilisations"</a>, <i>BBC News</i>, October 18, 2008, retrieved October 21, 2008</cite>
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen1996155_213-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFShen1996">Shen 1996</a>, p. 155.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHsu198896_214-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHsu198896_214-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFHsu1988">Hsu 1988</a>, p. 96.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEShen1996158_216-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFShen1996">Shen 1996</a>, p. 158.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002xiv,_xv,_xvi,_xvii,_xviii_222-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, pp. xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEReischauer1940143–144_229-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFReischauer1940">Reischauer 1940</a>, pp. 143–144.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198519–20_231-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, pp. 19–20.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbreyWalthallPalais2006102_236-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006">Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006</a>, p. 102.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWong197997_241-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWong1979">Wong 1979</a>, p. 97.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200264_284-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 64.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn200266_285-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 66.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999114–115_286-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999114–115_286-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, pp. 114–115.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165–166_287-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165–166_287-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGernet1962">Gernet 1962</a>, pp. 165–166.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGernet1962165_288-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFGernet1962">Gernet 1962</a>, p. 165.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer198528–29_289-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, pp. 28–29.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey199995_290-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, p. 95.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d122_291-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d122_291-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986d">Needham 1986d</a>, p. 122.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d123_292-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d123_292-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986d">Needham 1986d</a>, p. 123.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESong19663–4_293-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESong19663–4_293-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFSong1966">Song 1966</a>, pp. 3–4.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi200318_294-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWang_Saishi2003">Wang Saishi 2003</a>, p. 18.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20031_295-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWang_Saishi2003">Wang Saishi 2003</a>, p. 1.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Li_1999_296-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Li_1999_296-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Li, Fang (1999). <i>Taiping Guangji</i>. Harbin People Publisher.</cite><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">ISBN missing</a></i>]</sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20036_297-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWang_Saishi2003">Wang Saishi 2003</a>, p. 6.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-298">^</a></b> <cite>Jia, Junxia (2009). "Analysis of cake food of Chang'an in Han and Tang Dynasty". <i>Tangdu Journal</i>. <b>25</b>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWang_Saishi20034_299-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWang_Saishi2003">Wang Saishi 2003</a>, p. 4.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-300">^</a></b> <cite>Ennin. <i>Ennin's Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law</i>. Vol. 3.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002120_301-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 120.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002121_302-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 121.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002123_303-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 123.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESchafer19851–2_304-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSchafer1985">Schafer 1985</a>, pp. 1–2.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESen200338–40_305-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFSen2003">Sen 2003</a>, pp. 38–40.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200476,_83–84_306-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, pp. 76, 83–84.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200483_307-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAdshead200483_307-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFAdshead2004">Adshead 2004</a>, p. 83.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002125_308-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 125.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002126–127_309-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, pp. 126–127.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002126_310-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 126.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a319_311-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986a">Needham 1986a</a>, p. 319.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b473–475_312-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, pp. 473–475.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b473–474_313-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, pp. 473–474.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b475_314-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 475.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b480_315-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 480.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002144_316-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002144_316-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 144.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b158_317-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 158.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163_318-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163_318-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 163.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b163_footnote_c_319-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 163 footnote c.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGuo19981_320-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGuo19981_320-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGuo1998">Guo 1998</a>, p. 1.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGuo19983_321-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGuo19983_321-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFGuo1998">Guo 1998</a>, p. 3.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPan1997979–980_322-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFPan1997">Pan 1997</a>, pp. 979–980.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple1986112_323-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTemple1986">Temple 1986</a>, p. 112.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d151_324-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986d">Needham 1986d</a>, p. 151.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999124–125_325-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, pp. 124–125.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFairbankGoldman200694_326-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006">Fairbank &amp; Goldman 2006</a>, p. 94.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEbrey1999147_327-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFEbrey1999">Ebrey 1999</a>, p. 147.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d227_328-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986d">Needham 1986d</a>, p. 227.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986d131–132_329-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986d">Needham 1986d</a>, pp. 131–132.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEXi1981464_330-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFXi1981">Xi 1981</a>, p. 464.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-331">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Jean-Marc_Bonnet-Bidaud">Bonnet-Bidaud, J. M.</a>; Praderie, Françoise; <a href="/wiki/Susan_Whitfield">Whitfield, S.</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20140402021617/http://idp.bl.uk/education/astronomy_researchers/index.a4d">"The Dunhuang Chinese Sky: A comprehensive study of the oldest known star atlas"</a>. International Dunhuang Project, British Library. Archived from <a href="http://idp.bl.uk/education/astronomy_researchers/index.a4d">the original</a> on April 2, 2014. Retrieved March 13, 2015.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a538–540,_543_332-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986a">Needham 1986a</a>, pp. 538–540, 543.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543_333-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543_333-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986a543_333-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986a">Needham 1986a</a>, p. 543.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986aPlate_LXXXI_334-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986a">Needham 1986a</a>, p. Plate LXXXI.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHsu199390_335-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFHsu1993">Hsu 1993</a>, p. 90.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBenn2002235_336-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFBenn2002">Benn 2002</a>, p. 235.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple1986132–133_337-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTemple1986">Temple 1986</a>, pp. 132–133.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple1986134–135_338-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTemple1986">Temple 1986</a>, pp. 134–135.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-czarnetzki_339-0">^</a></b> <cite>Czarnetzki, A.; Ehrhardt S. (1990). "Re-dating the Chinese amalgam-filling of teeth in Europe". <i>International Journal of Anthropology</i>. <b>5</b> (4): 325–332.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986e452_340-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986e">Needham 1986e</a>, p. 452.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWood199949_341-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFWood1999">Wood 1999</a>, p. 49.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple198678–79_342-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFTemple1986">Temple 1986</a>, pp. 78–79.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple198679–80_343-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTETemple198679–80_343-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#CITEREFTemple1986">Temple 1986</a>, pp. 79–80.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b99,_151,_233_344-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, pp. 99, 151, 233.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b134,_151_345-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, pp. 134, 151.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENeedham1986b151_346-0">^</a></b> <a href="#CITEREFNeedham1986b">Needham 1986b</a>, p. 151.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-347">^</a></b> <cite>Denis Crispin Twitchett (1992). <i>The Writing of Official History Under the T'ang</i>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-41348-0"><bdi>978-0-521-41348-0</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
</ol></div>
<h3>Works cited[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=40">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ul><li><cite>Adshead, S.A.M. (1995) [1988], <i>China in World History</i> (2nd ed.), New York: <a href="/wiki/Palgrave_Macmillan">Palgrave Macmillan</a> and St. Martin's Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-333-62132-5"><bdi>978-0-333-62132-5</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Adshead, S.A.M. (2004), <i>T'ang China: The Rise of the East in World History</i>, New York: <a href="/wiki/Palgrave_Macmillan">Palgrave Macmillan</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4039-3456-7"><bdi>978-1-4039-3456-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Andrew, Anita N.; Rapp, John A. (2000), <i>Autocracy and Cina's Rebel Founding Emperors: Comparing Chairman Mao and Ming Taizu</i>, Lanham: Rowman &amp; Littlefield, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8476-9580-5"><bdi>978-0-8476-9580-5</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Bai_Shouyi">Bai, Shouyi</a> (2003), <i>A History of Chinese Muslim (Vol. 2)</i>, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-101-02890-4"><bdi>978-7-101-02890-4</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Warwick_Ball">Ball, Warwick</a> (2016), <i>Rome in the East: Transformation of an Empire</i> (2nd ed.), London: Routledge, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-415-72078-6"><bdi>978-0-415-72078-6</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Baumer, Christoph (2012), <i>The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors</i></cite></li>
<li><cite>Beckwith, Christopher I. (1987), <i>The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia</i>, Princeton: <a href="/wiki/Princeton_University_Press">Princeton University Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-691-02469-1"><bdi>978-0-691-02469-1</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Benn, Charles (2002), <i>China's Golden Age: Everyday Life in the Tang dynasty</i>, <a href="/wiki/Oxford_University_Press">Oxford University Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-517665-0"><bdi>978-0-19-517665-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Bernhardt, Kathryn (July 1995), "The Inheritance Right of Daughters: the Song Anomaly?", <i>Modern China</i>: 269–309, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F009770049502100302">10.1177/009770049502100302</a>, <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:143637417">143637417</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Bowman, John S. (2000), <i>Columbia Chronologies of Asian History and Culture</i>, New York: Columbia University Press</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Timothy_Brook_(historian)">Brook, Timothy</a> (1998), <a href="/wiki/The_Confusions_of_Pleasure:_Commerce_and_Culture_in_Ming_China"><i>The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China</i></a>, Berkeley: <a href="/wiki/University_of_California_Press">University of California Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-22154-3"><bdi>978-0-520-22154-3</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Chen, Yan (2002), <i>Maritime Silk Route and Chinese-Foreign Cultural Exchanges</i>, Beijing: Peking University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-301-03029-5"><bdi>978-7-301-03029-5</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Cui, Mingde (2005), <i>The History of Chinese Heqin</i>, Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-01-004828-4"><bdi>978-7-01-004828-4</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Drompp, Michael R. (2004). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=NB6DEdAxLOsC"><i>Tang China and the Collapse of the Uighur Empire: A Documentary History</i></a>. Brill's Inner Asian Library. Leiden: Brill. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-14129-2"><bdi>978-90-04-14129-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (2005). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=XdouAQAAIAAJ">"Late-Tang Foreign Relations: The Uyghur Crisis"</a>. In Mair, Victor H.; Nancy S. Steinhardt; Paul R. Goldin (eds.). <i>Hawai'i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture</i>. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. pp. 368–376. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8248-2785-4"><bdi>978-0-8248-2785-4</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Du, Wenyu (1998), "Tang Song Jingji Shili Bijiao Yanjiu" [Comparative Study of Tang and Song Dynasty's Economic Strength], <i>Researches in Chinese Economic History</i>, <b>1998</b> (4), <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/1002-8005">1002-8005</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Eberhard, Wolfram (2005), <i>A History of China</i>, New York: Cosimo, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-59605-566-7"><bdi>978-1-59605-566-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Patricia_Buckley_Ebrey">Ebrey, Patricia Buckley</a> (1999), <a href="https://archive.org/details/cambridgeillustr00ebre"><i>The Cambridge Illustrated History of China</i></a>, Cambridge: <a href="/wiki/Cambridge_University_Press">Cambridge University Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-66991-7"><bdi>978-0-521-66991-7</bdi></a></cite> (paperback).</li>
<li><cite>Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), <a href="https://archive.org/details/eastasiacultural00ebre_0"><i>East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History</i></a>, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-618-13384-0"><bdi>978-0-618-13384-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006) [1992], <i>China: A New History</i> (2nd enlarged ed.), Cambridge, MA; London: The Belknap Press of <a href="/wiki/Harvard_University_Press">Harvard University Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-01828-0"><bdi>978-0-674-01828-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Forte, Antonio (1988), <i>Mingtang and Buddhist Utopias in the History of the Astronomical Clock: the Tower, Statue, and Armillary Sphere Constructed by Empress Wu</i>, École française d'Extrême-Orient</cite></li>
<li><cite>Gascoigne, Bamber; Gascoigne, Christina (2003), <a href="https://archive.org/details/dynastiesofchina00gasc"><i>The Dynasties of China: A History</i></a>, New York: Carroll and Graf Publishers, an imprint of Avalon Publishing Group, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7867-1219-9"><bdi>978-0-7867-1219-9</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Jacques_Gernet">Gernet, Jacques</a> (1962), <a href="https://archive.org/details/dailylifeinchina00gern"><i>Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250–1276</i></a>, translated by H.M. Wright, Stanford: <a href="/wiki/Stanford_University_Press">Stanford University Press</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8047-0720-6"><bdi>978-0-8047-0720-6</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1996), <a href="https://archive.org/details/historyofchinese00gern_0"><i>A History of Chinese Civilization</i></a> (2nd ed.), New York: Cambridge University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-49781-7"><bdi>978-0-521-49781-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Graff, David Andrew (2000), "Dou Jiande's dilemma: Logistics, strategy, and state", in van de Ven, Hans (ed.), <i>Warfare in Chinese History</i>, Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, pp. 77–105, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-11774-7"><bdi>978-90-04-11774-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (2002), <i>Medieval Chinese Warfare, 300–900</i>, New York; London: <a href="/wiki/Routledge">Routledge</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-415-23954-7"><bdi>978-0-415-23954-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (2008), "Provincial Autonomy and Frontier Defense in Late Tang: The Case of the Lulong Army", in Wyatt, Don J. (ed.), <i>Battlefronts Real and Imagined: War, Border, and Identity in the Chinese Middle Period</i>, New York: Palgrave MacMillan, pp. 43–58, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4039-6084-9"><bdi>978-1-4039-6084-9</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (2016), <i>The Eurasian Way of War: Military Practice in Seventh-Century China and Byzantium</i>, New York; London: Routledge, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-315-62712-0"><bdi>978-1-315-62712-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Guo, Qinghua (1998), <a href="/wiki/Yingzao_Fashi">"Yingzao Fashi: Twelfth-Century Chinese Building Manual"</a>, <i><a href="/wiki/Architectural_History_(journal)">Architectural History</a></i>, <b>41</b>: 1–13, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1568644">10.2307/1568644</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/1568644">1568644</a>, <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:192365949">192365949</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Harper, Damian (2005), <a href="https://archive.org/details/lonelyplanetchin00dami_1"><i>China</i></a>, Footscray, Victoria: <a href="/wiki/Lonely_Planet">Lonely Planet</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-74059-687-9"><bdi>978-1-74059-687-9</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Friedrich_Hirth">Hirth, Friedrich</a> (2000) [1885]. Jerome S. Arkenberg (ed.). <a href="http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/eastasia/romchin1.html">"East Asian History Sourcebook: Chinese Accounts of Rome, Byzantium and the Middle East, c. 91 B.C.E. – 1643 C.E."</a> <i>Fordham.edu</i>. <a href="/wiki/Fordham_University">Fordham University</a>. Retrieved September 10, 2016.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Howard, Michael C. (2012). <i>Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies: The Role of Cross Border Trade and Travel</i>. Jefferson, NC: <a href="/wiki/McFarland_%26_Company">McFarland &amp; Company</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7864-9033-2"><bdi>978-0-7864-9033-2</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Hsu, Mei-ling (1988), "Chinese Marine Cartography: Sea Charts of Pre-Modern China", <i>Imago Mundi</i>, <b>40</b> (1): 96–112, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F03085698808592642">10.1080/03085698808592642</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1993), "The Qin Maps: A Clue to Later Chinese Cartographic Development", <i>Imago Mundi</i>, <b>45</b> (1): 90–100, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F03085699308592766">10.1080/03085699308592766</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Huters, Theodore (June 1987), "From Writing to Literature: The Development of Late Qing Theories of Prose", <i><a href="/wiki/Harvard_Journal_of_Asiatic_Studies">Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies</a></i>, <b>47</b> (1): 51–96, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2719158">10.2307/2719158</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/2719158">2719158</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Kang, Jae-eun (2006), <i>The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism</i>, translated by Suzanne Lee, Paramus: Homa &amp; Sekey Books, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-931907-37-8"><bdi>978-1-931907-37-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Kiang, Heng Chye (1999), <i>Cities of Aristocrats and Bureaucrats: The Development of Medieval Chinese Cityscapes</i>, Singapore: Singapore University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-9971-69-223-0"><bdi>978-9971-69-223-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Kitagawa, Hiroshi; Tsuchida, Bruce T. (1975), <i>The Tale of the Heike</i>, Tokyo: <a href="/wiki/University_of_Tokyo_Press">University of Tokyo Press</a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Kenneth_Scott_Latourette">Latourette, Kenneth Scott</a> (1934). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ultxAAAAMAAJ"><i>The Chinese: Their History and Culture</i></a>. Vol. 1 (1st ed.). New York: Macmillan. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/1625342">1625342</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Levathes, Louise (1994), <i>When China Ruled the Seas</i>, New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-671-70158-1"><bdi>978-0-671-70158-1</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Lewis, Mark Edward (2012), <i>China's Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty</i>, Harvard University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-03306-1"><bdi>978-0-674-03306-1</bdi></a></cite> (<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Chinas-Cosmopolitan-Empire-Dynasty-Imperial/dp/0674064011/">excerpt</a>)</li>
<li><cite>Liu, Pean (1991), "Viewing Chinese ancient navigation and shipbuilding through Zheng He's ocean expeditions", <i>Proceedings of the International Sailing Ships Conference in Shanghai</i></cite></li>
<li><cite>Liu, Xinru (2001), "The Silk Road: Overland Trade and Cultural Interactions in Eurasia", in Michael Adas (ed.), <i>Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History</i>, Philadelphia: American Historical Association, Temple University Press, pp. 151–179, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-56639-832-9"><bdi>978-1-56639-832-9</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Liu, Zhaoxiang (2000), <i>History of Military Legal System</i>, et al., Beijing: Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-5000-6303-2"><bdi>978-7-5000-6303-2</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Marlowe, Britt (2008). <i>Empress Wu Zhao, Son of Heaven: Uses of Religious Patronage and Propaganda to Secure Support and Quell Dissension during the Tang Dynasty</i> (MA). University of Colorado. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/430842673">430842673</a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Mote, Frederick W. (2003), <i>Imperial China: 900–1800</i>, UK: Harvard University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780674012127"><bdi>9780674012127</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Joseph_Needham">Needham, Joseph</a> (1986a), <i>Science and Civilization in China: Volume 3, Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth</i>, Taipei: Caves Books</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1986b), <i>Science and Civilization in China: Volume 4, Physics and Physical Engineering, Part 2, Mechanical Engineering</i>, Taipei: Caves Books</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1986c), <i>Science and Civilization in China: Volume 4, Physics and Physical Technology, Part 3, Civil Engineering and Nautics</i>, Taipei: Caves Books</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1986d), <i>Science and Civilization in China: Volume 5, Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Part 1, Paper and Printing</i>, Taipei: Caves Books</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (1986e), <i>Science and Civilization in China: Volume 5, Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Part 4, Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Apparatus, Theories and Gifts</i>, Taipei: Caves Books</cite></li>
<li><cite>Nishijima, Sadao (1986), "The Economic and Social History of Former Han", in Twitchett, Denis; Loewe, Michael (eds.), <i>Cambridge History of China: Volume I: the Ch'in and Han Empires, 221 B.C. – A.D. 220</i>, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 545–607, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-24327-8"><bdi>978-0-521-24327-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Ouyang, Xiu (April 5, 2004). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=R0QpslzUi50C&amp;pg=PA76"><i>Historical Records of the Five Dynasties</i></a>. Richard L. Davis, translator. Columbia University Press. pp. 76–. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-231-50228-3"><bdi>978-0-231-50228-3</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Pan, Jixing (1997), "On the Origin of Printing in the Light of New Archaeological Discoveries", <i>Chinese Science Bulletin</i>, <b>42</b> (12): 976–981, <a href="/wiki/Bibcode_(identifier)">Bibcode</a>:<a href="https://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1997ChSBu..42..976P">1997ChSBu..42..976P</a>, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007%2FBF02882611">10.1007/BF02882611</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/1001-6538">1001-6538</a>, <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:98230482">98230482</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Qi, Dongfang (2010), <a href="https://asia.si.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/17Qi.pdf">"Gold and Silver Wares on the Belitung Shipwreck"</a> (PDF), in Krahl, Regina; Guy, John; Wilson, J. Keith; Raby, Julian (eds.), <a href="https://asia.si.edu/research/exhibition-catalogues/shipwrecked-catalog/"><i>Shipwrecked: Tang Treasures and Monsoon Winds</i></a>, Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, pp. 221–227, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-58834-305-5"><bdi>978-1-58834-305-5</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Reed, Carrie E. (January–March 2003), "Motivation and Meaning of a 'Hodge-podge': Duan Chengshi's 'Youyang zazu'", <i>Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>, <b>123</b> (1): 121–145, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3217847">10.2307/3217847</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/3217847">3217847</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Reischauer, Edwin O. (1940), "Notes on T'ang Dynasty Sea Routes", <i>Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies</i>, <b>5</b> (2): 142–164, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2718022">10.2307/2718022</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/2718022">2718022</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Richardson, H.E. (1985), <i>A Corpus of Early Tibetan Inscriptions</i>, Royal Asiatic Society, Hertford: Stephen Austin and Sons</cite></li>
<li><cite>Schafer, Edward H. (1985) [1963], <i>The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A study of T'ang Exotics</i> (1st paperback ed.), Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-520-05462-2"><bdi>978-0-520-05462-2</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Sen, Tansen (2003), <i>Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600–1400</i>, Manoa: Asian Interactions and Comparisons, a joint publication of the University of Hawaii Press and the <a href="/wiki/Association_for_Asian_Studies">Association for Asian Studies</a>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8248-2593-5"><bdi>978-0-8248-2593-5</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Shen, Fuwei (1996), <i>Cultural flow between China and the outside world</i>, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-119-00431-0"><bdi>978-7-119-00431-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2009). "Tang Military Culture and Its Inner Asian Influences". In Nicola Di Cosmo (ed.). <i>Military Culture in Imperial China</i>. Harvard University Press. pp. 165–191. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-03109-8"><bdi>978-0-674-03109-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>——— (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=Jrv-6_U5gfwC"><i>Sui-Tang China and Its Turko-Mongol Neighbors: Culture, Power, and Connections, 580–800</i></a>. Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-999627-8"><bdi>978-0-19-999627-8</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Song_Yingxing">Song, Yingxing</a> (1966), <i>T'ien-Kung K'ai-Wu: Chinese Technology in the Seventeenth Century</i>, translated with preface by E-Tu Zen Sun and Shiou-Chuan Sun, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press</cite></li>
<li><cite>Stein, R.A. (1972) [1962], <i>Tibetan Civilization</i> (1st English ed.), Stanford: Stanford University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8047-0806-7"><bdi>978-0-8047-0806-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Steinhardt, Nancy Shatzman (2004), "The Tang Architectural Icon and the Politics of Chinese Architectural History", <i>The Art Bulletin</i>, <b>86</b> (2): 228–254, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3177416">10.2307/3177416</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/3177416">3177416</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Sun, Guangqi (1989), <i>History of Navigation in Ancient China</i>, Beijing: Ocean Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-5027-0532-9"><bdi>978-7-5027-0532-9</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Taenzer, Gertraud (2016), "Changing Relations between Administration, Clergy and Lay People in Eastern Central Asia: a Case Study According to the Dunhuang Manuscripts Referring to the Transition from Tibetan to Local Rule in Dunhuang, 8th–11th Centuries", in Carmen Meinert (ed.), <i>Transfer of Buddhism Across Central Asian Networks (7th to 13th Centuries)</i>, Leiden; Boston: Brill, pp. 19–56, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-30741-4"><bdi>978-90-04-30741-4</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Tang, Zhiba (1991), "The influence of the sail on the development of the ancient navy", <i>Proceedings of the International Sailing Ships Conference in Shanghai</i></cite></li>
<li><cite>Temple, Robert (1986), <i>The Genius of China: 3,000 Years of Science, Discovery, and Invention</i>, with a foreword by Joseph Needham, New York: Simon and Schuster, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-671-62028-8"><bdi>978-0-671-62028-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Togan, Isenbike (2011). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=iKX39fOyvNoC">"Court Historiography in Early Tang China: Assigning a Place to History and Historians at the Palace"</a>. In Duindam, Jeroen; Artan, Tülay; Kunt, Metin (eds.). <i>Royal Courts in Dynastic States and Empires: A Global Perspective</i>. Leiden: Brill. pp. 171–198. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-20622-9"><bdi>978-90-04-20622-9</bdi></a>.</cite></li>
<li><cite>Twitchett, Denis (2000), "Tibet in Tang's Grand Strategy", in van de Ven, Hans (ed.), <i>Warfare in Chinese History</i>, Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, pp. 106–179, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-04-11774-7"><bdi>978-90-04-11774-7</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wang, Saishi (2003), <i>Tang Cuisine</i>, Dongying, Shandong: Qilu Publishing House, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-5333-1174-2"><bdi>978-7-5333-1174-2</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wang, Yongxing (2003), <i>Draft Discussion of Early Tang Dynasty's Military Affairs History</i>, Beijing: Kunlun Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-80040-669-0"><bdi>978-7-80040-669-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Whitfield, Susan (2004), <i>The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Faith</i>, Chicago: Serindia, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-932476-13-2"><bdi>978-1-932476-13-2</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Endymion_Wilkinson">Wilkinson, Endymion</a> (2013), <a href="/wiki/Chinese_History:_A_New_Manual"><i>Chinese History: A New Manual</i></a>, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-674-06715-8"><bdi>978-0-674-06715-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wood, Nigel (1999), <a href="https://archive.org/details/chineseglazesthe0000wood"><i>Chinese Glazes: Their Origins, Chemistry, and Recreation</i></a>, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8122-3476-3"><bdi>978-0-8122-3476-3</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Woods, Frances (1996), <i>Did Marco Polo go to China?</i>, United States: Westview Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8133-8999-8"><bdi>978-0-8133-8999-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wong, Timothy C. (1979), "Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales", <i>Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>, <b>99</b> (1): 95–100, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F598956">10.2307/598956</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/598956">598956</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wan, Lei (2017), <a href="https://www.kfcris.com/en/view/post/155"><i>The earliest Muslim communities in China</i></a>, Qiraat, vol. 8, Riyadh: King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies, p. 11, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-603-8206-39-3"><bdi>978-603-8206-39-3</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Wright, Arthur F. (1959), <i>Buddhism in Chinese History</i>, Stanford: Stanford University Press</cite></li>
<li><cite>Xi, Zezong (1981), "Chinese Studies in the History of Astronomy, 1949–1979", <i>Isis</i>, <b>72</b> (3): 456–470, <a href="/wiki/Bibcode_(identifier)">Bibcode</a>:<a href="https://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1981Isis...72..456X">1981Isis...72..456X</a>, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1086%2F352793">10.1086/352793</a>, <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144323050">144323050</a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Xu, Daoxun (1993), et al., "The Biography of Tang Xuanzong", <i>People's Press</i>, Beijing, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-01-001210-0"><bdi>978-7-01-001210-0</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Xue_Zongzheng">Xue, Zongzheng</a> (1992), <i>Turkic peoples (突厥史)</i>, Beijing: 中国社会科学出版社, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-7-5004-0432-3"><bdi>978-7-5004-0432-3</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Yu, Pauline (1998), "Charting the Landscape of Chinese Poetry", <i>Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews</i>, <b>20</b>: 71–87, <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F495264">10.2307/495264</a>, <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a href="//www.jstor.org/stable/495264">495264</a></cite></li>
<li><cite><a href="/wiki/Henry_Yule">Yule, Henry</a> (1915) [1866]. Cordier, Henri (ed.). <a href="https://archive.org/stream/cathaywaythither01yule"><i>Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China</i></a>. Vol. 1 (New ed.). London: <a href="/wiki/Hakluyt_Society">Hakluyt Society</a>.</cite></li></ul>
</div>
<h2>Further reading[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=41">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><cite>Abramson, Marc S. (2008), <i>Ethnic Identity in Tang China</i>, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8122-4052-8"><bdi>978-0-8122-4052-8</bdi></a></cite></li>
<li><cite>Schafer, Edward H. (1967), <i>The Vermilion Bird: T'ang Images of the South</i>, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press</cite></li>
<li><cite>Wang, Zhenping (2013), <i>Tang China in Multi-Polar Asia: A History of Diplomacy and War</i>, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8248-3644-3"><bdi>978-0-8248-3644-3</bdi></a></cite></li></ul>
<h2>External links[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Tang_dynasty&amp;action=edit&amp;section=42">edit</a>]</h2>
<div>
<p></p>
<p>Look up <i><b><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Tang">Tang</a></b></i> or <i><b><a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/T%27ang">T'ang</a></b></i> in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.</p></div>
<div>
<p></p>
</div>
<ul><li><a href="http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/tang/hd_tang.htm">The Tang Dynasty</a> at the Metropolitan Museum of Art</li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20110806080810/http://etext.virginia.edu/chinese/frame.htm">Home of 300 Tang Poems</a>, University of Virginia</li>
<li><a href="http://www.artsmia.org/art-of-asia/history/dynasty-tang.cfm">Tang art with video commentary</a>, from the Minneapolis Institute of Arts</li>
<li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20070813175029/http://www.xabusiness.com/china-resources/sui-tang-chinese-paintings.htm">Paintings of Sui and Tang dynasties</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Zizhi_Tongjian">Zizhi Tongjian</a></i>, vols. <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7182">182</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7183">183</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7184">184</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7185">185</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7186">186</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7187">187</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7188">188</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7189">189</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7190">190</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7191">191</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7192">192</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7193">193</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7194">194</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7195">195</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7196">196</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7197">197</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7198">198</a>, <a href="https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/s:%E8%B3%87%E6%B2%BB%E9%80%9A%E9%91%91/%E5%8D%B7199">199</a>.</li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 History
 + 1.1 Establishment and early reign
 + 1.2 Wu Zetian's usurpation
 + 1.3 Emperor Xuanzong's reign
 + 1.4 An Lushan Rebellion and catastrophe
 + 1.5 Rebuilding and recovery
 + 1.6 End of the dynasty
 * 2 Administration and politics
 + 2.1 Initial reforms
 + 2.2 Imperial examinations
 + 2.3 Religion and politics
 + 2.4 Taxes and the census
 * 3 Military and foreign policy
 + 3.1 Protectorates and tributaries
 + 3.2 Soldiers and conscription
 + 3.3 Eastern regions
 + 3.4 Western and Northern regions
 * 4 Economy
 + 4.1 Silk Road
 + 4.2 Seaports and maritime trade
 * 5 Culture and society
 + 5.1 Art
 + 5.2 Chang'an, the Tang capital
 + 5.3 Literature
 + 5.4 Religion and philosophy
 + 5.5 Leisure
 + 5.6 Status in clothing
 + 5.7 Position of women
 + 5.8 Cuisine
 * 6 Science and technology
 + 6.1 Engineering
 + 6.2 Woodblock printing
 + 6.3 Cartography
 + 6.4 Medicine
 + 6.5 Alchemy, gas cylinders, and air conditioning
 * 7 Historiography
 * 8 Notes
 * 9 References
 + 9.1 Citations
 + 9.2 Works cited
 * 10 Further reading
 * 11 External links
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 Tang dynasty

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 For other uses, see Tang dynasty (disambiguation).

 Tang 
 唐 
 * 618–690, 705–907 
 * (690–705: Wu Zhou ) 
 The empire during the reign of Wu Zetian (c. 700 ) 
 Capital * Chang'an ( 618–683 and 705–904 ) 
  * Luoyang (de facto 664–683; de jure 683–705 and 904–907 )
 Common languages Middle Chinese 
  * Chinese Buddhism 
  * Taoism 
  * Chinese folk religion 
 Religion * Chinese Nestorian Christianity 
  * Chinese Manicheism 
  * Zoroastrianism 
  * Islam 
 Government Monarchy 
 Emperor  
  
 • 618–626 (first) Emperor Gaozu 
 • 626–649 Emperor Taizong 
 • 712–756 Emperor Xuanzong 
 • 904–907 (last) Emperor Ai 
  
 Historical era Medieval Asia 
  
 • Established June 18, 618 
 • Wu Zhou interregnum 690–705b 
 • An Lushan Rebellion 755–763c 
 • Abdication in favor of Later Liang June 1, 907 
  
 Area 
 715[1][2] 5,400,000 km2 (2,100,000 sq mi) 
 Population 
  
 • 7th century 50 million 
 • 9th century 80 million 
  
 Currency * Chinese coin 
  * Chinese cash 
 Preceded by Succeeded by 
 Sui dynasty Later Liang 
 Western Turkic Khaganate Yang Wu 
 Eastern Turkic Khaganate Wuyue 
 Min 
 Former Shu 
 Liao dynasty 
 Second Turkic Khaganate 
  
  
 b October 8, 690 – March 3, 705. 
 c December 16, 755 – February 17, 763. 
 
 Tang dynasty 
 
 "Tang dynasty" in Han characters 
 Chinese 唐朝 
 
 Hanyu Pinyin Tángcháo
 
 Transcriptions 
 Standard Mandarin 
 Hanyu Pinyin Tángcháo 
 Bopomofo ㄊㄤˊ ㄔㄠˊ 
 Gwoyeu Romatzyh Tarngchaur 
 Wade–Giles Tʻang 2 -chʻao 2
 Tongyong Pinyin Tángcháo 
 Yale Romanization Tángcháu 
 IPA [tʰǎŋ.ʈʂʰǎʊ] 
 Wu 
 Romanization Daon zau 
 Yue: Cantonese 
 Yale Romanization Tòhngchìuh 
 Jyutping Tong4ciu4 
 IPA [tʰɔ̏ːŋ.tsʰȉːu]
 Southern Min 
 Hokkien POJ Tông-tiâu 
 Tâi-lô Tông-tiâu 
 Middle Chinese 
 Middle Chinese dang djew 
 
 
 
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 The Tang dynasty (/ t ɑː ŋ /,[3] [tʰǎŋ]; Chinese: 唐朝[a]), or Tang Empire, was an imperial dynasty of China that ruled from 618 to 907 AD, with an interregnum between 690 and 705. It was preceded by the Sui dynasty and followed by the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. Historians generally regard the Tang as a high point in Chinese civilization, and a golden age of cosmopolitan culture.[5] Tang territory, acquired through the military campaigns of its early rulers, rivaled that of the Han dynasty.

 The Lǐ family ( 李 ) founded the dynasty, seizing power during the decline and collapse of the Sui Empire and inaugurating a period of progress and stability in the first half of the dynasty's rule. The dynasty was formally interrupted during 690–705 when Empress Wu Zetian seized the throne, proclaiming the Wu Zhou dynasty and becoming the only legitimate Chinese empress regnant. The devastating An Lushan Rebellion (755–763) shook the nation and led to the decline of central authority in the dynasty's latter half. Like the previous Sui dynasty, the Tang maintained a civil-service system by recruiting scholar-officials through standardized examinations and recommendations to office. The rise of regional military governors known as jiedushi during the 9th century undermined this civil order. The dynasty and central government went into decline by the latter half of the 9th century; agrarian rebellions resulted in mass population loss and displacement, widespread poverty, and further government dysfunction that ultimately ended the dynasty in 907.

 The Tang capital at Chang'an (present-day Xi'an) was then the world's most populous city. Two censuses of the 7th and 8th centuries estimated the empire's population at about 50 million people,[6][7] which grew to an estimated 80 million by the dynasty's end.[8][9][b] From its numerous subjects, the dynasty raised professional and conscripted armies of hundreds of thousands of troops to contend with nomadic powers for control of Inner Asia and the lucrative trade-routes along the Silk Road. Far-flung kingdoms and states paid tribute to the Tang court, while the Tang also indirectly controlled several regions through a protectorate system. In addition to its political hegemony, the Tang exerted a powerful cultural influence over neighboring East Asian nations such as Japan and Korea.

 Chinese culture flourished and further matured during the Tang era. It is traditionally considered the greatest age for Chinese poetry.[10] Two of China's most famous poets, Li Bai and Du Fu, belonged to this age, contributing with poets such as Wang Wei to the monumental Three Hundred Tang Poems. Many famous painters such as Han Gan, Zhang Xuan, and Zhou Fang were active, while Chinese court music flourished with instruments such as the popular pipa. Tang scholars compiled a rich variety of historical literature, as well as encyclopedias and geographical works. Notable innovations included the development of woodblock printing. Buddhism became a major influence in Chinese culture, with native Chinese sects gaining prominence. However, in the 840s, Emperor Wuzong enacted policies to suppress Buddhism, which subsequently declined in influence.

 History [ edit ]

 Further information: Timeline of the Tang dynasty

 Establishment and early reign [ edit ]

 Further information: Transition from Sui to Tang and Emperor Taizong of Tang
 Portrait painting of Emperor Gaozu (born Li Yuan, 566–635), the first Tang Emperor.

 The Li family had ethnic Han origins, and it belonged to the northwest military aristocracy prevalent during the Sui dynasty.[11][12] According to official Tang records, they were paternally descended from the founder of Taoism, Lao Tzu (whose personal name was Li Dan or Li Er), the Han dynasty general Li Guang, and Li Gao, the founder of the Han-ruled Western Liang kingdom.[13][14][15] This family was known as the Longxi Li lineage (Li lineage [ zh ] ; 隴西李氏 ), and it included the prominent Tang poet Li Bai. Aside from traditional historiography, some modern historians have suggested that the Tang imperial family might have modified its genealogy to conceal Xianbei heritage.[16][17] The Tang Emperors had part-Xianbei maternal ancestry, from Emperor Gaozu of Tang's part-Xianbei mother, Duchess Dugu.[18][19]

 "Great Tang" (大唐 Dà Táng) in seal characters.[20]

 Li Yuan, the founder of the Tang dynasty, was Duke of Tang and governor of Taiyuan, the capital of modern Shanxi, during the collapse of the Sui dynasty.[11][21] He had prestige and military experience, and was a first cousin of Emperor Yang of Sui (their mothers were both one of the Dugu sisters).[6] Li Yuan rose in rebellion in 617, along with his son and his equally militant daughter Princess Pingyang (d. 623), who raised and commanded her own troops. In winter 617, Li Yuan occupied Chang'an, relegated Emperor Yang to the position of Taishang Huang or retired emperor, and acted as regent to the puppet child-emperor, Yang You.[22] On the news of Emperor Yang's murder by General Yuwen Huaji on June 18, 618, Li Yuan declared himself the emperor of a new dynasty, the Tang.[22][23]

 Li Yuan, known as Emperor Gaozu of Tang, ruled until 626, when he was forcefully deposed by his son Li Shimin, the Prince of Qin. Li Shimin had commanded troops since the age of 18 years old, had prowess with bow and arrow, sword and lance and was known for his effective cavalry charges.[6][24] Fighting a numerically superior army, he defeated Dou Jiande (573–621) at Luoyang in the Battle of Hulao on May 28, 621.[25][26] In a violent elimination of royal family due to fear of assassination, Li Shimin ambushed and killed two of his brothers, Li Yuanji (b. 603) and Crown prince Li Jiancheng (b. 589), in the Xuanwu Gate Incident on July 2, 626.[27] Shortly thereafter, his father abdicated in his favor and Li Shimin ascended the throne. He is conventionally known by his temple name Taizong.[6]

 Although killing two brothers and deposing his father contradicted the Confucian value of filial piety,[27] Taizong showed himself to be a capable leader who listened to the advice of the wisest members of his council.[6] In 628, Emperor Taizong held a Buddhist memorial service for the casualties of war, and in 629 he had Buddhist monasteries erected at the sites of major battles so that monks could pray for the fallen on both sides of the fight.[28]

 During the Tang campaign against the Eastern Turks, the Eastern Turkic Khaganate was destroyed after the capture of its ruler, Illig Qaghan by the famed Tang military officer Li Jing (571–649), who later became a Chancellor of the Tang dynasty. With this victory, the Turks accepted Taizong as their khagan, a title rendered as Tian Kehan in addition to his rule as emperor of China under the traditional title "Son of Heaven".[29][30] Taizong was succeeded by his son Li Zhi (as Emperor Gaozong) in 649 CE.

 Map of the six major protectorates during the Tang dynasty, following Tang campaigns against the city-states in the Western Regions (640–648).[ image reference needed ]
 Tang emissaries to Sogdian King Varkhuman in Samarkand, 648–651 CE, Afrasiab murals
 Sogdian Huteng dancer, Xiuding temple pagoda, Anyang, Hunan. Tang dynasty, 7th century.

 The Tang dynasty further led the Tang campaigns against the Western Turks. Early military conflicts were a result of the Tang interventions in the rivalry between the Western and Eastern Turks in order to weaken both. Under Emperor Taizong, campaigns were dispatched in the Western Regions against Gaochang in 640, Karasahr in 644 and 648, and Kucha in 648. The wars against the Western Turks continued under Emperor Gaozong, and the Western Turkic Khaganate was finally annexed after General Su Dingfang's defeat of Qaghan Ashina Helu in 657 CE.

 Around that time, the Tang court enjoyed the visit of numerous dignitaries from foreign lands. These were portraited in The Gathering of Kings ( 王會圖 , Wanghuitu), probably painted by Yan Liben ( 閻立本 , 601–673 CE).[31] From right to left, the countries are Lu (魯國) which is a reference to the Eastern Wei, Rouran ( 芮芮國 ), Persia ( 波斯國 ), Baekje ( 百濟國 ), Kumedh ( 胡密丹 ), Baiti ( 白題國 ), Mohe people ( 靺國 ), Central India ( 中天竺 ), Sri Lanka ( 獅子國 ), Northern India ( 北天竺 ), Tashkurgan ( 謁盤陀 ), Wuxing City of the Chouchi (武興國), Kucha (龜茲國), Japan ( 倭國 ), Goguryeo ( 高麗國 ), Khotan ( 于闐國 ), Silla ( 新羅國 ), Dangchang ( 宕昌國 ), Langkasuka ( 狼牙修 ), Dengzhi ( 鄧至國 ), Yarkand ( 周古柯 ), Kabadiyan ( 阿跋檀 ), Barbarians of Jianping ( 建平蠻 ), Nudan ( 女蜑國 ).

 Foreign ambassadors visiting the Tang court: The Gathering of Kings ( 王會圖 ), by Yan Liben ( 閻立本 , 601–673 CE).

 Wu Zetian's usurpation [ edit ]

 Main article: Zhou dynasty (690–705)
 Empress Wu (Wu Zetian), the sole officially recognized empress regnant of China in more than two millennia. She first ruled through her husband and sons for almost three decades, then became emperor herself and ruled in her own right for another fifteen years.

 Although she entered Emperor Gaozong's court as the lowly consort, Wu Zetian rose to the highest seat of power in 690, establishing the short-lived Wu Zhou. Empress Wu's rise to power was achieved through cruel and calculating tactics: a popular conspiracy theory stated that she killed her own baby girl and blamed it on Gaozong's empress so that the empress would be demoted.[32] Emperor Gaozong suffered a stroke in 655, and Wu began to make many of his court decisions for him, discussing affairs of state with his councilors, who took orders from her while she sat behind a screen.[33] When Empress Wu's eldest son, the crown prince, began to assert his authority and advocate policies opposed by Empress Wu, he suddenly died in 675. Many suspected he was poisoned by Empress Wu. Although the next heir apparent kept a lower profile, in 680 he was accused by Wu of plotting a rebellion. He was then banished and later obliged to commit suicide.[34]

 In 683, Emperor Gaozong died. He was succeeded by Emperor Zhongzong, his eldest surviving son by Wu. Zhongzong tried to appoint his wife's father as chancellor: after only six weeks on the throne, he was deposed by Empress Wu in favor of his younger brother, Emperor Ruizong.[34] This provoked a group of Tang princes to rebel in 684. Wu's armies suppressed them within two months.[34] She proclaimed the Tianshou era of Wu Zhou on October 16, 690,[35] and three days later demoted Emperor Ruizong to crown prince.[36] He was also forced to give up his father's surname Li in favor of the Empress Wu.[36] She then ruled as China's only empress regnant.

 A palace coup on February 20, 705, forced Empress Wu to yield her position on February 22. The next day, her son Zhongzong was restored to power; the Tang was formally restored on March 3. She died soon after.[37] To legitimize her rule, she circulated a document known as the Great Cloud Sutra, which predicted that a reincarnation of the Maitreya Buddha would be a female monarch who would dispel illness, worry, and disaster from the world.[38][39] She even introduced numerous revised written characters to the written language, which reverted to the originals after her death.[40] Arguably the most important part of her legacy was diminishing the hegemony of the Northwestern aristocracy, allowing people from other clans and regions of China to become more represented in Chinese politics and government.[41][42]

 Emperor Xuanzong's reign [ edit ]

 The Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, Chang'an (modern-day Xi'an), built in 652, repaired by Empress Wu Zetian in 704.
 The Small Wild Goose Pagoda, built by 709, was adjacent to the Dajianfu Temple in Chang'an, where Buddhist monks gathered to translate Sanskrit texts into Chinese[43]
 Further information: Emperor Xuanzong of Tang

 There were many prominent women at court during and after Wu's reign, including Shangguan Wan'er (664–710), a poet, writer, and trusted official in charge of Wu's private office.[44] In 706 the wife of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, Empress Wei (d. 710), persuaded her husband to staff government offices with his sister and her daughters, and in 709 requested that he grant women the right to bequeath hereditary privileges to their sons (which before was a male right only).[45] Empress Wei eventually poisoned Zhongzong, whereupon she placed his fifteen-year-old son upon the throne in 710. Two weeks later, Li Longji (the later Emperor Xuanzong) entered the palace with a few followers and slew Empress Wei and her faction. He then installed his father Emperor Ruizong (r. 710–712) on the throne.[46] Just as Emperor Zhongzong was dominated by Empress Wei, so too was Ruizong dominated by Princess Taiping.[47] This was finally ended when Princess Taiping's coup failed in 712 (she later hanged herself in 713) and Emperor Ruizong abdicated to Emperor Xuanzong.[46][45]

 During the 44-year reign of Emperor Xuanzong, the Tang dynasty reached its height, a golden age with low economic inflation and a toned down lifestyle for the imperial court.[48][42] Seen as a progressive and benevolent ruler, Xuanzong even abolished the death penalty in the year 747; all executions had to be approved beforehand by the emperor himself (these were relatively few, considering that there were only 24 executions in the year 730).[49] Xuanzong bowed to the consensus of his ministers on policy decisions and made efforts to staff government ministries fairly with different political factions.[47] His staunch Confucian chancellor Zhang Jiuling (673–740) worked to reduce deflation and increase the money supply by upholding the use of private coinage, while his aristocratic and technocratic successor Li Linfu (d. 753) favored government monopoly over the issuance of coinage.[50] After 737, most of Xuanzong's confidence rested in his long-standing chancellor Li Linfu, who championed a more aggressive foreign policy employing non-Chinese generals. This policy ultimately created the conditions for a massive rebellion against Xuanzong.[51]

 An Lushan Rebellion and catastrophe [ edit ]

 Main article: An Lushan Rebellion
 Map of An Lushan Rebellion[ image reference needed ]

 The Tang Empire was at its height of power up until the middle of the 8th century, when the An Lushan Rebellion (December 16, 755 – February 17, 763) destroyed the prosperity of the empire. An Lushan was a half-Sogdian, half-Turk Tang commander since 744, who had experience fighting the Khitans of Manchuria with a victory in 744,[52][53] yet most of his campaigns against the Khitans were unsuccessful.[54] He was given great responsibility in Hebei, which allowed him to rebel with an army of more than 100,000 troops.[52] After capturing Luoyang, he named himself emperor of a new, but short-lived, Yan state.[53] Despite early victories scored by Tang General Guo Ziyi (697–781), the newly recruited troops of the army at the capital were no match for An Lushan's frontier veterans, so the court fled Chang'an.[52] While the heir apparent raised troops in Shanxi and Xuanzong fled to Sichuan province, they called upon the help of the Uyghur Khaganate in 756.[55] The Uyghur khan Moyanchur was greatly excited at this prospect, and married his own daughter to the Chinese diplomatic envoy once he arrived, receiving in turn a Chinese princess as his bride.[55] The Uyghurs helped recapture the Tang capital from the rebels, but they refused to leave until the Tang paid them an enormous sum of tribute in silk.[52][55] Even Abbasid Arabs assisted the Tang in putting down An Lushan's rebellion.[55][56] A massacre of foreign Arab and Persian Muslim merchants by Tian Shengong happened during the An Lushan rebellion in the Yangzhou massacre (760).[57][58] The Tibetans took hold of the opportunity and raided many areas under Chinese control, and even after the Tibetan Empire had fallen apart in 842 (and the Uyghurs soon after) the Tang were in no position to reconquer Central Asia after 763.[52][59] So significant was this loss that half a century later jinshi examination candidates were required to write an essay on the causes of the Tang's decline.[60] Although An Lushan was killed by one of his eunuchs in 757,[55] this time of troubles and widespread insurrection continued until rebel Shi Siming was killed by his own son in 763.[55]

 The Leshan Giant Buddha, 71 m (233 ft) high; begun in 713, completed in 803
 Nanchan Temple (Wutai), built during the late 8th century

 One of the legacies that the Tang government left since 710 was the gradual rise of regional military governors, the jiedushi, who slowly came to challenge the power of the central government.[61] After the An Lushan Rebellion, the autonomous power and authority accumulated by the jiedushi in Hebei went beyond the central government's control. After a series of rebellions between 781 and 784 in today's Hebei, Shandong, Hubei and Henan provinces, the government had to officially acknowledge the jiedushi's hereditary ruling without accreditation. The Tang government relied on these governors and their armies for protection and to suppress locals that would take up arms against the government. In return, the central government would acknowledge the rights of these governors to maintain their army, collect taxes and even to pass on their title to heirs.[52][62] As time passed, these military governors slowly phased out the prominence of civil officials drafted by exams, and became more autonomous from central authority.[52] The rule of these powerful military governors lasted until 960, when a new civil order under the Song dynasty was established. Also, the abandonment of the equal-field system meant that people could buy and sell land freely. Many poor fell into debt because of this, forced to sell their land to the wealthy, which led to the exponential growth of large estates.[52] With the breakdown of the land allocation system after 755, the central Chinese state barely interfered in agricultural management and acted merely as tax collector for roughly a millennium, save a few instances such as the Song's failed land nationalization during the 13th-century war with the Mongols.[63]

 With the central government collapsing in authority over the various regions of the empire, it was recorded in 845 that bandits and river pirates in parties of 100 or more began plundering settlements along the Yangtze River with little resistance.[64] In 858, massive floods along the Grand Canal inundated vast tracts of land and terrain of the North China Plain, which drowned tens of thousands of people in the process.[64] The Chinese belief in the Mandate of Heaven granted to the ailing Tang was also challenged when natural calamities occurred, forcing many to believe that the Tang had lost their right to rule. Furthermore, in 873 a disastrous harvest shook the foundations of the empire; in some areas only half of all agricultural produce was gathered, and tens of thousands faced famine and starvation.[64] In the earlier period of the Tang, the central government was able to meet crises in the harvest, as it was recorded from 714 to 719 that the Tang government responded effectively to natural disasters by extending the price-regulation granary system throughout the country.[64] The central government was able then to build a large surplus stock of foods to ward off the rising danger of famine and increased agricultural productivity through land reclamation.[48][64] In the 9th century, however, the Tang government was nearly helpless in dealing with any calamity.

 Rebuilding and recovery [ edit ]

 Xumi Pagoda, built in 636

 Although these natural calamities and rebellions stained the reputation and hampered the effectiveness of the central government, the early 9th century is nonetheless viewed as a period of recovery for the Tang dynasty.[65] The government's withdrawal from its role in managing the economy had the unintended effect of stimulating trade, as more markets with fewer bureaucratic restrictions were opened up.[66][67] By 780, the old grain tax and labor service of the 7th century was replaced by a semiannual tax paid in cash, signifying the shift to a money economy boosted by the merchant class.[56] Cities in the Jiangnan region to the south, such as Yangzhou, Suzhou, and Hangzhou prospered the most economically during the late Tang period.[66] The government monopoly on the production of salt, weakened after the An Lushan Rebellion, was placed under the Salt Commission, which became one of the most powerful state agencies, run by capable ministers chosen as specialists. The commission began the practice of selling merchants the rights to buy monopoly salt, which they would then transport and sell in local markets. In 799 salt accounted for over half of the government's revenues.[52] S.A.M. Adshead writes that this salt tax represents "the first time that an indirect tax, rather than tribute, levies on land or people, or profit from state enterprises such as mines, had been the primary resource of a major state."[68] Even after the power of the central government was in decline after the mid 8th century, it was still able to function and give out imperial orders on a massive scale. The Tangshu (Old Book of Tang) compiled in the year 945 recorded that in 828 the Tang government issued a decree that standardized irrigational square-pallet chain pumps in the country:

 In the second year of the Taihe reign period [828], in the second month ... a standard model of the chain pump was issued from the palace, and the people of Jingzhao Fu (d footnote: the capital) were ordered by the emperor to make a considerable number of machines, for distribution to the people along the Zheng Bai Canal, for irrigation purposes.|[69]

 The last great ambitious ruler of the Tang dynasty was Emperor Xianzong (r. 805–820), whose reign was aided by the fiscal reforms of the 780s, including a government monopoly on the salt industry.[70] He also had an effective and well-trained imperial army stationed at the capital led by his court eunuchs; this was the Army of Divine Strategy, numbering 240,000 in strength as recorded in 798.[71] Between the years 806 and 819, Emperor Xianzong conducted seven major military campaigns to quell the rebellious provinces that had claimed autonomy from central authority, managing to subdue all but two of them.[72][73] Under his reign there was a brief end to the hereditary jiedushi, as Xianzong appointed his own military officers and staffed the regional bureaucracies once again with civil officials.[72][73] However, Xianzong's successors proved less capable and more interested in the leisure of hunting, feasting, and playing outdoor sports, allowing eunuchs to amass more power as drafted scholar-officials caused strife in the bureaucracy with factional parties.[73] The eunuchs' power became unchallenged after Emperor Wenzong's (r. 826–840) failed plot to have them overthrown; instead the allies of Emperor Wenzong were publicly executed in the West Market of Chang'an, by the eunuchs' command.[66]

 A late Tang mural commemorating the victory of General Zhang Yichao over the Tibetans in 848 AD, from Mogao cave 156

 However, the Tang did manage to restore at least indirect control over former Tang territories as far west as the Hexi Corridor and Dunhuang in Gansu. In 848 the ethnic Han Chinese general Zhang Yichao (799–872) managed to wrestle control of the region from the Tibetan Empire during its civil war.[74] Shortly afterwards Emperor Xuānzong of Tang (r. 846–859) acknowledged Zhang as the protector (防禦使, Fangyushi) of Sha Prefecture and jiedushi military governor of the new Guiyi Circuit.[75]

 The Tang dynasty recovered its power decades after the An Lushan rebellion and was still able to launch offensive conquests and campaigns like its destruction of the Uyghur Khaganate in Mongolia in 840–847.[76]

 End of the dynasty [ edit ]

 In addition to natural calamities and jiedushi amassing autonomous control, the Huang Chao Rebellion (874–884) resulted in the sacking of both Chang'an and Luoyang, and took an entire decade to suppress.[77] It was the Huang Chao rebellion by the native Han rebel Huang Chao that permanently destroyed the power of the Tang dynasty since Huang Chao not only devastated the north but marched into southern China which An Lushan failed to do due to the Battle of Suiyang. Huang Chao's army in southern China committed the Guangzhou massacre against foreign Arab and Persian Muslim, Zoroastrian, Jewish and Christian merchants in 878–879 at the seaport and trading port of Guangzhou,[78] and captured both Tang dynasty capitals, Luoyang and Chang'an. A medieval Chinese source claimed that Huang Chao killed 8 million people.[79] The Tang never recovered from this rebellion, weakening it for future military powers to replace it. Large groups of bandits in the size of small armies ravaged the countryside in the last years of the Tang. They smuggled illicit salt, ambushed merchants and convoys, and even besieged several walled cities.[80] Amid the sacking of cities and murderous factional strife among eunuchs and officials, the top tier of aristocratic families, which had amassed a large fraction of the landed wealth and official positions, was largely destroyed or marginalized.[81][82]

 During the last two decades of the Tang dynasty, the gradual collapse of central authority led to the rise of two prominent rival military figures over northern China: Li Keyong and Zhu Wen.[83] Tang forces had defeated Huang Chao's rebellion with the crucial aid of allied Shatuo Turkic peoples of what is now Shanxi led by Li Keyong. He was made a jiedushi governor and later Prince of Jin, bestowed with the imperial surname Li by the Tang court.[84] Zhu Wen, originally a salt smuggler who served as a lieutenant under the rebel Huang Chao, surrendered to Tang forces. By helping to defeat Huang, he was renamed Zhu Quanzhong ("Zhu of Perfect Loyalty") and granted a series of rapid military promotions to military governor of Xuanwu Circuit.[85][86]

 In 901, from his powerbase of Kaifeng, Zhu Wen seized control of the Tang capital Chang'an and with it the imperial family.[87] By 903 he forced Emperor Zhaozong of Tang to move the capital to Luoyang, preparing to take the throne for himself. In 904 Zhu assassinated Emperor Zhaozong to replace him with the emperor's young son Emperor Ai of Tang. In 905 Zhu executed the brothers of Emperor Ai as well as many officials and Empress Dowager He. In 907 the Tang dynasty was ended when Zhu deposed Ai and took the throne for himself (known posthumously as Emperor Taizu of Later Liang). He established the Later Liang, which inaugurated the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A year later Zhu had the deposed Emperor Ai poisoned to death.[85]

 Zhu Wen's hated nemesis Li Keyong died in 908 but, out of loyalty to Tang, Li never claimed the title of emperor. His son Li Cunxu (Emperor Zhuangzong) inherited his title Prince of Jin along with his father's rivalry against Zhu. In 923 Li Cunxu declared a "restored" Tang dynasty, the Later Tang, before toppling the Later Liang dynasty the same year.[88] However, southern China would remain splintered into various small kingdoms until most of China was reunified under the Song dynasty (960–1279).[89] Control over parts of northeast China and Manchuria by the Liao dynasty of the Khitan people also stemmed from this period. In 905 their leader Abaoji formed a military alliance with Li Keyong against Zhu Wen but the Khitans eventually turned against the Later Tang, helping another Shatuo leader Shi Jingtang of Later Jin to overthrow Later Tang in 936.[90]

 Administration and politics [ edit ]

 See also: Administrative divisions of the Tang dynasty

 Initial reforms [ edit ]

 Emperor Xuanzong of Tang wearing the robes and hat of a scholar

 Taizong set out to solve internal problems within the government which had constantly plagued past dynasties. Building upon the Sui legal code, he issued a new legal code that subsequent Chinese dynasties would model theirs upon, as well as neighboring polities in Vietnam, Korea, and Japan.[6] The earliest law code to survive was the one established in the year 653, which was divided into 500 articles specifying different crimes and penalties ranging from ten blows with a light stick, one hundred blows with a heavy rod, exile, penal servitude, or execution.[91]

 The legal code distinguished different levels of severity in meted punishments when different members of the social and political hierarchy committed the same crime.[92] For example, the severity of punishment was different when a servant or nephew killed a master or an uncle than when a master or uncle killed a servant or nephew.[92]

 Tang tomb figure of an official dressed in Hanfu, with a tall hat, wide-sleeved belted outer garment, and rectangular "kerchief" in front. A white inner gown hangs over his square shoes. He holds a tablet to his chest, a report to his superiors.

 The Tang Code was largely retained by later codes such as the early Ming dynasty (1368–1644) code of 1397,[93] yet there were several revisions in later times, such as improved property rights for women during the Song dynasty (960–1279).[94][95]

 The Tang had three departments (Chinese: 省 ; pinyin: shěng ), which were obliged to draft, review, and implement policies respectively. There were also six ministries (Chinese: 部 ; pinyin: bù ) under the administrations that implemented policy, each of which was assigned different tasks. These Three Departments and Six Ministries included the personnel administration, finance, rites, military, justice, and public works—an administrative model which would last until the fall of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912).[96]

 Although the founders of the Tang related to the glory of the earlier Han dynasty (3rd century BC–3rd century AD), the basis for much of their administrative organization was very similar to the previous Northern and Southern dynasties.[6] The Northern Zhou (6th century) fubing system of divisional militia was continued by the Tang, along with farmer-soldiers serving in rotation from the capital or frontier in order to receive appropriated farmland. The equal-field system of the Northern Wei (4th–6th centuries) was also kept, although there were a few modifications.[6]

 Although the central and local governments kept an enormous number of records about land property in order to assess taxes, it became common practice in the Tang for literate and affluent people to create their own private documents and signed contracts. These had their own signature and that of a witness and scribe in order to prove in court (if necessary) that their claim to property was legitimate. The prototype of this actually existed since the ancient Han dynasty, while contractual language became even more common and embedded into Chinese literary culture in later dynasties.[97]

 The center of the political power of the Tang was the capital city of Chang'an (modern Xi'an), where the emperor maintained his large palace quarters and entertained political emissaries with music, sports, acrobatic stunts, poetry, paintings, and dramatic theater performances. The capital was also filled with incredible amounts of riches and resources to spare. When the Chinese prefectural government officials traveled to the capital in the year 643 to give the annual report of the affairs in their districts, Emperor Taizong discovered that many had no proper quarters to rest in and were renting rooms with merchants. Therefore, Emperor Taizong ordered the government agencies in charge of municipal construction to build every visiting official his own private mansion in the capital.[98]

 Imperial examinations [ edit ]

 Main article: Imperial examination
 Further information: Imperial examination in Chinese mythology
 Civil service exam candidates gather around the wall where results had been posted. Artwork by Qiu Ying.

 Students of Confucian studies were candidates for the imperial examinations, which qualified their graduates for appointment to the local, provincial, and central government bureaucracies. Two types of exams given, mingjing ( 明經 ; "illuminating the classics") and jinshi ( 進士 ; "presented scholar").[99] The mingjing was based upon the Confucian classics and tested the student's knowledge of a broad variety of texts.[99] The jinshi tested a student's literary abilities in writing essays in response to questions on governance and politics, as well as in composing poetry.[100] Candidates were also judged on proper deportment, appearance, speech, and calligraphy, all subjective criteria that favored the wealthy over those of more modest means who were unable to pay tutors of rhetoric and writing.[32] Although a disproportionate number of civil officials came from aristocratic families,[32] wealth and noble status were not prerequisites, and the exams were open to all male subjects whose fathers were not of the artisan or merchant classes.[101][32] To promote widespread Confucian education, the Tang government established state-run schools and issued standard versions of the Five Classics with commentaries.[92]

 Open competition was designed to draw the best talent into government. But perhaps an even greater consideration for the Tang rulers was to avoid imperial dependence on powerful aristocratic families and warlords by recruiting a body of career officials having no family or local power base. The Tang law code ensured equal division of inherited property amongst legitimate heirs, encouraging social mobility by preventing powerful families from becoming landed nobility through primogeniture.[102] The competition system proved successful, as scholar-officials acquired status in their local communities while developing an esprit de corps that connected them to the imperial court. From Tang times until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912, scholar-officials served as intermediaries between the people and the government.

 Yet the potential of a widespread examination system was not fully realized until the succeeding Song dynasty, when the merit-driven scholar official largely shed his aristocratic habits and defined his social status through the examination system.[103][104][105]

 The examination system, used only on a small scale in Sui and Tang times, played a central role in the fashioning of this new elite. The early Song emperors, concerned above all to avoid domination of the government by military men, greatly expanded the civil service examination system and the government school system.[106]

 Religion and politics [ edit ]

 Emperor Xuanzong of Tang giving audience to Zhang Guo, by Ren Renfa (1254–1327)

 From the outset, religion played a role in Tang politics. In his bid for power, Li Yuan had attracted a following by claiming descent from the Taoism sage Lao Tzu (fl. 6th century BC).[107] People bidding for office would request the prayers of Buddhist monks, with successful aspirants making donations in return. Before the persecution of Buddhism in the 9th century, Buddhism and Taoism were both accepted.

 Religion was central in the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756). The Emperor invited Taoist and Buddhist monks and clerics to his court, exalted the Taoist ancient Lao Tzu with grand titles, wrote commentary on the Lao Tzu scriptures, and set up a school to prepare candidates for Taoist examinations. In 726 he called upon the Indian monk Vajrabodhi (671–741) to perform Tantric rites to avert a drought. In 742 he personally held the incense burner while Amoghavajra (705–774, patriarch of the Shingon school) recited "mystical incantations to secure the victory of Tang forces."[46]

 Emperor Xuanzong closely regulated religious finances. Near the beginning of his reign in 713, he liquidated the Inexhaustible Treasury of a prominent Buddhist monastery in Chang'an which had collected vast riches as multitudes of anonymous repentants left money, silk, and treasure at its doors. Although the monastery used its funds generously, the Emperor condemned it for fraudulent banking practices, and distributed its wealth to other Buddhist and Taoist monasteries, and to repair local statues, halls, and bridges.[108] In 714, he forbade Chang'an shops from selling copied Buddhist sutras, giving a monopoly of this trade to the Buddhist clergy.[109]

 Taxes and the census [ edit ]

 The Tang dynasty government attempted to create an accurate census of the empire's population, mostly for effective taxation and military conscription. The early Tang government established modest grain and cloth taxes on each household, persuading households to register and provide the government with accurate demographic information.[6] In the official census of 609, the population was tallied at 9 million households, about 50 million people,[6] and this number did not increase in the census of 742.[110] Patricia Ebrey writes that nonwithstanding census undercounting, China's population had not grown significantly since the earlier Han dynasty, which recorded 58 million people in the year 2.[6][111] S.A.M. Adshead disagrees, estimating about 75 million people by 750.[112]

 In the Tang census of 754, there were 1,859 cities, 321 prefectures, and 1,538 counties throughout the empire.[113] Although there were many large and prominent cities, the rural and agrarian areas comprised some 80 to 90% of the population.[114] There was also a dramatic migration from northern to southern China, as the North held 75% of the overall population at the dynasty's inception, which by its end was reduced to 50%.[115]

 Chinese population would not dramatically increase until the Song dynasty, when it doubled to 100 million because of extensive rice cultivation in central and southern China, coupled with higher yields of grain sold in a growing market.[116]

 Military and foreign policy [ edit ]

 Main articles: Military history of the Sui–Tang dynasties, Naval history of China, and Jimi system
 Further information: Imperial Guards (Tang dynasty)
 Emperor Taizong (r. 626–649) receives Gar Tongtsen Yülsung, ambassador of the Tibetan Empire, at his court; later copy of an original painted in 641 by Yan Liben (600–673)

 Protectorates and tributaries [ edit ]

 The 7th and first half of the 8th century are generally considered to be the era in which the Tang reached the zenith of its power. In this period, Tang control extended further west than any previous dynasty, stretching from north Vietnam in the south, to a point north of Kashmir bordering Persia in the west, to northern Korea in the north-east.[117]

 Some of the kingdoms paying tribute to the Tang dynasty included Kashmir, Nepal, Khotan, Kucha, Kashgar, Silla, Champa, and kingdoms located in Amu Darya and Syr Darya valley.[118][119] Turkic nomads addressed the Emperor of Tang China as Tian Kehan.[30] After the widespread Göktürk revolt of Shabolüe Khan (d. 658) was put down at Issyk Kul in 657 by Su Dingfang (591–667), Emperor Gaozong established several protectorates governed by a Protectorate General or Grand Protectorate General, which extended the Chinese sphere of influence as far as Herat in Western Afghanistan.[120] Protectorate Generals were given a great deal of autonomy to handle local crises without waiting for central admission. After Xuanzong's reign, military governors (jiedushi) were given enormous power, including the ability to maintain their own armies, collect taxes, and pass their titles on hereditarily. This is commonly recognized as the beginning of the fall of Tang's central government.[52][61]

 The Chinese Tang dynasty during its greatest extension, controlling large parts of Central Asia.
 Chinese officer of the Guard of Honour. Tomb of Princess Chang-le (长乐公主墓), Zhao Mausoleum, Shaanxi province. Tang Zhenguan year 17, i.e. 644 CE

 Soldiers and conscription [ edit ]

 By the year 737, Emperor Xuanzong discarded the policy of conscripting soldiers that were replaced every three years, replacing them with long-service soldiers who were more battle-hardened and efficient. It was more economically feasible as well, since training new recruits and sending them out to the frontier every three years drained the treasury.[121] By the late 7th century, the fubing troops began abandoning military service and the homes provided to them in the equal-field system. The supposed standard of 100 mu of land allotted to each family was in fact decreasing in size in places where population expanded and the wealthy bought up most of the land.[122] Hard-pressed peasants and vagrants were then induced into military service with benefits of exemption from both taxation and corvée labor service, as well as provisions for farmland and dwellings for dependents who accompanied soldiers on the frontier.[123] By the year 742 the total number of enlisted troops in the Tang armies had risen to about 500,000 men.[121]

 Eastern regions [ edit ]

 See also: Protectorate General to Pacify the East

 In East Asia, Tang Chinese military campaigns were less successful elsewhere than in previous imperial Chinese dynasties. Like the emperors of the Sui dynasty before him, Taizong established a military campaign in 644 against the Korean kingdom of Goguryeo in the Goguryeo–Tang War; however, this led to its withdrawal in the first campaign because they failed to overcome the successful defense led by General Yeon Gaesomun. Allying with the Korean Silla Kingdom, the Chinese fought against Baekje and their Yamato Japanese allies in the Battle of Baekgang in August 663, a decisive Tang–Silla victory. The Tang dynasty navy had several different ship types at its disposal to engage in naval warfare, these ships described by Li Quan in his Taipai Yinjing (Canon of the White and Gloomy Planet of War) of 759.[124] The Battle of Baekgang was actually a restoration movement by remnant forces of Baekje, since their kingdom was toppled in 660 by a joint Tang–Silla invasion, led by Chinese general Su Dingfang and Korean general Kim Yushin (595–673). In another joint invasion with Silla, the Tang army severely weakened the Goguryeo Kingdom in the north by taking out its outer forts in the year 645. With joint attacks by Silla and Tang armies under commander Li Shiji (594–669), the Kingdom of Goguryeo was destroyed by 668.[125]

 A 10th-century mural painting in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang showing monastic architecture from Mount Wutai, Tang dynasty; Japanese architecture of this period was influenced by Tang Chinese architecture

 Although they were formerly enemies, the Tang accepted officials and generals of Goguryeo into their administration and military, such as the brothers Yeon Namsaeng (634–679) and Yeon Namsan (639–701). From 668 to 676, the Tang Empire would control northern Korea. However, in 671 Silla broke the alliance and began the Silla–Tang War to expel the Tang forces. At the same time the Tang faced threats on its western border when a large Chinese army was defeated by the Tibetans on the Dafei River in 670.[126] By 676, the Tang army was expelled out of Korea by Unified Silla.[127] Following a revolt of the Eastern Turks in 679, the Tang abandoned its Korean campaigns.[126]

 Although the Tang had fought the Japanese, they still held cordial relations with Japan. There were numerous Imperial embassies to China from Japan, diplomatic missions that were not halted until 894 by Emperor Uda (r. 887–897), upon persuasion by Sugawara no Michizane (845–903).[128] The Japanese Emperor Tenmu (r. 672–686) even established his conscripted army on that of the Chinese model, based his state ceremonies on the Chinese model, and constructed his palace at Fujiwara on the Chinese model of architecture.[129]

 Many Chinese Buddhist monks came to Japan to help further the spread of Buddhism as well. Two 7th-century monks in particular, Zhi Yu and Zhi You, visited the court of Emperor Tenji (r. 661–672), whereupon they presented a gift of a south-pointing chariot that they had crafted.[130] This 3rd century mechanically driven directional-compass vehicle (employing a differential gear) was again reproduced in several models for Tenji in 666, as recorded in the Nihon Shoki of 720.[130] Japanese monks also visited China; such was the case with Ennin (794–864), who wrote of his travel experiences including travels along China's Grand Canal.[131][132] The Japanese monk Enchin (814–891) stayed in China from 839 to 847 and again from 853 to 858, landing near Fuzhou, Fujian and setting sail for Japan from Taizhou, Zhejiang during his second trip to China.[133][72]

 Western and Northern regions [ edit ]

 Main articles: Protectorate General to Pacify the West, Protectorate General to Pacify the North, Inner Asia during the Tang dynasty, and Tibet and the Tang and Song dynasties
 Tomb figure of mounted warrior similar to the one unearthed from the tomb of Crown Prince Li Chongrun

 The Sui and Tang carried out successful military campaigns against the steppe nomads. Chinese foreign policy to the north and west now had to deal with Turkic nomads, who were becoming the most dominant ethnic group in Central Asia.[134][135] To handle and avoid any threats posed by the Turks, the Sui government repaired fortifications and received their trade and tribute missions.[100] They sent four royal princesses to form marriage alliances with Turkic clan leaders, in 597, 599, 614, and 617. The Sui stirred trouble and conflict amongst ethnic groups against the Turks.[136][137] As early as the Sui dynasty, the Turks had become a major militarized force employed by the Chinese. When the Khitans began raiding northeast China in 605, a Chinese general led 20,000 Turks against them, distributing Khitan livestock and women to the Turks as a reward.[138] On two occasions between 635 and 636, Tang royal princesses were married to Turk mercenaries or generals in Chinese service.[137] Throughout the Tang dynasty until the end of 755, there were approximately ten Turkic generals serving under the Tang.[139][140] While most of the Tang army was made of fubing Chinese conscripts, the majority of the troops led by Turkic generals were of non-Chinese origin, campaigning largely in the western frontier where the presence of fubing troops was low.[141] Some "Turkic" troops were tribalized Han Chinese, a desinicized people.[142]

 Civil war in China was almost totally diminished by 626, along with the defeat in 628 of the Ordos Chinese warlord Liang Shidu; after these internal conflicts, the Tang began an offensive against the Turks.[143] In the year 630, Tang armies captured areas of the Ordos Desert, modern-day Inner Mongolia province, and southern Mongolia from the Turks.[138][144] After this military victory, On June 11, 631, Emperor Taizong also sent envoys to the Xueyantuo bearing gold and silk in order to persuade the release of enslaved Chinese prisoners who were captured during the transition from Sui to Tang from the northern frontier; this embassy succeeded in freeing 80,000 Chinese men and women who were then returned to China.[145][146]

 Tomb guardian (wushi yong), early 8th century

 While the Turks were settled in the Ordos region (former territory of the Xiongnu), the Tang government took on the military policy of dominating the central steppe. Like the earlier Han dynasty, the Tang dynasty (along with Turkic allies) conquered and subdued Central Asia during the 640s and 650s.[100] During Emperor Taizong's reign alone, large campaigns were launched against not only the Göktürks, but also separate campaigns against the Tuyuhun, the oasis city-states, and the Xueyantuo. Under Emperor Gaozong, a campaign led by the general Su Dingfang was launched against the Western Turks ruled by Ashina Helu.[147]

 The Tang Empire competed with the Tibetan Empire for control of areas in Inner and Central Asia, which was at times settled with marriage alliances such as the marrying of Princess Wencheng (d. 680) to Songtsän Gampo (d. 649).[148][149] A Tibetan tradition mentions that Chinese troops captured Lhasa after Songtsän Gampo's death,[150] but no such invasion is mentioned in either Chinese annals or the Tibetan manuscripts of Dunhuang.[151]

 There was a long string of conflicts with Tibet over territories in the Tarim Basin between 670 and 692, and in 763 the Tibetans even captured the capital of China, Chang'an, for fifteen days during the An Shi Rebellion.[152][153] In fact, it was during this rebellion that the Tang withdrew its western garrisons stationed in what is now Gansu and Qinghai, which the Tibetans then occupied along with the territory of what is now Xinjiang.[154] Hostilities between the Tang and Tibet continued until they signed a formal peace treaty in 821.[155] The terms of this treaty, including the fixed borders between the two countries, are recorded in a bilingual inscription on a stone pillar outside the Jokhang temple in Lhasa.[156]

 A bas relief of a soldier and the emperor's horse, Autumn Dew, with elaborate saddle and stirrups, designed by Yan Liben, from the tomb of Emperor Taizong c. 650

 During the Islamic conquest of Persia (633–656), the son of the last ruler of the Sassanid Empire, Prince Peroz and his court moved to Tang China.[118][157] According to the Old Book of Tang, Peroz was made the head of a Governorate of Persia in what is now Zaranj, Afghanistan. During this conquest of Persia, the Rashidun Caliph Uthman Ibn Affan (r. 644–656) sent an embassy to the Tang court at Chang'an.[140] Arab sources claim Umayyad commander Qutayba ibn Muslim briefly took Kashgar from China and withdrew after an agreement,[158] but modern historians entirely dismiss this claim.[159][160][161] The Arab Umayyad Caliphate in 715 deposed Ikhshid, the king the Fergana Valley, and installed a new king Alutar on the throne. The deposed king fled to Kucha (seat of Anxi Protectorate), and sought Chinese intervention. The Chinese sent 10,000 troops under Zhang Xiaosong to Ferghana. He defeated Alutar and the Arab occupation force at Namangan and reinstalled Ikhshid on the throne.[162] The Tang dynasty Chinese defeated the Arab Umayyad invaders at the Battle of Aksu (717). The Arab Umayyad commander Al-Yashkuri and his army fled to Tashkent after they were defeated.[163] The Turgesh then crushed the Arab Umayyads and drove them out. By the 740s, the Arabs under the Abbasid Caliphate in Khorasan had reestablished a presence in the Ferghana basin and in Sogdiana. At the Battle of Talas in 751, Karluk mercenaries under the Chinese defected, helping the Arab armies of the Caliphate to defeat the Tang force under commander Gao Xianzhi. Although the battle itself was not of the greatest significance militarily, this was a pivotal moment in history, as it marks the spread of Chinese papermaking[164][165] into regions west of China as captured Chinese soldiers shared the technique of papermaking to the Arabs. These techniques ultimately reached Europe by the 12th century through Arab-controlled Spain.[166] Although they had fought at Talas, on June 11, 758, an Abbasid embassy arrived at Chang'an simultaneously with the Uighur Turks bearing gifts for the Tang Emperor.[167] In 788–789 the Chinese concluded a military alliance with the Uighur Turks who twice defeated the Tibetans, in 789 near the town of Gaochang in Dzungaria, and in 791 near Ningxia on the Yellow River.[168]

 Illustration of Byzantine embassy to Tang Taizong 643 CE

 Joseph Needham writes that a tributary embassy came to the court of Emperor Taizong in 643 from the Patriarch of Antioch.[169] However, Friedrich Hirth and other sinologists such as S.A.M. Adshead have identified Fu lin (拂菻) in the Old and New Book of Tang as the Byzantine Empire, which those histories directly associated with Daqin (i.e. the Roman Empire).[170][171][172] The embassy sent in 643 by Boduoli (波多力) was identified as Byzantine ruler Constans II Pogonatos (Kōnstantinos Pogonatos, or "Constantine the Bearded") and further embassies were recorded as being sent into the 8th century.[171][172][170] S.A.M. Adshead offers a different transliteration stemming from "patriarch" or "patrician", possibly a reference to one of the acting regents for the young Byzantine monarch.[173] The Old and New Book of Tang also provide a description of the Byzantine capital Constantinople,[174][175] including how it was besieged by the Da shi (大食, i.e. Umayyad Caliphate) forces of Muawiyah I, who forced them to pay tribute to the Arabs.[171][176][c] The 7th-century Byzantine historian Theophylact Simocatta wrote about the reunification of northern and southern China by the Sui dynasty (dating this to the time of Emperor Maurice); the capital city Khubdan (from Old Turkic Khumdan, i.e. Chang'an); the basic geography of China including its previous political division around the Yangtze River; the name of China's ruler Taisson meaning "Son of God", but possibly derived from the name of the contemporaneous ruler Emperor Taizong.[177]

 Economy [ edit ]

 A Tang period gilt-silver jar, shaped in the style of northern nomad's leather bag[178] decorated with a horse dancing with a cup of wine in its mouth, as the horses of Emperor Xuanzong were trained to do.[178]

 Through use of the land trade along the Silk Road and maritime trade by sail at sea, the Tang were able to acquire and gain many new technologies, cultural practices, rare luxury, and contemporary items. From Europe, the Middle East, Central and South Asia, the Tang dynasty were able to acquire new ideas in fashion, new types of ceramics, and improved silver-smithing techniques.[179] The Tang Chinese also gradually adopted the foreign concept of stools and chairs as seating, whereas the Chinese beforehand always sat on mats placed on the floor.[180] People of the Middle East coveted and purchased in bulk Chinese goods such as silks, lacquerwares, and porcelain wares.[181] Songs, dances, and musical instruments from foreign regions became popular in China during the Tang dynasty.[182][183] These musical instruments included oboes, flutes, and small lacquered drums from Kucha in the Tarim Basin, and percussion instruments from India such as cymbals.[182] At the court there were nine musical ensembles (expanded from seven in the Sui dynasty) that played ecletic Asian music.[184]

 Tang dynasty Kai Yuan Tong Bao ( 開元通寳 ) coin, first minted in 621 in Chang'an, a model for the Japanese 8th-century Wadōkaichin

 There was great interaction with India, a hub for Buddhist knowledge, with famous travelers such as Xuanzang (d. 664) visiting the South Asian state. After a 17-year-long trip, Xuanzang managed to bring back valuable Sanskrit texts to be translated into Chinese. There was also a Turkic–Chinese dictionary available for serious scholars and students, while Turkic folk songs gave inspiration to some Chinese poetry.[185][186] In the interior of China, trade was facilitated by the Grand Canal and the Tang government's rationalization of the greater canal system that reduced costs of transporting grain and other commodities.[48] The state also managed roughly 32,100 km (19,900 mi) of postal service routes by horse or boat.[187]

 Silk Road [ edit ]

 Although the Silk Road from China to Europe and the Western World was initially formulated during the reign of Emperor Wu (141–87 BC) during the Han, it was reopened by the Tang in 639 when Hou Junji (d. 643) conquered the West, and remained open for almost four decades. It was closed after the Tibetans captured it in 678, but in 699, during Empress Wu's period, the Silk Road reopened when the Tang reconquered the Four Garrisons of Anxi originally installed in 640,[188] once again connecting China directly to the West for land-based trade.[189]

 A Tang dynasty sancai statuette of Sogdian musicians riding on a Bactrian camel, 723 AD, Xi'an.

 The Tang captured the vital route through the Gilgit Valley from Tibet in 722, lost it to the Tibetans in 737, and regained it under the command of the Goguryeo-Korean General Gao Xianzhi.[190] When the An Lushan Rebellion ended in 763, the Tang Empire withdrew its troops from its western lands, allowing the Tibetan Empire to largely cut off China's direct access to the Silk Road.[155] An internal rebellion in 848 ousted the Tibetan rulers, and Tang China regained its northwestern prefectures from Tibet in 851. These lands contained crucial grazing areas and pastures for raising horses that the Tang dynasty desperately needed.[155][191]

 Despite the many expatriate European travelers coming into China to live and trade, many travelers, mainly religious monks and missionaries, recorded China's stringent immigrant laws. As the monk Xuanzang and many other monk travelers attested to, there were many Chinese government checkpoints along the Silk Road that examined travel permits into the Tang Empire. Furthermore, banditry was a problem along the checkpoints and oasis towns, as Xuanzang also recorded that his group of travelers were assaulted by bandits on multiple occasions.[181]

 The Silk Road also affected Tang dynasty art. Horses became a significant symbol of prosperity and power as well as an instrument of military and diplomatic policy. Horses were also revered as a relative of the dragon.[192]

 Seaports and maritime trade [ edit ]

 A contract from the Tang dynasty that records the purchase of a 15-year-old slave for six bolts of plain silk and five Chinese coins. Found in the Astana Cemetery in Turfan.

 Chinese envoys had been sailing through the Indian Ocean to states of India since perhaps the 2nd century BC,[193][194] yet it was during the Tang dynasty that a strong Chinese maritime presence could be found in the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, into Persia, Mesopotamia (sailing up the Euphrates River in modern-day Iraq), Arabia, Egypt in the Middle East and Aksum (Ethiopia), and Somalia in the Horn of Africa.[195]

 During the Tang dynasty, thousands of foreign expatriate merchants came and lived in numerous Chinese cities to do business with China, including Persians, Arabs, Hindu Indians, Malays, Bengalis, Sinhalese, Khmers, Chams, Jews and Nestorian Christians of the Near East, among many others.[196][197] In 748, the Buddhist monk Jian Zhen described Guangzhou as a bustling mercantile business center where many large and impressive foreign ships came to dock. He wrote that "many large ships came from Borneo, Persia, Qunglun (Indonesia/Java) ... with ... spices, pearls, and jade piled up mountain high",[198][199] as written in the Yue Jue Shu (Lost Records of the State of Yue). Relations with the Arabs were often strained: When the imperial government was attempting to quell the An Lushan Rebellion, Arab and Persian pirates burned and looted Canton on October 30, 758. [155] The Tang government reacted by shutting the port of Canton down for roughly five decades; thus, foreign vessels docked at Hanoi instead.[200] However, when the port reopened, it continued to thrive. In 851 the Arab merchant Sulaiman al-Tajir observed the manufacturing of Chinese porcelain in Guangzhou and admired its transparent quality.[201] He also provided a description of Guangzhou's landmarks, granaries, local government administration, some of its written records, treatment of travelers, along with the use of ceramics, rice, wine, and tea.[202] Their presence came to an end under the revenge of Chinese rebel Huang Chao in 878, who purportedly slaughtered thousands regardless of ethnicity.[80][203][204] Huang's rebellion was eventually suppressed in 884.

 Vessels from other East Asian states such as Silla, Bohai and the Hizen Province of Japan were all involved in the Yellow Sea trade, which Silla of Korea dominated.[205] After Silla and Japan reopened renewed hostilities in the late 7th century, most Japanese maritime merchants chose to set sail from Nagasaki towards the mouth of the Huai River, the Yangtze River, and even as far south as the Hangzhou Bay in order to avoid Korean ships in the Yellow Sea.[205][206] In order to sail back to Japan in 838, the Japanese embassy to China procured nine ships and sixty Korean sailors from the Korean wards of Chuzhou and Lianshui cities along the Huai River.[207] It is also known that Chinese trade ships traveling to Japan set sail from the various ports along the coasts of Zhejiang and Fujian provinces.[208]

 The Chinese engaged in large-scale production for overseas export by at least the time of the Tang. This was proven by the discovery of the Belitung shipwreck, a silt-preserved shipwrecked Arabian dhow in the Gaspar Strait near Belitung, which had 63,000 pieces of Tang ceramics, silver, and gold (including a Changsha bowl inscribed with a date: "16th day of the seventh month of the second year of the Baoli reign", or 826, roughly confirmed by radiocarbon dating of star anise at the wreck).[209] Beginning in 785, the Chinese began to call regularly at Sufala on the East African coast in order to cut out Arab middlemen,[210] with various contemporary Chinese sources giving detailed descriptions of trade in Africa. The official and geographer Jia Dan (730–805) wrote of two common sea trade routes in his day: one from the coast of the Bohai Sea towards Korea and another from Guangzhou through Malacca towards the Nicobar Islands, Sri Lanka and India, the eastern and northern shores of the Arabian Sea to the Euphrates River.[211] In 863 the Chinese author Duan Chengshi (d. 863) provided a detailed description of the slave trade, ivory trade, and ambergris trade in a country called Bobali, which historians suggest was Berbera in Somalia.[212] In Fustat (old Cairo), Egypt, the fame of Chinese ceramics there led to an enormous demand for Chinese goods; hence Chinese often traveled there (this continued into later periods such as Fatimid Egypt).[213][214] From this time period, the Arab merchant Shulama once wrote of his admiration for Chinese seafaring junks, but noted that their draft was too deep for them to enter the Euphrates River, which forced them to ferry passengers and cargo in small boats.[215] Shulama also noted that Chinese ships were often very large, with capacities up to 600–700 passengers.[211][215]

 Culture and society [ edit ]

 Art [ edit ]

 Main article: Tang dynasty art
 Eighty Seven Celestials, draft painting of a fresco by Wu Daozi (c. 685–758)

 Both the Sui and Tang Dynasties had turned away from the more feudal culture of the preceding Northern Dynasties, in favor of staunch civil Confucianism.[6] The governmental system was supported by a large class of Confucian intellectuals selected through either civil service examinations or recommendations. In the Tang period, Taoism and Buddhism were commonly practiced ideologies that played a large role in people's daily lives. The Tang Chinese enjoyed feasting, drinking, holidays, sports, and all sorts of entertainment, while Chinese literature blossomed and was more widely accessible with new printing methods.

 Chang'an, the Tang capital [ edit ]

 Main article: Chang'an
 A mural depicting a corner tower, most likely one of Chang'an, from the tomb of Prince Yide (d. 701) at the Qianling Mausoleum, dated 706

 Although Chang'an was the capital of the earlier Han and Jin dynasties, after subsequent destruction in warfare, it was the Sui dynasty model that comprised the Tang era capital. The roughly square dimensions of the city had six miles (10 km) of outer walls running east to west, and more than five miles (8 km) of outer walls running north to south.[28] The royal palace, the Taiji Palace, stood north of the city's central axis.[216] From the large Mingde Gates located mid-center of the main southern wall, a wide city avenue stretched from there all the way north to the central administrative city, behind which was the Chentian Gate of the royal palace, or Imperial City. Intersecting this were fourteen main streets running east to west, while eleven main streets ran north to south. These main intersecting roads formed 108 rectangular wards with walls and four gates each, and each ward filled with multiple city blocks. The city was made famous for this checkerboard pattern of main roads with walled and gated districts, its layout even mentioned in one of Du Fu's poems.[217] During the Heian period, the city of Heian kyō (present-day Kyoto) of Japan like many cities was arranged in the checkerboard street grid pattern of the Tang capital and in accordance with traditional geomancy following the model of Chang'an.[100] Of these 108 wards in Chang'an, two of them (each the size of two regular city wards) were designated as government-supervised markets, and other space reserved for temples, gardens, ponds, etc.[28] Throughout the entire city, there were 111 Buddhist monasteries, 41 Taoist abbeys, 38 family shrines, 2 official temples, 7 churches of foreign religions, 10 city wards with provincial transmission offices, 12 major inns, and 6 graveyards.[218] Some city wards were literally filled with open public playing fields or the backyards of lavish mansions for playing horse polo and cuju (Chinese soccer).[219] In 662, Emperor Gaozong moved the imperial court to the Daming Palace, which became the political center of the empire and served as the royal residence of the Tang emperors for more than 220 years.[220]

 Map of Chang'an during the Tang dynasty[ image reference needed ]

 The Tang capital was the largest city in the world at its time, the population of the city wards and its suburban countryside reaching two million inhabitants.[28] The Tang capital was very cosmopolitan, with ethnicities of Persia, Central Asia, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Tibet, India, and many other places living within. Naturally, with this plethora of different ethnicities living in Chang'an, there were also many different practiced religions, such as Buddhism, Nestorian Christianity, and Zoroastrianism, among others.[221] With the open access to China that the Silk Road to the west facilitated, many foreign settlers were able to move east to China, while the city of Chang'an itself had about 25,000 foreigners living within.[181] Exotic green-eyed, blond-haired Tocharian ladies serving wine in agate and amber cups, singing, and dancing at taverns attracted customers.[222] If a foreigner in China pursued a Chinese woman for marriage, he was required to stay in China and was unable to take his bride back to his homeland, as stated in a law passed in 628 to protect women from temporary marriages with foreign envoys.[223] Several laws enforcing segregation of foreigners from Chinese were passed during the Tang dynasty. In 779 the Tang dynasty issued an edict which forced Uighurs in the capital, Chang'an, to wear their ethnic dress, stopped them from marrying Chinese females, and banned them from passing off as Chinese.[224]

 The bronze Jingyun Bell cast 711, height 247 cm high, weight 6,500 kg, now in the Xi'an Bell Tower

 Chang'an was the center of the central government, the home of the imperial family, and was filled with splendor and wealth. However, incidentally it was not the economic hub during the Tang dynasty. The city of Yangzhou along the Grand Canal and close to the Yangtze River was the greatest economic center during the Tang era.[196][225]

 Yangzhou was the headquarters for the Tang government's salt monopoly, and was the greatest industrial center of China. It acted as a midpoint in shipping of foreign goods that would be organized and distributed to the major cities of the north.[196][225] Much like the seaport of Guangzhou in the south, Yangzhou boasted thousands of foreign traders from all across Asia.[225][226]

 There was also the secondary capital city of Luoyang, which was the favored capital of the two by Empress Wu. In the year 691 she had more than 100,000 families (more than 500,000 people) from around the region of Chang'an move to populate Luoyang instead. With a population of about a million, Luoyang became the second largest city in the empire, and with its closeness to the Luo River it benefited from southern agricultural fertility and trade traffic of the Grand Canal. However, the Tang court eventually demoted its capital status and did not visit Luoyang after the year 743, when Chang'an's problem of acquiring adequate supplies and stores for the year was solved.[196] As early as 736, granaries were built at critical points along the route from Yangzhou to Chang'an, which eliminated shipment delays, spoilage, and pilfering.[227] An artificial lake used as a transshipment pool was dredged east of Chang'an in 743, where curious northerners could finally see the array of boats found in southern China, delivering tax and tribute items to the imperial court.[228]

 Literature [ edit ]

 Main articles: Chinese literature and Tang poetry
 A Tang dynasty era copy of the preface to the Lantingji Xu poems composed at the Orchid Pavilion Gathering, originally attributed to Wang Xizhi (303–361 AD) of the Jin dynasty
 A poem by Li Bai (701–762 AD), the only surviving example of Li Bai's calligraphy, housed in the Palace Museum in Beijing.

 The Tang period was a golden age of Chinese literature and art. Over 48,900 poems penned by some 2,200 Tang authors have survived to the present day.[229][230] Skill in the composition of poetry became a required study for those wishing to pass imperial examinations,[231] while poetry was also heavily competitive; poetry contests amongst guests at banquets and courtiers were common.[232] Poetry styles that were popular in the Tang included gushi and jintishi, with the renowned poet Li Bai (701–762) famous for the former style, and poets like Wang Wei (701–761) and Cui Hao (704–754) famous for their use of the latter. Jintishi poetry, or regulated verse, is in the form of eight-line stanzas or seven characters per line with a fixed pattern of tones that required the second and third couplets to be antithetical (although the antithesis is often lost in translation to other languages).[233] Tang poems remained popular and great emulation of Tang era poetry began in the Song dynasty; in that period, Yan Yu (嚴羽; active 1194–1245) was the first to confer the poetry of the High Tang (c. 713–766) era with "canonical status within the classical poetic tradition." Yan Yu reserved the position of highest esteem among all Tang poets for Du Fu (712–770), who was not viewed as such in his own era, and was branded by his peers as an anti-traditional rebel.[234]

 The Classical Prose Movement was spurred in large part by the writings of Tang authors Liu Zongyuan (773–819) and Han Yu (768–824). This new prose style broke away from the poetry tradition of the piantiwen ( 騙體文 , "parallel prose") style begun in the Han dynasty. Although writers of the Classical Prose Movement imitated piantiwen, they criticized it for its often vague content and lack of colloquial language, focusing more on clarity and precision to make their writing more direct.[235] This guwen (archaic prose) style can be traced back to Han Yu, and would become largely associated with orthodox Neo-Confucianism.[236]

 Short story fiction and tales were also popular during the Tang, one of the more famous ones being Yingying's Biography by Yuan Zhen (779–831), which was widely circulated in his own time and by the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368) became the basis for plays in Chinese opera.[237][238] Timothy C. Wong places this story within the wider context of Tang love tales, which often share the plot designs of quick passion, inescapable societal pressure leading to the abandonment of romance, followed by a period of melancholy.[239] Wong states that this scheme lacks the undying vows and total self-commitment to love found in Western romances such as Romeo and Juliet, but that underlying traditional Chinese values of inseparableness of self from one's environment (including human society) served to create the necessary fictional device of romantic tension.[240]

 Calligraphy of Emperor Taizong on a Tang stele

 There were large encyclopedias published in the Tang. The Yiwen Leiju encyclopedia was compiled in 624 by the chief editor Ouyang Xun (557–641) as well as Linghu Defen (582–666) and Chen Shuda (d. 635). The encyclopedia Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era was fully compiled in 729 by Gautama Siddha (fl. 8th century), an ethnic Indian astronomer, astrologer, and scholar born in the capital Chang'an.

 Chinese geographers such as Jia Dan wrote accurate descriptions of places far abroad. In his work written between 785 and 805, he described the sea route going into the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and that the medieval Iranians (whom he called the people of Luo-He-Yi) had erected 'ornamental pillars' in the sea that acted as lighthouse beacons for ships that might go astray.[241] Confirming Jia's reports about lighthouses in the Persian Gulf, Arabic writers a century after Jia wrote of the same structures, writers such as al-Mas'udi and al-Muqaddasi. The Tang dynasty Chinese diplomat Wang Xuance traveled to Magadha (modern northeastern India) during the 7th century.[242] Afterwards he wrote the book Zhang Tianzhu Guotu (Illustrated Accounts of Central India), which included a wealth of geographical information.[243]

 Many histories of previous dynasties were compiled between 636 and 659 by court officials during and shortly after the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang. These included the Book of Liang, Book of Chen, Book of Northern Qi, Book of Zhou, Book of Sui, Book of Jin, History of Northern Dynasties and the History of Southern Dynasties. Although not included in the official Twenty-Four Histories, the Tongdian and Tang Huiyao were nonetheless valuable written historical works of the Tang period. The Shitong written by Liu Zhiji in 710 was a meta-history, as it covered the history of Chinese historiography in past centuries until his time. The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, compiled by Bianji, recounted the journey of Xuanzang, the Tang era's most renowned Buddhist monk.

 Other important literary offerings included Duan Chengshi's (d. 863) Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang, an entertaining collection of foreign legends and hearsay, reports on natural phenomena, short anecdotes, mythical and mundane tales, as well as notes on various subjects. The exact literary category or classification that Duan's large informal narrative would fit into is still debated amongst scholars and historians.[244]

 Religion and philosophy [ edit ]

 Main articles: Religion in China and Chinese philosophy
 See also: Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution
 A Tang dynasty sculpture of a Bodhisattva
 An 8th-century silk wall scroll from Dunhuang, showing the paradise of Amitabha

 Since ancient times, some Chinese had believed in folk religion and Taoism that incorporated many deities. Practitioners believed the Tao and the afterlife was a reality parallel to the living world, complete with its own bureaucracy and afterlife currency needed by dead ancestors.[245] Funerary practices included providing the deceased with everything they might need in the afterlife, including animals, servants, entertainers, hunters, homes, and officials. This ideal is reflected in Tang dynasty art.[246] This is also reflected in many short stories written in the Tang about people accidentally winding up in the realm of the dead, only to come back and report their experiences.[245]

 Buddhism, originating in India around the time of Confucius, continued its influence during the Tang period and was accepted by some members of imperial family, becoming thoroughly sinicized and a permanent part of Chinese traditional culture. In an age before Neo-Confucianism and figures such as Zhu Xi (1130–1200), Buddhism had begun to flourish in China during the Northern and Southern dynasties, and became the dominant ideology during the prosperous Tang. Buddhist monasteries played an integral role in Chinese society, offering lodging for travelers in remote areas, schools for children throughout the country, and a place for urban literati to stage social events and gatherings such as going-away parties.[247] Buddhist monasteries were also engaged in the economy, since their land property and serfs gave them enough revenues to set up mills, oil presses, and other enterprises.[248][249][250] Although the monasteries retained 'serfs', these monastery dependents could actually own property and employ others to help them in their work, including their own slaves.[251]

 The prominent status of Buddhism in Chinese culture began to decline as the dynasty and central government declined as well during the late 8th century to 9th century. Buddhist convents and temples that were exempt from state taxes beforehand were targeted by the state for taxation. In 845 Emperor Wuzong of Tang finally shut down 4,600 Buddhist monasteries along with 40,000 temples and shrines, forcing 260,000 Buddhist monks and nuns to return to secular life;[252][253] this episode would later be dubbed one of the Four Buddhist Persecutions in China. Although the ban would be lifted just a few years after, Buddhism never regained its once dominant status in Chinese culture.[252][253][254][255] This situation also came about through a revival of interest in native Chinese philosophies such as Confucianism and Taoism. Han Yu (786–824)—who Arthur F. Wright stated was a "brilliant polemicist and ardent xenophobe"—was one of the first men of the Tang to denounce Buddhism.[256] Although his contemporaries found him crude and obnoxious, he would foreshadow the later persecution of Buddhism in the Tang, as well as the revival of Confucian theory with the rise of Neo-Confucianism of the Song dynasty.[256] Nonetheless, Chán Buddhism gained popularity amongst the educated elite.[252] There were also many famous Chan monks from the Tang era, such as Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang, and Huangbo Xiyun. The sect of Pure Land Buddhism initiated by the Chinese monk Huiyuan (334–416) was also just as popular as Chan Buddhism during the Tang.[257]

 A timber hall built in 857,[258] located at the Buddhist Foguang Temple of Mount Wutai, Shanxi

 Rivaling Buddhism was Taoism, a native Chinese philosophical and religious belief system that found its roots in the Tao Te Ching (a text attributed to a 6th-century BC figure named Lao Tzu) and the Zhuangzi. The ruling Li family of the Tang dynasty actually claimed descent from the ancient Lao Tzu.[259] On numerous occasions where Tang princes would become crown prince or Tang princesses taking vows as Taoist priestesses, their lavish former mansions would be converted into Taoist abbeys and places of worship.[259] Many Taoists were associated with alchemy in their pursuits to find an elixir of immortality and a means to create gold from concocted mixtures of many other elements.[260] Although they never achieved their goals in either of these futile pursuits, they did contribute to the discovery of new metal alloys, porcelain products, and new dyes.[260] The historian Joseph Needham labeled the work of the Taoist alchemists as "protoscience rather than pseudoscience."[260] However, the close connection between Taoism and alchemy, which some sinologists have asserted, is refuted by Nathan Sivin, who states that alchemy was just as prominent (if not more so) in the secular sphere and practiced more often by laymen.[261]

 Nestorian Christianity
 Details of the rubbing of the Nestorian pillar of Luoyang.
 Church of the East and its largest extent during the Middle Ages.

 The Tang dynasty also officially recognized various foreign religions. The Assyrian Church of the East, otherwise known as the Nestorian Church or the Church of the East in China, was given recognition by the Tang court. In 781, the Nestorian Stele was created in order to honor the achievements of their community in China. A Christian monastery was established in Shaanxi province where the Daqin Pagoda still stands, and inside the pagoda there is Christian-themed artwork. Although the religion largely died out after the Tang, it was revived in China following the Mongol invasions of the 13th century.[262]

 Although the Sogdians had been responsible for transmitting Buddhism to China from India during the 2nd to 4th centuries, soon afterwards they largely converted to Zoroastrianism due to their links to Sassanid Persia.[263] Sogdian merchants and their families living in cities such as Chang'an, Luoyang, and Xiangyang usually built a Zoroastrian temple once their local communities grew larger than 100 households.[264] Sogdians were also responsible for spreading Manicheism in Tang China and the Uighur Khaganate. The Uighurs built the first Manichean monastery in China in 768, yet in 843 the Tang government ordered that the property of all Manichean monasteries be confiscated in response to the outbreak of war with the Uighurs.[265] With the blanket ban on foreign religions two years later, Manicheism was driven underground and never flourished in China again.[266]

 Leisure [ edit ]

 A Man Herding Horses, by Han Gan (706–783), a court artist under Xuanzong
 Spring Outing of the Tang Court, by Zhang Xuan (713–755)

 Much more than earlier periods, the Tang era was renowned for the time reserved for leisure activity, especially for those in the upper classes.[267] Many outdoor sports and activities were enjoyed during the Tang, including archery,[268] hunting,[269] horse polo,[270] cuju (soccer),[271] cockfighting,[272] and even tug of war.[273] Government officials were granted vacations during their tenure in office. Officials were granted 30 days off every three years to visit their parents if they lived 1,000 mi (1,600 km) away, or 15 days off if the parents lived more than 167 mi (269 km) away (travel time not included).[267] Officials were granted nine days of vacation time for weddings of a son or daughter, and either five, three, or one days/day off for the nuptials of close relatives (travel time not included).[267] Officials also received a total of three days off for their son's capping initiation rite into manhood, and one day off for the ceremony of initiation rite of a close relative's son.[267]

 A Tang sancai-glazed carved relief showing horseback riders playing polo

 Traditional Chinese holidays such as Chinese New Year, Lantern Festival, Cold Food Festival, and others were universal holidays. In the capital city of Chang'an there was always lively celebration, especially for the Lantern Festival since the city's nighttime curfew was lifted by the government for three days straight.[274] Between the years 628 and 758, the imperial throne bestowed a total of sixty-nine grand carnivals nationwide, granted by the emperor in the case of special circumstances such as important military victories, abundant harvests after a long drought or famine, the granting of amnesties, the installment of a new crown prince, etc.[275] For special celebration in the Tang era, lavish and gargantuan-sized feasts were sometimes prepared, as the imperial court had staffed agencies to prepare the meals.[276] This included a prepared feast for 1,100 elders of Chang'an in 664, a feast for 3,500 officers of the Divine Strategy Army in 768, and a feast for 1,200 women of the palace and members of the imperial family in the year 826.[276] Drinking wine and alcoholic beverages was heavily ingrained into Chinese culture, as people drank for nearly every social event.[277] A court official in the 8th century allegedly had a serpentine-shaped structure called the 'Ale Grotto' built with 50,000 bricks on the groundfloor that each featured a bowl from which his friends could drink.[278]

 Status in clothing [ edit ]

 A late Tang or early Five Dynasties era silk painting on a banner depicting Guanyin and a female attendant in silk robes, from the Dunhuang caves, now in the British Museum

 In general, garments were made from silk, wool, or linen depending on your social status and what you could afford. Furthermore, there were laws that specified what kinds of clothing could be worn by whom. The color of the clothing also indicated rank. During this period, China's power, culture, economy, and influence were thriving. As a result, women could afford to wear loose-fitting, wide-sleeved garments. Even lower-class women's robes would have sleeves four to five feet in width.[279]

 Position of women [ edit ]

 Main article: Women in ancient and imperial China § Tang dynasty
 Beauties Wearing Flowers by Zhou Fang, 8th century
 Woman playing polo, 8th century
 Palace ladies in a garden from a mural of Prince Li Xian's tomb in the Qianling Mausoleum, where Wu Zetian was also buried in 706

 Concepts of women's social rights and social status during the Tang era were notably liberal-minded for the period. However, this was largely reserved for urban women of elite status, as men and women in the rural countryside labored hard in their different set of tasks; with wives and daughters responsible for more domestic tasks of weaving textiles and rearing of silk worms, while men tended to farming in the fields.[114]

 There were many women in the Tang era who gained access to religious authority by taking vows as Taoist priestesses.[259] The head mistresses of high-class courtesans in the North Hamlet of the capital Chang'an acquired large amounts of wealth and power.[280] Such courtesans, who likely influenced the Japanese geishas,[281] were well respected. These courtesans were known as great singers and poets, supervised banquets and feasts, knew the rules to all the drinking games, and were trained to have the utmost respectable table manners.[280]

 Although they were renowned for their polite behavior, the courtesans were known to dominate the conversation among elite men, and were not afraid to openly castigate or criticize prominent male guests who talked too much or too loudly, boasted too much of their accomplishments, or had in some way ruined dinner for everyone by rude behavior (on one occasion a courtesan even beat up a drunken man who had insulted her).[282] When singing to entertain guests, courtesans not only composed the lyrics to their own songs, but they popularized a new form of lyrical verse by singing lines written by various renowned and famous men in Chinese history.[229]

 It was fashionable for women to be full-figured (or plump). Men enjoyed the presence of assertive, active women.[283][284] The foreign horse-riding sport of polo from Persia became a wildly popular trend among the Chinese elite, and women often played the sport (as glazed earthenware figurines from the time period portray).[283] The preferred hairstyle for women was to bunch their hair up like "an elaborate edifice above the forehead",[284] while affluent ladies wore extravagant head ornaments, combs, pearl necklaces, face powders, and perfumes.[285] A law was passed in 671 which attempted to force women to wear hats with veils again in order to promote decency, but these laws were ignored as some women started wearing caps and even no hats at all, as well as men's riding clothes and boots, and tight-sleeved bodices.[286]

 There were some prominent court women after the era of Empress Wu, such as Yang Guifei (719–756), who had Emperor Xuanzong appoint many of her relatives and cronies to important ministerial and martial positions.[46]

 Cuisine [ edit ]

 During the earlier Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589), and perhaps even earlier, the drinking of tea (Camellia sinensis) became popular in southern China. Tea was viewed then as a beverage of tasteful pleasure and with pharmacological purpose as well.[229] During the Tang dynasty, tea became synonymous with everything sophisticated in society. The poet Lu Tong (790–835) devoted most of his poetry to his love of tea. The 8th-century author Lu Yu (known as the Sage of Tea) even wrote a treatise on the art of drinking tea, called The Classic of Tea.[287] Although wrapping paper had been used in China since the 2nd century BC,[288] during the Tang dynasty the Chinese were using wrapping paper as folded and sewn square bags to hold and preserve the flavor of tea leaves.[288] This followed many other uses for paper such as the first recorded use of toilet paper made in 589 by the scholar-official Yan Zhitui (531–591),[289] confirmed in 851 by an Arab traveler who remarked that Tang Chinese lacked cleanliness because they relied on toilet paper instead of washing themselves with water.[289]

 In ancient times, the Chinese had outlined the five most basic foodstuffs known as the five grains: sesamum, legumes, wheat, panicled millet, and glutinous millet.[290] The Ming dynasty encyclopedist Song Yingxing (1587–1666) noted that rice was not counted amongst the five grains from the time of the legendary and deified Chinese sage Shennong (the existence of whom Yingxing wrote was "an uncertain matter") into the 2nd millenniums BC, because the properly wet and humid climate in southern China for growing rice was not yet fully settled or cultivated by the Chinese.[290] Song Yingxing also noted that in the Ming dynasty, seven tenths of civilians' food was rice. During the Tang dynasty rice was not only the most important staple in southern China, but had also become popular in the north where central authority resided.[291]

 During the Tang dynasty, wheat replaced the position of millet and became the main staple crop. As a consequence, wheat cake shared a considerable amount in the staple of Tang.[292] There were four main kinds of cake: steamed cake, boiled cake, pancake, and Hu cake. Steamed cake was consumed commonly by both civilians and aristocrats. Like rougamo in modern Chinese cuisine, steamed cake was usually stuffed with meat and vegetables. Shops and packmen regularly sold inexpensive steamed cake on the streets of Chang’an.[293] Boiled cake was the staple of the Northern Dynasties, and it kept its popularity in the Tang dynasty. It included a wide variety of dishes similar to modern wonton, noodles, and many other kinds of food that soak wheat in water. While aristocrats favored wonton, civilians usually consumed noodles and noodle slice soup that were easier to produce.[294] Pancakes was rare in China before the Tang, when it gained popularity.[295] Food shops in Tang cities such as Chang'an commonly sold both pancakes and dumplings.[293] Hu cake, which means "foreign cake", was extremely popular during the Tang.[296] Hu cake was toasted in the oven, covered with sesame seeds, and served at taverns, inns and shops. Japanese Buddhist monk Ennin observed that Hu cake was popular among all of China's civilians.[297]

 During the Tang, the many common foodstuffs and cooking ingredients in addition to those already listed were barley, garlic, salt, turnips, soybeans, pears, apricots, peaches, apples, pomegranates, jujubes, rhubarb, hazelnuts, pine nuts, chestnuts, walnuts, yams, taro, etc. The various meats that were consumed included pork, chicken, lamb (especially preferred in the north), sea otter, bear (which was hard to catch, but there were recipes for steamed, boiled, and marinated bear), and even Bactrian camels.[298] In the south along the coast meat from seafood was by default the most common, as the Chinese enjoyed eating cooked jellyfish with cinnamon, Sichuan pepper, cardamom, and ginger, as well as oysters with wine, fried squid with ginger and vinegar, horseshoe crabs and red swimming crabs, shrimp and pufferfish, which the Chinese called "river piglet".[299]

 From the trade overseas and over land, the Chinese acquired peaches from Samarkand, date palms, pistachios, and figs from Greater Iran, pine nuts and ginseng roots from Korea and mangoes from Southeast Asia.[300][301] In China, there was a great demand for sugar; during the reign of Harsha over North India (r. 606–647), Indian envoys to the Tang brought two makers of sugar who successfully taught the Chinese how to cultivate sugarcane.[302][303] Cotton also came from India as a finished product from Bengal, although it was during the Tang that the Chinese began to grow and process cotton, and by the Yuan dynasty it became the prime textile fabric in China.[304]

 Some foods were also off-limits, as the Tang court encouraged people not to eat beef. This was due to the role of the bull as a valuable working animal. From 831 to 833 Emperor Wenzong of Tang even banned the slaughter of cattle on the grounds of his religious convictions to Buddhism.[305]

 Methods of food preservation were important, and practiced throughout China. The common people used simple methods of preservation, such as digging deep ditches and trenches, brining, and salting their foods.[306] The emperor had large ice pits located in the parks in and around Chang'an for preserving food, while the wealthy and elite had their own smaller ice pits. Each year the emperor had laborers carve 1000 blocks of ice from frozen creeks in mountain valleys, each block with the dimension of 3 ft (0.91 m) by 3 ft by 3.5 ft (1.1 m). Frozen delicacies such as chilled melon were enjoyed during the summer.[307]

 * Tang era gilt-gold bowl with lotus and animal motifs

 * A Tang sancai-glazed lobed dish with incised decorations, 8th century

 * Tomb figure of a lady attendant, 7th- to 8th-century; during the Tang era, female hosts prepared feasts, tea parties, and played drinking games with their guests.

 * A rounded "offering plate" with design in "three colors" (sancai) glaze, 8th-century

 * A page of Lu Yu's The Classic of Tea

 Science and technology [ edit ]

 Main article: Science and technology of the Tang dynasty
 Further information: History of science and technology in China, List of Chinese inventions, and List of Chinese discoveries

 Engineering [ edit ]

 A square bronze mirror with a phoenix motif of gold and silver inlaid with lacquer, 8th-century

 Technology during the Tang period was built also upon the precedents of the past. Previous advancements in clockworks and timekeeping included the mechanical gear systems of Zhang Heng (78–139) and Ma Jun (fl. 3rd century), which gave the Tang mathematician, mechanical engineer, astronomer, and monk Yi Xing (683–727) inspiration when he invented the world's first clockwork escapement mechanism in 725.[308] This was used alongside a clepsydra clock and waterwheel to power a rotating armillary sphere in representation of astronomical observation.[309] Yi Xing's device also had a mechanically timed bell that was struck automatically every hour, and a drum that was struck automatically every quarter-hour; essentially, a striking clock.[310] Yi Xing's astronomical clock and water-powered armillary sphere became well known throughout the country, since students attempting to pass the imperial examinations by 730 had to write an essay on the device as an exam requirement.[311] However, the most common type of public and palace timekeeping device was the inflow clepsydra. Its design was improved c. 610 by the Sui-dynasty engineers Geng Xun and Yuwen Kai. They provided a steelyard balance that allowed seasonal adjustment in the pressure head of the compensating tank and could then control the rate of flow for different lengths of day and night.[312]

 There were many other mechanical inventions during the Tang era. These included a 3 ft (0.91 m) tall mechanical wine server of the early 8th century that was in the shape of an artificial mountain, carved out of iron and rested on a lacquered-wooden tortoise frame. This intricate device used a hydraulic pump that siphoned wine out of metal dragon-headed faucets, as well as tilting bowls that were timed to dip wine down, by force of gravity when filled, into an artificial lake that had intricate iron leaves popping up as trays for placing party treats.[313] Furthermore, as the historian Charles Benn describes it:

 Midway up the southern side of the mountain was a dragon ... the beast opened its mouth and spit brew into a goblet seated on a large [iron] lotus leaf beneath. When the cup was 80% full, the dragon ceased spewing ale, and a guest immediately seized the goblet. If he was slow in draining the cup and returning it to the leaf, the door of a pavilion at the top of the mountain opened and a mechanical wine server, dressed in a cap and gown, emerged with a wooden bat in his hand. As soon as the guest returned the goblet, the dragon refilled it, the wine server withdrew, and the doors of the pavilion closed ... A pump siphoned the ale that flowed into the ale pool through a hidden hole and returned the brew to the reservoir [holding more than 16 quarts/15 liters of wine] inside the mountain.[313]

 Yet the use of a teasing mechanical puppet in this wine-serving device wasn't exactly a novel invention of the Tang, since the use of mechanical puppets in China date back to the Qin dynasty (221–207 BC). In the 3rd century Ma Jun had an entire mechanical puppet theater operated by the rotation of a waterwheel.[314] There was also an automatic wine-server known in the ancient Greco-Roman world, a design of the Greek inventor Heron of Alexandria that employed an urn with an inner valve and a lever device similar to the one described above. There are many stories of automatons used in the Tang, including general Yang Wulian's wooden statue of a monk who stretched his hands out to collect contributions; when the number of coins reached a certain weight, the mechanical figure moved his arms to deposit them in a satchel.[315] This weight-and-lever mechanism was exactly like Heron's penny slot machine.[316] Other devices included one by Wang Ju, whose "wooden otter" could allegedly catch fish; Needham suspects a spring trap of some kind was employed here.[315]

 In the realm of structural engineering and technical Chinese architecture, there were also government standard building codes, outlined in the early Tang book of the Yingshan Ling (National Building Law).[317] Fragments of this book have survived in the Tang Lü (The Tang Code),[318] while the Song dynasty architectural manual of the Yingzao Fashi (State Building Standards) by Li Jie (1065–1101) in 1103 is the oldest existing technical treatise on Chinese architecture that has survived in full.[317] During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (712–756) there were 34,850 registered craftsmen serving the state, managed by the Agency of Palace Buildings (Jingzuo Jian).[318]

 Woodblock printing [ edit ]

 Main articles: Woodblock printing, Playing cards, and Chinese playing cards
 The Diamond Sutra, printed in 868, is the world's first widely printed book to include a specific date of printing.

 Woodblock printing made the written word available to vastly greater audiences. One of the world's oldest surviving printed documents is a miniature Buddhist dharani sutra unearthed at Xi'an in 1974 and dated roughly from 650 to 670.[319] The Diamond Sutra is the first full-length book printed at regular size, complete with illustrations embedded with the text and dated precisely to 868.[320][321] Among the earliest documents to be printed were Buddhist texts as well as calendars, the latter essential for calculating and marking which days were auspicious and which days were not.[322] With so many books coming into circulation for the general public, literacy rates could improve, along with the lower classes being able to obtain cheaper sources of study. Therefore, there were more lower-class people seen entering the Imperial Examinations and passing them by the later Song dynasty.[103][323][324] Although the later Bi Sheng's movable type printing in the 11th century was innovative for his period, woodblock printing that became widespread in the Tang would remain the dominant printing type in China until the more advanced printing press from Europe became widely accepted and used in East Asia.[325] The first use of the playing card during the Tang dynasty was an auxiliary invention of the new age of printing.[326]

 Cartography [ edit ]

 The Dunhuang map, a star map showing the North Polar region. c. 700.[327] The whole set of star maps contains over 1,300 stars.[328]

 In the realm of cartography, there were further advances beyond the map-makers of the Han dynasty. When the Tang chancellor Pei Ju (547–627) was working for the Sui dynasty as a Commercial Commissioner in 605, he created a well-known gridded map with a graduated scale in the tradition of Pei Xiu (224–271).[329] The Tang chancellor Xu Jingzong (592–672) was also known for his map of China drawn in the year 658.[330] In the year 785 the Emperor Dezong had the geographer and cartographer Jia Dan (730–805) complete a map of China and her former colonies in Central Asia.[330] Upon its completion in 801, the map was 9.1 m (30 ft) in length and 10 m (33 ft) in height, mapped out on a grid scale of one inch equaling one hundred li (Chinese unit of measuring distance).[330] A Chinese map of 1137 is similar in complexity to the one made by Jia Dan, carved on a stone stele with a grid scale of 100 li.[331] However, the only type of map that has survived from the Tang period are star charts. Despite this, the earliest extant terrain maps of China come from the ancient State of Qin; maps from the 4th century BC that were excavated in 1986.[332]

 Medicine [ edit ]

 The Chinese of the Tang era were also very interested in the benefits of officially classifying all of the medicines used in pharmacology. In 657, Emperor Gaozong of Tang (r. 649–683) commissioned the literary project of publishing an official materia medica, complete with text and illustrated drawings for 833 different medicinal substances taken from different stones, minerals, metals, plants, herbs, animals, vegetables, fruits, and cereal crops.[333] In addition to compiling pharmacopeias, the Tang fostered learning in medicine by upholding imperial medical colleges, state examinations for doctors, and publishing forensic manuals for physicians.[304] Authors of medicine in the Tang include Zhen Chuan (d. 643) and Sun Simiao (581–682), the former who first identified in writing that patients with diabetes had an excess of sugar in their urine, and the latter who was the first to recognize that diabetic patients should avoid consuming alcohol and starchy foods.[334] As written by Zhen Chuan and others in the Tang, the thyroid glands of sheep and pigs were successfully used to treat goiters; thyroid extracts were not used to treat patients with goiter in the West until 1890.[335] The use of the dental amalgam, manufactured from tin and silver, was first introduced in the medical text Xinxiu bencao written by Su Gong in 659.[336]

 Alchemy, gas cylinders, and air conditioning [ edit ]

 Chinese scientists of the Tang period employed complex chemical formulas for an array of different purposes, often found through experiments of alchemy. These included a waterproof and dust-repelling cream or varnish for clothes and weapons, fireproof cement for glass and porcelain wares, a waterproof cream applied to silk clothes of underwater divers, a cream designated for polishing bronze mirrors, and many other useful formulas.[337] The vitrified, translucent ceramic known as porcelain was invented in China during the Tang, although many types of glazed ceramics preceded it.[214][338]

 Ever since the Han dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD), the Chinese had drilled deep boreholes to transport natural gas from bamboo pipelines to stoves where cast iron evaporation pans boiled brine to extract salt.[339] During the Tang dynasty, a gazetteer of Sichuan province stated that at one of these 182 m (600 ft) 'fire wells', men collected natural gas into portable bamboo tubes which could be carried around for dozens of km (mi) and still produce a flame.[340] These were essentially the first gas cylinders; Robert Temple assumes some sort of tap was used for this device.[340]

 The inventor Ding Huan (fl. 180 AD) of the Han dynasty invented a rotary fan for air conditioning, with seven wheels 3 m (10 ft) in diameter and manually powered.[341] In 747, Emperor Xuanzong had a "Cool Hall" built in the imperial palace, which the Tang Yulin ( 唐語林 ) describes as having water-powered fan wheels for air conditioning as well as rising jet streams of water from fountains.[342] During the subsequent Song dynasty, written sources mentioned the air conditioning rotary fan as even more widely used.[343]

 Historiography [ edit ]

 See also: Chinese historiography

 The first classic work about the Tang is the Old Book of Tang by Liu Xu (887–946) et al. of the Later Jin, who redacted it during the last years of his life. This was edited into another history (labeled the New Book of Tang) in order to distinguish it, which was a work by the Song historians Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072), Song Qi (998–1061), et al. of the Song dynasty (between the years 1044 and 1060). Both of them were based upon earlier annals, yet those are now lost.[344] Both of them also rank among the Twenty-Four Histories of China. One of the surviving sources of the Old Book of Tang, primarily covering up to 756, is the Tongdian, which Du You presented to the emperor in 801. The Tang period was again placed into the enormous universal history text of the Zizhi Tongjian, edited, compiled, and completed in 1084 by a team of scholars under the Song dynasty Chancellor Sima Guang (1019–1086). This historical text, written with three million Chinese characters in 294 volumes, covered the history of China from the beginning of the Warring States (403 BC) until the beginning of the Song dynasty (960).

 Notes [ edit ]

 1. ^ The polite form Dà Táng ( 大唐 , lit. 'Great Tang') was often used, such as in the names of books of the period. [4]
 2. ^ During the rule of the Tang the world population grew from about 190 million to approximately 240 million, a difference of 50 million. See also medieval demography .
 3. ^ Fordham University (2000) offers Friedrich Hirth 's (1885) translated passage from the Old Book of Tang : "The emperor Yang-ti of the Sui dynasty [605–617 C.E.] always wished to open intercourse with Fu-lin , but did not succeed. In the 17th year of the period Cheng-kuan [643 C.E.], the king of Fu-lin Po-to-li [ Constans II Pogonatus , Emperor 641–668 C.E.] sent an embassy offering red glass, lu-chin-ching [green gold gems], and other articles. T'ai-tsung [the then ruling emperor] favored them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously granted presents of silk. Since the Ta-shih [the Arabs] had conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief, Mo-i (Mo'awiya) , to besiege their capital city; by means of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in the sequel they became subject to Ta-shih. In the second year of the period Ch'ien-feng [667 C.E.] they sent an embassy offering Ti-yeh-ka. In the first year of the period Ta-tsu [701 C.E.] they again sent an embassy to our court. In the first month of the seventh year of the period K'ai-yuan [719 C.E.] their lord sent the ta-shou-ling [an officer of high rank] of T'u-huo-lo [Khazarstan] to offer lions and ling-yang[antelopes], two of each. A few months after, he further sent ta-te-seng ["priests of great virtue"] to our court with tribute."

 References [ edit ]

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 * Steinhardt, Nancy Shatzman (2004), "The Tang Architectural Icon and the Politics of Chinese Architectural History", The Art Bulletin, 86 (2): 228–254, doi:10.2307/3177416, JSTOR 3177416
 * Sun, Guangqi (1989), History of Navigation in Ancient China, Beijing: Ocean Press, ISBN 978-7-5027-0532-9
 * Taenzer, Gertraud (2016), "Changing Relations between Administration, Clergy and Lay People in Eastern Central Asia: a Case Study According to the Dunhuang Manuscripts Referring to the Transition from Tibetan to Local Rule in Dunhuang, 8th–11th Centuries", in Carmen Meinert (ed.), Transfer of Buddhism Across Central Asian Networks (7th to 13th Centuries), Leiden; Boston: Brill, pp. 19–56, ISBN 978-90-04-30741-4
 * Tang, Zhiba (1991), "The influence of the sail on the development of the ancient navy", Proceedings of the International Sailing Ships Conference in Shanghai
 * Temple, Robert (1986), The Genius of China: 3,000 Years of Science, Discovery, and Invention, with a foreword by Joseph Needham, New York: Simon and Schuster, ISBN 978-0-671-62028-8
 * Togan, Isenbike (2011). "Court Historiography in Early Tang China: Assigning a Place to History and Historians at the Palace". In Duindam, Jeroen; Artan, Tülay; Kunt, Metin (eds.). Royal Courts in Dynastic States and Empires: A Global Perspective. Leiden: Brill. pp. 171–198. ISBN 978-90-04-20622-9.
 * Twitchett, Denis (2000), "Tibet in Tang's Grand Strategy", in van de Ven, Hans (ed.), Warfare in Chinese History, Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, pp. 106–179, ISBN 978-90-04-11774-7
 * Wang, Saishi (2003), Tang Cuisine, Dongying, Shandong: Qilu Publishing House, ISBN 978-7-5333-1174-2
 * Wang, Yongxing (2003), Draft Discussion of Early Tang Dynasty's Military Affairs History, Beijing: Kunlun Press, ISBN 978-7-80040-669-0
 * Whitfield, Susan (2004), The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Faith, Chicago: Serindia, ISBN 978-1-932476-13-2
 * Wilkinson, Endymion (2013), Chinese History: A New Manual, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-06715-8
 * Wood, Nigel (1999), Chinese Glazes: Their Origins, Chemistry, and Recreation, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 978-0-8122-3476-3
 * Woods, Frances (1996), Did Marco Polo go to China?, United States: Westview Press, ISBN 978-0-8133-8999-8
 * Wong, Timothy C. (1979), "Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 99 (1): 95–100, doi:10.2307/598956, JSTOR 598956
 * Wan, Lei (2017), The earliest Muslim communities in China, Qiraat, vol. 8, Riyadh: King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies, p. 11, ISBN 978-603-8206-39-3
 * Wright, Arthur F. (1959), Buddhism in Chinese History, Stanford: Stanford University Press
 * Xi, Zezong (1981), "Chinese Studies in the History of Astronomy, 1949–1979", Isis, 72 (3): 456–470, Bibcode:1981Isis...72..456X, doi:10.1086/352793, S2CID 144323050
 * Xu, Daoxun (1993), et al., "The Biography of Tang Xuanzong", People's Press, Beijing, ISBN 978-7-01-001210-0
 * Xue, Zongzheng (1992), Turkic peoples (突厥史), Beijing: 中国社会科学出版社, ISBN 978-7-5004-0432-3
 * Yu, Pauline (1998), "Charting the Landscape of Chinese Poetry", Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews, 20: 71–87, doi:10.2307/495264, JSTOR 495264
 * Yule, Henry (1915) [1866]. Cordier, Henri (ed.). Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China. Vol. 1 (New ed.). London: Hakluyt Society.

 Further reading [ edit ]

 * Abramson, Marc S. (2008), Ethnic Identity in Tang China, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 978-0-8122-4052-8
 * Schafer, Edward H. (1967), The Vermilion Bird: T'ang Images of the South, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press
 * Wang, Zhenping (2013), Tang China in Multi-Polar Asia: A History of Diplomacy and War, ISBN 978-0-8248-3644-3

 External links [ edit ]

 Wikimedia Commons has media related to Tang Dynasty.
 Look up Tang or T'ang in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
 Wikisource has the text of the 1905 New International Encyclopedia article "T’ang".
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 * 
Tang 唐     
 618–690, 705–907
(690–705: Wu Zhou) 
       The empire during the reign of Wu Zetian (c. 700)    Capital  
  Chang'an (618–683 and 705–904)
 Luoyang ( de facto  664–683;  de jure  683–705 and 904–907) 
    Common languages  Middle Chinese    Religion      Chinese Buddhism   Taoism   Chinese folk religion   Chinese Nestorian Christianity   Chinese Manicheism   Zoroastrianism   Islam       Government  Monarchy     Emperor           • 618–626 (first)    Emperor Gaozu     • 626–649    Emperor Taizong     • 712–756    Emperor Xuanzong     • 904–907 (last)    Emperor Ai    Historical era  Medieval Asia          • Established    June 18, 618     • Wu Zhou interregnum    690–705b      • An Lushan Rebellion    755–763c      • Abdication in favor of Later Liang    June 1, 907   Area   715 [1]   [2]   5,400,000 km2 (2,100,000 sq mi)   Population        • 7th century   50 million    • 9th century   80 million   Currency  
  Chinese coin 
 Chinese cash  
    
 
 Preceded by 
 Succeeded by
 
 
 Sui dynasty
 
 Western Turkic Khaganate
 
 Eastern Turkic Khaganate
 
 
 
 Later Liang
 
 Yang Wu
 
 Wuyue
 
 Min
 
 Former Shu
 
 Liao dynasty
 
 Second Turkic Khaganate
 
 
         b October 8, 690 – March 3, 705. c December 16, 755 – February 17, 763.    
   Tang dynasty      "Tang dynasty" in Han characters     Chinese   唐朝         Hanyu Pinyin  Tángcháo       Transcriptions    Standard Mandarin     Hanyu Pinyin  Tángcháo    Bopomofo  ㄊㄤˊ   ㄔㄠˊ    Gwoyeu Romatzyh  Tarngchaur    Wade–Giles  Tʻang2-chʻao2     Tongyong Pinyin  Tángcháo    Yale Romanization  Tángcháu    IPA   [tʰǎŋ.ʈʂʰǎʊ]     Wu     Romanization  Daon zau    Yue: Cantonese     Yale Romanization  Tòhngchìuh    Jyutping  Tong4ciu4    IPA   [tʰɔ̏ːŋ.tsʰȉːu]     Southern Min     Hokkien POJ  Tông-tiâu    Tâi-lô  Tông-tiâu    Middle Chinese     Middle Chinese  dang djew       
The Tang dynasty (, [3]  [tʰǎŋ]; Chinese: 唐朝  [a] ), or Tang Empire, was an imperial dynasty of China that ruled from 618 to 907 AD, with an interregnum between 690 and 705. It was preceded by the Sui dynasty and followed by the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. Historians generally regard the Tang as a high point in Chinese civilization, and a golden age of cosmopolitan culture. [5]  Tang territory, acquired through the military campaigns of its early rulers, rivaled that of the Han dynasty.
 The Lǐ family (李) founded the dynasty, seizing power during the decline and collapse of the Sui Empire and inaugurating a period of progress and stability in the first half of the dynasty's rule. The dynasty was formally interrupted during 690–705 when Empress Wu Zetian seized the throne, proclaiming the Wu Zhou dynasty and becoming the only legitimate Chinese empress regnant. The devastating An Lushan Rebellion (755–763) shook the nation and led to the decline of central authority in the dynasty's latter half. Like the previous Sui dynasty, the Tang maintained a civil-service system by recruiting scholar-officials through standardized examinations and recommendations to office. The rise of regional military governors known as  jiedushi  during the 9th century undermined this civil order. The dynasty and central government went into decline by the latter half of the 9th century; agrarian rebellions resulted in mass population loss and displacement, widespread poverty, and further government dysfunction that ultimately ended the dynasty in 907.
 The Tang capital at Chang'an (present-day Xi'an) was then the world's most populous city. Two censuses of the 7th and 8th centuries estimated the empire's population at about 50 million people, [6]   [7]  which grew to an estimated 80 million by the dynasty's end. [8]   [9]   [b]  From its numerous subjects, the dynasty raised professional and conscripted armies of hundreds of thousands of troops to contend with nomadic powers for control of Inner Asia and the lucrative trade-routes along the Silk Road. Far-flung kingdoms and states paid tribute to the Tang court, while the Tang also indirectly controlled several regions through a protectorate system. In addition to its political hegemony, the Tang exerted a powerful cultural influence over neighboring East Asian nations such as Japan and Korea.
  Chinese culture flourished and further matured during the Tang era. It is traditionally considered the greatest age for Chinese poetry. [10]  Two of China's most famous poets, Li Bai and Du Fu, belonged to this age, contributing with poets such as Wang Wei to the monumental  Three Hundred Tang Poems . Many famous painters such as Han Gan, Zhang Xuan, and Zhou Fang were active, while Chinese court music flourished with instruments such as the popular pipa. Tang scholars compiled a rich variety of historical literature, as well as encyclopedias and geographical works. Notable innovations included the development of woodblock printing. Buddhism became a major influence in Chinese culture, with native Chinese sects gaining prominence. However, in the 840s, Emperor Wuzong enacted policies to suppress Buddhism, which subsequently declined in influence.
History[edit]
Establishment and early reign[edit]
     
The Li family had ethnic Han origins, and it belonged to the northwest military aristocracy prevalent during the Sui dynasty. [11]   [12]  According to official Tang records, they were paternally descended from the founder of Taoism, Lao Tzu (whose personal name was Li Dan or Li Er), the Han dynasty general Li Guang, and Li Gao, the founder of the Han-ruled Western Liang kingdom. [13]   [14]   [15]  This family was known as the Longxi Li lineage (Li lineage [zh]; 隴西李氏), and it included the prominent Tang poet Li Bai. Aside from traditional historiography, some modern historians have suggested that the Tang imperial family might have modified its genealogy to conceal Xianbei heritage. [16]   [17]  The Tang Emperors had part-Xianbei maternal ancestry, from Emperor Gaozu of Tang's part-Xianbei mother, Duchess Dugu. [18]   [19] 
     
 Li Yuan, the founder of the Tang dynasty, was Duke of Tang and governor of Taiyuan, the capital of modern Shanxi, during the collapse of the Sui dynasty. [11]   [21]  He had prestige and military experience, and was a first cousin of Emperor Yang of Sui (their mothers were both one of the Dugu sisters). [6]  Li Yuan rose in rebellion in 617, along with his son and his equally militant daughter Princess Pingyang (d. 623), who raised and commanded her own troops. In winter 617, Li Yuan occupied Chang'an, relegated Emperor Yang to the position of  Taishang Huang  or retired emperor, and acted as regent to the puppet child-emperor, Yang You. [22]  On the news of Emperor Yang's murder by General Yuwen Huaji on June 18, 618, Li Yuan declared himself the emperor of a new dynasty, the Tang. [22]   [23] 
 Li Yuan, known as Emperor Gaozu of Tang, ruled until 626, when he was forcefully deposed by his son Li Shimin, the Prince of Qin. Li Shimin had commanded troops since the age of 18 years old, had prowess with bow and arrow, sword and lance and was known for his effective cavalry charges. [6]   [24]  Fighting a numerically superior army, he defeated Dou Jiande (573–621) at Luoyang in the Battle of Hulao on May 28, 621. [25]   [26]  In a violent elimination of royal family due to fear of assassination, Li Shimin ambushed and killed two of his brothers, Li Yuanji (b. 603) and Crown prince Li Jiancheng (b. 589), in the Xuanwu Gate Incident on July 2, 626. [27]  Shortly thereafter, his father abdicated in his favor and Li Shimin ascended the throne. He is conventionally known by his temple name Taizong. [6] 
 Although killing two brothers and deposing his father contradicted the Confucian value of filial piety, [27]  Taizong showed himself to be a capable leader who listened to the advice of the wisest members of his council. [6]  In 628, Emperor Taizong held a Buddhist memorial service for the casualties of war, and in 629 he had Buddhist monasteries erected at the sites of major battles so that monks could pray for the fallen on both sides of the fight. [28] 
 During the Tang campaign against the Eastern Turks, the Eastern Turkic Khaganate was destroyed after the capture of its ruler, Illig Qaghan by the famed Tang military officer Li Jing (571–649), who later became a Chancellor of the Tang dynasty. With this victory, the Turks accepted Taizong as their khagan, a title rendered as Tian Kehan in addition to his rule as emperor of China under the traditional title "Son of Heaven". [29]   [30]  Taizong was succeeded by his son Li Zhi (as Emperor Gaozong) in 649 CE.
     
The Tang dynasty further led the Tang campaigns against the Western Turks. Early military conflicts were a result of the Tang interventions in the rivalry between the Western and Eastern Turks in order to weaken both. Under Emperor Taizong, campaigns were dispatched in the Western Regions against Gaochang in 640, Karasahr in 644 and 648, and Kucha in 648. The wars against the Western Turks continued under Emperor Gaozong, and the Western Turkic Khaganate was finally annexed after General Su Dingfang's defeat of Qaghan Ashina Helu in 657 CE.
 Around that time, the Tang court enjoyed the visit of numerous dignitaries from foreign lands. These were portraited in  The Gathering of Kings  (王會圖, Wanghuitu), probably painted by Yan Liben (閻立本, 601–673 CE). [31]  From right to left, the countries are Lu (魯國) which is a reference to the Eastern Wei, Rouran (芮芮國), Persia (波斯國), Baekje (百濟國), Kumedh (胡密丹), Baiti (白題國), Mohe people (靺國), Central India (中天竺), Sri Lanka (獅子國), Northern India (北天竺), Tashkurgan (謁盤陀), Wuxing City of the Chouchi (武興國), Kucha (龜茲國), Japan (倭國), Goguryeo (高麗國), Khotan (于闐國), Silla (新羅國), Dangchang (宕昌國), Langkasuka (狼牙修), Dengzhi (鄧至國), Yarkand (周古柯), Kabadiyan (阿跋檀), Barbarians of Jianping (建平蠻), Nudan (女蜑國).
     
Wu Zetian's usurpation[edit]
      Empress Wu (Wu Zetian), the sole officially recognized empress regnant of China in more than two millennia. She first ruled through her husband and sons for almost three decades, then became emperor herself and ruled in her own right for another fifteen years.  
Although she entered Emperor Gaozong's court as the lowly consort, Wu Zetian rose to the highest seat of power in 690, establishing the short-lived Wu Zhou. Empress Wu's rise to power was achieved through cruel and calculating tactics: a popular conspiracy theory stated that she killed her own baby girl and blamed it on Gaozong's empress so that the empress would be demoted. [32]  Emperor Gaozong suffered a stroke in 655, and Wu began to make many of his court decisions for him, discussing affairs of state with his councilors, who took orders from her while she sat behind a screen. [33]  When Empress Wu's eldest son, the crown prince, began to assert his authority and advocate policies opposed by Empress Wu, he suddenly died in 675. Many suspected he was poisoned by Empress Wu. Although the next heir apparent kept a lower profile, in 680 he was accused by Wu of plotting a rebellion. He was then banished and later obliged to commit suicide. [34] 
 In 683, Emperor Gaozong died. He was succeeded by Emperor Zhongzong, his eldest surviving son by Wu. Zhongzong tried to appoint his wife's father as chancellor: after only six weeks on the throne, he was deposed by Empress Wu in favor of his younger brother, Emperor Ruizong. [34]  This provoked a group of Tang princes to rebel in 684. Wu's armies suppressed them within two months. [34]  She proclaimed the Tianshou era of Wu Zhou on October 16, 690, [35]  and three days later demoted Emperor Ruizong to crown prince. [36]  He was also forced to give up his father's surname Li in favor of the Empress Wu. [36]  She then ruled as China's only empress regnant.
 A palace coup on February 20, 705, forced Empress Wu to yield her position on February 22. The next day, her son Zhongzong was restored to power; the Tang was formally restored on March 3. She died soon after. [37]  To legitimize her rule, she circulated a document known as the Great Cloud Sutra, which predicted that a reincarnation of the Maitreya Buddha would be a female monarch who would dispel illness, worry, and disaster from the world. [38]   [39]  She even introduced numerous revised written characters to the written language, which reverted to the originals after her death. [40]  Arguably the most important part of her legacy was diminishing the hegemony of the Northwestern aristocracy, allowing people from other clans and regions of China to become more represented in Chinese politics and government. [41]   [42] 
Emperor Xuanzong's reign[edit]
            The Small Wild Goose Pagoda, built by 709, was adjacent to the Dajianfu Temple in Chang'an, where Buddhist monks gathered to translate Sanskrit texts into Chinese [43]    
There were many prominent women at court during and after Wu's reign, including Shangguan Wan'er (664–710), a poet, writer, and trusted official in charge of Wu's private office. [44]  In 706 the wife of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, Empress Wei (d. 710), persuaded her husband to staff government offices with his sister and her daughters, and in 709 requested that he grant women the right to bequeath hereditary privileges to their sons (which before was a male right only). [45]  Empress Wei eventually poisoned Zhongzong, whereupon she placed his fifteen-year-old son upon the throne in 710. Two weeks later, Li Longji (the later Emperor Xuanzong) entered the palace with a few followers and slew Empress Wei and her faction. He then installed his father Emperor Ruizong (r. 710–712) on the throne. [46]  Just as Emperor Zhongzong was dominated by Empress Wei, so too was Ruizong dominated by Princess Taiping. [47]  This was finally ended when Princess Taiping's coup failed in 712 (she later hanged herself in 713) and Emperor Ruizong abdicated to Emperor Xuanzong. [46]   [45] 
 During the 44-year reign of Emperor Xuanzong, the Tang dynasty reached its height, a golden age with low economic inflation and a toned down lifestyle for the imperial court. [48]   [42]  Seen as a progressive and benevolent ruler, Xuanzong even abolished the death penalty in the year 747; all executions had to be approved beforehand by the emperor himself (these were relatively few, considering that there were only 24 executions in the year 730). [49]  Xuanzong bowed to the consensus of his ministers on policy decisions and made efforts to staff government ministries fairly with different political factions. [47]  His staunch Confucian chancellor Zhang Jiuling (673–740) worked to reduce deflation and increase the money supply by upholding the use of private coinage, while his aristocratic and technocratic successor Li Linfu (d. 753) favored government monopoly over the issuance of coinage. [50]  After 737, most of Xuanzong's confidence rested in his long-standing chancellor Li Linfu, who championed a more aggressive foreign policy employing non-Chinese generals. This policy ultimately created the conditions for a massive rebellion against Xuanzong. [51] 
An Lushan Rebellion and catastrophe[edit]
     
The Tang Empire was at its height of power up until the middle of the 8th century, when the An Lushan Rebellion (December 16, 755 – February 17, 763) destroyed the prosperity of the empire. An Lushan was a half-Sogdian, half-Turk Tang commander since 744, who had experience fighting the Khitans of Manchuria with a victory in 744, [52]   [53]  yet most of his campaigns against the Khitans were unsuccessful. [54]  He was given great responsibility in Hebei, which allowed him to rebel with an army of more than 100,000 troops. [52]  After capturing Luoyang, he named himself emperor of a new, but short-lived, Yan state. [53]  Despite early victories scored by Tang General Guo Ziyi (697–781), the newly recruited troops of the army at the capital were no match for An Lushan's frontier veterans, so the court fled Chang'an. [52]  While the heir apparent raised troops in Shanxi and Xuanzong fled to Sichuan province, they called upon the help of the Uyghur Khaganate in 756. [55]  The Uyghur khan Moyanchur was greatly excited at this prospect, and married his own daughter to the Chinese diplomatic envoy once he arrived, receiving in turn a Chinese princess as his bride. [55]  The Uyghurs helped recapture the Tang capital from the rebels, but they refused to leave until the Tang paid them an enormous sum of tribute in silk. [52]   [55]  Even Abbasid Arabs assisted the Tang in putting down An Lushan's rebellion. [55]   [56]  A massacre of foreign Arab and Persian Muslim merchants by Tian Shengong happened during the An Lushan rebellion in the Yangzhou massacre (760). [57]   [58]  The Tibetans took hold of the opportunity and raided many areas under Chinese control, and even after the Tibetan Empire had fallen apart in 842 (and the Uyghurs soon after) the Tang were in no position to reconquer Central Asia after 763. [52]   [59]  So significant was this loss that half a century later jinshi examination candidates were required to write an essay on the causes of the Tang's decline. [60]  Although An Lushan was killed by one of his eunuchs in 757, [55]  this time of troubles and widespread insurrection continued until rebel Shi Siming was killed by his own son in 763. [55] 
     
     
One of the legacies that the Tang government left since 710 was the gradual rise of regional military governors, the jiedushi, who slowly came to challenge the power of the central government. [61]  After the An Lushan Rebellion, the autonomous power and authority accumulated by the jiedushi in Hebei went beyond the central government's control. After a series of rebellions between 781 and 784 in today's Hebei, Shandong, Hubei and Henan provinces, the government had to officially acknowledge the jiedushi's hereditary ruling without accreditation. The Tang government relied on these governors and their armies for protection and to suppress locals that would take up arms against the government. In return, the central government would acknowledge the rights of these governors to maintain their army, collect taxes and even to pass on their title to heirs. [52]   [62]  As time passed, these military governors slowly phased out the prominence of civil officials drafted by exams, and became more autonomous from central authority. [52]  The rule of these powerful military governors lasted until 960, when a new civil order under the Song dynasty was established. Also, the abandonment of the equal-field system meant that people could buy and sell land freely. Many poor fell into debt because of this, forced to sell their land to the wealthy, which led to the exponential growth of large estates. [52]  With the breakdown of the land allocation system after 755, the central Chinese state barely interfered in agricultural management and acted merely as tax collector for roughly a millennium, save a few instances such as the Song's failed land nationalization during the 13th-century war with the Mongols. [63] 
 With the central government collapsing in authority over the various regions of the empire, it was recorded in 845 that bandits and river pirates in parties of 100 or more began plundering settlements along the Yangtze River with little resistance. [64]  In 858, massive floods along the Grand Canal inundated vast tracts of land and terrain of the North China Plain, which drowned tens of thousands of people in the process. [64] 
The Chinese belief in the Mandate of Heaven granted to the ailing Tang was also challenged when natural calamities occurred, forcing many to believe that the Tang had lost their right to rule. Furthermore, in 873 a disastrous harvest shook the foundations of the empire; in some areas only half of all agricultural produce was gathered, and tens of thousands faced famine and starvation. [64]  In the earlier period of the Tang, the central government was able to meet crises in the harvest, as it was recorded from 714 to 719 that the Tang government responded effectively to natural disasters by extending the price-regulation granary system throughout the country. [64]  The central government was able then to build a large surplus stock of foods to ward off the rising danger of famine and increased agricultural productivity through land reclamation. [48]   [64]  In the 9th century, however, the Tang government was nearly helpless in dealing with any calamity.
Rebuilding and recovery[edit]
     
Although these natural calamities and rebellions stained the reputation and hampered the effectiveness of the central government, the early 9th century is nonetheless viewed as a period of recovery for the Tang dynasty. [65]  The government's withdrawal from its role in managing the economy had the unintended effect of stimulating trade, as more markets with fewer bureaucratic restrictions were opened up. [66]   [67]  By 780, the old grain tax and labor service of the 7th century was replaced by a semiannual tax paid in cash, signifying the shift to a money economy boosted by the merchant class. [56]  Cities in the Jiangnan region to the south, such as Yangzhou, Suzhou, and Hangzhou prospered the most economically during the late Tang period. [66]  The government monopoly on the production of salt, weakened after the An Lushan Rebellion, was placed under the Salt Commission, which became one of the most powerful state agencies, run by capable ministers chosen as specialists. The commission began the practice of selling merchants the rights to buy monopoly salt, which they would then transport and sell in local markets. In 799 salt accounted for over half of the government's revenues. [52]  S.A.M. Adshead writes that this salt tax represents "the first time that an indirect tax, rather than tribute, levies on land or people, or profit from state enterprises such as mines, had been the primary resource of a major state." [68]  Even after the power of the central government was in decline after the mid 8th century, it was still able to function and give out imperial orders on a massive scale. The Tangshu (Old Book of Tang) compiled in the year 945 recorded that in 828 the Tang government issued a decree that standardized irrigational square-pallet chain pumps in the country:
 In the second year of the Taihe reign period [828], in the second month ... a standard model of the chain pump was issued from the palace, and the people of Jingzhao Fu (d footnote: the capital) were ordered by the emperor to make a considerable number of machines, for distribution to the people along the Zheng Bai Canal, for irrigation purposes.| [69]   
The last great ambitious ruler of the Tang dynasty was Emperor Xianzong (r. 805–820), whose reign was aided by the fiscal reforms of the 780s, including a government monopoly on the salt industry. [70]  He also had an effective and well-trained imperial army stationed at the capital led by his court eunuchs; this was the Army of Divine Strategy, numbering 240,000 in strength as recorded in 798. [71]  Between the years 806 and 819, Emperor Xianzong conducted seven major military campaigns to quell the rebellious provinces that had claimed autonomy from central authority, managing to subdue all but two of them. [72]   [73]  Under his reign there was a brief end to the hereditary jiedushi, as Xianzong appointed his own military officers and staffed the regional bureaucracies once again with civil officials. [72]   [73]  However, Xianzong's successors proved less capable and more interested in the leisure of hunting, feasting, and playing outdoor sports, allowing eunuchs to amass more power as drafted scholar-officials caused strife in the bureaucracy with factional parties. [73]  The eunuchs' power became unchallenged after Emperor Wenzong's (r. 826–840) failed plot to have them overthrown; instead the allies of Emperor Wenzong were publicly executed in the West Market of Chang'an, by the eunuchs' command. [66] 
     
However, the Tang did manage to restore at least indirect control over former Tang territories as far west as the Hexi Corridor and Dunhuang in Gansu. In 848 the ethnic Han Chinese general Zhang Yichao (799–872) managed to wrestle control of the region from the Tibetan Empire during its civil war. [74]  Shortly afterwards Emperor Xuānzong of Tang (r. 846–859) acknowledged Zhang as the protector (防禦使, Fangyushi) of Sha Prefecture and jiedushi military governor of the new Guiyi Circuit. [75] 
 The Tang dynasty recovered its power decades after the An Lushan rebellion and was still able to launch offensive conquests and campaigns like its destruction of the Uyghur Khaganate in Mongolia in 840–847. [76] 
End of the dynasty[edit]
In addition to natural calamities and jiedushi amassing autonomous control, the Huang Chao Rebellion (874–884) resulted in the sacking of both Chang'an and Luoyang, and took an entire decade to suppress. [77]  It was the Huang Chao rebellion by the native Han rebel Huang Chao that permanently destroyed the power of the Tang dynasty since Huang Chao not only devastated the north but marched into southern China which An Lushan failed to do due to the Battle of Suiyang. Huang Chao's army in southern China committed the Guangzhou massacre against foreign Arab and Persian Muslim, Zoroastrian, Jewish and Christian merchants in 878–879 at the seaport and trading port of Guangzhou, [78]  and captured both Tang dynasty capitals, Luoyang and Chang'an. A medieval Chinese source claimed that Huang Chao killed 8 million people. [79]  The Tang never recovered from this rebellion, weakening it for future military powers to replace it. Large groups of bandits in the size of small armies ravaged the countryside in the last years of the Tang. They smuggled illicit salt, ambushed merchants and convoys, and even besieged several walled cities. [80]  Amid the sacking of cities and murderous factional strife among eunuchs and officials, the top tier of aristocratic families, which had amassed a large fraction of the landed wealth and official positions, was largely destroyed or marginalized. [81]   [82] 
 During the last two decades of the Tang dynasty, the gradual collapse of central authority led to the rise of two prominent rival military figures over northern China: Li Keyong and Zhu Wen. [83]  Tang forces had defeated Huang Chao's rebellion with the crucial aid of allied Shatuo Turkic peoples of what is now Shanxi led by Li Keyong. He was made a jiedushi governor and later Prince of Jin, bestowed with the imperial surname Li by the Tang court. [84]  Zhu Wen, originally a salt smuggler who served as a lieutenant under the rebel Huang Chao, surrendered to Tang forces. By helping to defeat Huang, he was renamed Zhu Quanzhong ("Zhu of Perfect Loyalty") and granted a series of rapid military promotions to military governor of Xuanwu Circuit. [85]   [86] 
 In 901, from his powerbase of Kaifeng, Zhu Wen seized control of the Tang capital Chang'an and with it the imperial family. [87]  By 903 he forced Emperor Zhaozong of Tang to move the capital to Luoyang, preparing to take the throne for himself. In 904 Zhu assassinated Emperor Zhaozong to replace him with the emperor's young son Emperor Ai of Tang. In 905 Zhu executed the brothers of Emperor Ai as well as many officials and Empress Dowager He. In 907 the Tang dynasty was ended when Zhu deposed Ai and took the throne for himself (known posthumously as Emperor Taizu of Later Liang). He established the Later Liang, which inaugurated the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A year later Zhu had the deposed Emperor Ai poisoned to death. [85] 
 Zhu Wen's hated nemesis Li Keyong died in 908 but, out of loyalty to Tang, Li never claimed the title of emperor. His son Li Cunxu (Emperor Zhuangzong) inherited his title Prince of Jin along with his father's rivalry against Zhu. In 923 Li Cunxu declared a "restored" Tang dynasty, the Later Tang, before toppling the Later Liang dynasty the same year. [88]  However, southern China would remain splintered into various small kingdoms until most of China was reunified under the Song dynasty (960–1279). [89]  Control over parts of northeast China and Manchuria by the Liao dynasty of the Khitan people also stemmed from this period. In 905 their leader Abaoji formed a military alliance with Li Keyong against Zhu Wen but the Khitans eventually turned against the Later Tang, helping another Shatuo leader Shi Jingtang of Later Jin to overthrow Later Tang in 936. [90] 
Administration and politics[edit]
Initial reforms[edit]
     
Taizong set out to solve internal problems within the government which had constantly plagued past dynasties. Building upon the Sui legal code, he issued a new legal code that subsequent Chinese dynasties would model theirs upon, as well as neighboring polities in Vietnam, Korea, and Japan. [6]  The earliest law code to survive was the one established in the year 653, which was divided into 500 articles specifying different crimes and penalties ranging from ten blows with a light stick, one hundred blows with a heavy rod, exile, penal servitude, or execution. [91] 
 The legal code distinguished different levels of severity in meted punishments when different members of the social and political hierarchy committed the same crime. [92]  For example, the severity of punishment was different when a servant or nephew killed a master or an uncle than when a master or uncle killed a servant or nephew. [92] 
      Tang tomb figure of an official dressed in Hanfu, with a tall hat, wide-sleeved belted outer garment, and rectangular "kerchief" in front. A white inner gown hangs over his square shoes. He holds a tablet to his chest, a report to his superiors.  
The Tang Code was largely retained by later codes such as the early Ming dynasty (1368–1644) code of 1397, [93]  yet there were several revisions in later times, such as improved property rights for women during the Song dynasty (960–1279). [94]   [95] 
 The Tang had three departments (Chinese: 省; pinyin: shěng), which were obliged to draft, review, and implement policies respectively. There were also six ministries (Chinese: 部; pinyin: bù) under the administrations that implemented policy, each of which was assigned different tasks. These Three Departments and Six Ministries included the personnel administration, finance, rites, military, justice, and public works—an administrative model which would last until the fall of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). [96] 
 Although the founders of the Tang related to the glory of the earlier Han dynasty (3rd century BC–3rd century AD), the basis for much of their administrative organization was very similar to the previous Northern and Southern dynasties. [6]  The Northern Zhou (6th century) fubing system of divisional militia was continued by the Tang, along with farmer-soldiers serving in rotation from the capital or frontier in order to receive appropriated farmland. The equal-field system of the Northern Wei (4th–6th centuries) was also kept, although there were a few modifications. [6] 
 Although the central and local governments kept an enormous number of records about land property in order to assess taxes, it became common practice in the Tang for literate and affluent people to create their own private documents and signed contracts. These had their own signature and that of a witness and scribe in order to prove in court (if necessary) that their claim to property was legitimate. The prototype of this actually existed since the ancient Han dynasty, while contractual language became even more common and embedded into Chinese literary culture in later dynasties. [97] 
 The center of the political power of the Tang was the capital city of Chang'an (modern Xi'an), where the emperor maintained his large palace quarters and entertained political emissaries with music, sports, acrobatic stunts, poetry, paintings, and dramatic theater performances. The capital was also filled with incredible amounts of riches and resources to spare. When the Chinese prefectural government officials traveled to the capital in the year 643 to give the annual report of the affairs in their districts, Emperor Taizong discovered that many had no proper quarters to rest in and were renting rooms with merchants. Therefore, Emperor Taizong ordered the government agencies in charge of municipal construction to build every visiting official his own private mansion in the capital. [98] 
Imperial examinations[edit]
      Civil service exam candidates gather around the wall where results had been posted. Artwork by Qiu Ying.  
Students of Confucian studies were candidates for the imperial examinations, which qualified their graduates for appointment to the local, provincial, and central government bureaucracies. Two types of exams given, mingjing (明經; "illuminating the classics") and jinshi (進士; "presented scholar"). [99]  The mingjing was based upon the Confucian classics and tested the student's knowledge of a broad variety of texts. [99]  The jinshi tested a student's literary abilities in writing essays in response to questions on governance and politics, as well as in composing poetry. [100]  Candidates were also judged on proper deportment, appearance, speech, and calligraphy, all subjective criteria that favored the wealthy over those of more modest means who were unable to pay tutors of rhetoric and writing. [32]  Although a disproportionate number of civil officials came from aristocratic families, [32]  wealth and noble status were not prerequisites, and the exams were open to all male subjects whose fathers were not of the artisan or merchant classes. [101]   [32]  To promote widespread Confucian education, the Tang government established state-run schools and issued standard versions of the Five Classics with commentaries. [92] 
 Open competition was designed to draw the best talent into government. But perhaps an even greater consideration for the Tang rulers was to avoid imperial dependence on powerful aristocratic families and warlords by recruiting a body of career officials having no family or local power base. The Tang law code ensured equal division of inherited property amongst legitimate heirs, encouraging social mobility by preventing powerful families from becoming landed nobility through primogeniture. [102]  The competition system proved successful, as scholar-officials acquired status in their local communities while developing an esprit de corps that connected them to the imperial court. From Tang times until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912, scholar-officials served as intermediaries between the people and the government.
 Yet the potential of a widespread examination system was not fully realized until the succeeding Song dynasty, when the merit-driven scholar official largely shed his aristocratic habits and defined his social status through the examination system. [103]   [104]   [105]  
 The examination system, used only on a small scale in Sui and Tang times, played a central role in the fashioning of this new elite. The early Song emperors, concerned above all to avoid domination of the government by military men, greatly expanded the civil service examination system and the government school system. [106]   
Religion and politics[edit]
     
From the outset, religion played a role in Tang politics. In his bid for power, Li Yuan had attracted a following by claiming descent from the Taoism sage Lao Tzu (fl. 6th century BC). [107]  People bidding for office would request the prayers of Buddhist monks, with successful aspirants making donations in return. Before the persecution of Buddhism in the 9th century, Buddhism and Taoism were both accepted.
 Religion was central in the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756). The Emperor invited Taoist and Buddhist monks and clerics to his court, exalted the Taoist ancient Lao Tzu with grand titles, wrote commentary on the Lao Tzu scriptures, and set up a school to prepare candidates for Taoist examinations. In 726 he called upon the Indian monk Vajrabodhi (671–741) to perform Tantric rites to avert a drought. In 742 he personally held the incense burner while Amoghavajra (705–774, patriarch of the Shingon school) recited "mystical incantations to secure the victory of Tang forces." [46] 
 Emperor Xuanzong closely regulated religious finances. Near the beginning of his reign in 713, he liquidated the Inexhaustible Treasury of a prominent Buddhist monastery in Chang'an which had collected vast riches as multitudes of anonymous repentants left money, silk, and treasure at its doors. Although the monastery used its funds generously, the Emperor condemned it for fraudulent banking practices, and distributed its wealth to other Buddhist and Taoist monasteries, and to repair local statues, halls, and bridges. [108]  In 714, he forbade Chang'an shops from selling copied Buddhist sutras, giving a monopoly of this trade to the Buddhist clergy. [109] 
Taxes and the census[edit]
The Tang dynasty government attempted to create an accurate census of the empire's population, mostly for effective taxation and military conscription. The early Tang government established modest grain and cloth taxes on each household, persuading households to register and provide the government with accurate demographic information. [6]  In the official census of 609, the population was tallied at 9 million households, about 50 million people, [6]  and this number did not increase in the census of 742. [110]  Patricia Ebrey writes that nonwithstanding census undercounting, China's population had not grown significantly since the earlier Han dynasty, which recorded 58 million people in the year 2. [6]   [111]  S.A.M. Adshead disagrees, estimating about 75 million people by 750. [112] 
 In the Tang census of 754, there were 1,859 cities, 321 prefectures, and 1,538 counties throughout the empire. [113]  Although there were many large and prominent cities, the rural and agrarian areas comprised some 80 to 90% of the population. [114]  There was also a dramatic migration from northern to southern China, as the North held 75% of the overall population at the dynasty's inception, which by its end was reduced to 50%. [115] 
 Chinese population would not dramatically increase until the Song dynasty, when it doubled to 100 million because of extensive rice cultivation in central and southern China, coupled with higher yields of grain sold in a growing market. [116] 
Military and foreign policy[edit]
     
Protectorates and tributaries[edit]
The 7th and first half of the 8th century are generally considered to be the era in which the Tang reached the zenith of its power. In this period, Tang control extended further west than any previous dynasty, stretching from north Vietnam in the south, to a point north of Kashmir bordering Persia in the west, to northern Korea in the north-east. [117] 
 Some of the kingdoms paying tribute to the Tang dynasty included Kashmir, Nepal, Khotan, Kucha, Kashgar, Silla, Champa, and kingdoms located in Amu Darya and Syr Darya valley. [118]   [119]  Turkic nomads addressed the Emperor of Tang China as  Tian Kehan . [30]  After the widespread Göktürk revolt of Shabolüe Khan (d. 658) was put down at Issyk Kul in 657 by Su Dingfang (591–667), Emperor Gaozong established several protectorates governed by a Protectorate General or Grand Protectorate General, which extended the Chinese sphere of influence as far as Herat in Western Afghanistan. [120]  Protectorate Generals were given a great deal of autonomy to handle local crises without waiting for central admission. After Xuanzong's reign, military governors (jiedushi) were given enormous power, including the ability to maintain their own armies, collect taxes, and pass their titles on hereditarily. This is commonly recognized as the beginning of the fall of Tang's central government. [52]   [61] 
      The Chinese Tang dynasty during its greatest extension, controlling large parts of Central Asia.  
      Chinese officer of the Guard of Honour. Tomb of Princess Chang-le (长乐公主墓), Zhao Mausoleum, Shaanxi province. Tang Zhenguan year 17, i.e. 644 CE  
Soldiers and conscription[edit]
By the year 737, Emperor Xuanzong discarded the policy of conscripting soldiers that were replaced every three years, replacing them with long-service soldiers who were more battle-hardened and efficient. It was more economically feasible as well, since training new recruits and sending them out to the frontier every three years drained the treasury. [121]  By the late 7th century, the  fubing  troops began abandoning military service and the homes provided to them in the equal-field system. The supposed standard of 100  mu  of land allotted to each family was in fact decreasing in size in places where population expanded and the wealthy bought up most of the land. [122]  Hard-pressed peasants and vagrants were then induced into military service with benefits of exemption from both taxation and corvée labor service, as well as provisions for farmland and dwellings for dependents who accompanied soldiers on the frontier. [123]  By the year 742 the total number of enlisted troops in the Tang armies had risen to about 500,000 men. [121] 
Eastern regions[edit]
In East Asia, Tang Chinese military campaigns were less successful elsewhere than in previous imperial Chinese dynasties. Like the emperors of the Sui dynasty before him, Taizong established a military campaign in 644 against the Korean kingdom of Goguryeo in the Goguryeo–Tang War; however, this led to its withdrawal in the first campaign because they failed to overcome the successful defense led by General Yeon Gaesomun. Allying with the Korean Silla Kingdom, the Chinese fought against Baekje and their Yamato Japanese allies in the Battle of Baekgang in August 663, a decisive Tang–Silla victory. The Tang dynasty navy had several different ship types at its disposal to engage in naval warfare, these ships described by Li Quan in his Taipai Yinjing (Canon of the White and Gloomy Planet of War) of 759. [124]  The Battle of Baekgang was actually a restoration movement by remnant forces of Baekje, since their kingdom was toppled in 660 by a joint Tang–Silla invasion, led by Chinese general Su Dingfang and Korean general Kim Yushin (595–673). In another joint invasion with Silla, the Tang army severely weakened the Goguryeo Kingdom in the north by taking out its outer forts in the year 645. With joint attacks by Silla and Tang armies under commander Li Shiji (594–669), the Kingdom of Goguryeo was destroyed by 668. [125] 
     
Although they were formerly enemies, the Tang accepted officials and generals of Goguryeo into their administration and military, such as the brothers Yeon Namsaeng (634–679) and Yeon Namsan (639–701). From 668 to 676, the Tang Empire would control northern Korea. However, in 671 Silla broke the alliance and began the Silla–Tang War to expel the Tang forces. At the same time the Tang faced threats on its western border when a large Chinese army was defeated by the Tibetans on the Dafei River in 670. [126]  By 676, the Tang army was expelled out of Korea by Unified Silla. [127]  Following a revolt of the Eastern Turks in 679, the Tang abandoned its Korean campaigns. [126] 
 Although the Tang had fought the Japanese, they still held cordial relations with Japan. There were numerous Imperial embassies to China from Japan, diplomatic missions that were not halted until 894 by Emperor Uda (r. 887–897), upon persuasion by Sugawara no Michizane (845–903). [128]  The Japanese Emperor Tenmu (r. 672–686) even established his conscripted army on that of the Chinese model, based his state ceremonies on the Chinese model, and constructed his palace at Fujiwara on the Chinese model of architecture. [129] 
 Many Chinese Buddhist monks came to Japan to help further the spread of Buddhism as well. Two 7th-century monks in particular, Zhi Yu and Zhi You, visited the court of Emperor Tenji (r. 661–672), whereupon they presented a gift of a south-pointing chariot that they had crafted. [130]  This 3rd century mechanically driven directional-compass vehicle (employing a differential gear) was again reproduced in several models for Tenji in 666, as recorded in the  Nihon Shoki  of 720. [130]  Japanese monks also visited China; such was the case with Ennin (794–864), who wrote of his travel experiences including travels along China's Grand Canal. [131]   [132]  The Japanese monk Enchin (814–891) stayed in China from 839 to 847 and again from 853 to 858, landing near Fuzhou, Fujian and setting sail for Japan from Taizhou, Zhejiang during his second trip to China. [133]   [72] 
Western and Northern regions[edit]
      Tomb figure of mounted warrior similar to the one unearthed from the tomb of Crown Prince Li Chongrun   
The Sui and Tang carried out successful military campaigns against the steppe nomads. Chinese foreign policy to the north and west now had to deal with Turkic nomads, who were becoming the most dominant ethnic group in Central Asia. [134]   [135]  To handle and avoid any threats posed by the Turks, the Sui government repaired fortifications and received their trade and tribute missions. [100]  They sent four royal princesses to form marriage alliances with Turkic clan leaders, in 597, 599, 614, and 617. The Sui stirred trouble and conflict amongst ethnic groups against the Turks. [136]   [137]  As early as the Sui dynasty, the Turks had become a major militarized force employed by the Chinese. When the Khitans began raiding northeast China in 605, a Chinese general led 20,000 Turks against them, distributing Khitan livestock and women to the Turks as a reward. [138]  On two occasions between 635 and 636, Tang royal princesses were married to Turk mercenaries or generals in Chinese service. [137]  Throughout the Tang dynasty until the end of 755, there were approximately ten Turkic generals serving under the Tang. [139]   [140]  While most of the Tang army was made of fubing Chinese conscripts, the majority of the troops led by Turkic generals were of non-Chinese origin, campaigning largely in the western frontier where the presence of fubing troops was low. [141]  Some "Turkic" troops were tribalized Han Chinese, a desinicized people. [142] 
 Civil war in China was almost totally diminished by 626, along with the defeat in 628 of the Ordos Chinese warlord Liang Shidu; after these internal conflicts, the Tang began an offensive against the Turks. [143]  In the year 630, Tang armies captured areas of the Ordos Desert, modern-day Inner Mongolia province, and southern Mongolia from the Turks. [138]   [144]  After this military victory, On June 11, 631, Emperor Taizong also sent envoys to the Xueyantuo bearing gold and silk in order to persuade the release of enslaved Chinese prisoners who were captured during the transition from Sui to Tang from the northern frontier; this embassy succeeded in freeing 80,000 Chinese men and women who were then returned to China. [145]   [146] 
     
While the Turks were settled in the Ordos region (former territory of the Xiongnu), the Tang government took on the military policy of dominating the central steppe. Like the earlier Han dynasty, the Tang dynasty (along with Turkic allies) conquered and subdued Central Asia during the 640s and 650s. [100]  During Emperor Taizong's reign alone, large campaigns were launched against not only the Göktürks, but also separate campaigns against the Tuyuhun, the oasis city-states, and the Xueyantuo. Under Emperor Gaozong, a campaign led by the general Su Dingfang was launched against the Western Turks ruled by Ashina Helu. [147] 
 The Tang Empire competed with the Tibetan Empire for control of areas in Inner and Central Asia, which was at times settled with marriage alliances such as the marrying of Princess Wencheng (d. 680) to Songtsän Gampo (d. 649). [148]   [149]  A Tibetan tradition mentions that Chinese troops captured Lhasa after Songtsän Gampo's death, [150]  but no such invasion is mentioned in either Chinese annals or the Tibetan manuscripts of Dunhuang. [151] 
 
There was a long string of conflicts with Tibet over territories in the Tarim Basin between 670 and 692, and in 763 the Tibetans even captured the capital of China, Chang'an, for fifteen days during the An Shi Rebellion. [152]   [153]  In fact, it was during this rebellion that the Tang withdrew its western garrisons stationed in what is now Gansu and Qinghai, which the Tibetans then occupied along with the territory of what is now Xinjiang. [154]  Hostilities between the Tang and Tibet continued until they signed a formal peace treaty in 821. [155]  The terms of this treaty, including the fixed borders between the two countries, are recorded in a bilingual inscription on a stone pillar outside the Jokhang temple in Lhasa. [156]        
During the Islamic conquest of Persia (633–656), the son of the last ruler of the Sassanid Empire, Prince Peroz and his court moved to Tang China. [118]   [157]  According to the  Old Book of Tang , Peroz was made the head of a Governorate of Persia in what is now Zaranj, Afghanistan. During this conquest of Persia, the Rashidun Caliph Uthman Ibn Affan (r. 644–656) sent an embassy to the Tang court at Chang'an. [140]  Arab sources claim Umayyad commander Qutayba ibn Muslim briefly took Kashgar from China and withdrew after an agreement, [158]  but modern historians entirely dismiss this claim. [159]   [160]   [161]  The Arab Umayyad Caliphate in 715 deposed Ikhshid, the king the Fergana Valley, and installed a new king Alutar on the throne. The deposed king fled to Kucha (seat of Anxi Protectorate), and sought Chinese intervention. The Chinese sent 10,000 troops under Zhang Xiaosong to Ferghana. He defeated Alutar and the Arab occupation force at Namangan and reinstalled Ikhshid on the throne. [162]  The Tang dynasty Chinese defeated the Arab Umayyad invaders at the Battle of Aksu (717). The Arab Umayyad commander Al-Yashkuri and his army fled to Tashkent after they were defeated. [163]  The Turgesh then crushed the Arab Umayyads and drove them out. By the 740s, the Arabs under the Abbasid Caliphate in Khorasan had reestablished a presence in the Ferghana basin and in Sogdiana. At the Battle of Talas in 751, Karluk mercenaries under the Chinese defected, helping the Arab armies of the Caliphate to defeat the Tang force under commander Gao Xianzhi. Although the battle itself was not of the greatest significance militarily, this was a pivotal moment in history, as it marks the spread of Chinese papermaking  [164]   [165]  into regions west of China as captured Chinese soldiers shared the technique of papermaking to the Arabs. These techniques ultimately reached Europe by the 12th century through Arab-controlled Spain. [166]  Although they had fought at Talas, on June 11, 758, an Abbasid embassy arrived at Chang'an simultaneously with the Uighur Turks bearing gifts for the Tang Emperor. [167]  In 788–789 the Chinese concluded a military alliance with the Uighur Turks who twice defeated the Tibetans, in 789 near the town of Gaochang in Dzungaria, and in 791 near Ningxia on the Yellow River. [168] 
     
 Joseph Needham writes that a tributary embassy came to the court of Emperor Taizong in 643 from the Patriarch of Antioch. [169]  However, Friedrich Hirth and other sinologists such as S.A.M. Adshead have identified Fu lin (拂菻) in the  Old  and  New Book of Tang  as the Byzantine Empire, which those histories directly associated with  Daqin  (i.e. the Roman Empire). [170]   [171]   [172]  The embassy sent in 643 by Boduoli (波多力) was identified as Byzantine ruler Constans II Pogonatos (Kōnstantinos Pogonatos, or "Constantine the Bearded") and further embassies were recorded as being sent into the 8th century. [171]   [172]   [170]  S.A.M. Adshead offers a different transliteration stemming from "patriarch" or "patrician", possibly a reference to one of the acting regents for the young Byzantine monarch. [173]  The Old and New Book of Tang also provide a description of the Byzantine capital Constantinople, [174]   [175]  including how it was besieged by the Da shi (大食, i.e. Umayyad Caliphate) forces of Muawiyah I, who forced them to pay tribute to the Arabs. [171]   [176]   [c]  The 7th-century Byzantine historian Theophylact Simocatta wrote about the reunification of northern and southern China by the Sui dynasty (dating this to the time of Emperor Maurice); the capital city Khubdan (from Old Turkic Khumdan, i.e. Chang'an); the basic geography of China including its previous political division around the Yangtze River; the name of China's ruler Taisson meaning "Son of God", but possibly derived from the name of the contemporaneous ruler Emperor Taizong. [177] 
Economy[edit]
     A Tang period gilt-silver jar, shaped in the style of northern nomad's leather bag [178]  decorated with a horse dancing with a cup of wine in its mouth, as the horses of Emperor Xuanzong were trained to do. [178]   
Through use of the land trade along the Silk Road and maritime trade by sail at sea, the Tang were able to acquire and gain many new technologies, cultural practices, rare luxury, and contemporary items. From Europe, the Middle East, Central and South Asia, the Tang dynasty were able to acquire new ideas in fashion, new types of ceramics, and improved silver-smithing techniques. [179]  The Tang Chinese also gradually adopted the foreign concept of stools and chairs as seating, whereas the Chinese beforehand always sat on mats placed on the floor. [180]  People of the Middle East coveted and purchased in bulk Chinese goods such as silks, lacquerwares, and porcelain wares. [181]  Songs, dances, and musical instruments from foreign regions became popular in China during the Tang dynasty. [182]   [183]  These musical instruments included oboes, flutes, and small lacquered drums from Kucha in the Tarim Basin, and percussion instruments from India such as cymbals. [182]  At the court there were nine musical ensembles (expanded from seven in the Sui dynasty) that played ecletic Asian music. [184] 
     
There was great interaction with India, a hub for Buddhist knowledge, with famous travelers such as Xuanzang (d. 664) visiting the South Asian state. After a 17-year-long trip, Xuanzang managed to bring back valuable Sanskrit texts to be translated into Chinese. There was also a Turkic–Chinese dictionary available for serious scholars and students, while Turkic folk songs gave inspiration to some Chinese poetry. [185]   [186]  In the interior of China, trade was facilitated by the Grand Canal and the Tang government's rationalization of the greater canal system that reduced costs of transporting grain and other commodities. [48]  The state also managed roughly 32,100 km (19,900 mi) of postal service routes by horse or boat. [187] 
Silk Road[edit]
Although the Silk Road from China to Europe and the Western World was initially formulated during the reign of Emperor Wu (141–87 BC) during the Han, it was reopened by the Tang in 639 when Hou Junji (d. 643) conquered the West, and remained open for almost four decades. It was closed after the Tibetans captured it in 678, but in 699, during Empress Wu's period, the Silk Road reopened when the Tang reconquered the Four Garrisons of Anxi originally installed in 640, [188]  once again connecting China directly to the West for land-based trade. [189] 
     
The Tang captured the vital route through the Gilgit Valley from Tibet in 722, lost it to the Tibetans in 737, and regained it under the command of the Goguryeo-Korean General Gao Xianzhi. [190]  When the An Lushan Rebellion ended in 763, the Tang Empire withdrew its troops from its western lands, allowing the Tibetan Empire to largely cut off China's direct access to the Silk Road. [155]  An internal rebellion in 848 ousted the Tibetan rulers, and Tang China regained its northwestern prefectures from Tibet in 851. These lands contained crucial grazing areas and pastures for raising horses that the Tang dynasty desperately needed. [155]   [191] 
 Despite the many expatriate European travelers coming into China to live and trade, many travelers, mainly religious monks and missionaries, recorded China's stringent immigrant laws. As the monk Xuanzang and many other monk travelers attested to, there were many Chinese government checkpoints along the Silk Road that examined travel permits into the Tang Empire. Furthermore, banditry was a problem along the checkpoints and oasis towns, as Xuanzang also recorded that his group of travelers were assaulted by bandits on multiple occasions. [181] 
 The Silk Road also affected Tang dynasty art. Horses became a significant symbol of prosperity and power as well as an instrument of military and diplomatic policy. Horses were also revered as a relative of the dragon. [192] 
Seaports and maritime trade[edit]
     
Chinese envoys had been sailing through the Indian Ocean to states of India since perhaps the 2nd century BC, [193]   [194]  yet it was during the Tang dynasty that a strong Chinese maritime presence could be found in the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, into Persia, Mesopotamia (sailing up the Euphrates River in modern-day Iraq), Arabia, Egypt in the Middle East and Aksum (Ethiopia), and Somalia in the Horn of Africa. [195] 
 During the Tang dynasty, thousands of foreign expatriate merchants came and lived in numerous Chinese cities to do business with China, including Persians, Arabs, Hindu Indians, Malays, Bengalis, Sinhalese, Khmers, Chams, Jews and Nestorian Christians of the Near East, among many others. [196]   [197]  In 748, the Buddhist monk Jian Zhen described Guangzhou as a bustling mercantile business center where many large and impressive foreign ships came to dock. He wrote that "many large ships came from Borneo, Persia, Qunglun (Indonesia/Java) ... with ... spices, pearls, and jade piled up mountain high", [198]   [199]  as written in the Yue Jue Shu (Lost Records of the State of Yue). Relations with the Arabs were often strained: When the imperial government was attempting to quell the An Lushan Rebellion, Arab and Persian pirates burned and looted Canton on October 30, 758.  [155]  The Tang government reacted by shutting the port of Canton down for roughly five decades; thus, foreign vessels docked at Hanoi instead. [200]  However, when the port reopened, it continued to thrive. In 851 the Arab merchant Sulaiman al-Tajir observed the manufacturing of Chinese porcelain in Guangzhou and admired its transparent quality. [201]  He also provided a description of Guangzhou's landmarks, granaries, local government administration, some of its written records, treatment of travelers, along with the use of ceramics, rice, wine, and tea. [202]  Their presence came to an end under the revenge of Chinese rebel Huang Chao in 878, who purportedly slaughtered thousands regardless of ethnicity. [80]   [203]   [204]  Huang's rebellion was eventually suppressed in 884.
 Vessels from other East Asian states such as Silla, Bohai and the Hizen Province of Japan were all involved in the Yellow Sea trade, which Silla of Korea dominated. [205]  After Silla and Japan reopened renewed hostilities in the late 7th century, most Japanese maritime merchants chose to set sail from Nagasaki towards the mouth of the Huai River, the Yangtze River, and even as far south as the Hangzhou Bay in order to avoid Korean ships in the Yellow Sea. [205]   [206]  In order to sail back to Japan in 838, the Japanese embassy to China procured nine ships and sixty Korean sailors from the Korean wards of Chuzhou and Lianshui cities along the Huai River. [207]  It is also known that Chinese trade ships traveling to Japan set sail from the various ports along the coasts of Zhejiang and Fujian provinces. [208] 
 The Chinese engaged in large-scale production for overseas export by at least the time of the Tang. This was proven by the discovery of the Belitung shipwreck, a silt-preserved shipwrecked Arabian dhow in the Gaspar Strait near Belitung, which had 63,000 pieces of Tang ceramics, silver, and gold (including a Changsha bowl inscribed with a date: "16th day of the seventh month of the second year of the Baoli reign", or 826, roughly confirmed by radiocarbon dating of star anise at the wreck). [209]  Beginning in 785, the Chinese began to call regularly at Sufala on the East African coast in order to cut out Arab middlemen, [210]  with various contemporary Chinese sources giving detailed descriptions of trade in Africa. The official and geographer Jia Dan (730–805) wrote of two common sea trade routes in his day: one from the coast of the Bohai Sea towards Korea and another from Guangzhou through Malacca towards the Nicobar Islands, Sri Lanka and India, the eastern and northern shores of the Arabian Sea to the Euphrates River. [211]  In 863 the Chinese author Duan Chengshi (d. 863) provided a detailed description of the slave trade, ivory trade, and ambergris trade in a country called Bobali, which historians suggest was Berbera in Somalia. [212]  In Fustat (old Cairo), Egypt, the fame of Chinese ceramics there led to an enormous demand for Chinese goods; hence Chinese often traveled there (this continued into later periods such as Fatimid Egypt). [213]   [214]  From this time period, the Arab merchant Shulama once wrote of his admiration for Chinese seafaring junks, but noted that their draft was too deep for them to enter the Euphrates River, which forced them to ferry passengers and cargo in small boats. [215]  Shulama also noted that Chinese ships were often very large, with capacities up to 600–700 passengers. [211]   [215] 
Culture and society[edit]
Art[edit]
       Eighty Seven Celestials, draft painting of a fresco by Wu Daozi (c. 685–758)  
Both the Sui and Tang Dynasties had turned away from the more feudal culture of the preceding Northern Dynasties, in favor of staunch civil Confucianism. [6]  The governmental system was supported by a large class of Confucian intellectuals selected through either civil service examinations or recommendations. In the Tang period, Taoism and Buddhism were commonly practiced ideologies that played a large role in people's daily lives. The Tang Chinese enjoyed feasting, drinking, holidays, sports, and all sorts of entertainment, while Chinese literature blossomed and was more widely accessible with new printing methods.
Chang'an, the Tang capital[edit]
     
Although Chang'an was the capital of the earlier Han and Jin dynasties, after subsequent destruction in warfare, it was the Sui dynasty model that comprised the Tang era capital. The roughly square dimensions of the city had six miles (10 km) of outer walls running east to west, and more than five miles (8 km) of outer walls running north to south. [28]  The royal palace, the Taiji Palace, stood north of the city's central axis. [216]  From the large Mingde Gates located mid-center of the main southern wall, a wide city avenue stretched from there all the way north to the central administrative city, behind which was the Chentian Gate of the royal palace, or Imperial City. Intersecting this were fourteen main streets running east to west, while eleven main streets ran north to south. These main intersecting roads formed 108 rectangular wards with walls and four gates each, and each ward filled with multiple city blocks. The city was made famous for this checkerboard pattern of main roads with walled and gated districts, its layout even mentioned in one of Du Fu's poems. [217]  During the Heian period, the city of Heian kyō (present-day Kyoto) of Japan like many cities was arranged in the checkerboard street grid pattern of the Tang capital and in accordance with traditional geomancy following the model of Chang'an. [100]  Of these 108 wards in Chang'an, two of them (each the size of two regular city wards) were designated as government-supervised markets, and other space reserved for temples, gardens, ponds, etc. [28]  Throughout the entire city, there were 111 Buddhist monasteries, 41 Taoist abbeys, 38 family shrines, 2 official temples, 7 churches of foreign religions, 10 city wards with provincial transmission offices, 12 major inns, and 6 graveyards. [218]  Some city wards were literally filled with open public playing fields or the backyards of lavish mansions for playing horse polo and cuju (Chinese soccer). [219]  In 662, Emperor Gaozong moved the imperial court to the Daming Palace, which became the political center of the empire and served as the royal residence of the Tang emperors for more than 220 years. [220] 
     
The Tang capital was the largest city in the world at its time, the population of the city wards and its suburban countryside reaching two million inhabitants. [28]  The Tang capital was very cosmopolitan, with ethnicities of Persia, Central Asia, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Tibet, India, and many other places living within. Naturally, with this plethora of different ethnicities living in Chang'an, there were also many different practiced religions, such as Buddhism, Nestorian Christianity, and Zoroastrianism, among others. [221]  With the open access to China that the Silk Road to the west facilitated, many foreign settlers were able to move east to China, while the city of Chang'an itself had about 25,000 foreigners living within. [181]  Exotic green-eyed, blond-haired Tocharian ladies serving wine in agate and amber cups, singing, and dancing at taverns attracted customers. [222]  If a foreigner in China pursued a Chinese woman for marriage, he was required to stay in China and was unable to take his bride back to his homeland, as stated in a law passed in 628 to protect women from temporary marriages with foreign envoys. [223]  Several laws enforcing segregation of foreigners from Chinese were passed during the Tang dynasty. In 779 the Tang dynasty issued an edict which forced Uighurs in the capital, Chang'an, to wear their ethnic dress, stopped them from marrying Chinese females, and banned them from passing off as Chinese. [224] 
      The bronze Jingyun Bell cast 711, height 247 cm high, weight 6,500 kg, now in the Xi'an Bell Tower  
Chang'an was the center of the central government, the home of the imperial family, and was filled with splendor and wealth. However, incidentally it was not the economic hub during the Tang dynasty. The city of Yangzhou along the Grand Canal and close to the Yangtze River was the greatest economic center during the Tang era. [196]   [225] 
 Yangzhou was the headquarters for the Tang government's salt monopoly, and was the greatest industrial center of China. It acted as a midpoint in shipping of foreign goods that would be organized and distributed to the major cities of the north. [196]   [225]  Much like the seaport of Guangzhou in the south, Yangzhou boasted thousands of foreign traders from all across Asia. [225]   [226] 
 There was also the secondary capital city of Luoyang, which was the favored capital of the two by Empress Wu. In the year 691 she had more than 100,000 families (more than 500,000 people) from around the region of Chang'an move to populate Luoyang instead. With a population of about a million, Luoyang became the second largest city in the empire, and with its closeness to the Luo River it benefited from southern agricultural fertility and trade traffic of the Grand Canal. However, the Tang court eventually demoted its capital status and did not visit Luoyang after the year 743, when Chang'an's problem of acquiring adequate supplies and stores for the year was solved. [196]  As early as 736, granaries were built at critical points along the route from Yangzhou to Chang'an, which eliminated shipment delays, spoilage, and pilfering. [227]  An artificial lake used as a transshipment pool was dredged east of Chang'an in 743, where curious northerners could finally see the array of boats found in southern China, delivering tax and tribute items to the imperial court. [228] 
Literature[edit]
     
     
The Tang period was a golden age of Chinese literature and art. Over 48,900 poems penned by some 2,200 Tang authors have survived to the present day. [229]   [230]  Skill in the composition of poetry became a required study for those wishing to pass imperial examinations, [231]  while poetry was also heavily competitive; poetry contests amongst guests at banquets and courtiers were common. [232]  Poetry styles that were popular in the Tang included  gushi  and  jintishi , with the renowned poet Li Bai (701–762) famous for the former style, and poets like Wang Wei (701–761) and Cui Hao (704–754) famous for their use of the latter. Jintishi poetry, or regulated verse, is in the form of eight-line stanzas or seven characters per line with a fixed pattern of tones that required the second and third couplets to be antithetical (although the antithesis is often lost in translation to other languages). [233]  Tang poems remained popular and great emulation of Tang era poetry began in the Song dynasty; in that period, Yan Yu (嚴羽; active 1194–1245) was the first to confer the poetry of the High Tang (c. 713–766) era with "canonical status within the classical poetic tradition." Yan Yu reserved the position of highest esteem among all Tang poets for Du Fu (712–770), who was not viewed as such in his own era, and was branded by his peers as an anti-traditional rebel. [234] 
 The Classical Prose Movement was spurred in large part by the writings of Tang authors Liu Zongyuan (773–819) and Han Yu (768–824). This new prose style broke away from the poetry tradition of the piantiwen (騙體文, "parallel prose") style begun in the Han dynasty. Although writers of the Classical Prose Movement imitated piantiwen, they criticized it for its often vague content and lack of colloquial language, focusing more on clarity and precision to make their writing more direct. [235]  This guwen (archaic prose) style can be traced back to Han Yu, and would become largely associated with orthodox Neo-Confucianism. [236] 
 Short story fiction and tales were also popular during the Tang, one of the more famous ones being Yingying's Biography by Yuan Zhen (779–831), which was widely circulated in his own time and by the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368) became the basis for plays in Chinese opera. [237]   [238]  Timothy C. Wong places this story within the wider context of Tang love tales, which often share the plot designs of quick passion, inescapable societal pressure leading to the abandonment of romance, followed by a period of melancholy. [239]  Wong states that this scheme lacks the undying vows and total self-commitment to love found in Western romances such as  Romeo and Juliet , but that underlying traditional Chinese values of inseparableness of self from one's environment (including human society) served to create the necessary fictional device of romantic tension. [240] 
     
There were large encyclopedias published in the Tang. The  Yiwen Leiju  encyclopedia was compiled in 624 by the chief editor Ouyang Xun (557–641) as well as Linghu Defen (582–666) and Chen Shuda (d. 635). The encyclopedia  Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era  was fully compiled in 729 by Gautama Siddha (fl. 8th century), an ethnic Indian astronomer, astrologer, and scholar born in the capital Chang'an.
  Chinese geographers such as Jia Dan wrote accurate descriptions of places far abroad. In his work written between 785 and 805, he described the sea route going into the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and that the medieval Iranians (whom he called the people of Luo-He-Yi) had erected 'ornamental pillars' in the sea that acted as lighthouse beacons for ships that might go astray. [241]  Confirming Jia's reports about lighthouses in the Persian Gulf, Arabic writers a century after Jia wrote of the same structures, writers such as al-Mas'udi and al-Muqaddasi. The Tang dynasty Chinese diplomat Wang Xuance traveled to Magadha (modern northeastern India) during the 7th century. [242]  Afterwards he wrote the book Zhang Tianzhu Guotu (Illustrated Accounts of Central India), which included a wealth of geographical information. [243] 
 Many histories of previous dynasties were compiled between 636 and 659 by court officials during and shortly after the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang. These included the  Book of Liang ,  Book of Chen ,  Book of Northern Qi ,  Book of Zhou ,  Book of Sui ,  Book of Jin ,  History of Northern Dynasties  and the  History of Southern Dynasties . Although not included in the official  Twenty-Four Histories , the  Tongdian  and  Tang Huiyao  were nonetheless valuable written historical works of the Tang period. The  Shitong  written by Liu Zhiji in 710 was a meta-history, as it covered the history of Chinese historiography in past centuries until his time. The  Great Tang Records on the Western Regions , compiled by Bianji, recounted the journey of Xuanzang, the Tang era's most renowned Buddhist monk.
 Other important literary offerings included Duan Chengshi's (d. 863)  Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang , an entertaining collection of foreign legends and hearsay, reports on natural phenomena, short anecdotes, mythical and mundane tales, as well as notes on various subjects. The exact literary category or classification that Duan's large informal narrative would fit into is still debated amongst scholars and historians. [244] 
Religion and philosophy[edit]
     
     
Since ancient times, some Chinese had believed in folk religion and Taoism that incorporated many deities. Practitioners believed the Tao and the afterlife was a reality parallel to the living world, complete with its own bureaucracy and afterlife currency needed by dead ancestors. [245]  Funerary practices included providing the deceased with everything they might need in the afterlife, including animals, servants, entertainers, hunters, homes, and officials. This ideal is reflected in Tang dynasty art. [246]  This is also reflected in many short stories written in the Tang about people accidentally winding up in the realm of the dead, only to come back and report their experiences. [245] 
  Buddhism, originating in India around the time of Confucius, continued its influence during the Tang period and was accepted by some members of imperial family, becoming thoroughly sinicized and a permanent part of Chinese traditional culture. In an age before Neo-Confucianism and figures such as Zhu Xi (1130–1200), Buddhism had begun to flourish in China during the Northern and Southern dynasties, and became the dominant ideology during the prosperous Tang. Buddhist monasteries played an integral role in Chinese society, offering lodging for travelers in remote areas, schools for children throughout the country, and a place for urban literati to stage social events and gatherings such as going-away parties. [247]  Buddhist monasteries were also engaged in the economy, since their land property and serfs gave them enough revenues to set up mills, oil presses, and other enterprises. [248]   [249]   [250]  Although the monasteries retained 'serfs', these monastery dependents could actually own property and employ others to help them in their work, including their own slaves. [251] 
 The prominent status of Buddhism in Chinese culture began to decline as the dynasty and central government declined as well during the late 8th century to 9th century. Buddhist convents and temples that were exempt from state taxes beforehand were targeted by the state for taxation. In 845 Emperor Wuzong of Tang finally shut down 4,600 Buddhist monasteries along with 40,000 temples and shrines, forcing 260,000 Buddhist monks and nuns to return to secular life; [252]   [253]  this episode would later be dubbed one of the Four Buddhist Persecutions in China. Although the ban would be lifted just a few years after, Buddhism never regained its once dominant status in Chinese culture. [252]   [253]   [254]   [255]  This situation also came about through a revival of interest in native Chinese philosophies such as Confucianism and Taoism. Han Yu (786–824)—who Arthur F. Wright stated was a "brilliant polemicist and ardent xenophobe"—was one of the first men of the Tang to denounce Buddhism. [256]  Although his contemporaries found him crude and obnoxious, he would foreshadow the later persecution of Buddhism in the Tang, as well as the revival of Confucian theory with the rise of Neo-Confucianism of the Song dynasty. [256]  Nonetheless, Chán Buddhism gained popularity amongst the educated elite. [252]  There were also many famous Chan monks from the Tang era, such as Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang, and Huangbo Xiyun. The sect of Pure Land Buddhism initiated by the Chinese monk Huiyuan (334–416) was also just as popular as Chan Buddhism during the Tang. [257] 
     
Rivaling Buddhism was Taoism, a native Chinese philosophical and religious belief system that found its roots in the  Tao Te Ching  (a text attributed to a 6th-century BC figure named Lao Tzu) and the  Zhuangzi . The ruling Li family of the Tang dynasty actually claimed descent from the ancient Lao Tzu. [259]  On numerous occasions where Tang princes would become crown prince or Tang princesses taking vows as Taoist priestesses, their lavish former mansions would be converted into Taoist abbeys and places of worship. [259]  Many Taoists were associated with alchemy in their pursuits to find an elixir of immortality and a means to create gold from concocted mixtures of many other elements. [260]  Although they never achieved their goals in either of these futile pursuits, they did contribute to the discovery of new metal alloys, porcelain products, and new dyes. [260]  The historian Joseph Needham labeled the work of the Taoist alchemists as "protoscience rather than pseudoscience." [260]  However, the close connection between Taoism and alchemy, which some sinologists have asserted, is refuted by Nathan Sivin, who states that alchemy was just as prominent (if not more so) in the secular sphere and practiced more often by laymen. [261] 
The Tang dynasty also officially recognized various foreign religions. The Assyrian Church of the East, otherwise known as the Nestorian Church or the Church of the East in China, was given recognition by the Tang court. In 781, the Nestorian Stele was created in order to honor the achievements of their community in China. A Christian monastery was established in Shaanxi province where the Daqin Pagoda still stands, and inside the pagoda there is Christian-themed artwork. Although the religion largely died out after the Tang, it was revived in China following the Mongol invasions of the 13th century. [262] 
 Although the Sogdians had been responsible for transmitting Buddhism to China from India during the 2nd to 4th centuries, soon afterwards they largely converted to Zoroastrianism due to their links to Sassanid Persia. [263]  Sogdian merchants and their families living in cities such as Chang'an, Luoyang, and Xiangyang usually built a Zoroastrian temple once their local communities grew larger than 100 households. [264]  Sogdians were also responsible for spreading Manicheism in Tang China and the Uighur Khaganate. The Uighurs built the first Manichean monastery in China in 768, yet in 843 the Tang government ordered that the property of all Manichean monasteries be confiscated in response to the outbreak of war with the Uighurs. [265]  With the blanket ban on foreign religions two years later, Manicheism was driven underground and never flourished in China again. [266] 
Leisure[edit]
       A Man Herding Horses, by Han Gan (706–783), a court artist under Xuanzong        Spring Outing of the Tang Court, by Zhang Xuan (713–755)  
Much more than earlier periods, the Tang era was renowned for the time reserved for leisure activity, especially for those in the upper classes. [267]  Many outdoor sports and activities were enjoyed during the Tang, including archery, [268]  hunting, [269]  horse polo, [270]  cuju (soccer), [271]  cockfighting, [272]  and even tug of war. [273]  Government officials were granted vacations during their tenure in office. Officials were granted 30 days off every three years to visit their parents if they lived 1,000 mi (1,600 km) away, or 15 days off if the parents lived more than 167 mi (269 km) away (travel time not included). [267]  Officials were granted nine days of vacation time for weddings of a son or daughter, and either five, three, or one days/day off for the nuptials of close relatives (travel time not included). [267]  Officials also received a total of three days off for their son's capping initiation rite into manhood, and one day off for the ceremony of initiation rite of a close relative's son. [267] 
      A Tang sancai-glazed carved relief showing horseback riders playing polo   
 Traditional Chinese holidays such as Chinese New Year, Lantern Festival, Cold Food Festival, and others were universal holidays. In the capital city of Chang'an there was always lively celebration, especially for the Lantern Festival since the city's nighttime curfew was lifted by the government for three days straight. [274]  Between the years 628 and 758, the imperial throne bestowed a total of sixty-nine grand carnivals nationwide, granted by the emperor in the case of special circumstances such as important military victories, abundant harvests after a long drought or famine, the granting of amnesties, the installment of a new crown prince, etc. [275]  For special celebration in the Tang era, lavish and gargantuan-sized feasts were sometimes prepared, as the imperial court had staffed agencies to prepare the meals. [276]  This included a prepared feast for 1,100 elders of Chang'an in 664, a feast for 3,500 officers of the Divine Strategy Army in 768, and a feast for 1,200 women of the palace and members of the imperial family in the year 826. [276]  Drinking wine and alcoholic beverages was heavily ingrained into Chinese culture, as people drank for nearly every social event. [277]  A court official in the 8th century allegedly had a serpentine-shaped structure called the 'Ale Grotto' built with 50,000 bricks on the groundfloor that each featured a bowl from which his friends could drink. [278] 
Status in clothing[edit]
     
In general, garments were made from silk, wool, or linen depending on your social status and what you could afford. Furthermore, there were laws that specified what kinds of clothing could be worn by whom. The color of the clothing also indicated rank. During this period, China's power, culture, economy, and influence were thriving. As a result, women could afford to wear loose-fitting, wide-sleeved garments. Even lower-class women's robes would have sleeves four to five feet in width. [279] 
Position of women[edit]
       Beauties Wearing Flowers by Zhou Fang, 8th century       Woman playing polo, 8th century  
     
Concepts of women's social rights and social status during the Tang era were notably liberal-minded for the period. However, this was largely reserved for urban women of elite status, as men and women in the rural countryside labored hard in their different set of tasks; with wives and daughters responsible for more domestic tasks of weaving textiles and rearing of silk worms, while men tended to farming in the fields. [114] 
 There were many women in the Tang era who gained access to religious authority by taking vows as Taoist priestesses. [259]  The head mistresses of high-class courtesans in the North Hamlet of the capital Chang'an acquired large amounts of wealth and power. [280]  Such courtesans, who likely influenced the Japanese geishas, [281]  were well respected. These courtesans were known as great singers and poets, supervised banquets and feasts, knew the rules to all the drinking games, and were trained to have the utmost respectable table manners. [280] 
 Although they were renowned for their polite behavior, the courtesans were known to dominate the conversation among elite men, and were not afraid to openly castigate or criticize prominent male guests who talked too much or too loudly, boasted too much of their accomplishments, or had in some way ruined dinner for everyone by rude behavior (on one occasion a courtesan even beat up a drunken man who had insulted her). [282]  When singing to entertain guests, courtesans not only composed the lyrics to their own songs, but they popularized a new form of lyrical verse by singing lines written by various renowned and famous men in Chinese history. [229] 
 It was fashionable for women to be full-figured (or plump). Men enjoyed the presence of assertive, active women. [283]   [284]  The foreign horse-riding sport of polo from Persia became a wildly popular trend among the Chinese elite, and women often played the sport (as glazed earthenware figurines from the time period portray). [283]  The preferred hairstyle for women was to bunch their hair up like "an elaborate edifice above the forehead", [284]  while affluent ladies wore extravagant head ornaments, combs, pearl necklaces, face powders, and perfumes. [285]  A law was passed in 671 which attempted to force women to wear hats with veils again in order to promote decency, but these laws were ignored as some women started wearing caps and even no hats at all, as well as men's riding clothes and boots, and tight-sleeved bodices. [286] 
 There were some prominent court women after the era of Empress Wu, such as Yang Guifei (719–756), who had Emperor Xuanzong appoint many of her relatives and cronies to important ministerial and martial positions. [46] 
Cuisine[edit]
During the earlier Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589), and perhaps even earlier, the drinking of tea ( Camellia sinensis ) became popular in southern China. Tea was viewed then as a beverage of tasteful pleasure and with pharmacological purpose as well. [229]  During the Tang dynasty, tea became synonymous with everything sophisticated in society. The poet Lu Tong (790–835) devoted most of his poetry to his love of tea. The 8th-century author Lu Yu (known as the Sage of Tea) even wrote a treatise on the art of drinking tea, called  The Classic of Tea . [287]  Although wrapping paper had been used in China since the 2nd century BC, [288]  during the Tang dynasty the Chinese were using wrapping paper as folded and sewn square bags to hold and preserve the flavor of tea leaves. [288]  This followed many other uses for paper such as the first recorded use of toilet paper made in 589 by the scholar-official Yan Zhitui (531–591), [289]  confirmed in 851 by an Arab traveler who remarked that Tang Chinese lacked cleanliness because they relied on toilet paper instead of washing themselves with water. [289] 
 In ancient times, the Chinese had outlined the five most basic foodstuffs known as the five grains: sesamum, legumes, wheat, panicled millet, and glutinous millet. [290]  The Ming dynasty encyclopedist Song Yingxing (1587–1666) noted that rice was not counted amongst the five grains from the time of the legendary and deified Chinese sage Shennong (the existence of whom Yingxing wrote was "an uncertain matter") into the 2nd millenniums BC, because the properly wet and humid climate in southern China for growing rice was not yet fully settled or cultivated by the Chinese. [290]  Song Yingxing also noted that in the Ming dynasty, seven tenths of civilians' food was rice. During the Tang dynasty rice was not only the most important staple in southern China, but had also become popular in the north where central authority resided. [291] 
 During the Tang dynasty, wheat replaced the position of millet and became the main staple crop. As a consequence, wheat cake shared a considerable amount in the staple of Tang. [292]  There were four main kinds of cake: steamed cake, boiled cake, pancake, and Hu cake. Steamed cake was consumed commonly by both civilians and aristocrats. Like  rougamo  in modern Chinese cuisine, steamed cake was usually stuffed with meat and vegetables. Shops and packmen regularly sold inexpensive steamed cake on the streets of Chang’an. [293]  Boiled cake was the staple of the Northern Dynasties, and it kept its popularity in the Tang dynasty. It included a wide variety of dishes similar to modern wonton, noodles, and many other kinds of food that soak wheat in water. While aristocrats favored wonton, civilians usually consumed noodles and noodle slice soup that were easier to produce. [294]  Pancakes was rare in China before the Tang, when it gained popularity. [295]  Food shops in Tang cities such as Chang'an commonly sold both pancakes and dumplings. [293]  Hu cake, which means "foreign cake", was extremely popular during the Tang. [296]  Hu cake was toasted in the oven, covered with sesame seeds, and served at taverns, inns and shops. Japanese Buddhist monk Ennin observed that Hu cake was popular among all of China's civilians. [297] 
 During the Tang, the many common foodstuffs and cooking ingredients in addition to those already listed were barley, garlic, salt, turnips, soybeans, pears, apricots, peaches, apples, pomegranates, jujubes, rhubarb, hazelnuts, pine nuts, chestnuts, walnuts, yams, taro, etc. The various meats that were consumed included pork, chicken, lamb (especially preferred in the north), sea otter, bear (which was hard to catch, but there were recipes for steamed, boiled, and marinated bear), and even Bactrian camels. [298]  In the south along the coast meat from seafood was by default the most common, as the Chinese enjoyed eating cooked jellyfish with cinnamon, Sichuan pepper, cardamom, and ginger, as well as oysters with wine, fried squid with ginger and vinegar, horseshoe crabs and red swimming crabs, shrimp and pufferfish, which the Chinese called "river piglet". [299] 
 From the trade overseas and over land, the Chinese acquired peaches from Samarkand, date palms, pistachios, and figs from Greater Iran, pine nuts and ginseng roots from Korea and mangoes from Southeast Asia. [300]   [301]  In China, there was a great demand for sugar; during the reign of Harsha over North India (r. 606–647), Indian envoys to the Tang brought two makers of sugar who successfully taught the Chinese how to cultivate sugarcane. [302]   [303]  Cotton also came from India as a finished product from Bengal, although it was during the Tang that the Chinese began to grow and process cotton, and by the Yuan dynasty it became the prime textile fabric in China. [304] 
 Some foods were also off-limits, as the Tang court encouraged people not to eat beef. This was due to the role of the bull as a valuable working animal. From 831 to 833 Emperor Wenzong of Tang even banned the slaughter of cattle on the grounds of his religious convictions to Buddhism. [305] 
 Methods of food preservation were important, and practiced throughout China. The common people used simple methods of preservation, such as digging deep ditches and trenches, brining, and salting their foods. [306]  The emperor had large ice pits located in the parks in and around Chang'an for preserving food, while the wealthy and elite had their own smaller ice pits. Each year the emperor had laborers carve 1000 blocks of ice from frozen creeks in mountain valleys, each block with the dimension of 3 ft (0.91 m) by 3 ft by 3.5 ft (1.1 m). Frozen delicacies such as chilled melon were enjoyed during the summer. [307] 
	 
	     
	Tang era gilt-gold bowl with lotus and animal motifs
	 
	 
	     
	A Tang sancai-glazed lobed dish with incised decorations, 8th century
	 
	 
	     
	 Tomb figure of a lady attendant, 7th- to 8th-century; during the Tang era, female hosts prepared feasts, tea parties, and played drinking games with their guests.
	 
	 
	     
	A rounded "offering plate" with design in "three colors" (sancai) glaze, 8th-century
	 
	       
Science and technology[edit]
Engineering[edit]
     
Technology during the Tang period was built also upon the precedents of the past. Previous advancements in clockworks and timekeeping included the mechanical gear systems of Zhang Heng (78–139) and Ma Jun (fl. 3rd century), which gave the Tang mathematician, mechanical engineer, astronomer, and monk Yi Xing (683–727) inspiration when he invented the world's first clockwork escapement mechanism in 725. [308]  This was used alongside a clepsydra clock and waterwheel to power a rotating armillary sphere in representation of astronomical observation. [309]  Yi Xing's device also had a mechanically timed bell that was struck automatically every hour, and a drum that was struck automatically every quarter-hour; essentially, a striking clock. [310]  Yi Xing's astronomical clock and water-powered armillary sphere became well known throughout the country, since students attempting to pass the imperial examinations by 730 had to write an essay on the device as an exam requirement. [311]  However, the most common type of public and palace timekeeping device was the inflow clepsydra. Its design was improved c. 610 by the Sui-dynasty engineers Geng Xun and Yuwen Kai. They provided a steelyard balance that allowed seasonal adjustment in the pressure head of the compensating tank and could then control the rate of flow for different lengths of day and night. [312] 
 There were many other mechanical inventions during the Tang era. These included a 3 ft (0.91 m) tall mechanical wine server of the early 8th century that was in the shape of an artificial mountain, carved out of iron and rested on a lacquered-wooden tortoise frame. This intricate device used a hydraulic pump that siphoned wine out of metal dragon-headed faucets, as well as tilting bowls that were timed to dip wine down, by force of gravity when filled, into an artificial lake that had intricate iron leaves popping up as trays for placing party treats. [313]  Furthermore, as the historian Charles Benn describes it:
 Midway up the southern side of the mountain was a dragon ... the beast opened its mouth and spit brew into a goblet seated on a large [iron] lotus leaf beneath. When the cup was 80% full, the dragon ceased spewing ale, and a guest immediately seized the goblet. If he was slow in draining the cup and returning it to the leaf, the door of a pavilion at the top of the mountain opened and a mechanical wine server, dressed in a cap and gown, emerged with a wooden bat in his hand. As soon as the guest returned the goblet, the dragon refilled it, the wine server withdrew, and the doors of the pavilion closed ... A pump siphoned the ale that flowed into the ale pool through a hidden hole and returned the brew to the reservoir [holding more than 16 quarts/15 liters of wine] inside the mountain. [313]   
Yet the use of a teasing mechanical puppet in this wine-serving device wasn't exactly a novel invention of the Tang, since the use of mechanical puppets in China date back to the Qin dynasty (221–207 BC). In the 3rd century Ma Jun had an entire mechanical puppet theater operated by the rotation of a waterwheel. [314]  There was also an automatic wine-server known in the ancient Greco-Roman world, a design of the Greek inventor Heron of Alexandria that employed an urn with an inner valve and a lever device similar to the one described above. There are many stories of automatons used in the Tang, including general Yang Wulian's wooden statue of a monk who stretched his hands out to collect contributions; when the number of coins reached a certain weight, the mechanical figure moved his arms to deposit them in a satchel. [315]  This weight-and-lever mechanism was exactly like Heron's penny slot machine. [316]  Other devices included one by Wang Ju, whose "wooden otter" could allegedly catch fish; Needham suspects a spring trap of some kind was employed here. [315] 
 In the realm of structural engineering and technical Chinese architecture, there were also government standard building codes, outlined in the early Tang book of the Yingshan Ling (National Building Law). [317]  Fragments of this book have survived in the Tang Lü (The Tang Code), [318]  while the Song dynasty architectural manual of the  Yingzao Fashi  (State Building Standards) by Li Jie (1065–1101) in 1103 is the oldest existing technical treatise on Chinese architecture that has survived in full. [317]  During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (712–756) there were 34,850 registered craftsmen serving the state, managed by the Agency of Palace Buildings (Jingzuo Jian). [318] 
Woodblock printing[edit]
      The Diamond Sutra, printed in 868, is the world's first widely printed book to include a specific date of printing.  
 Woodblock printing made the written word available to vastly greater audiences. One of the world's oldest surviving printed documents is a miniature Buddhist  dharani  sutra unearthed at Xi'an in 1974 and dated roughly from 650 to 670. [319]  The  Diamond Sutra  is the first full-length book printed at regular size, complete with illustrations embedded with the text and dated precisely to 868. [320]   [321]  Among the earliest documents to be printed were Buddhist texts as well as calendars, the latter essential for calculating and marking which days were auspicious and which days were not. [322]  With so many books coming into circulation for the general public, literacy rates could improve, along with the lower classes being able to obtain cheaper sources of study. Therefore, there were more lower-class people seen entering the Imperial Examinations and passing them by the later Song dynasty. [103]   [323]   [324]  Although the later Bi Sheng's movable type printing in the 11th century was innovative for his period, woodblock printing that became widespread in the Tang would remain the dominant printing type in China until the more advanced printing press from Europe became widely accepted and used in East Asia. [325]  The first use of the playing card during the Tang dynasty was an auxiliary invention of the new age of printing. [326] 
Cartography[edit]
      The Dunhuang map, a star map showing the North Polar region. c. 700. [327]  The whole set of star maps contains over 1,300 stars. [328]    
In the realm of cartography, there were further advances beyond the map-makers of the Han dynasty. When the Tang chancellor Pei Ju (547–627) was working for the Sui dynasty as a Commercial Commissioner in 605, he created a well-known gridded map with a graduated scale in the tradition of Pei Xiu (224–271). [329]  The Tang chancellor Xu Jingzong (592–672) was also known for his map of China drawn in the year 658. [330]  In the year 785 the Emperor Dezong had the geographer and cartographer Jia Dan (730–805) complete a map of China and her former colonies in Central Asia. [330]  Upon its completion in 801, the map was 9.1 m (30 ft) in length and 10 m (33 ft) in height, mapped out on a grid scale of one inch equaling one hundred  li  (Chinese unit of measuring distance). [330]  A Chinese map of 1137 is similar in complexity to the one made by Jia Dan, carved on a stone stele with a grid scale of 100 li. [331]  However, the only type of map that has survived from the Tang period are star charts. Despite this, the earliest extant terrain maps of China come from the ancient State of Qin; maps from the 4th century BC that were excavated in 1986. [332] 
Medicine[edit]
The Chinese of the Tang era were also very interested in the benefits of officially classifying all of the medicines used in pharmacology. In 657, Emperor Gaozong of Tang (r. 649–683) commissioned the literary project of publishing an official  materia medica , complete with text and illustrated drawings for 833 different medicinal substances taken from different stones, minerals, metals, plants, herbs, animals, vegetables, fruits, and cereal crops. [333]  In addition to compiling pharmacopeias, the Tang fostered learning in medicine by upholding imperial medical colleges, state examinations for doctors, and publishing forensic manuals for physicians. [304]  Authors of medicine in the Tang include Zhen Chuan (d. 643) and Sun Simiao (581–682), the former who first identified in writing that patients with diabetes had an excess of sugar in their urine, and the latter who was the first to recognize that diabetic patients should avoid consuming alcohol and starchy foods. [334]  As written by Zhen Chuan and others in the Tang, the thyroid glands of sheep and pigs were successfully used to treat goiters; thyroid extracts were not used to treat patients with goiter in the West until 1890. [335]  The use of the dental amalgam, manufactured from tin and silver, was first introduced in the medical text  Xinxiu bencao  written by Su Gong in 659. [336] 
Alchemy, gas cylinders, and air conditioning[edit]
Chinese scientists of the Tang period employed complex chemical formulas for an array of different purposes, often found through experiments of alchemy. These included a waterproof and dust-repelling cream or varnish for clothes and weapons, fireproof cement for glass and porcelain wares, a waterproof cream applied to silk clothes of underwater divers, a cream designated for polishing bronze mirrors, and many other useful formulas. [337]  The vitrified, translucent ceramic known as porcelain was invented in China during the Tang, although many types of glazed ceramics preceded it. [214]   [338] 
 Ever since the Han dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD), the Chinese had drilled deep boreholes to transport natural gas from bamboo pipelines to stoves where cast iron evaporation pans boiled brine to extract salt. [339]  During the Tang dynasty, a gazetteer of Sichuan province stated that at one of these 182 m (600 ft) 'fire wells', men collected natural gas into portable bamboo tubes which could be carried around for dozens of km (mi) and still produce a flame. [340]  These were essentially the first gas cylinders; Robert Temple assumes some sort of tap was used for this device. [340] 
 The inventor Ding Huan (fl. 180 AD) of the Han dynasty invented a rotary fan for air conditioning, with seven wheels 3 m (10 ft) in diameter and manually powered. [341]  In 747, Emperor Xuanzong had a "Cool Hall" built in the imperial palace, which the  Tang Yulin  (唐語林) describes as having water-powered fan wheels for air conditioning as well as rising jet streams of water from fountains. [342]  During the subsequent Song dynasty, written sources mentioned the air conditioning rotary fan as even more widely used. [343] 
Historiography[edit]
The first classic work about the Tang is the  Old Book of Tang  by Liu Xu (887–946) et al. of the Later Jin, who redacted it during the last years of his life. This was edited into another history (labeled the  New Book of Tang ) in order to distinguish it, which was a work by the Song historians Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072), Song Qi (998–1061), et al. of the Song dynasty (between the years 1044 and 1060). Both of them were based upon earlier annals, yet those are now lost. [344]  Both of them also rank among the  Twenty-Four Histories  of China. One of the surviving sources of the Old Book of Tang, primarily covering up to 756, is the  Tongdian , which Du You presented to the emperor in 801. The Tang period was again placed into the enormous universal history text of the  Zizhi Tongjian , edited, compiled, and completed in 1084 by a team of scholars under the Song dynasty Chancellor Sima Guang (1019–1086). This historical text, written with three million Chinese characters in 294 volumes, covered the history of China from the beginning of the Warring States (403 BC) until the beginning of the Song dynasty (960).
Notes[edit]
 
  ^  The polite form Dà Táng (大唐, lit. 'Great Tang') was often used, such as in the names of books of the period. [4] 
  ^  During the rule of the Tang the world population grew from about 190 million to approximately 240 million, a difference of 50 million. See also medieval demography.
  ^  Fordham University (2000) offers Friedrich Hirth's (1885) translated passage from the  Old Book of Tang : "The emperor Yang-ti of the Sui dynasty [605–617 C.E.] always wished to open intercourse with Fu-lin, but did not succeed. In the 17th year of the period Cheng-kuan [643 C.E.], the king of Fu-lin Po-to-li [Constans II Pogonatus, Emperor 641–668 C.E.] sent an embassy offering red glass, lu-chin-ching [green gold gems], and other articles. T'ai-tsung [the then ruling emperor] favored them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously granted presents of silk. Since the Ta-shih [the Arabs] had conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief, Mo-i (Mo'awiya), to besiege their capital city; by means of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in the sequel they became subject to Ta-shih. In the second year of the period Ch'ien-feng [667 C.E.] they sent an embassy offering Ti-yeh-ka. In the first year of the period Ta-tsu [701 C.E.] they again sent an embassy to our court. In the first month of the seventh year of the period K'ai-yuan [719 C.E.] their lord sent the ta-shou-ling [an officer of high rank] of T'u-huo-lo [Khazarstan] to offer lions and ling-yang[antelopes], two of each. A few months after, he further sent ta-te-seng ["priests of great virtue"] to our court with tribute."
 
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
  ^  Turchin, Peter; Adams, Jonathan M.; Hall, Thomas D (December 2006). "East-West Orientation of Historical Empires". Journal of World-Systems Research. 12 (2): 222. ISSN 1076-156X.
  ^   Taagepera, Rein (1997). "Expansion and Contraction Patterns of Large Polities: Context for Russia".  International Studies Quarterly . 41 (3): 492. doi:10.1111/0020-8833.00053. JSTOR 2600793.
  ^  "Tang".  Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary .
  ^  Wilkinson 2013, p. 6.
  ^  Lewis 2012, p. 1.
^    a       b       c       d       e       f       g       h       i       j       k       l    Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006, p. 91.
  ^  Ebrey 1999, pp. 111, 141.
  ^  Du 1998, p. 37.
  ^  Fairbank &amp; Goldman 2006, p. 106.
  ^  Yu 1998, pp. 73–87.
^    a       b    Ebrey, Walthall &amp; Palais 2006, pp. 90–91.
  ^  Adshead 2004, pp. 40–41.
  ^  Latourette 1934, p. 191.
  ^  Drompp 2004, p. 126.
  ^  Drompp 2005, p. 376.
  ^  Wechsler, Howard J. (1979).  Sui and T'ang China, 589–906. Part 1 . Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. p. 151. ISBN  978-1139055949 . This genealogy claimed by the T'ang royal house established its claim to be descended from a notable Han clan and to be members of a prominent north-western lineage. However, there is some reason to believe that this line of descent, presented as solid fact by the T'ang histories, was in fact a deliberate fabrication. ... Two of the men who, it has been suggested, were among the ancestors of Li Hu [grandfather of Li Yuan] were the generals Li Ch'u-ku-pa and Li Mai-te, whose names show that they had either adopted or been granted the Chinese surname Li, but retained alien, perhaps Hsien-pei, personal names. 
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Further reading[edit]
  Abramson, Marc S. (2008), Ethnic Identity in Tang China, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN  978-0-8122-4052-8   
 Schafer, Edward H. (1967), The Vermilion Bird: T'ang Images of the South, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 
 Wang, Zhenping (2013), Tang China in Multi-Polar Asia: A History of Diplomacy and War, ISBN  978-0-8248-3644-3    
External links[edit]
 
Look up   Tang   or   T'ang   in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. 
 
  The Tang Dynasty at the Metropolitan Museum of Art
 Home of 300 Tang Poems, University of Virginia
 Tang art with video commentary, from the Minneapolis Institute of Arts
 Paintings of Sui and Tang dynasties 
  Zizhi Tongjian , vols. 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199.
Tang dynasty - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tang_dynasty
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Confucius
Confucius | Biography, Teachings, & Facts
2024-04-23
Annping Chin
<div><div>
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<dl>
<dt>Pinyin romanization: </dt>
<dd>Kongfuzi or Kongzi</dd>
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<dl>
<dt>Wade-Giles: </dt>
<dd>K’ung-fu-tzu or K’ung-tzu</dd>
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<dl>
<dt>Born: </dt>
<dd>551, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Qufu">Qufu</a>, state of Lu [now in Shandong province, China]</dd>
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<div><p>
	Top Questions
	</p><div><div><h3><p>When was Confucius born?<em></em></p></h3></div><div><h3><p>What is Confucius known for?<em></em></p></h3></div><div><h3><p>What was Confucius’s early life like?<em></em></p></h3></div></div></div><section><p><strong>Confucius</strong> (born 551, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Qufu">Qufu</a>, state of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Lu-ancient-state-China">Lu</a> [now in Shandong province, China]—died 479 , Lu) was <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/China">China’s</a> most famous teacher, philosopher, and political theorist, whose ideas have profoundly influenced the civilizations of China and other East Asian countries.</p></section> <section> <h2>Life of Confucius</h2> <p>Confucius was born near the end of an era known in Chinese history as the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Spring-and-Autumn-Period">Spring and Autumn Period</a> (770–481 ). His home was in Lu, a regional state of eastern China in what is now central and southwestern <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Shandong-province-China">Shandong</a> province. Like other regional states at the time, Lu was bound to the imperial court of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Zhou-dynasty">Zhou dynasty</a> (1045–221 ) through history, <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/culture">culture</a>, family ties (which stretched back to the dynasty’s founding, when relatives of the Zhou rulers were enfeoffed as heads of the regional states), and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/moral">moral</a> obligations. According to some reports, Confucius’s early ancestors were the Kongs from the state of Song—an aristocratic family that produced several eminent <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/counselors">counselors</a> for the Song rulers. By the mid-7th century , however, the family had lost political standing and most of its wealth, and some of the Kongs—Confucius’s great-grandfather being one—had relocated to the state of Lu.</p><a href="https://www.britannica.com/quiz/confucianism">
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<p>Britannica Quiz</p>
<p>Confucianism</p>
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</a> <p>The Kongs of Lu were common gentlemen (<em>shi</em>) with none of the hereditary <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/entitlements">entitlements</a> their ancestors had once enjoyed in Song. The common gentlemen of the late Zhou <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/dynasty">dynasty</a> could boast of their employability in the army or in any administrative position—because they were educated in the six arts of ritual (<em>see below</em> Teachings of Confucius), music, archery, charioteering, writing, and arithmetic—but in the social <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/hierarchy">hierarchy</a> of the time they were just a notch higher than the common folk. Confucius’s father, Shu-liang He, had been a warrior and served as a district <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/steward">steward</a> in Lu, but he was already an old man when Confucius was born. A previous marriage had given him nine daughters and a clubfooted son, and so it was with Confucius that he was finally granted a healthy heir. But Shu-liang He died soon after Confucius’s birth, leaving his young widow to fend for herself.</p> <p>Confucius was <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/candid">candid</a> about his family background. He said that, because he was “poor and from a lowly station,” he could not enter government service as easily as young men from prominent families and so had to become “skilled in many menial things” (<em>Analects</em> [<em><a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lunyu">Lunyu</a></em>], 9:6). He found employment first with the Jisun clan, a hereditary family whose principal members had for many decades served as chief counselors to the rulers of Lu. A series of modest positions with the Jisuns—as keeper of granaries and livestock and as district officer in the family’s feudal domain—led to more important appointments in the Lu government, first as minister of works and then as minister of crime.</p> <p>Records of the time suggest that, as minister of crime, Confucius was effective in handling problems of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/law">law</a> and order but was even more impressive in diplomatic assignments. He always made sure that the ruler and his mission were well prepared for the unexpected and for situations that might put them in harm’s way; he also knew how to advise them to bring a difficult negotiation to a successful conclusion. Yet he held his office for only a few years. His resignation was the result of a protracted struggle with the hereditary families—which, for generations, had been trying to wrestle power away from the <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/legitimate">legitimate</a> rulers of Lu. Confucius found the actions of the families transgressive and their ritual indiscretions objectionable, and he was willing to fight by fair means or foul to have the power of the ruler restored. A major clash took place in 498 . A plan to steer the families toward self-ruin backfired. The heads of the families suspected Confucius, and so he had no choice but to leave his position and his home.</p> <p>The self-exile took Confucius on a long journey: first to Wei, the state just west of Lu, then southward to the state of Song, and finally to the states of Chen and Cai. The journey lasted 14 years, and Confucius spent much of that time looking for rulers who might be willing to accept his influence and be guided by his vision of virtuous government. Although his search was ultimately in vain, he never gave up, because he was eager for someone to “put me to use” (<em>Analects</em>, 17:5). He said to those who found his ambitions suspect, “How can I be like a <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/bitter-melon">bitter gourd</a> that hangs from the end of a string and can not be eaten?” (<em>Analects</em>, 17:7).</p><div>
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</div> <p>Confucius was emboldened to think that he could <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/set-mathematics-and-logic">set</a> things right in the world, because he was born at a time when such <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/aspirations">aspirations</a> were within the reach of men living in circumstances similar to his. By the mid-6th century the Zhou dynasty was approaching its 500th year. The political framework that the dynastic founders had put in place—an enfeoffment system held together by family ties—was still standing, but the joints had been giving out since the beginning of the Spring and Autumn Period, and so the structure, if not shored up, was in danger of collapse. The regional rulers, who were relatives of the Zhou king, should have been his strongest supporters, but they preferred to pursue their own ambitions. In the century before Confucius’s birth, two or three of them simply acted on behalf of the king, and under their watch the empire managed to hold itself together and to keep enemies at bay. By Confucius’s time, however, such leaders had disappeared. No one among the regional rulers was interested in the security of the empire or the idea of the greater good. Petty feuds for petty gains consumed most of their time, while lethargy took up the rest. The same could be said of the members of the aristocratic class, who had once aided their ruler in government. Now they were gaining the upper hand, and some were so <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/brazen">brazen</a> as to openly compete with their ruler for wealth and women. Their <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/apathy">apathy</a> and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/ineptitude">ineptitude</a>, however, allowed the common gentlemen—men like Confucius, who had once been in their service—to step in and take charge of the administrative functions of the government.</p> <p>The common gentlemen, at this point, still could not displace the aristocrats as the society’s elite. Yet, if they worked hard enough and were smart, they could exert influence in most political contests. But the more discerning among them set their goals higher. They saw an opportunity to introduce a few new ideas about worth (<em>xian</em>) and nobleness (<em>shang</em>)—which, they felt, could challenge assumptions that had been used to justify the existing social <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/hierarchy">hierarchy</a>. They asked whether ability and strength of character should be the measures of a person’s worth and whether men of noble rank should be stripped of their titles and privileges for incompetence and moral indiscretion. Those who posed such questions were not merely seeking to compete in the political world. They wanted to change unspoken rules so as to favour the virtuous and the competent. This, in part, explains what Confucius was trying to teach. He believed that the moral resolve of a few could have a <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/beneficial">beneficial</a> effect on the fate of the many. But <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/integrity">integrity</a> alone, in his view, would not be enough. Good men had to be tested in politics: they should equip themselves with knowledge and skills, serve their rulers well, and prove their worth through their moral influence.</p> <p>The man Confucius looked back to for inspiration and guidance was <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Zhougong">Zhougong</a> (the Duke of Zhou)—a brother of the founder of the Zhou dynasty and the regent of the king’s young son Chengwang. Despite the temporal distance between them, Confucius believed that he and the Duke of Zhou wanted the same thing for the dynasty: social harmony and political stability grounded in trust and mutual moral obligations, with minimal resort to legal rules. But the Duke of Zhou was royalty and Confucius was a professional <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bureaucrat">bureaucrat</a>, which meant that he had limited political authority. And even the authority he possessed was <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/transient">transient</a>, depending on whether he had a government job. Without an official position, Confucius also would not be entitled (for example) to host a feast, to assist a ruler in a sacrifice, or to take part in any of the occasions that were the living components of the political order that the Duke of Zhou had <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/envisioned">envisioned</a> and Confucius strongly <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/endorsed">endorsed</a>. Thus, Confucius was distressed when he was unemployed—anxious about not being of use to the world and about not having material support. Men who knew him on his travels wondered whether his eagerness for a political position might have led him to overplay his hand and whether he had compromised his principles by allowing disreputable men and women to act as his intermediaries. His critics included the three or four of his <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/disciples">disciples</a> who accompanied him on his exile.</p> <p>Confucius’s disciples were considerably younger than him. He did not actively recruit them when he was a <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/counselor">counselor</a> in Lu. He did not found any school or academy. Young men from a wide range of backgrounds—sons of aristocrats, children of common gentlemen, merchants, farmers, artisans, and even criminals and sons of criminals—chose to attach themselves to him in order to learn from him skills that might get them started on a path toward an official career. In the process, they acquired a lot more: in particular, a gentleman’s refinement and moral <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/acuity">acuity</a>, which in Confucius’s mind were essential to a political profession. Confucius was the “master” (<em>zi</em>) to these followers, who called themselves his “disciples” or “apprentices” (<em>tu</em>). Among his earliest disciples, three stood out: Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui.</p> <p>Zigong had been a merchant before becoming Confucius’s <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/disciple">disciple</a>. He was <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/articulate">articulate</a> and shrewd and quick on his feet. Confucius observed in him a resolve to improve his lot and the promise of becoming a fine diplomat or a financial manager. He enjoyed Zigong’s company because Zigong was someone with whom he could share his thoughts about the world and the people they knew and about poetry and ritual practices (<em>Analects</em>, 11:3; 1:15; 11:19; 5:9).</p> <p>Zilu, unlike Zigong, was rough and unhewn, a rustic man. Confucius knew that Zilu would do anything to protect him from harm: “wrestle a tiger with his bare hands” or “follow him on the open sea in a bamboo raft.” <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/Yet">Yet</a>, Confucius felt, simply being brave and loyal was “hardly the way to be good,” because, without the advantage of thought and a love for learning, people would not be able to know whether their judgment had been misguided or whether their actions might lead them and others onto a perilous road, if not a violent end (<em>Analects</em>, 5:7; 7:11). Still, Confucius took Zilu in, for he was someone “who did not feel ashamed standing next to a man wearing fox or badger fur while himself dressed in a tattered gown padded with silk floss” and who was so reliable that “by speaking from just one side of a dispute” in a <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/court-law">court of law</a> he could “bring a legal <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/dispute">dispute</a> to a conclusion” (<em>Analects</em>, 9:27; 12:12). Besides, Confucius did not deny <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/education">instruction</a> to anyone who wanted to learn and was unwilling to give up when trying to solve a difficult problem. In return, he expected nothing more than a bundle of dried meat as a gift (<em>Analects</em>, 7:7).</p> <p>Yet even that modest offer was probably beyond the means of another disciple, Yan Hui, who was from a poor family and who was content with “living in a shabby neighborhood on a bowlful of millet and a ladleful of water” (<em>Analects</em>, 6:11). No hardship or privation could have distracted him from his love of learning and his desire to know the good. Yan Hui was Confucius’s favourite, and, when he died before his time, Confucius was so <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bereft">bereft</a> that other disciples wondered whether such a display of emotion was appropriate. To this their teacher responded, “If not for this man, for whom should I show so much sorrow?” (<em>Analects</em>, 11:9; 11:10).</p> <p>It was these three—Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui—who followed Confucius on his long journey into the unknown. In doing so, they left behind not only their homes and families but also career opportunities in Lu that could have been gainful.</p> <p>Their first stop was the state of Wei. Zilu had relatives there who could have introduced Confucius to the state’s ruler. There were others, too—powerful men in the ruler’s service—who knew of Confucius’s reputation and were willing to help him. But none of these connections landed Confucius a job. Part of the problem was Confucius himself: he was unwilling to pursue any avenues that might obligate him to those who could bring him trouble rather than aid. Also, the ruler of Wei was not interested in finding a capable man who could offer him <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/counsel">counsel</a>. Moreover, he had plenty of distractions—conflicts with neighbouring states and at home in Wei—to fill his time. Still, Confucius was patient, waiting four years before he was granted an audience. But the meeting was disappointing: it only confirmed what Confucius already knew about this man’s character and judgment. Soon after their encounter, the ruler died, and Confucius saw no further reason to remain in Wei. Thus, he headed south with his disciples.</p> <p>Before reaching the state of Chen, his next stop, two incidents along the road nearly took his life. In one, a military officer, Huan Tui, tried to <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/ambush">ambush</a> Confucius as he was passing through the state of Song. In another, he was surrounded by a mob in the town of Kuang, and for a time it looked as though he might be killed. These incidents were not spontaneous but were the machinations of Confucius’s enemies. But who would have wanted him dead, and what could he have done to provoke such reactions? Historians in later eras speculated about the causes and resolutions of these crises. Although they never found an adequate explanation for Huan Tui’s action, some suggested that the mob of Kuang mistook Confucius for someone else. In any event, the <em>Analects</em>, the most reliable source on Confucius’s life, records only what Confucius said at those moments when he realized that death might be <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/imminent">imminent</a>. “Heaven has given me this power—this <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/virtue-in-Christianity">virtue</a>. What can Huan Tui do to me!” was his response after he learned about Huan Tui’s plan to ambush him (<em>Analects</em>, 7:23). His utterance at the siege of Kuang conveyed even greater confidence that Heaven would stand by him. He said that with the founder of the Zhou dynasty dead, this man’s cultural vestiges “are invested in me.” And since “Heaven has not destroyed this culture” and does not intend to do so, it will look after the cultural heirs of the Zhou. Thus, Confucius declaimed, “What can the people of Kuang do to me?” (<em>Analects</em>, 9:5).</p> <p>Emboldened by his purpose, Confucius continued his journey to Chen, where he spent three uneventful years. Eventually, a major <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/war">war</a> between Chen and a neighbouring state led him to journey west toward the state of Chu, not knowing that another kind of trial was awaiting him. This time, “the provisions ran out,” and “his followers became so weak that none of them could rise up on their feet” (<em>Analects</em> 15:2). The brief account in this record prompted writers in later centuries to speculate about how Confucius might have behaved in this situation. Was he calm or vexed? How did he talk to his disciples? How did he help them come to terms with their predicament? And which disciple understood him best and offered him <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/solace">solace</a>? None of these stories could claim <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/veracity">veracity</a>, but, taken together, they humanized the characters involved and filled, if only imaginatively, the gaps in the historical sources.</p> <p>Confucius and his companions went only as far as a border town of Chu before they decided to turn back and retrace their steps, first to Chen and then to Wei. The journey took more than three years, and, after reaching Wei, Confucius stayed there for another two years. Meanwhile, two of his disciples, Zigong and Ran Qiu, decided to leave Confucius in Wei and accept employment in the government of Lu. At once Zigong proved his talent in <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/diplomacy">diplomacy</a>, and Ran Qiu did the same in warfare. It was probably these two men who approached the ruler and the chief counselor of Lu, asking them to make a generous offer to Confucius to entice him back. Their plan worked. The <em>Zuozhuan</em> (“Zuo Commentary”), an early source on the history of this period (<em>see below</em> Classic works), notes that, in the 11th year of the reign of Duke Ai of Lu (484 ), a summons from the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/duke">duke</a> arrived along with a gift of a handsome sum. “Thereupon, Confucius returned home.”</p> <p>After his return, Confucius did not seek any position in the Lu government. He did not have to. The present ruler and his counselors regarded him as the “state’s elder” (<em>guolao</em>). They either approached him directly for advice or used his disciples as intermediaries. The number of his disciples multiplied. The success of Zigong and Ran Qiu must have <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/enhanced">enhanced</a> his reputation as a person who could prepare young men for political careers. But those who were drawn to him for this reason often found themselves becoming interested in questions other than how to advance in the world (<em>Analects</em>, 2:18). Some asked about the idea of virtue, about the moral requisites for serving in government, or about the meanings of phrases such as “keen perception” and “clouded judgment” (<em>Analects</em>, 12:6; 12:10). Others wanted to know how to pursue knowledge and how to read <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/abstruse">abstruse</a> texts for insights (<em>Analects</em>, 3:8). Confucius tried to answer these questions as best as he could, but his responses could vary depending on the temperament of the interlocutor, leading to confusion among his students when they tried to compare notes (<em>Analects</em>, 11:22). This way of instructing was wholly in tune with what Confucius believed to be the role of a teacher. A teacher could only “point out one corner of a square,” he said; it was up to the students “to come back with the other three” (<em>Analects</em>, 7:8). To teach, therefore, is “to <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/impart">impart</a> light” (<em>hui</em>): to provide guidance to students and to entice them forward, so that even when they are tired and dispirited, even when they want to give up, they cannot. In a similar vein, Confucius said of himself, “I am the sort of man who forgets to eat when trying to solve a problem, who is so joyful that I forget my worries and do not become aware of the onset of old age” (<em>Analects</em>, 7:19).</p> <p>When <a href="https://www.britannica.com/science/old-age">old age</a> did arrive, Confucius discovered that the act of holding his conduct and judgment to the right measure no longer bore him down. “At 70,” he said, “I followed what my heart desired without overstepping the line” (<em>Analects</em>, 2:4). This, however, did not mean that Confucius was free of care. Historians and philosophers in later centuries typically portrayed a careworn Confucius in his final days. Yet he still rejoiced in life because life astonished him, and the will in all living things to carry on in spite of setbacks and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/afflictions">afflictions</a> inspired him. It was the pine and the cypress Confucius admired most, because “they are the last to lose their needles” (<em>Analects</em>, 9:28). He died at the age of 73 on the 11th day of the fourth lunar month in the year 479 .</p> </section> <section> <h2>Sources on Confucius</h2> <p>Sources on the life of Confucius are sparse. Official annals and other historical sources of the late Spring and Autumn Period rarely mention his name because he did not play a <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/conspicuous">conspicuous</a> role in the political world. In fact, he barely existed in that world, since most of his life was spent either in preparation for such a career or in exile. Yet the gaps in the historical records were eventually beneficial, because they prompted later scholars to look for any trace of evidence that might reveal something new about him. Unfortunately, such searches often led to imaginative conjectures about Confucius, as in the account by a writer of the 3rd century in which Confucius described himself as a yellow <em>chi</em> (homeless dragon) swimming in the turbid water but drinking from the clear. Confucius, in this writer’s mind, could have chosen to live like a true dragon and never leave his <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/pristine">pristine</a> pool, but he preferred to be a <em>chi</em>. Throughout early Chinese history, there were many such writers, and the source they turned to repeatedly for understanding and inspiration was the <em>Analects</em>.</p> <p>The <em>Analects</em> is the work most closely associated with Confucius. It is a record of his life in fragments, collected into 20 sections. The sections contain descriptions of his character, deportment, and moments of his life in exile or at home in Lu; bits of conversations he had with his disciples and other people he knew; and remarks spoken in his voice but often in the absence of a <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/context">context</a>. Without the aid of commentaries, this work—which also lacks any apparent organization—can be misleading or discouraging for some readers. Yet, with patience and attentiveness, it is possible to glean from the gathered pieces flashes of Confucius’s genius and the elements of his humanity. The <em>Analects</em> probably took shape within the first century after Confucius’s death. A handful of younger disciples—who make their appearances rather forcefully at the beginning and the end of the work—could have initiated the project, but it took another 200–300 years of tinkering—with some passages being <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/omitted">omitted</a> and others appended or modified—before the text settled into its present form. Material evidence of the age of the standard text emerged from the ground in 1973, when archaeologists opened the tomb of the prince of Zhongshan (<a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Guangwudi">Liu Xiu</a>, also known as King Huai), a relative of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Han-dynasty">Han</a> emperor <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wudi-emperor-of-Han-dynasty">Wudi</a>. The tomb, dated to 55 , was discovered in <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Hebei">Hebei province</a> about 100 miles south of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Beijing">Beijing</a>. The <em>Analects</em>, written on bamboo strips, was included among the grave objects that accompanied the prince to his afterlife.</p> <p>A second work that is central to the study of Confucius and his thought is the <em>Zuo Zhuan</em> (“Zuo Commentary”). Although it is a commentary on the <em>Chunqiu</em>, the official annals of the state of Lu covering the Spring and Autumn Period, it does more than provide background and narrative structure for the events listed chronologically in the annals. The <em>Zuo</em> writer probably had at his disposal a wide range of scribal records, the most important of which were speeches of rulers and counselors and of men and women who had played a role in the political fate of their families and their states during the late Zhou dynasty. The best of these speeches reflect the characters of the speakers and the cultural practices that guided their moral <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/decision-making">decision making</a>. They also throw light on Confucius’s <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/intellectual">intellectual</a> ancestry and the roots of his moral thinking. Confucius never professed to be an original thinker. He said, “I transmit but do not innovate. I love antiquity and have faith in it” (<em>Analects</em>, 7:1). The <em>Zuo Zhuan</em> offers a view of China in the 200 years before Confucius’s birth, which was not the antiquity Confucius had in mind. But when one reads it together with the early classics on rites (<em>see below</em> Teachings of Confucius), poetry, and history, it can take one to the knowledge that Confucius intended to transmit.</p> <p>The third source is a long biography of Confucius written in the 1st century . The author, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sima-Qian">Sima Qian</a>, is China’s most distinguished historian, and the biography remains the standard in Chinese historiography. Even though later scholars did not find all his stories believable and saw logistical problems in his account of Confucius’s travels, they were willing to overlook such questions because of Sima Qian’s rare talent for improving the records imaginatively and reconstructing the interior lives of his subjects. In his biography of Confucius, Sima Qian tried to work mostly with the <em>Analects</em>, grouping individual utterances together to make them cohere and expanding isolated episodes by adding more characters and action. The biography was not altogether elegant or persuasive, but it was the earliest attempt to thread together into a <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/continuous">continuous</a> narrative the fragments in the <em>Analects</em> and the stories about Confucius that had been circulating through the works of historians and philosophers in the 300 years since his death.</p> </section> <section> <p>Confucius thought that the rites, or ritual (<a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/li-Chinese-philosophy"><em>li</em></a>)—encompassing and expressing proper human conduct in all spheres of life—could steady a man and anchor a government and that their practice should begin at home. “Give your parents no cause for worry other than your illness,” he said. “When your parents are alive, do not travel to distant places, and if you have to travel, you must tell them exactly where you are going” (<em>Analects</em>, 2:6, 4:19). But what if your parents are thinking of doing something wrong? “Be gentle when trying to <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/dissuade">dissuade</a> them from wrongdoing,” Confucius advised. “If you see that they are inclined not to heed your advice, remain reverent (<em>jing</em>). Do not openly challenge them. Do not be resentful even when they wear you out and make you anxious” (<em>Analects</em>, 4:18). Every human relationship is a balancing act, and the one between child and parents is the most demanding yet the most deserving of attention and patience, because it is rooted in love and the child’s earliest memories of warmth and affection. Confucius did not want children to be acquiescent in situations that call for their judgment. At the same time, he discouraged <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/confrontation">confrontation</a> even when the parents are culpable. He worried that parents might lose their sense of proportion and their child’s affection for them, and so he urged the child to “remain reverent” even if the parents are not inclined to heed the child’s advice. The rites, therefore, enable the child to avoid a clash without having to betray principles. But unless the child “acts according to the spirit of the rites, in being respectful, he will tire himself out; in being cautious, he will become timid” (<em>Analects</em>, 8:2).</p> <p>In the eyes of his contemporaries, Confucius was someone who embodied that spirit. They observed that “at court when he was speaking with the counselors of the lower rank, he was relaxed and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/affable">affable</a>. When speaking with counselors of the higher rank, he was frank but respectful. And in the ruler’s presence, though he was filled with reverence and awe, he was perfectly composed” (<em>Analects</em>,10:2).</p> <p>The spirit of the rites is the ineffable, and, therefore, different from prescribed rules. It awaits the person with knowledge and awareness and skills in deportment to put it into motion, for every occasion is different. The circumstances change, and they change even as the occasion unfolds. Thus, when Confucius was inside the temple of the Duke of Zhou, “he asked questions about everything”; he knew the procedures of the sacrifice, yet he still approached the rites as if he were performing them for the first time. “Asking questions,” he said, “is the correct practice of the rites” (<em>Analects</em>, 3:15).</p> <p>An education in the Odes, the earliest collection of Chinese poetry, complements an education in the rites. The Odes “can give the spirit exhortation, the mind keener eyes,” Confucius said. “They can make us better adjusted in a group and more articulate when voicing a complaint” (<em>Analects</em>, 17:9). He told his son, “Unless you learn the Odes, you won’t be able to speak” (<em>Analects</em>, 16:13). Just as the legendary sage emperor <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Shun">Shun</a> (c. 23rd century ) told the director of music to teach the children poetry—to let the poems become their voice—so that “the straightforward shall yet be gentle, the <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/magnanimous">magnanimous</a> shall yet be dignified”—Confucius, too, hoped that the Odes would become his son’s speech, because such utterances are always appropriate and so will “never swerve from the path” (<em>Analects</em>, 2:2). For him, a love poem from the Odes, called <em>Guanju</em> (“Fishhawk”), best illustrates this point. The poem tells the reader that in yearning for the woman he desired, the wooer did not suffer unduly, and in courting his lady, he did not make a vulgar display of his feelings. The poem reads: “With harps we bring her company,” and “with bells and drums do her delight.” Of the tone and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/sentiment">sentiment</a> in this poem, Confucius said, “There is joy but no immodest thoughts, sorrow but no self-injury” (<em>Analects</em>, 3:20).</p> <p>The music Confucius loved best was the ancient music known as <em>shao</em>. When he first heard it, he said, “I never imagined that music could be this beautiful,” and “for the next three months he did not notice the taste of meat” (<em>Analects</em>, 7:14). The music of <em>shao</em> is associated with the story of how Shun ascended to power upon the decision of Emperor <em>Yao</em> (c. 24th century ), Shun’s predecessor, to <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/abdicate">abdicate</a> in favour of a man who grew up in the wilds but whose love for virtue was like the rush of a torrent. According to the <em>Shujing</em>, a <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/compilation">compilation</a> of documents related to China’s early history, when the music was played in the court of Emperor Shun, not only men but gods and spirits, birds and beasts were drawn to it. Such was the power of music that embodied the tenor and vehicle of a moral government.</p> <p>Whereas Confucius looked upon music as the culmination of culture—of notes “bright and distinct” gathering in fluency and harmony—the Confucian philosopher <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Mencius-Chinese-text">Mencius </a>(c. 371–c. 289 ) took the idea in another direction, seeing it as a <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/trope">trope</a> of Confucius’s achievements (<em>Analects</em>, 3:23). In the work most closely associated with him (the <em>Mencius</em>), <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mencius-Chinese-philosopher">Mencius</a> said that only Confucius could advance or retreat, serve or not serve “according to circumstances” and in a timely fashion, and, like a symphony perfectly brought together, “from the ringing of bells at the beginning to the sound of the jade tubes at the end,” there was an internal order (<em>Mencius</em>, 5B:1). The order found in the music of <em>shao</em> or in the conduct of a person suggests the ultimate good, but it is not an abstract idea, for it effects an emotional pull—a gravitating toward the music or the person possessing it. It has a kind of magic because it reflects a rightness in sound or in human deliberation. And this rightness of expression or intent serves a higher ideal, which Confucius called humaneness (<a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/ren"><em>ren</em></a>).</p> <p>When his disciple Zigong asked him what is humaneness, Confucius replied, “Do not impose on others what you do not want [others to impose on you]” (<em>Analects</em>, 15:24). A humane man is someone who is able “to make <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/analogies">analogies</a> from what is close at hand” (<em>Analects</em>, 6:30). He uses this knowledge to imagine the humanity in others, and he relies on his learning of rites and music to hold him to the right measure. Confucius was often asked whether someone was humane, and in response he always gave a careful <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/assessment">assessment</a> of the person’s strengths. He would say, for example, that the man “did his best” in fulfilling his public duty, “had administrative talents,” or “wanted nothing to defile him”—but such virtue, he would add, did not imply that the man was humane (<em>Analects</em>, 5:8; 5:19). In fact, Confucius claimed that he had never met anyone who was truly humane. This, however, did not mean that humaneness was beyond reach. “As soon as I desire humaneness, it is here,” he said, and everyone he had come across had sufficient strength “to devote all his effort to the practice of humaneness” (<em>Analects</em>, 7:30; 4:6). Humaneness “is beautiful (<em>mei</em>),” and most people are drawn to it, yet, Confucius observed, few will choose to pursue it (<em>Analects</em>, 4:1; 4:6). That resistance suggests a rich and more complex notion of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/human-nature">human nature</a>, without which <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/morality">morality</a> could not come into play. And, as his disciple <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Zengzi">Zengzi</a> (505–436 ) said, only the strong and resolute are game for the quest, because “the road is long” and “ends only with death.” (<em>Analects</em>, 8:7).</p> <p>Confucius gave his teachings on humaneness a political dimension, though they seemed to be intended for the self. He observed that Emperor Shun was able to order the world simply by perfecting his own humanity and by <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/cultivating">cultivating</a> a respectful demeanour. “If you set an example by correcting your mistakes, who dares not to correct his mistakes?” he asked the counselor Jikangzi. “Just desire the good and the people will be good. The character of those at the top is like that of the wind. The character of those below is like that of grass. When wind blows over the grass, the grass is sure to bend” (<em>Analects</em>, 12:17; 12:19). But when asked what should come first when administrating a state, he said “trust” (<em>xin</em>). If a ruler’s words and actions do not inspire trust, Confucius <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/asserts">asserts</a>, his government will certainly perish, even though he might ensure enough food to feed the people and adequate arms to defend them (<em>Analects</em>, 12:7). Confucius thought that the classic enfeoffment system of the early Zhou dynasty came very close to an ideal government because it was grounded in the trust between the Zhou emperor in the west and the relatives he sent east with vested authority to create new colonies for the young empire. Such a government, reinforced with the civilizing powers of rites and music, does not need complex laws and edicts to keep the people in check. Confucius said, “Guide the people with ordinances and statutes and keep them in line with [threats of] punishment, they will try to stay out of trouble but will have no sense of shame. If you guide them with <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/exemplary">exemplary</a> virtue and keep them in line with the practice of the rites, they will have sense of shame and will know to reform themselves” (<em>Analects</em>, 2:3).</p> <p>Few people knew how to reform themselves in Confucius’s time, and there was nearly no one among their rulers for them to look up to. But Confucius still had faith in professional advisers like himself, who, in the tradition of the great counselors of the past, were able to make rulers great with their hard work, <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/discernment">discernment</a>, and deft ways of moral suasion.</p> </section> <section> <h2>Later development of Confucian doctrines</h2> <p>The next 250 years of Chinese history, known as the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Warring-States">Warring States</a> Period, was even more fraught with tension and uncertainty than the one Confucius had known. A ruler’s success at this later time was measured by the size and number of his conquests, achieved through military operations and political maneuvers. The means to power also became more violent and sophisticated. Accordingly, followers of Confucius either held on to certain aspects of his teachings with a tighter grip or realized the need to adapt what he had said to the political reality of their times. Mencius was a member of the first group and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Xunzi">Xunzi</a> (c. 300–c. 230 ) of the second. Xunzi, who followed Mencius by about a century, severely criticized his <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/predecessor">predecessor</a>. In his major work, now called the <em>Xunzi</em>, he accused Mencius of misleading “the dim-witted scholars of the vulgar age,” letting them believe that Mencius’s own “aberrant” and “esoteric” doctrines are the “true words” of Confucius (<em>Xunzi</em>, Chapter 6, “Contra Twelve Philosophers”). Later Confucians, who made much of the differences between the two philosophers, pointed to their theories of human nature as the source of their disagreement. But the fixation on that subject tended to obscure their more important differences regarding such topics as education and self-knowledge, feelings and intellect, law and adjudication, and the moral risks of a political profession.</p> <p>Both Mencius and Xunzi took up the subject of moral judgment—the most difficult of human responsibilities in Confucius’s view—and explored it with greater precision and urgency than Confucius had <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/done">done</a>. On the question of which of the human faculties should play the deciding role, Mencius opted for the heart while Xunzi favoured the mind. Mencius believed that “every person has a heart that is sensitive to the sufferings of others”; therefore, he said, the sight of a young child about to fall into a well would horrify anyone who might be a witness and afflict that person with pain (<em>Mencius</em>, 2A:6). The horror—and the pain—is an unthinking response from the heart, which Mencius presented as proof that all humans are born with good impulses. People who lack the feeling of commiseration have only themselves to blame; they must have let go of their inborn nature, Mencius observed, and left their hearts morally <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/barren">barren</a> (<em>Mencius</em>, 6A:8).</p> <p>Mencius’s theory of human nature is bold. He claimed that he had gotten it from Confucius, though one learns from the <em>Analects</em> that Confucius did not like to talk about human nature (<em>Analects</em>, 5:13). However, given what Confucius said about learning—“Being human and yet lacking in humaneness—what can such a man do with the rites?” or “with music?”—he must have had some notion of human nature, which was likely to have been positive (<em>Analects</em>, 3:3). Mencius, for his part, wanted to go much further by using his theory of human nature as the basis of an entire <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/ethics-philosophy">moral philosophy</a>. Thus, he <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/speculated">speculated</a> on ways of extending the heart’s potential and on how the larger world would be affected if that potential were fulfilled. Using a legendary figure to illustrate the key points of his teaching, Mencius related how the emperor Shun was able to emerge from the darkest of family histories (insensate father, cruel stepmother, and scheming half brother) to become a perfected self. Indeed, according to Mencius, at no time—not even when his family was plotting against his life—was Shun ever resentful or disrespectful toward his parents (<em>Mencius</em>, 5A:1, 2, 3). It was a moving, but not altogether credible, tale of strength gained through self-examination.</p> <p>Confucius would have recognized Mencius’s story as an expression of what he had taught about filiality, but he would not have gone as far as Mencius did in making Shun the supreme model of filiality and in suggesting that such virtue was all a ruler would need “to give ease to his people” (<em>Mencius</em>, 5A.5). In fact, Confucius said that even Shun, a supremely <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/cultivated">cultivated</a> ruler, found such a task “difficult to do” (<em>Analects</em>, 6.30).</p> <p>Although Mencius’s political thought might today seem somewhat simplistic, he had a respectable following among the young; he also made a good living as a political counselor, and his service was often in demand. The rulers of his time did not mind listening to his remonstrances because, despite his reproving voice, he always included a positive message about their moral potential. He would tell them that no matter what sorts of transgressions they may have committed in the past, they could always recover their potential to do good if they applied themselves. Mencius was <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/optimistic">optimistic</a> about the human condition and was willing to forego history and gloss over inconsistencies in his teachings in order to pursue his vision (<em>Mencius</em>, 7B:3).</p> <p>Xunzi, on the other hand, was always seeking clarity—clarity of thought and words and a clear-eyed view of reality. He did not set out to challenge Mencius and did not mean to be polemical when he said that human nature is repellent. He simply wanted to give a discomforting and more truthful account of what human beings are like in order to get them moving more quickly on the road to reform. To that end, he wrote about desires—how to manage them before they become obsessively out of control (<em>Xunzi</em>, Chapter 21, “Dispelling Obsessions”); about power—how to use it effectively and properly when one has it; and about the difference between brute force and the authority of a true king (<em>Xunzi</em>, Chapter 11, “Kings and Lord-Protectors”). Xunzi traveled widely abroad and was active in political circles, working with several heads of state and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/witnessing">witnessing</a> their horrific deeds and misconduct. In fact, the most violent chapter in the history of the late Warring States Period occurred in Xunzi’s ancestral state of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Zhao">Zhao</a> in the year 260 , when Xunzi happened to be there. Thousands of Zhao soldiers were buried alive on this occasion by the army of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qin-dynasty">Qin dynasty</a> after they had surrendered. Perhaps because of what he had seen and experienced, Xunzi liked to use startling images and shocking analogies in his writing to shake the men of his time from their mental lassitude and moral idleness. To one such man, a <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/prime-minister">prime minister</a> of the state of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Qi-ancient-state-China-771-221-BCE">Qi</a> who <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/aspired">aspired</a> to follow the great kings of the past but had not yet taken the first step, Xunzi said, “For you [to harbour such ambitions] is <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/analogous">analogous</a> to lying down flat on one’s face and trying to lick the sky or trying to rescue a man who had hanged himself by pulling at his feet” (<em>Xunzi</em>, Chapter 16, “On Strengthening the State”).</p> <p>Along with his warnings, Xunzi offered guidance and examples from more distant history, using the Duke of Zhou and his father, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wenwang">Wenwang</a>, among others, as models of conduct and character. Of the Duke of Zhou, Xunzi said that he was born into power and knew how to utilize it, and, even when his actions might have seemed irregular, people trusted him as they trusted the four seasons—such was the integrity of this man (<em>Xunzi</em>, Chapter 8: “Teachings of the Ru”).</p> <p>Confucius also admired the Duke of Zhou for his political vision and for having seen the young dynasty through a perilous time. And he believed that having the trust of the people was the first item of business for a ruler, because without it the government could not stand on firm ground. In these ways, Confucius was Xunzi’s <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/precursor">precursor</a>. Confucius also stressed the importance of maintaining some emotional distance from matters that require judgment, but Xunzi placed more emphasis on the mind’s potential. He went as far as to say that a balanced and discerning mind could offer a more precise measure of right and wrong and that the perspicuity of the mind, not the stirring of the heart, should be a person’s moral compass. This was the essential difference between Xunzi and Mencius.</p> <p>Many later Confucians sided with Mencius, and rulers tended to accept his teachings, as they did during Mencius’s lifetime, because his voice was less taxing on their <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/conscience">conscience</a> (rulers also knew that they could bend his words to suit their ways). Mencian ideas were spread further in the 11th and 12th centuries by Confucians of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Song-dynasty">Song dynasty</a> (960–1279). Thinkers such as <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Cheng-Yi">Cheng Yi</a> (1033–1107) and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Zhu-Xi">Zhu Xi</a> (1130–1200), in their attempt to create a new Confucian <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/philosophy">philosophy</a> to meet the challenges of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Buddhism">Buddhist</a> <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/metaphysics">metaphysics</a> and meditative practices, finding preliminary support in Mencius’s concepts of human nature and self-cultivation, subscribed to Mencius’s understanding of Confucius. The <em>Mencius</em> also gained prominence in their academies. Successors of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi in the subsequent <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Yuan-dynasty">Yuan dynasty</a> (1206–1368) would go further by including the <em>Mencius</em> in government examinations, thus making his relationship with the state even tighter.</p> <p>Xunzi, in the meantime, was pushed aside. Confucians in the Song and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Ming-dynasty-Chinese-history">Ming</a> (1368–1644) <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/dynasties">dynasties</a> rejected him because his writings on human nature threatened to undermine their <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/belief">belief</a> that the achievement of self-knowledge is the fulfillment of humanity’s inborn promise. Although there was more interest in Xunzi in the subsequent <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qing-dynasty">Qing dynasty</a> (1644–1911/12), when scholars thought highly of his intellectual range and his writings on learning and politics, Xunzi did not supplant Mencius in the order of their affections. However, since the recent discovery of bamboo-strip texts dating from the Warring States Period (<em>see below</em> Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought), Xunzi has gained more attention from scholars. Indeed, several of these excavated texts seem to <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/resonate">resonate</a> with Xunzi’s writings in both style and substance. That this should be so suggests that Confucius probably had a larger variety of heirs in early China than scholars have imagined, many more than the Song Confucians would have liked to believe. Confucius himself would have been pleased with this revelation. He would have preferred a richer and messier history of his <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/legacy">legacy</a> over any single line of transmission.</p> </section> <section> <h2>Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought</h2> <p>In 1993, after the discovery of the bamboo-strip <em>Analects</em>, two other groups of manuscripts, on moral cultivation and political thought, were discovered in Hebei province, which led to a revival of scholarship on Confucian thought. The manuscripts, also written on bamboo strips, were dated to c. 300 or earlier, during the Warring States Period, before China was unified. One batch of texts was dug up by archaeologists, and the other was taken by robbers from an unknown grave, smuggled to <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Hong-Kong">Hong Kong</a>, and then sold to the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Shanghai-Museum">Shanghai Museum</a> through an arrangement orchestrated by antique dealers.</p> <p>Confucius appeared, often with an <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/interlocutor">interlocutor</a>, in eight of the published texts from the Shanghai Museum collection. Since most of the texts are incomplete—with missing or damaged strips—it is difficult to establish just how much they add to scholars’ knowledge and idea of Confucius. Even so, the material evidence firmly places him in Warring States history. Either in conversation with a disciple or with a counselor about the drought in Lu or the cause of social unrest, this was a Confucius animated by speech and still trying to think through the most confounding problems of the human condition.</p> <p>Early materials associated with Confucius continued to surface in the early 21st century. In 2011, an excavation of a Han <a href="https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/dynasty">dynasty</a> tomb in the northern outskirts of the city of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Nanchang">Nanchang</a>, in <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Jiangxi">Jiangxi</a> province, uncovered a bamboo text of the <em>Analects</em>, a covered mirror with painted images of Confucius and two of his disciples, all identified by their names and short citations from the <em>Analects</em>, and Sima Qian’s biography of Confucius. The tomb belonged to Liu He, a grandson of the Han ruler Wudi. Liu He was made an emperor in 74 at the age of 18 but was dethroned within 27 days—a victim of the political struggle going on at the time—and sent back to his ancestral home as a commoner. The ruler who succeeded him rehabilitated Liu He, granting him a title, Marquis Haihun, and a large fief just a few years before Liu He’s death in 59 at the age of 33. Many piles of pottery and <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/precious">precious</a> stones, gold cakes and gold utensils, and bronze instruments and jade ornaments accompanied Marquis Haihun to his grave, but so also did the image and words of Confucius, which suggests that even in death this young nobleman chose to stay close to what had become his moral compass in life.</p> </section></div></div>||||I|||| Search Britannica Click here to search
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 Confucius

 Chinese philosopher
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 Also known as: Chung-ni, K’ung-fu-tzu, K’ung-tzu, Kongfuzi, Kongqiu, Kongzi, Zhongni
 Written by
 Annping Chin
 Annping Chin
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 Last Updated: Apr 23, 2024 • Article History
 Table of Contents
 Confucius
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 Pinyin romanization: Kongfuzi or Kongzi (Show more)
 Wade-Giles: K’ung-fu-tzu or K’ung-tzu (Show more)
 Original name: Kongqiu (Show more)
 Literary name: Zhongni (Show more)
 Born: 551, Qufu, state of Lu [now in Shandong province, China] (Show more)
 Died: 479 bce , Lu (Show more)
 Subjects Of Study: “Shijing” junzi li ren xiao (Show more)
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 Top Questions

 When was Confucius born?

 Although the facts about the life of Chinese philosopher Confucius are scanty, they do establish a precise time frame and historical context. Confucius was born in the 22nd year of the reign of Duke Xiang of Lu (551 BCE). The traditional claim that he was born on the 27th day of the eighth lunar month has been questioned by historians, but September 28 is still widely observed in East Asia as Confucius’s birthday.

 What is Confucius known for?

 Confucius is known as the first teacher in China who wanted to make education broadly available and who was instrumental in establishing the art of teaching as a vocation. He also established ethical, moral, and social standards that formed the basis of a way of life known as Confucianism.

 What was Confucius’s early life like?

 Confucius’s ancestors were probably members of the aristocracy who had become poverty-stricken commoners by the time of his birth. His father died when Confucius was only three years old. Instructed first by his mother, Confucius distinguished himself as an indefatigable learner in his teens.

 Confucius (born 551, Qufu, state of Lu [now in Shandong province, China]—died 479 bce , Lu) was China’s most famous teacher, philosopher, and political theorist, whose ideas have profoundly influenced the civilizations of China and other East Asian countries.

 Life of Confucius

 Confucius was born near the end of an era known in Chinese history as the Spring and Autumn Period (770–481 BCE ). His home was in Lu, a regional state of eastern China in what is now central and southwestern Shandong province. Like other regional states at the time, Lu was bound to the imperial court of the Zhou dynasty (1045–221 BCE ) through history, culture, family ties (which stretched back to the dynasty’s founding, when relatives of the Zhou rulers were enfeoffed as heads of the regional states), and moral obligations. According to some reports, Confucius’s early ancestors were the Kongs from the state of Song—an aristocratic family that produced several eminent counselors for the Song rulers. By the mid-7th century BCE , however, the family had lost political standing and most of its wealth, and some of the Kongs—Confucius’s great-grandfather being one—had relocated to the state of Lu.

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 The Kongs of Lu were common gentlemen (shi) with none of the hereditary entitlements their ancestors had once enjoyed in Song. The common gentlemen of the late Zhou dynasty could boast of their employability in the army or in any administrative position—because they were educated in the six arts of ritual (see below Teachings of Confucius), music, archery, charioteering, writing, and arithmetic—but in the social hierarchy of the time they were just a notch higher than the common folk. Confucius’s father, Shu-liang He, had been a warrior and served as a district steward in Lu, but he was already an old man when Confucius was born. A previous marriage had given him nine daughters and a clubfooted son, and so it was with Confucius that he was finally granted a healthy heir. But Shu-liang He died soon after Confucius’s birth, leaving his young widow to fend for herself.

 Confucius was candid about his family background. He said that, because he was “poor and from a lowly station,” he could not enter government service as easily as young men from prominent families and so had to become “skilled in many menial things” (Analects [Lunyu], 9:6). He found employment first with the Jisun clan, a hereditary family whose principal members had for many decades served as chief counselors to the rulers of Lu. A series of modest positions with the Jisuns—as keeper of granaries and livestock and as district officer in the family’s feudal domain—led to more important appointments in the Lu government, first as minister of works and then as minister of crime.

 Records of the time suggest that, as minister of crime, Confucius was effective in handling problems of law and order but was even more impressive in diplomatic assignments. He always made sure that the ruler and his mission were well prepared for the unexpected and for situations that might put them in harm’s way; he also knew how to advise them to bring a difficult negotiation to a successful conclusion. Yet he held his office for only a few years. His resignation was the result of a protracted struggle with the hereditary families—which, for generations, had been trying to wrestle power away from the legitimate rulers of Lu. Confucius found the actions of the families transgressive and their ritual indiscretions objectionable, and he was willing to fight by fair means or foul to have the power of the ruler restored. A major clash took place in 498 BCE . A plan to steer the families toward self-ruin backfired. The heads of the families suspected Confucius, and so he had no choice but to leave his position and his home.

 The self-exile took Confucius on a long journey: first to Wei, the state just west of Lu, then southward to the state of Song, and finally to the states of Chen and Cai. The journey lasted 14 years, and Confucius spent much of that time looking for rulers who might be willing to accept his influence and be guided by his vision of virtuous government. Although his search was ultimately in vain, he never gave up, because he was eager for someone to “put me to use” (Analects, 17:5). He said to those who found his ambitions suspect, “How can I be like a bitter gourd that hangs from the end of a string and can not be eaten?” (Analects, 17:7).

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 Confucius was emboldened to think that he could set things right in the world, because he was born at a time when such aspirations were within the reach of men living in circumstances similar to his. By the mid-6th century BCE the Zhou dynasty was approaching its 500th year. The political framework that the dynastic founders had put in place—an enfeoffment system held together by family ties—was still standing, but the joints had been giving out since the beginning of the Spring and Autumn Period, and so the structure, if not shored up, was in danger of collapse. The regional rulers, who were relatives of the Zhou king, should have been his strongest supporters, but they preferred to pursue their own ambitions. In the century before Confucius’s birth, two or three of them simply acted on behalf of the king, and under their watch the empire managed to hold itself together and to keep enemies at bay. By Confucius’s time, however, such leaders had disappeared. No one among the regional rulers was interested in the security of the empire or the idea of the greater good. Petty feuds for petty gains consumed most of their time, while lethargy took up the rest. The same could be said of the members of the aristocratic class, who had once aided their ruler in government. Now they were gaining the upper hand, and some were so brazen as to openly compete with their ruler for wealth and women. Their apathy and ineptitude, however, allowed the common gentlemen—men like Confucius, who had once been in their service—to step in and take charge of the administrative functions of the government.

 The common gentlemen, at this point, still could not displace the aristocrats as the society’s elite. Yet, if they worked hard enough and were smart, they could exert influence in most political contests. But the more discerning among them set their goals higher. They saw an opportunity to introduce a few new ideas about worth (xian) and nobleness (shang)—which, they felt, could challenge assumptions that had been used to justify the existing social hierarchy. They asked whether ability and strength of character should be the measures of a person’s worth and whether men of noble rank should be stripped of their titles and privileges for incompetence and moral indiscretion. Those who posed such questions were not merely seeking to compete in the political world. They wanted to change unspoken rules so as to favour the virtuous and the competent. This, in part, explains what Confucius was trying to teach. He believed that the moral resolve of a few could have a beneficial effect on the fate of the many. But integrity alone, in his view, would not be enough. Good men had to be tested in politics: they should equip themselves with knowledge and skills, serve their rulers well, and prove their worth through their moral influence.

 The man Confucius looked back to for inspiration and guidance was Zhougong (the Duke of Zhou)—a brother of the founder of the Zhou dynasty and the regent of the king’s young son Chengwang. Despite the temporal distance between them, Confucius believed that he and the Duke of Zhou wanted the same thing for the dynasty: social harmony and political stability grounded in trust and mutual moral obligations, with minimal resort to legal rules. But the Duke of Zhou was royalty and Confucius was a professional bureaucrat, which meant that he had limited political authority. And even the authority he possessed was transient, depending on whether he had a government job. Without an official position, Confucius also would not be entitled (for example) to host a feast, to assist a ruler in a sacrifice, or to take part in any of the occasions that were the living components of the political order that the Duke of Zhou had envisioned and Confucius strongly endorsed. Thus, Confucius was distressed when he was unemployed—anxious about not being of use to the world and about not having material support. Men who knew him on his travels wondered whether his eagerness for a political position might have led him to overplay his hand and whether he had compromised his principles by allowing disreputable men and women to act as his intermediaries. His critics included the three or four of his disciples who accompanied him on his exile.

 Confucius’s disciples were considerably younger than him. He did not actively recruit them when he was a counselor in Lu. He did not found any school or academy. Young men from a wide range of backgrounds—sons of aristocrats, children of common gentlemen, merchants, farmers, artisans, and even criminals and sons of criminals—chose to attach themselves to him in order to learn from him skills that might get them started on a path toward an official career. In the process, they acquired a lot more: in particular, a gentleman’s refinement and moral acuity, which in Confucius’s mind were essential to a political profession. Confucius was the “master” (zi) to these followers, who called themselves his “disciples” or “apprentices” (tu). Among his earliest disciples, three stood out: Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui.

 Zigong had been a merchant before becoming Confucius’s disciple. He was articulate and shrewd and quick on his feet. Confucius observed in him a resolve to improve his lot and the promise of becoming a fine diplomat or a financial manager. He enjoyed Zigong’s company because Zigong was someone with whom he could share his thoughts about the world and the people they knew and about poetry and ritual practices (Analects, 11:3; 1:15; 11:19; 5:9).

 Zilu, unlike Zigong, was rough and unhewn, a rustic man. Confucius knew that Zilu would do anything to protect him from harm: “wrestle a tiger with his bare hands” or “follow him on the open sea in a bamboo raft.” Yet, Confucius felt, simply being brave and loyal was “hardly the way to be good,” because, without the advantage of thought and a love for learning, people would not be able to know whether their judgment had been misguided or whether their actions might lead them and others onto a perilous road, if not a violent end (Analects, 5:7; 7:11). Still, Confucius took Zilu in, for he was someone “who did not feel ashamed standing next to a man wearing fox or badger fur while himself dressed in a tattered gown padded with silk floss” and who was so reliable that “by speaking from just one side of a dispute” in a court of law he could “bring a legal dispute to a conclusion” (Analects, 9:27; 12:12). Besides, Confucius did not deny instruction to anyone who wanted to learn and was unwilling to give up when trying to solve a difficult problem. In return, he expected nothing more than a bundle of dried meat as a gift (Analects, 7:7).

 Yet even that modest offer was probably beyond the means of another disciple, Yan Hui, who was from a poor family and who was content with “living in a shabby neighborhood on a bowlful of millet and a ladleful of water” (Analects, 6:11). No hardship or privation could have distracted him from his love of learning and his desire to know the good. Yan Hui was Confucius’s favourite, and, when he died before his time, Confucius was so bereft that other disciples wondered whether such a display of emotion was appropriate. To this their teacher responded, “If not for this man, for whom should I show so much sorrow?” (Analects, 11:9; 11:10).

 It was these three—Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui—who followed Confucius on his long journey into the unknown. In doing so, they left behind not only their homes and families but also career opportunities in Lu that could have been gainful.

 Their first stop was the state of Wei. Zilu had relatives there who could have introduced Confucius to the state’s ruler. There were others, too—powerful men in the ruler’s service—who knew of Confucius’s reputation and were willing to help him. But none of these connections landed Confucius a job. Part of the problem was Confucius himself: he was unwilling to pursue any avenues that might obligate him to those who could bring him trouble rather than aid. Also, the ruler of Wei was not interested in finding a capable man who could offer him counsel. Moreover, he had plenty of distractions—conflicts with neighbouring states and at home in Wei—to fill his time. Still, Confucius was patient, waiting four years before he was granted an audience. But the meeting was disappointing: it only confirmed what Confucius already knew about this man’s character and judgment. Soon after their encounter, the ruler died, and Confucius saw no further reason to remain in Wei. Thus, he headed south with his disciples.

 Before reaching the state of Chen, his next stop, two incidents along the road nearly took his life. In one, a military officer, Huan Tui, tried to ambush Confucius as he was passing through the state of Song. In another, he was surrounded by a mob in the town of Kuang, and for a time it looked as though he might be killed. These incidents were not spontaneous but were the machinations of Confucius’s enemies. But who would have wanted him dead, and what could he have done to provoke such reactions? Historians in later eras speculated about the causes and resolutions of these crises. Although they never found an adequate explanation for Huan Tui’s action, some suggested that the mob of Kuang mistook Confucius for someone else. In any event, the Analects, the most reliable source on Confucius’s life, records only what Confucius said at those moments when he realized that death might be imminent. “Heaven has given me this power—this virtue. What can Huan Tui do to me!” was his response after he learned about Huan Tui’s plan to ambush him (Analects, 7:23). His utterance at the siege of Kuang conveyed even greater confidence that Heaven would stand by him. He said that with the founder of the Zhou dynasty dead, this man’s cultural vestiges “are invested in me.” And since “Heaven has not destroyed this culture” and does not intend to do so, it will look after the cultural heirs of the Zhou. Thus, Confucius declaimed, “What can the people of Kuang do to me?” (Analects, 9:5).

 Emboldened by his purpose, Confucius continued his journey to Chen, where he spent three uneventful years. Eventually, a major war between Chen and a neighbouring state led him to journey west toward the state of Chu, not knowing that another kind of trial was awaiting him. This time, “the provisions ran out,” and “his followers became so weak that none of them could rise up on their feet” (Analects 15:2). The brief account in this record prompted writers in later centuries to speculate about how Confucius might have behaved in this situation. Was he calm or vexed? How did he talk to his disciples? How did he help them come to terms with their predicament? And which disciple understood him best and offered him solace? None of these stories could claim veracity, but, taken together, they humanized the characters involved and filled, if only imaginatively, the gaps in the historical sources.

 Confucius and his companions went only as far as a border town of Chu before they decided to turn back and retrace their steps, first to Chen and then to Wei. The journey took more than three years, and, after reaching Wei, Confucius stayed there for another two years. Meanwhile, two of his disciples, Zigong and Ran Qiu, decided to leave Confucius in Wei and accept employment in the government of Lu. At once Zigong proved his talent in diplomacy, and Ran Qiu did the same in warfare. It was probably these two men who approached the ruler and the chief counselor of Lu, asking them to make a generous offer to Confucius to entice him back. Their plan worked. The Zuozhuan (“Zuo Commentary”), an early source on the history of this period (see below Classic works), notes that, in the 11th year of the reign of Duke Ai of Lu (484 BCE ), a summons from the duke arrived along with a gift of a handsome sum. “Thereupon, Confucius returned home.”

 After his return, Confucius did not seek any position in the Lu government. He did not have to. The present ruler and his counselors regarded him as the “state’s elder” (guolao). They either approached him directly for advice or used his disciples as intermediaries. The number of his disciples multiplied. The success of Zigong and Ran Qiu must have enhanced his reputation as a person who could prepare young men for political careers. But those who were drawn to him for this reason often found themselves becoming interested in questions other than how to advance in the world (Analects, 2:18). Some asked about the idea of virtue, about the moral requisites for serving in government, or about the meanings of phrases such as “keen perception” and “clouded judgment” (Analects, 12:6; 12:10). Others wanted to know how to pursue knowledge and how to read abstruse texts for insights (Analects, 3:8). Confucius tried to answer these questions as best as he could, but his responses could vary depending on the temperament of the interlocutor, leading to confusion among his students when they tried to compare notes (Analects, 11:22). This way of instructing was wholly in tune with what Confucius believed to be the role of a teacher. A teacher could only “point out one corner of a square,” he said; it was up to the students “to come back with the other three” (Analects, 7:8). To teach, therefore, is “to impart light” (hui): to provide guidance to students and to entice them forward, so that even when they are tired and dispirited, even when they want to give up, they cannot. In a similar vein, Confucius said of himself, “I am the sort of man who forgets to eat when trying to solve a problem, who is so joyful that I forget my worries and do not become aware of the onset of old age” (Analects, 7:19).

 When old age did arrive, Confucius discovered that the act of holding his conduct and judgment to the right measure no longer bore him down. “At 70,” he said, “I followed what my heart desired without overstepping the line” (Analects, 2:4). This, however, did not mean that Confucius was free of care. Historians and philosophers in later centuries typically portrayed a careworn Confucius in his final days. Yet he still rejoiced in life because life astonished him, and the will in all living things to carry on in spite of setbacks and afflictions inspired him. It was the pine and the cypress Confucius admired most, because “they are the last to lose their needles” (Analects, 9:28). He died at the age of 73 on the 11th day of the fourth lunar month in the year 479 BCE .

 Sources on Confucius

 Sources on the life of Confucius are sparse. Official annals and other historical sources of the late Spring and Autumn Period rarely mention his name because he did not play a conspicuous role in the political world. In fact, he barely existed in that world, since most of his life was spent either in preparation for such a career or in exile. Yet the gaps in the historical records were eventually beneficial, because they prompted later scholars to look for any trace of evidence that might reveal something new about him. Unfortunately, such searches often led to imaginative conjectures about Confucius, as in the account by a writer of the 3rd century BCE in which Confucius described himself as a yellow chi (homeless dragon) swimming in the turbid water but drinking from the clear. Confucius, in this writer’s mind, could have chosen to live like a true dragon and never leave his pristine pool, but he preferred to be a chi. Throughout early Chinese history, there were many such writers, and the source they turned to repeatedly for understanding and inspiration was the Analects.

 The Analects is the work most closely associated with Confucius. It is a record of his life in fragments, collected into 20 sections. The sections contain descriptions of his character, deportment, and moments of his life in exile or at home in Lu; bits of conversations he had with his disciples and other people he knew; and remarks spoken in his voice but often in the absence of a context. Without the aid of commentaries, this work—which also lacks any apparent organization—can be misleading or discouraging for some readers. Yet, with patience and attentiveness, it is possible to glean from the gathered pieces flashes of Confucius’s genius and the elements of his humanity. The Analects probably took shape within the first century after Confucius’s death. A handful of younger disciples—who make their appearances rather forcefully at the beginning and the end of the work—could have initiated the project, but it took another 200–300 years of tinkering—with some passages being omitted and others appended or modified—before the text settled into its present form. Material evidence of the age of the standard text emerged from the ground in 1973, when archaeologists opened the tomb of the prince of Zhongshan (Liu Xiu, also known as King Huai), a relative of the Han emperor Wudi. The tomb, dated to 55 BCE , was discovered in Hebei province about 100 miles south of Beijing. The Analects, written on bamboo strips, was included among the grave objects that accompanied the prince to his afterlife.

 A second work that is central to the study of Confucius and his thought is the Zuo Zhuan (“Zuo Commentary”). Although it is a commentary on the Chunqiu, the official annals of the state of Lu covering the Spring and Autumn Period, it does more than provide background and narrative structure for the events listed chronologically in the annals. The Zuo writer probably had at his disposal a wide range of scribal records, the most important of which were speeches of rulers and counselors and of men and women who had played a role in the political fate of their families and their states during the late Zhou dynasty. The best of these speeches reflect the characters of the speakers and the cultural practices that guided their moral decision making. They also throw light on Confucius’s intellectual ancestry and the roots of his moral thinking. Confucius never professed to be an original thinker. He said, “I transmit but do not innovate. I love antiquity and have faith in it” (Analects, 7:1). The Zuo Zhuan offers a view of China in the 200 years before Confucius’s birth, which was not the antiquity Confucius had in mind. But when one reads it together with the early classics on rites (see below Teachings of Confucius), poetry, and history, it can take one to the knowledge that Confucius intended to transmit.

 The third source is a long biography of Confucius written in the 1st century BCE . The author, Sima Qian, is China’s most distinguished historian, and the biography remains the standard in Chinese historiography. Even though later scholars did not find all his stories believable and saw logistical problems in his account of Confucius’s travels, they were willing to overlook such questions because of Sima Qian’s rare talent for improving the records imaginatively and reconstructing the interior lives of his subjects. In his biography of Confucius, Sima Qian tried to work mostly with the Analects, grouping individual utterances together to make them cohere and expanding isolated episodes by adding more characters and action. The biography was not altogether elegant or persuasive, but it was the earliest attempt to thread together into a continuous narrative the fragments in the Analects and the stories about Confucius that had been circulating through the works of historians and philosophers in the 300 years since his death.

 Teachings of Confucius

 Confucius thought that the rites, or ritual (li)—encompassing and expressing proper human conduct in all spheres of life—could steady a man and anchor a government and that their practice should begin at home. “Give your parents no cause for worry other than your illness,” he said. “When your parents are alive, do not travel to distant places, and if you have to travel, you must tell them exactly where you are going” (Analects, 2:6, 4:19). But what if your parents are thinking of doing something wrong? “Be gentle when trying to dissuade them from wrongdoing,” Confucius advised. “If you see that they are inclined not to heed your advice, remain reverent (jing). Do not openly challenge them. Do not be resentful even when they wear you out and make you anxious” (Analects, 4:18). Every human relationship is a balancing act, and the one between child and parents is the most demanding yet the most deserving of attention and patience, because it is rooted in love and the child’s earliest memories of warmth and affection. Confucius did not want children to be acquiescent in situations that call for their judgment. At the same time, he discouraged confrontation even when the parents are culpable. He worried that parents might lose their sense of proportion and their child’s affection for them, and so he urged the child to “remain reverent” even if the parents are not inclined to heed the child’s advice. The rites, therefore, enable the child to avoid a clash without having to betray principles. But unless the child “acts according to the spirit of the rites, in being respectful, he will tire himself out; in being cautious, he will become timid” (Analects, 8:2).

 In the eyes of his contemporaries, Confucius was someone who embodied that spirit. They observed that “at court when he was speaking with the counselors of the lower rank, he was relaxed and affable. When speaking with counselors of the higher rank, he was frank but respectful. And in the ruler’s presence, though he was filled with reverence and awe, he was perfectly composed” (Analects,10:2).

 The spirit of the rites is the ineffable, and, therefore, different from prescribed rules. It awaits the person with knowledge and awareness and skills in deportment to put it into motion, for every occasion is different. The circumstances change, and they change even as the occasion unfolds. Thus, when Confucius was inside the temple of the Duke of Zhou, “he asked questions about everything”; he knew the procedures of the sacrifice, yet he still approached the rites as if he were performing them for the first time. “Asking questions,” he said, “is the correct practice of the rites” (Analects, 3:15).

 An education in the Odes, the earliest collection of Chinese poetry, complements an education in the rites. The Odes “can give the spirit exhortation, the mind keener eyes,” Confucius said. “They can make us better adjusted in a group and more articulate when voicing a complaint” (Analects, 17:9). He told his son, “Unless you learn the Odes, you won’t be able to speak” (Analects, 16:13). Just as the legendary sage emperor Shun (c. 23rd century BCE ) told the director of music to teach the children poetry—to let the poems become their voice—so that “the straightforward shall yet be gentle, the magnanimous shall yet be dignified”—Confucius, too, hoped that the Odes would become his son’s speech, because such utterances are always appropriate and so will “never swerve from the path” (Analects, 2:2). For him, a love poem from the Odes, called Guanju (“Fishhawk”), best illustrates this point. The poem tells the reader that in yearning for the woman he desired, the wooer did not suffer unduly, and in courting his lady, he did not make a vulgar display of his feelings. The poem reads: “With harps we bring her company,” and “with bells and drums do her delight.” Of the tone and sentiment in this poem, Confucius said, “There is joy but no immodest thoughts, sorrow but no self-injury” (Analects, 3:20).

 The music Confucius loved best was the ancient music known as shao. When he first heard it, he said, “I never imagined that music could be this beautiful,” and “for the next three months he did not notice the taste of meat” (Analects, 7:14). The music of shao is associated with the story of how Shun ascended to power upon the decision of Emperor Yao (c. 24th century BCE ), Shun’s predecessor, to abdicate in favour of a man who grew up in the wilds but whose love for virtue was like the rush of a torrent. According to the Shujing, a compilation of documents related to China’s early history, when the music was played in the court of Emperor Shun, not only men but gods and spirits, birds and beasts were drawn to it. Such was the power of music that embodied the tenor and vehicle of a moral government.

 Whereas Confucius looked upon music as the culmination of culture—of notes “bright and distinct” gathering in fluency and harmony—the Confucian philosopher Mencius (c. 371–c. 289 BCE ) took the idea in another direction, seeing it as a trope of Confucius’s achievements (Analects, 3:23). In the work most closely associated with him (the Mencius), Mencius said that only Confucius could advance or retreat, serve or not serve “according to circumstances” and in a timely fashion, and, like a symphony perfectly brought together, “from the ringing of bells at the beginning to the sound of the jade tubes at the end,” there was an internal order (Mencius, 5B:1). The order found in the music of shao or in the conduct of a person suggests the ultimate good, but it is not an abstract idea, for it effects an emotional pull—a gravitating toward the music or the person possessing it. It has a kind of magic because it reflects a rightness in sound or in human deliberation. And this rightness of expression or intent serves a higher ideal, which Confucius called humaneness (ren).

 When his disciple Zigong asked him what is humaneness, Confucius replied, “Do not impose on others what you do not want [others to impose on you]” (Analects, 15:24). A humane man is someone who is able “to make analogies from what is close at hand” (Analects, 6:30). He uses this knowledge to imagine the humanity in others, and he relies on his learning of rites and music to hold him to the right measure. Confucius was often asked whether someone was humane, and in response he always gave a careful assessment of the person’s strengths. He would say, for example, that the man “did his best” in fulfilling his public duty, “had administrative talents,” or “wanted nothing to defile him”—but such virtue, he would add, did not imply that the man was humane (Analects, 5:8; 5:19). In fact, Confucius claimed that he had never met anyone who was truly humane. This, however, did not mean that humaneness was beyond reach. “As soon as I desire humaneness, it is here,” he said, and everyone he had come across had sufficient strength “to devote all his effort to the practice of humaneness” (Analects, 7:30; 4:6). Humaneness “is beautiful (mei),” and most people are drawn to it, yet, Confucius observed, few will choose to pursue it (Analects, 4:1; 4:6). That resistance suggests a rich and more complex notion of human nature, without which morality could not come into play. And, as his disciple Zengzi (505–436 BCE ) said, only the strong and resolute are game for the quest, because “the road is long” and “ends only with death.” (Analects, 8:7).

 Confucius gave his teachings on humaneness a political dimension, though they seemed to be intended for the self. He observed that Emperor Shun was able to order the world simply by perfecting his own humanity and by cultivating a respectful demeanour. “If you set an example by correcting your mistakes, who dares not to correct his mistakes?” he asked the counselor Jikangzi. “Just desire the good and the people will be good. The character of those at the top is like that of the wind. The character of those below is like that of grass. When wind blows over the grass, the grass is sure to bend” (Analects, 12:17; 12:19). But when asked what should come first when administrating a state, he said “trust” (xin). If a ruler’s words and actions do not inspire trust, Confucius asserts, his government will certainly perish, even though he might ensure enough food to feed the people and adequate arms to defend them (Analects, 12:7). Confucius thought that the classic enfeoffment system of the early Zhou dynasty came very close to an ideal government because it was grounded in the trust between the Zhou emperor in the west and the relatives he sent east with vested authority to create new colonies for the young empire. Such a government, reinforced with the civilizing powers of rites and music, does not need complex laws and edicts to keep the people in check. Confucius said, “Guide the people with ordinances and statutes and keep them in line with [threats of] punishment, they will try to stay out of trouble but will have no sense of shame. If you guide them with exemplary virtue and keep them in line with the practice of the rites, they will have sense of shame and will know to reform themselves” (Analects, 2:3).

 Few people knew how to reform themselves in Confucius’s time, and there was nearly no one among their rulers for them to look up to. But Confucius still had faith in professional advisers like himself, who, in the tradition of the great counselors of the past, were able to make rulers great with their hard work, discernment, and deft ways of moral suasion.

 Later development of Confucian doctrines

 The next 250 years of Chinese history, known as the Warring States Period, was even more fraught with tension and uncertainty than the one Confucius had known. A ruler’s success at this later time was measured by the size and number of his conquests, achieved through military operations and political maneuvers. The means to power also became more violent and sophisticated. Accordingly, followers of Confucius either held on to certain aspects of his teachings with a tighter grip or realized the need to adapt what he had said to the political reality of their times. Mencius was a member of the first group and Xunzi (c. 300–c. 230 BCE ) of the second. Xunzi, who followed Mencius by about a century, severely criticized his predecessor. In his major work, now called the Xunzi, he accused Mencius of misleading “the dim-witted scholars of the vulgar age,” letting them believe that Mencius’s own “aberrant” and “esoteric” doctrines are the “true words” of Confucius (Xunzi, Chapter 6, “Contra Twelve Philosophers”). Later Confucians, who made much of the differences between the two philosophers, pointed to their theories of human nature as the source of their disagreement. But the fixation on that subject tended to obscure their more important differences regarding such topics as education and self-knowledge, feelings and intellect, law and adjudication, and the moral risks of a political profession.

 Both Mencius and Xunzi took up the subject of moral judgment—the most difficult of human responsibilities in Confucius’s view—and explored it with greater precision and urgency than Confucius had done. On the question of which of the human faculties should play the deciding role, Mencius opted for the heart while Xunzi favoured the mind. Mencius believed that “every person has a heart that is sensitive to the sufferings of others”; therefore, he said, the sight of a young child about to fall into a well would horrify anyone who might be a witness and afflict that person with pain (Mencius, 2A:6). The horror—and the pain—is an unthinking response from the heart, which Mencius presented as proof that all humans are born with good impulses. People who lack the feeling of commiseration have only themselves to blame; they must have let go of their inborn nature, Mencius observed, and left their hearts morally barren (Mencius, 6A:8).

 Mencius’s theory of human nature is bold. He claimed that he had gotten it from Confucius, though one learns from the Analects that Confucius did not like to talk about human nature (Analects, 5:13). However, given what Confucius said about learning—“Being human and yet lacking in humaneness—what can such a man do with the rites?” or “with music?”—he must have had some notion of human nature, which was likely to have been positive (Analects, 3:3). Mencius, for his part, wanted to go much further by using his theory of human nature as the basis of an entire moral philosophy. Thus, he speculated on ways of extending the heart’s potential and on how the larger world would be affected if that potential were fulfilled. Using a legendary figure to illustrate the key points of his teaching, Mencius related how the emperor Shun was able to emerge from the darkest of family histories (insensate father, cruel stepmother, and scheming half brother) to become a perfected self. Indeed, according to Mencius, at no time—not even when his family was plotting against his life—was Shun ever resentful or disrespectful toward his parents (Mencius, 5A:1, 2, 3). It was a moving, but not altogether credible, tale of strength gained through self-examination.

 Confucius would have recognized Mencius’s story as an expression of what he had taught about filiality, but he would not have gone as far as Mencius did in making Shun the supreme model of filiality and in suggesting that such virtue was all a ruler would need “to give ease to his people” (Mencius, 5A.5). In fact, Confucius said that even Shun, a supremely cultivated ruler, found such a task “difficult to do” (Analects, 6.30).

 Although Mencius’s political thought might today seem somewhat simplistic, he had a respectable following among the young; he also made a good living as a political counselor, and his service was often in demand. The rulers of his time did not mind listening to his remonstrances because, despite his reproving voice, he always included a positive message about their moral potential. He would tell them that no matter what sorts of transgressions they may have committed in the past, they could always recover their potential to do good if they applied themselves. Mencius was optimistic about the human condition and was willing to forego history and gloss over inconsistencies in his teachings in order to pursue his vision (Mencius, 7B:3).

 Xunzi, on the other hand, was always seeking clarity—clarity of thought and words and a clear-eyed view of reality. He did not set out to challenge Mencius and did not mean to be polemical when he said that human nature is repellent. He simply wanted to give a discomforting and more truthful account of what human beings are like in order to get them moving more quickly on the road to reform. To that end, he wrote about desires—how to manage them before they become obsessively out of control (Xunzi, Chapter 21, “Dispelling Obsessions”); about power—how to use it effectively and properly when one has it; and about the difference between brute force and the authority of a true king (Xunzi, Chapter 11, “Kings and Lord-Protectors”). Xunzi traveled widely abroad and was active in political circles, working with several heads of state and witnessing their horrific deeds and misconduct. In fact, the most violent chapter in the history of the late Warring States Period occurred in Xunzi’s ancestral state of Zhao in the year 260 BCE , when Xunzi happened to be there. Thousands of Zhao soldiers were buried alive on this occasion by the army of the Qin dynasty after they had surrendered. Perhaps because of what he had seen and experienced, Xunzi liked to use startling images and shocking analogies in his writing to shake the men of his time from their mental lassitude and moral idleness. To one such man, a prime minister of the state of Qi who aspired to follow the great kings of the past but had not yet taken the first step, Xunzi said, “For you [to harbour such ambitions] is analogous to lying down flat on one’s face and trying to lick the sky or trying to rescue a man who had hanged himself by pulling at his feet” (Xunzi, Chapter 16, “On Strengthening the State”).

 Along with his warnings, Xunzi offered guidance and examples from more distant history, using the Duke of Zhou and his father, Wenwang, among others, as models of conduct and character. Of the Duke of Zhou, Xunzi said that he was born into power and knew how to utilize it, and, even when his actions might have seemed irregular, people trusted him as they trusted the four seasons—such was the integrity of this man (Xunzi, Chapter 8: “Teachings of the Ru”).

 Confucius also admired the Duke of Zhou for his political vision and for having seen the young dynasty through a perilous time. And he believed that having the trust of the people was the first item of business for a ruler, because without it the government could not stand on firm ground. In these ways, Confucius was Xunzi’s precursor. Confucius also stressed the importance of maintaining some emotional distance from matters that require judgment, but Xunzi placed more emphasis on the mind’s potential. He went as far as to say that a balanced and discerning mind could offer a more precise measure of right and wrong and that the perspicuity of the mind, not the stirring of the heart, should be a person’s moral compass. This was the essential difference between Xunzi and Mencius.

 Many later Confucians sided with Mencius, and rulers tended to accept his teachings, as they did during Mencius’s lifetime, because his voice was less taxing on their conscience (rulers also knew that they could bend his words to suit their ways). Mencian ideas were spread further in the 11th and 12th centuries CE by Confucians of the Song dynasty (960–1279). Thinkers such as Cheng Yi (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi (1130–1200), in their attempt to create a new Confucian philosophy to meet the challenges of Buddhist metaphysics and meditative practices, finding preliminary support in Mencius’s concepts of human nature and self-cultivation, subscribed to Mencius’s understanding of Confucius. The Mencius also gained prominence in their academies. Successors of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi in the subsequent Yuan dynasty (1206–1368) would go further by including the Mencius in government examinations, thus making his relationship with the state even tighter.

 Xunzi, in the meantime, was pushed aside. Confucians in the Song and Ming (1368–1644) dynasties rejected him because his writings on human nature threatened to undermine their belief that the achievement of self-knowledge is the fulfillment of humanity’s inborn promise. Although there was more interest in Xunzi in the subsequent Qing dynasty (1644–1911/12), when scholars thought highly of his intellectual range and his writings on learning and politics, Xunzi did not supplant Mencius in the order of their affections. However, since the recent discovery of bamboo-strip texts dating from the Warring States Period (see below Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought), Xunzi has gained more attention from scholars. Indeed, several of these excavated texts seem to resonate with Xunzi’s writings in both style and substance. That this should be so suggests that Confucius probably had a larger variety of heirs in early China than scholars have imagined, many more than the Song Confucians would have liked to believe. Confucius himself would have been pleased with this revelation. He would have preferred a richer and messier history of his legacy over any single line of transmission.

 Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought

 In 1993, after the discovery of the bamboo-strip Analects, two other groups of manuscripts, on moral cultivation and political thought, were discovered in Hebei province, which led to a revival of scholarship on Confucian thought. The manuscripts, also written on bamboo strips, were dated to c. 300 BCE or earlier, during the Warring States Period, before China was unified. One batch of texts was dug up by archaeologists, and the other was taken by robbers from an unknown grave, smuggled to Hong Kong, and then sold to the Shanghai Museum through an arrangement orchestrated by antique dealers.

 Confucius appeared, often with an interlocutor, in eight of the published texts from the Shanghai Museum collection. Since most of the texts are incomplete—with missing or damaged strips—it is difficult to establish just how much they add to scholars’ knowledge and idea of Confucius. Even so, the material evidence firmly places him in Warring States history. Either in conversation with a disciple or with a counselor about the drought in Lu or the cause of social unrest, this was a Confucius animated by speech and still trying to think through the most confounding problems of the human condition.

 Early materials associated with Confucius continued to surface in the early 21st century. In 2011, an excavation of a Han dynasty tomb in the northern outskirts of the city of Nanchang, in Jiangxi province, uncovered a bamboo text of the Analects, a covered mirror with painted images of Confucius and two of his disciples, all identified by their names and short citations from the Analects, and Sima Qian’s biography of Confucius. The tomb belonged to Liu He, a grandson of the Han ruler Wudi. Liu He was made an emperor in 74 BCE at the age of 18 but was dethroned within 27 days—a victim of the political struggle going on at the time—and sent back to his ancestral home as a commoner. The ruler who succeeded him rehabilitated Liu He, granting him a title, Marquis Haihun, and a large fief just a few years before Liu He’s death in 59 BCE at the age of 33. Many piles of pottery and precious stones, gold cakes and gold utensils, and bronze instruments and jade ornaments accompanied Marquis Haihun to his grave, but so also did the image and words of Confucius, which suggests that even in death this young nobleman chose to stay close to what had become his moral compass in life.

 Annping Chin
Pinyin romanization: 
Kongfuzi or Kongzi
Wade-Giles: 
K’ung-fu-tzu or K’ung-tzu
Born: 
551, Qufu, state of Lu [now in Shandong province, China]
 
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	    When was Confucius born?       What is Confucius known for?       What was Confucius’s early life like?         Confucius (born 551, Qufu, state of Lu [now in Shandong province, China]—died 479 , Lu) was China’s most famous teacher, philosopher, and political theorist, whose ideas have profoundly influenced the civilizations of China and other East Asian countries.   Life of Confucius Confucius was born near the end of an era known in Chinese history as the Spring and Autumn Period (770–481 ). His home was in Lu, a regional state of eastern China in what is now central and southwestern Shandong province. Like other regional states at the time, Lu was bound to the imperial court of the Zhou dynasty (1045–221 ) through history, culture, family ties (which stretched back to the dynasty’s founding, when relatives of the Zhou rulers were enfeoffed as heads of the regional states), and moral obligations. According to some reports, Confucius’s early ancestors were the Kongs from the state of Song—an aristocratic family that produced several eminent counselors for the Song rulers. By the mid-7th century , however, the family had lost political standing and most of its wealth, and some of the Kongs—Confucius’s great-grandfather being one—had relocated to the state of Lu. 
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Confucianism
 The Kongs of Lu were common gentlemen (shi) with none of the hereditary entitlements their ancestors had once enjoyed in Song. The common gentlemen of the late Zhou dynasty could boast of their employability in the army or in any administrative position—because they were educated in the six arts of ritual (see below Teachings of Confucius), music, archery, charioteering, writing, and arithmetic—but in the social hierarchy of the time they were just a notch higher than the common folk. Confucius’s father, Shu-liang He, had been a warrior and served as a district steward in Lu, but he was already an old man when Confucius was born. A previous marriage had given him nine daughters and a clubfooted son, and so it was with Confucius that he was finally granted a healthy heir. But Shu-liang He died soon after Confucius’s birth, leaving his young widow to fend for herself. Confucius was candid about his family background. He said that, because he was “poor and from a lowly station,” he could not enter government service as easily as young men from prominent families and so had to become “skilled in many menial things” (Analects [ Lunyu ], 9:6). He found employment first with the Jisun clan, a hereditary family whose principal members had for many decades served as chief counselors to the rulers of Lu. A series of modest positions with the Jisuns—as keeper of granaries and livestock and as district officer in the family’s feudal domain—led to more important appointments in the Lu government, first as minister of works and then as minister of crime. Records of the time suggest that, as minister of crime, Confucius was effective in handling problems of law and order but was even more impressive in diplomatic assignments. He always made sure that the ruler and his mission were well prepared for the unexpected and for situations that might put them in harm’s way; he also knew how to advise them to bring a difficult negotiation to a successful conclusion. Yet he held his office for only a few years. His resignation was the result of a protracted struggle with the hereditary families—which, for generations, had been trying to wrestle power away from the legitimate rulers of Lu. Confucius found the actions of the families transgressive and their ritual indiscretions objectionable, and he was willing to fight by fair means or foul to have the power of the ruler restored. A major clash took place in 498 . A plan to steer the families toward self-ruin backfired. The heads of the families suspected Confucius, and so he had no choice but to leave his position and his home. The self-exile took Confucius on a long journey: first to Wei, the state just west of Lu, then southward to the state of Song, and finally to the states of Chen and Cai. The journey lasted 14 years, and Confucius spent much of that time looking for rulers who might be willing to accept his influence and be guided by his vision of virtuous government. Although his search was ultimately in vain, he never gave up, because he was eager for someone to “put me to use” (Analects, 17:5). He said to those who found his ambitions suspect, “How can I be like a bitter gourd that hangs from the end of a string and can not be eaten?” (Analects, 17:7). 
 
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 Confucius was emboldened to think that he could set things right in the world, because he was born at a time when such aspirations were within the reach of men living in circumstances similar to his. By the mid-6th century the Zhou dynasty was approaching its 500th year. The political framework that the dynastic founders had put in place—an enfeoffment system held together by family ties—was still standing, but the joints had been giving out since the beginning of the Spring and Autumn Period, and so the structure, if not shored up, was in danger of collapse. The regional rulers, who were relatives of the Zhou king, should have been his strongest supporters, but they preferred to pursue their own ambitions. In the century before Confucius’s birth, two or three of them simply acted on behalf of the king, and under their watch the empire managed to hold itself together and to keep enemies at bay. By Confucius’s time, however, such leaders had disappeared. No one among the regional rulers was interested in the security of the empire or the idea of the greater good. Petty feuds for petty gains consumed most of their time, while lethargy took up the rest. The same could be said of the members of the aristocratic class, who had once aided their ruler in government. Now they were gaining the upper hand, and some were so brazen as to openly compete with their ruler for wealth and women. Their apathy and ineptitude, however, allowed the common gentlemen—men like Confucius, who had once been in their service—to step in and take charge of the administrative functions of the government. The common gentlemen, at this point, still could not displace the aristocrats as the society’s elite. Yet, if they worked hard enough and were smart, they could exert influence in most political contests. But the more discerning among them set their goals higher. They saw an opportunity to introduce a few new ideas about worth (xian) and nobleness (shang)—which, they felt, could challenge assumptions that had been used to justify the existing social hierarchy. They asked whether ability and strength of character should be the measures of a person’s worth and whether men of noble rank should be stripped of their titles and privileges for incompetence and moral indiscretion. Those who posed such questions were not merely seeking to compete in the political world. They wanted to change unspoken rules so as to favour the virtuous and the competent. This, in part, explains what Confucius was trying to teach. He believed that the moral resolve of a few could have a beneficial effect on the fate of the many. But integrity alone, in his view, would not be enough. Good men had to be tested in politics: they should equip themselves with knowledge and skills, serve their rulers well, and prove their worth through their moral influence. The man Confucius looked back to for inspiration and guidance was Zhougong (the Duke of Zhou)—a brother of the founder of the Zhou dynasty and the regent of the king’s young son Chengwang. Despite the temporal distance between them, Confucius believed that he and the Duke of Zhou wanted the same thing for the dynasty: social harmony and political stability grounded in trust and mutual moral obligations, with minimal resort to legal rules. But the Duke of Zhou was royalty and Confucius was a professional bureaucrat, which meant that he had limited political authority. And even the authority he possessed was transient, depending on whether he had a government job. Without an official position, Confucius also would not be entitled (for example) to host a feast, to assist a ruler in a sacrifice, or to take part in any of the occasions that were the living components of the political order that the Duke of Zhou had envisioned and Confucius strongly endorsed. Thus, Confucius was distressed when he was unemployed—anxious about not being of use to the world and about not having material support. Men who knew him on his travels wondered whether his eagerness for a political position might have led him to overplay his hand and whether he had compromised his principles by allowing disreputable men and women to act as his intermediaries. His critics included the three or four of his disciples who accompanied him on his exile. Confucius’s disciples were considerably younger than him. He did not actively recruit them when he was a counselor in Lu. He did not found any school or academy. Young men from a wide range of backgrounds—sons of aristocrats, children of common gentlemen, merchants, farmers, artisans, and even criminals and sons of criminals—chose to attach themselves to him in order to learn from him skills that might get them started on a path toward an official career. In the process, they acquired a lot more: in particular, a gentleman’s refinement and moral acuity, which in Confucius’s mind were essential to a political profession. Confucius was the “master” (zi) to these followers, who called themselves his “disciples” or “apprentices” (tu). Among his earliest disciples, three stood out: Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui. Zigong had been a merchant before becoming Confucius’s disciple. He was articulate and shrewd and quick on his feet. Confucius observed in him a resolve to improve his lot and the promise of becoming a fine diplomat or a financial manager. He enjoyed Zigong’s company because Zigong was someone with whom he could share his thoughts about the world and the people they knew and about poetry and ritual practices (Analects, 11:3; 1:15; 11:19; 5:9). Zilu, unlike Zigong, was rough and unhewn, a rustic man. Confucius knew that Zilu would do anything to protect him from harm: “wrestle a tiger with his bare hands” or “follow him on the open sea in a bamboo raft.” Yet, Confucius felt, simply being brave and loyal was “hardly the way to be good,” because, without the advantage of thought and a love for learning, people would not be able to know whether their judgment had been misguided or whether their actions might lead them and others onto a perilous road, if not a violent end (Analects, 5:7; 7:11). Still, Confucius took Zilu in, for he was someone “who did not feel ashamed standing next to a man wearing fox or badger fur while himself dressed in a tattered gown padded with silk floss” and who was so reliable that “by speaking from just one side of a dispute” in a court of law he could “bring a legal dispute to a conclusion” (Analects, 9:27; 12:12). Besides, Confucius did not deny instruction to anyone who wanted to learn and was unwilling to give up when trying to solve a difficult problem. In return, he expected nothing more than a bundle of dried meat as a gift (Analects, 7:7). Yet even that modest offer was probably beyond the means of another disciple, Yan Hui, who was from a poor family and who was content with “living in a shabby neighborhood on a bowlful of millet and a ladleful of water” (Analects, 6:11). No hardship or privation could have distracted him from his love of learning and his desire to know the good. Yan Hui was Confucius’s favourite, and, when he died before his time, Confucius was so bereft that other disciples wondered whether such a display of emotion was appropriate. To this their teacher responded, “If not for this man, for whom should I show so much sorrow?” (Analects, 11:9; 11:10). It was these three—Zigong, Zilu, and Yan Hui—who followed Confucius on his long journey into the unknown. In doing so, they left behind not only their homes and families but also career opportunities in Lu that could have been gainful. Their first stop was the state of Wei. Zilu had relatives there who could have introduced Confucius to the state’s ruler. There were others, too—powerful men in the ruler’s service—who knew of Confucius’s reputation and were willing to help him. But none of these connections landed Confucius a job. Part of the problem was Confucius himself: he was unwilling to pursue any avenues that might obligate him to those who could bring him trouble rather than aid. Also, the ruler of Wei was not interested in finding a capable man who could offer him counsel. Moreover, he had plenty of distractions—conflicts with neighbouring states and at home in Wei—to fill his time. Still, Confucius was patient, waiting four years before he was granted an audience. But the meeting was disappointing: it only confirmed what Confucius already knew about this man’s character and judgment. Soon after their encounter, the ruler died, and Confucius saw no further reason to remain in Wei. Thus, he headed south with his disciples. Before reaching the state of Chen, his next stop, two incidents along the road nearly took his life. In one, a military officer, Huan Tui, tried to ambush Confucius as he was passing through the state of Song. In another, he was surrounded by a mob in the town of Kuang, and for a time it looked as though he might be killed. These incidents were not spontaneous but were the machinations of Confucius’s enemies. But who would have wanted him dead, and what could he have done to provoke such reactions? Historians in later eras speculated about the causes and resolutions of these crises. Although they never found an adequate explanation for Huan Tui’s action, some suggested that the mob of Kuang mistook Confucius for someone else. In any event, the Analects, the most reliable source on Confucius’s life, records only what Confucius said at those moments when he realized that death might be imminent. “Heaven has given me this power—this virtue. What can Huan Tui do to me!” was his response after he learned about Huan Tui’s plan to ambush him (Analects, 7:23). His utterance at the siege of Kuang conveyed even greater confidence that Heaven would stand by him. He said that with the founder of the Zhou dynasty dead, this man’s cultural vestiges “are invested in me.” And since “Heaven has not destroyed this culture” and does not intend to do so, it will look after the cultural heirs of the Zhou. Thus, Confucius declaimed, “What can the people of Kuang do to me?” (Analects, 9:5). Emboldened by his purpose, Confucius continued his journey to Chen, where he spent three uneventful years. Eventually, a major war between Chen and a neighbouring state led him to journey west toward the state of Chu, not knowing that another kind of trial was awaiting him. This time, “the provisions ran out,” and “his followers became so weak that none of them could rise up on their feet” (Analects 15:2). The brief account in this record prompted writers in later centuries to speculate about how Confucius might have behaved in this situation. Was he calm or vexed? How did he talk to his disciples? How did he help them come to terms with their predicament? And which disciple understood him best and offered him solace? None of these stories could claim veracity, but, taken together, they humanized the characters involved and filled, if only imaginatively, the gaps in the historical sources. Confucius and his companions went only as far as a border town of Chu before they decided to turn back and retrace their steps, first to Chen and then to Wei. The journey took more than three years, and, after reaching Wei, Confucius stayed there for another two years. Meanwhile, two of his disciples, Zigong and Ran Qiu, decided to leave Confucius in Wei and accept employment in the government of Lu. At once Zigong proved his talent in diplomacy, and Ran Qiu did the same in warfare. It was probably these two men who approached the ruler and the chief counselor of Lu, asking them to make a generous offer to Confucius to entice him back. Their plan worked. The Zuozhuan (“Zuo Commentary”), an early source on the history of this period (see below Classic works), notes that, in the 11th year of the reign of Duke Ai of Lu (484 ), a summons from the duke arrived along with a gift of a handsome sum. “Thereupon, Confucius returned home.” After his return, Confucius did not seek any position in the Lu government. He did not have to. The present ruler and his counselors regarded him as the “state’s elder” (guolao). They either approached him directly for advice or used his disciples as intermediaries. The number of his disciples multiplied. The success of Zigong and Ran Qiu must have enhanced his reputation as a person who could prepare young men for political careers. But those who were drawn to him for this reason often found themselves becoming interested in questions other than how to advance in the world (Analects, 2:18). Some asked about the idea of virtue, about the moral requisites for serving in government, or about the meanings of phrases such as “keen perception” and “clouded judgment” (Analects, 12:6; 12:10). Others wanted to know how to pursue knowledge and how to read abstruse texts for insights (Analects, 3:8). Confucius tried to answer these questions as best as he could, but his responses could vary depending on the temperament of the interlocutor, leading to confusion among his students when they tried to compare notes (Analects, 11:22). This way of instructing was wholly in tune with what Confucius believed to be the role of a teacher. A teacher could only “point out one corner of a square,” he said; it was up to the students “to come back with the other three” (Analects, 7:8). To teach, therefore, is “to impart light” (hui): to provide guidance to students and to entice them forward, so that even when they are tired and dispirited, even when they want to give up, they cannot. In a similar vein, Confucius said of himself, “I am the sort of man who forgets to eat when trying to solve a problem, who is so joyful that I forget my worries and do not become aware of the onset of old age” (Analects, 7:19). When old age did arrive, Confucius discovered that the act of holding his conduct and judgment to the right measure no longer bore him down. “At 70,” he said, “I followed what my heart desired without overstepping the line” (Analects, 2:4). This, however, did not mean that Confucius was free of care. Historians and philosophers in later centuries typically portrayed a careworn Confucius in his final days. Yet he still rejoiced in life because life astonished him, and the will in all living things to carry on in spite of setbacks and afflictions inspired him. It was the pine and the cypress Confucius admired most, because “they are the last to lose their needles” (Analects, 9:28). He died at the age of 73 on the 11th day of the fourth lunar month in the year 479 .   Sources on Confucius Sources on the life of Confucius are sparse. Official annals and other historical sources of the late Spring and Autumn Period rarely mention his name because he did not play a conspicuous role in the political world. In fact, he barely existed in that world, since most of his life was spent either in preparation for such a career or in exile. Yet the gaps in the historical records were eventually beneficial, because they prompted later scholars to look for any trace of evidence that might reveal something new about him. Unfortunately, such searches often led to imaginative conjectures about Confucius, as in the account by a writer of the 3rd century in which Confucius described himself as a yellow chi (homeless dragon) swimming in the turbid water but drinking from the clear. Confucius, in this writer’s mind, could have chosen to live like a true dragon and never leave his pristine pool, but he preferred to be a chi. Throughout early Chinese history, there were many such writers, and the source they turned to repeatedly for understanding and inspiration was the Analects. The Analects is the work most closely associated with Confucius. It is a record of his life in fragments, collected into 20 sections. The sections contain descriptions of his character, deportment, and moments of his life in exile or at home in Lu; bits of conversations he had with his disciples and other people he knew; and remarks spoken in his voice but often in the absence of a context. Without the aid of commentaries, this work—which also lacks any apparent organization—can be misleading or discouraging for some readers. Yet, with patience and attentiveness, it is possible to glean from the gathered pieces flashes of Confucius’s genius and the elements of his humanity. The Analects probably took shape within the first century after Confucius’s death. A handful of younger disciples—who make their appearances rather forcefully at the beginning and the end of the work—could have initiated the project, but it took another 200–300 years of tinkering—with some passages being omitted and others appended or modified—before the text settled into its present form. Material evidence of the age of the standard text emerged from the ground in 1973, when archaeologists opened the tomb of the prince of Zhongshan (Liu Xiu, also known as King Huai), a relative of the Han emperor Wudi. The tomb, dated to 55 , was discovered in Hebei province about 100 miles south of Beijing. The Analects, written on bamboo strips, was included among the grave objects that accompanied the prince to his afterlife. A second work that is central to the study of Confucius and his thought is the Zuo Zhuan (“Zuo Commentary”). Although it is a commentary on the Chunqiu, the official annals of the state of Lu covering the Spring and Autumn Period, it does more than provide background and narrative structure for the events listed chronologically in the annals. The Zuo writer probably had at his disposal a wide range of scribal records, the most important of which were speeches of rulers and counselors and of men and women who had played a role in the political fate of their families and their states during the late Zhou dynasty. The best of these speeches reflect the characters of the speakers and the cultural practices that guided their moral decision making. They also throw light on Confucius’s intellectual ancestry and the roots of his moral thinking. Confucius never professed to be an original thinker. He said, “I transmit but do not innovate. I love antiquity and have faith in it” (Analects, 7:1). The Zuo Zhuan offers a view of China in the 200 years before Confucius’s birth, which was not the antiquity Confucius had in mind. But when one reads it together with the early classics on rites (see below Teachings of Confucius), poetry, and history, it can take one to the knowledge that Confucius intended to transmit. The third source is a long biography of Confucius written in the 1st century . The author, Sima Qian, is China’s most distinguished historian, and the biography remains the standard in Chinese historiography. Even though later scholars did not find all his stories believable and saw logistical problems in his account of Confucius’s travels, they were willing to overlook such questions because of Sima Qian’s rare talent for improving the records imaginatively and reconstructing the interior lives of his subjects. In his biography of Confucius, Sima Qian tried to work mostly with the Analects, grouping individual utterances together to make them cohere and expanding isolated episodes by adding more characters and action. The biography was not altogether elegant or persuasive, but it was the earliest attempt to thread together into a continuous narrative the fragments in the Analects and the stories about Confucius that had been circulating through the works of historians and philosophers in the 300 years since his death.   Confucius thought that the rites, or ritual ( li )—encompassing and expressing proper human conduct in all spheres of life—could steady a man and anchor a government and that their practice should begin at home. “Give your parents no cause for worry other than your illness,” he said. “When your parents are alive, do not travel to distant places, and if you have to travel, you must tell them exactly where you are going” (Analects, 2:6, 4:19). But what if your parents are thinking of doing something wrong? “Be gentle when trying to dissuade them from wrongdoing,” Confucius advised. “If you see that they are inclined not to heed your advice, remain reverent (jing). Do not openly challenge them. Do not be resentful even when they wear you out and make you anxious” (Analects, 4:18). Every human relationship is a balancing act, and the one between child and parents is the most demanding yet the most deserving of attention and patience, because it is rooted in love and the child’s earliest memories of warmth and affection. Confucius did not want children to be acquiescent in situations that call for their judgment. At the same time, he discouraged confrontation even when the parents are culpable. He worried that parents might lose their sense of proportion and their child’s affection for them, and so he urged the child to “remain reverent” even if the parents are not inclined to heed the child’s advice. The rites, therefore, enable the child to avoid a clash without having to betray principles. But unless the child “acts according to the spirit of the rites, in being respectful, he will tire himself out; in being cautious, he will become timid” (Analects, 8:2). In the eyes of his contemporaries, Confucius was someone who embodied that spirit. They observed that “at court when he was speaking with the counselors of the lower rank, he was relaxed and affable. When speaking with counselors of the higher rank, he was frank but respectful. And in the ruler’s presence, though he was filled with reverence and awe, he was perfectly composed” (Analects,10:2). The spirit of the rites is the ineffable, and, therefore, different from prescribed rules. It awaits the person with knowledge and awareness and skills in deportment to put it into motion, for every occasion is different. The circumstances change, and they change even as the occasion unfolds. Thus, when Confucius was inside the temple of the Duke of Zhou, “he asked questions about everything”; he knew the procedures of the sacrifice, yet he still approached the rites as if he were performing them for the first time. “Asking questions,” he said, “is the correct practice of the rites” (Analects, 3:15). An education in the Odes, the earliest collection of Chinese poetry, complements an education in the rites. The Odes “can give the spirit exhortation, the mind keener eyes,” Confucius said. “They can make us better adjusted in a group and more articulate when voicing a complaint” (Analects, 17:9). He told his son, “Unless you learn the Odes, you won’t be able to speak” (Analects, 16:13). Just as the legendary sage emperor Shun (c. 23rd century ) told the director of music to teach the children poetry—to let the poems become their voice—so that “the straightforward shall yet be gentle, the magnanimous shall yet be dignified”—Confucius, too, hoped that the Odes would become his son’s speech, because such utterances are always appropriate and so will “never swerve from the path” (Analects, 2:2). For him, a love poem from the Odes, called Guanju (“Fishhawk”), best illustrates this point. The poem tells the reader that in yearning for the woman he desired, the wooer did not suffer unduly, and in courting his lady, he did not make a vulgar display of his feelings. The poem reads: “With harps we bring her company,” and “with bells and drums do her delight.” Of the tone and sentiment in this poem, Confucius said, “There is joy but no immodest thoughts, sorrow but no self-injury” (Analects, 3:20). The music Confucius loved best was the ancient music known as shao. When he first heard it, he said, “I never imagined that music could be this beautiful,” and “for the next three months he did not notice the taste of meat” (Analects, 7:14). The music of shao is associated with the story of how Shun ascended to power upon the decision of Emperor Yao (c. 24th century ), Shun’s predecessor, to abdicate in favour of a man who grew up in the wilds but whose love for virtue was like the rush of a torrent. According to the Shujing, a compilation of documents related to China’s early history, when the music was played in the court of Emperor Shun, not only men but gods and spirits, birds and beasts were drawn to it. Such was the power of music that embodied the tenor and vehicle of a moral government. Whereas Confucius looked upon music as the culmination of culture—of notes “bright and distinct” gathering in fluency and harmony—the Confucian philosopher Mencius (c. 371–c. 289 ) took the idea in another direction, seeing it as a trope of Confucius’s achievements (Analects, 3:23). In the work most closely associated with him (the Mencius), Mencius said that only Confucius could advance or retreat, serve or not serve “according to circumstances” and in a timely fashion, and, like a symphony perfectly brought together, “from the ringing of bells at the beginning to the sound of the jade tubes at the end,” there was an internal order (Mencius, 5B:1). The order found in the music of shao or in the conduct of a person suggests the ultimate good, but it is not an abstract idea, for it effects an emotional pull—a gravitating toward the music or the person possessing it. It has a kind of magic because it reflects a rightness in sound or in human deliberation. And this rightness of expression or intent serves a higher ideal, which Confucius called humaneness ( ren ). When his disciple Zigong asked him what is humaneness, Confucius replied, “Do not impose on others what you do not want [others to impose on you]” (Analects, 15:24). A humane man is someone who is able “to make analogies from what is close at hand” (Analects, 6:30). He uses this knowledge to imagine the humanity in others, and he relies on his learning of rites and music to hold him to the right measure. Confucius was often asked whether someone was humane, and in response he always gave a careful assessment of the person’s strengths. He would say, for example, that the man “did his best” in fulfilling his public duty, “had administrative talents,” or “wanted nothing to defile him”—but such virtue, he would add, did not imply that the man was humane (Analects, 5:8; 5:19). In fact, Confucius claimed that he had never met anyone who was truly humane. This, however, did not mean that humaneness was beyond reach. “As soon as I desire humaneness, it is here,” he said, and everyone he had come across had sufficient strength “to devote all his effort to the practice of humaneness” (Analects, 7:30; 4:6). Humaneness “is beautiful (mei),” and most people are drawn to it, yet, Confucius observed, few will choose to pursue it (Analects, 4:1; 4:6). That resistance suggests a rich and more complex notion of human nature, without which morality could not come into play. And, as his disciple Zengzi (505–436 ) said, only the strong and resolute are game for the quest, because “the road is long” and “ends only with death.” (Analects, 8:7). Confucius gave his teachings on humaneness a political dimension, though they seemed to be intended for the self. He observed that Emperor Shun was able to order the world simply by perfecting his own humanity and by cultivating a respectful demeanour. “If you set an example by correcting your mistakes, who dares not to correct his mistakes?” he asked the counselor Jikangzi. “Just desire the good and the people will be good. The character of those at the top is like that of the wind. The character of those below is like that of grass. When wind blows over the grass, the grass is sure to bend” (Analects, 12:17; 12:19). But when asked what should come first when administrating a state, he said “trust” (xin). If a ruler’s words and actions do not inspire trust, Confucius asserts, his government will certainly perish, even though he might ensure enough food to feed the people and adequate arms to defend them (Analects, 12:7). Confucius thought that the classic enfeoffment system of the early Zhou dynasty came very close to an ideal government because it was grounded in the trust between the Zhou emperor in the west and the relatives he sent east with vested authority to create new colonies for the young empire. Such a government, reinforced with the civilizing powers of rites and music, does not need complex laws and edicts to keep the people in check. Confucius said, “Guide the people with ordinances and statutes and keep them in line with [threats of] punishment, they will try to stay out of trouble but will have no sense of shame. If you guide them with exemplary virtue and keep them in line with the practice of the rites, they will have sense of shame and will know to reform themselves” (Analects, 2:3). Few people knew how to reform themselves in Confucius’s time, and there was nearly no one among their rulers for them to look up to. But Confucius still had faith in professional advisers like himself, who, in the tradition of the great counselors of the past, were able to make rulers great with their hard work, discernment, and deft ways of moral suasion.   Later development of Confucian doctrines The next 250 years of Chinese history, known as the Warring States Period, was even more fraught with tension and uncertainty than the one Confucius had known. A ruler’s success at this later time was measured by the size and number of his conquests, achieved through military operations and political maneuvers. The means to power also became more violent and sophisticated. Accordingly, followers of Confucius either held on to certain aspects of his teachings with a tighter grip or realized the need to adapt what he had said to the political reality of their times. Mencius was a member of the first group and Xunzi (c. 300–c. 230 ) of the second. Xunzi, who followed Mencius by about a century, severely criticized his predecessor. In his major work, now called the Xunzi, he accused Mencius of misleading “the dim-witted scholars of the vulgar age,” letting them believe that Mencius’s own “aberrant” and “esoteric” doctrines are the “true words” of Confucius (Xunzi, Chapter 6, “Contra Twelve Philosophers”). Later Confucians, who made much of the differences between the two philosophers, pointed to their theories of human nature as the source of their disagreement. But the fixation on that subject tended to obscure their more important differences regarding such topics as education and self-knowledge, feelings and intellect, law and adjudication, and the moral risks of a political profession. Both Mencius and Xunzi took up the subject of moral judgment—the most difficult of human responsibilities in Confucius’s view—and explored it with greater precision and urgency than Confucius had done. On the question of which of the human faculties should play the deciding role, Mencius opted for the heart while Xunzi favoured the mind. Mencius believed that “every person has a heart that is sensitive to the sufferings of others”; therefore, he said, the sight of a young child about to fall into a well would horrify anyone who might be a witness and afflict that person with pain (Mencius, 2A:6). The horror—and the pain—is an unthinking response from the heart, which Mencius presented as proof that all humans are born with good impulses. People who lack the feeling of commiseration have only themselves to blame; they must have let go of their inborn nature, Mencius observed, and left their hearts morally barren (Mencius, 6A:8). Mencius’s theory of human nature is bold. He claimed that he had gotten it from Confucius, though one learns from the Analects that Confucius did not like to talk about human nature (Analects, 5:13). However, given what Confucius said about learning—“Being human and yet lacking in humaneness—what can such a man do with the rites?” or “with music?”—he must have had some notion of human nature, which was likely to have been positive (Analects, 3:3). Mencius, for his part, wanted to go much further by using his theory of human nature as the basis of an entire moral philosophy. Thus, he speculated on ways of extending the heart’s potential and on how the larger world would be affected if that potential were fulfilled. Using a legendary figure to illustrate the key points of his teaching, Mencius related how the emperor Shun was able to emerge from the darkest of family histories (insensate father, cruel stepmother, and scheming half brother) to become a perfected self. Indeed, according to Mencius, at no time—not even when his family was plotting against his life—was Shun ever resentful or disrespectful toward his parents (Mencius, 5A:1, 2, 3). It was a moving, but not altogether credible, tale of strength gained through self-examination. Confucius would have recognized Mencius’s story as an expression of what he had taught about filiality, but he would not have gone as far as Mencius did in making Shun the supreme model of filiality and in suggesting that such virtue was all a ruler would need “to give ease to his people” (Mencius, 5A.5). In fact, Confucius said that even Shun, a supremely cultivated ruler, found such a task “difficult to do” (Analects, 6.30). Although Mencius’s political thought might today seem somewhat simplistic, he had a respectable following among the young; he also made a good living as a political counselor, and his service was often in demand. The rulers of his time did not mind listening to his remonstrances because, despite his reproving voice, he always included a positive message about their moral potential. He would tell them that no matter what sorts of transgressions they may have committed in the past, they could always recover their potential to do good if they applied themselves. Mencius was optimistic about the human condition and was willing to forego history and gloss over inconsistencies in his teachings in order to pursue his vision (Mencius, 7B:3). Xunzi, on the other hand, was always seeking clarity—clarity of thought and words and a clear-eyed view of reality. He did not set out to challenge Mencius and did not mean to be polemical when he said that human nature is repellent. He simply wanted to give a discomforting and more truthful account of what human beings are like in order to get them moving more quickly on the road to reform. To that end, he wrote about desires—how to manage them before they become obsessively out of control (Xunzi, Chapter 21, “Dispelling Obsessions”); about power—how to use it effectively and properly when one has it; and about the difference between brute force and the authority of a true king (Xunzi, Chapter 11, “Kings and Lord-Protectors”). Xunzi traveled widely abroad and was active in political circles, working with several heads of state and witnessing their horrific deeds and misconduct. In fact, the most violent chapter in the history of the late Warring States Period occurred in Xunzi’s ancestral state of Zhao in the year 260 , when Xunzi happened to be there. Thousands of Zhao soldiers were buried alive on this occasion by the army of the Qin dynasty after they had surrendered. Perhaps because of what he had seen and experienced, Xunzi liked to use startling images and shocking analogies in his writing to shake the men of his time from their mental lassitude and moral idleness. To one such man, a prime minister of the state of Qi who aspired to follow the great kings of the past but had not yet taken the first step, Xunzi said, “For you [to harbour such ambitions] is analogous to lying down flat on one’s face and trying to lick the sky or trying to rescue a man who had hanged himself by pulling at his feet” (Xunzi, Chapter 16, “On Strengthening the State”). Along with his warnings, Xunzi offered guidance and examples from more distant history, using the Duke of Zhou and his father, Wenwang, among others, as models of conduct and character. Of the Duke of Zhou, Xunzi said that he was born into power and knew how to utilize it, and, even when his actions might have seemed irregular, people trusted him as they trusted the four seasons—such was the integrity of this man (Xunzi, Chapter 8: “Teachings of the Ru”). Confucius also admired the Duke of Zhou for his political vision and for having seen the young dynasty through a perilous time. And he believed that having the trust of the people was the first item of business for a ruler, because without it the government could not stand on firm ground. In these ways, Confucius was Xunzi’s precursor. Confucius also stressed the importance of maintaining some emotional distance from matters that require judgment, but Xunzi placed more emphasis on the mind’s potential. He went as far as to say that a balanced and discerning mind could offer a more precise measure of right and wrong and that the perspicuity of the mind, not the stirring of the heart, should be a person’s moral compass. This was the essential difference between Xunzi and Mencius. Many later Confucians sided with Mencius, and rulers tended to accept his teachings, as they did during Mencius’s lifetime, because his voice was less taxing on their conscience (rulers also knew that they could bend his words to suit their ways). Mencian ideas were spread further in the 11th and 12th centuries by Confucians of the Song dynasty (960–1279). Thinkers such as Cheng Yi (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi (1130–1200), in their attempt to create a new Confucian philosophy to meet the challenges of Buddhist metaphysics and meditative practices, finding preliminary support in Mencius’s concepts of human nature and self-cultivation, subscribed to Mencius’s understanding of Confucius. The Mencius also gained prominence in their academies. Successors of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi in the subsequent Yuan dynasty (1206–1368) would go further by including the Mencius in government examinations, thus making his relationship with the state even tighter. Xunzi, in the meantime, was pushed aside. Confucians in the Song and Ming (1368–1644) dynasties rejected him because his writings on human nature threatened to undermine their belief that the achievement of self-knowledge is the fulfillment of humanity’s inborn promise. Although there was more interest in Xunzi in the subsequent Qing dynasty (1644–1911/12), when scholars thought highly of his intellectual range and his writings on learning and politics, Xunzi did not supplant Mencius in the order of their affections. However, since the recent discovery of bamboo-strip texts dating from the Warring States Period (see below Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought), Xunzi has gained more attention from scholars. Indeed, several of these excavated texts seem to resonate with Xunzi’s writings in both style and substance. That this should be so suggests that Confucius probably had a larger variety of heirs in early China than scholars have imagined, many more than the Song Confucians would have liked to believe. Confucius himself would have been pleased with this revelation. He would have preferred a richer and messier history of his legacy over any single line of transmission.   Contemporary scholarship on Confucian thought In 1993, after the discovery of the bamboo-strip Analects, two other groups of manuscripts, on moral cultivation and political thought, were discovered in Hebei province, which led to a revival of scholarship on Confucian thought. The manuscripts, also written on bamboo strips, were dated to c. 300 or earlier, during the Warring States Period, before China was unified. One batch of texts was dug up by archaeologists, and the other was taken by robbers from an unknown grave, smuggled to Hong Kong, and then sold to the Shanghai Museum through an arrangement orchestrated by antique dealers. Confucius appeared, often with an interlocutor, in eight of the published texts from the Shanghai Museum collection. Since most of the texts are incomplete—with missing or damaged strips—it is difficult to establish just how much they add to scholars’ knowledge and idea of Confucius. Even so, the material evidence firmly places him in Warring States history. Either in conversation with a disciple or with a counselor about the drought in Lu or the cause of social unrest, this was a Confucius animated by speech and still trying to think through the most confounding problems of the human condition. Early materials associated with Confucius continued to surface in the early 21st century. In 2011, an excavation of a Han dynasty tomb in the northern outskirts of the city of Nanchang, in Jiangxi province, uncovered a bamboo text of the Analects, a covered mirror with painted images of Confucius and two of his disciples, all identified by their names and short citations from the Analects, and Sima Qian’s biography of Confucius. The tomb belonged to Liu He, a grandson of the Han ruler Wudi. Liu He was made an emperor in 74 at the age of 18 but was dethroned within 27 days—a victim of the political struggle going on at the time—and sent back to his ancestral home as a commoner. The ruler who succeeded him rehabilitated Liu He, granting him a title, Marquis Haihun, and a large fief just a few years before Liu He’s death in 59 at the age of 33. Many piles of pottery and precious stones, gold cakes and gold utensils, and bronze instruments and jade ornaments accompanied Marquis Haihun to his grave, but so also did the image and words of Confucius, which suggests that even in death this young nobleman chose to stay close to what had become his moral compass in life.
Confucius | Biography, Teachings, & Facts
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Confucius
https://iep.utm.edu/confucius/
Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
2021-01-22
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	<h2>Confucius (551—479 B.C.E.)</h2>
<p>Better known in China as “Master Kong” (Chinese: <em><a href="../chinese/">Kongzi</a></em>), Confucius was a fifth-century BCE Chinese thinker whose influence upon East Asian intellectual and social history is immeasurable. As a culturally symbolic figure, he has been alternately idealized, deified, dismissed, vilified, and rehabilitated over the millennia by both Asian and non-Asian thinkers and regimes. Given his extraordinary impact on Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese thought, it is ironic that so little can be known about Confucius. The tradition that bears his name – “<a href="../neo-conf">Confucianism</a>” (Chinese: <em>Rujia</em>) – ultimately traces itself to the sayings and biographical fragments recorded in the text known as the Analects (Chinese: <em>Lunyu</em>). As with the person of Confucius himself, scholars disagree about the origins and character of the Analects, but it remains the traditional source for information about Confucius’ life and teaching. Most scholars remain confident that it is possible to extract from the Analects several philosophical themes and views that may be safely attributed to this ancient Chinese sage. These are primarily ethical, rather than analytical-logical or metaphysical in nature, and include Confucius’ claim that <em>Tian</em> (“Heaven”) is aligned with moral order but dependent upon human agents to actualize its will; his concern for <em>li</em> (ritual propriety) as the instrument through which the family, the state, and the world may be aligned with <em>Tian’s</em> moral order; and his belief in the “contagious” nature of moral force (<em>de</em>), by which moral rulers diffuse morality to their subjects, moral parents raise moral children, and so forth.</p>
<h3>Table of Contents</h3>
<ol>
<li><a href="#H1">The Confucius of History </a></li>
<li><a href="#H2">The Confucius of the<em> Analects</em> </a></li>
<li><a href="#H3">Theodicy </a></li>
<li><a href="#H4">Harmonious order </a></li>
<li><a href="#H5">Moral force </a></li>
<li><a href="#H6">Self-cultivation </a></li>
<li><a href="#H7">The Confucius of Myth </a></li>
<li><a href="#H8">The Confucius of the State </a></li>
<li><a href="#H9">Key Interpreters of Confucius </a></li>
<li><a href="#H10">References and Further Reading </a></li>
</ol>
<h2><a></a>1. The Confucius of History</h2>
<p>Sources for the historical recovery of Confucius’ life and thought are limited to texts that postdate his traditional lifetime (551-479 BCE) by a few decades at least and several centuries at most. Confucius’ appearances in Chinese texts are a sign of his popularity and utility among literate elites during the Warring States (403-221 BCE), Qin (221-206 BCE), and Han (206 BCE-220 CE) periods. These texts vary in character and function, from collections of biographical and pedagogical fragments such as the <em>Analects </em>to dynastic histories and works by later Confucian thinkers.</p>
<p>The historical Confucius, born in the small state of Lu on the Shandong peninsula in northeastern China, was a product of the “Spring and Autumn Period” (770-481 BCE). We know him mostly from texts that date to the “Warring States Period” (403-221 BCE). During these eras, China enjoyed no political unity and suffered from the internecine warfare of small states, remnants of the once-great Zhou polity that collapsed after “barbarian” invasions in 771 BCE. For more than three hundred years after the alleged year of Confucius’ birth, the Chinese would fight each other for mastery of the empire lost by the Zhou. In the process, life became difficult, especially for the <em>shi </em>(“retainer” or “knight”) class, from which Confucius himself arose. As feudal lords were defeated and disenfranchised in battle and the kings of the various warring states began to rely on appointed administrators rather than vassals to govern their territories, these <em>shi</em> became lordless anachronisms and fell into genteel poverty and itinerancy. Their knowledge of aristocratic traditions, however, helped them remain valuable to competing kings, who wished to learn how to regain the unity imposed by the Zhou and who sought to emulate the Zhou by patterning court rituals and other institutions after those of the fallen dynasty.</p>
<p>Thus, a new role for <em>shi</em> as itinerant antiquarians emerged. In such roles, <em>shi</em> found themselves in and out of office as the fortunes of various patron states ebbed and flowed. Confucius is said to have held office for only a short time before withdrawing into scholarly retirement. While out of office, veteran <em>shi</em> might gather small circles of disciples – young men from <em>shi</em> backgrounds who wished to succeed in public life. It is precisely such master-and-disciple exchanges between Confucius and his students that the <em>Analects</em> claims to record.</p>
<h2><a></a> 2. The Confucius of the <em>Analects</em></h2>
<p>Above all else, the <em>Analects</em> depicts Confucius as someone who “transmits, but does not innovate” (7.1). What Confucius claimed to transmit was the <em>Dao</em> (Way) of the sages of Zhou antiquity; in the <em>Analects</em>, he is the erudite guardian of tradition who challenges his disciples to emulate the sages of the past and restore the moral integrity of the state. Although readers of the <em>Analects</em> often assume that Confucius’ views are presented as a coherent and consistent system within the text, a careful reading reveals several different sets of philosophical concerns which do not conflict so much as they complement one another. These complimentary sets of concerns can be categorized into four groups:</p>
<ul>
<li>Theodicy</li>
<li>Harmonious order</li>
<li>Moral force</li>
<li>Self-cultivation</li>
</ul>
<h2><a></a>3. Theodicy</h2>
<p>Those familiar with Enlightenment-influenced presentations of Confucius as an austere humanist who did not discuss the supernatural may be surprised to encounter the term “theodicy” as a framework for understanding Confucius’ philosophical concerns. Confucius’ record of silence on the subject of the divine is attested by the <em>Analects</em> (5.13, 7.21, 11.12). In fact, as a child of the late Zhou world, Confucius inherited a great many religious sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. 16<sup>th</sup> century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, “The Lord on High” (<em>Shangdi</em>), to whom entreaties were made in the first known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice. As the Zhou polity emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, <em>Tian</em> (“Sky” or “Heaven”) as synonymous with <em>Shangdi</em>, the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a consequence of a change in <em>Tianming</em> (“the mandate of Heaven”). Thus, theistic justifications for conquest and rulership were present very early in Chinese history.By the time of Confucius, the concept of <em>Tian</em> appears to have changed slightly. For one thing, the ritual complex of Zhou diviners, which served to ascertain the will of <em>Tian</em> for the benefit of the king, had collapsed with Zhou rule itself. At the same time, the network of religious obligations to manifold divinities, local spirits, and ancestors does not seem to have ceased with the fall of the Zhou, and Confucius appears to uphold sacrifices to “gods and ghosts” as consistent with “transmitting” noble tradition. Yet, in the <em>Analects</em>, a new aspect of <em>Tian</em> emerges. For the Confucius of the <em>Analects</em>, discerning the will of <em>Tian</em> and reconciling it with his own moral compass sometimes proves to be a troubling exercise:</p>
<blockquote><p>If Heaven is about to abandon this culture, those who die afterwards will not get to share in it; if Heaven has not yet abandoned this culture, what can the men of Guang [Confucius’ adversaries in this instance] do to me? (9.5)</p>
<p>There is no one who recognizes me…. I neither resent Heaven nor blame humanity. In learning about the lower I have understood the higher. The one who recognizes me – wouldn’t that be Heaven? (14.35)</p>
<p>Heaven has abandoned me! Heaven has abandoned me! (11.9)</p></blockquote>
<p>As A. C. Graham has noted, Confucius seems to be of two minds about <em>Tian</em>. At times, he is convinced that he enjoys the personal protection and sanction of <em>Tian</em>, and thus defies his mortal opponents as he wages his campaign of moral instruction and reform. At other moments, however, he seems caught in the throes of existential despair, wondering if he has lost his divine backer at last. <em>Tian </em>seems to participate in functions of “fate” and “nature” as well as those of “deity.” What remains consistent throughout Confucius’ discourses on <em>Tian</em> is his threefold assumption about this extrahuman, absolute power in the universe: (1) its alignment with moral goodness, (2) its dependence on human agents to actualize its will, and (3) the variable, unpredictable nature of its associations with mortal actors. Thus, to the extent that the Confucius of the <em>Analects</em> is concerned with justifying the ways of <em>Tian</em> to humanity, he tends to do so without questioning these three assumptions about the nature of <em>Tian</em>, which are rooted deeply in the Chinese past.</p>
<h2><a></a> 4. Harmonious order</h2>
<p>The dependence of <em>Tian</em> upon human agents to put its will into practice helps account for Confucius’ insistence on moral, political, social, and even religious activism. In one passage (17.19), Confucius seems to believe that, just as <em>Tian</em> does not speak but yet accomplishes its will for the cosmos, so too can he remain “silent” (in the sense of being out of office, perhaps) and yet effective in promoting his principles, possibly through the many disciples he trained for government service. At any rate, much of Confucius’ teaching is directed toward the maintenance of three interlocking kinds of order: (1) aesthetic, (2) moral, and (3) social. The instrument for effecting and emulating all three is <em>li</em> (ritual propriety).</p>
<blockquote><p>Do not look at, do not listen to, do not speak of, do not do whatever is contrary to ritual propriety. (12.1)</p></blockquote>
<p>In this passage, Confucius underscores the crucial importance of rigorous attention to <em>li</em> as a kind of self-replicating blueprint for good manners and taste, morality, and social order. In his view, the appropriate use of a quotation from the <em>Classic of Poetry</em> (<em>Shijing</em>), the perfect execution of guest-host etiquette, and the correct performance of court ritual all serve a common end: they regulate and maintain order. The nature of this order is, as mentioned above, threefold. It is aesthetic — quoting the <em>Shijing</em> upholds the cultural hegemony of Zhou literature and the conventions of elite good taste. Moreover, it is moral — good manners demonstrate both concern for others and a sense of one’s place. Finally, it is social — rituals properly performed duplicate ideal hierarchies of power, whether between ruler and subject, parent and child, or husband and wife. For Confucius, the paramount example of harmonious social order seems to be <em>xiao</em> (filial piety), of which <em>jing</em> (reverence) is the key quality:</p>
<blockquote><p>Observe what a person has in mind to do when his father is alive, and then observe what he does when his father is dead. If, for three years, he makes no changes to his father’s ways, he can be said to be a good son. (1.11)</p>
<p>[The disciple] Ziyu asked about filial piety. The Master said, “Nowadays, for a person to be filial means no more than that he is able to provide his parents with food. Even dogs and horses are provided with food. If a person shows no reverence, where is the difference?” (2.7)</p>
<p>In serving your father and mother, you ought to dissuade them from doing wrong in the gentlest way. If you see your advice being ignored, you should not become disobedient but should remain reverent. You should not complain even if you are distressed. (4.18)</p></blockquote>
<p>The character of this threefold order is deeper than mere conventions such as taste and decorum, as the above quotations demonstrate. Labeling it “aesthetic” might appear to demean or trivialize it, but to draw this conclusion is to fail to reflect on the peculiar way in which many Western thinkers tend to devalue the aesthetic. As David Hall and Roger Ames have argued, this “aesthetic” Confucian order is understood to be both intrinsically moral and profoundly harmonious, whether for a <em>shi </em>household, the court of a Warring States king, or the cosmos at large. When persons and things are in their proper places – and here tradition is the measure of propriety – relations are smooth, operations are effortless, and the good is sought and done voluntarily. In the hierarchical political and social conception of Confucius (and all of his Chinese contemporaries), what is below takes its cues from what is above. A moral ruler will diffuse morality to those under his sway; a moral parent will raise a moral child:</p>
<blockquote><p>Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject, a father a father, and a son a son. (12.11)</p>
<p>Direct the people with moral force and regulate them with ritual, and they will possess shame, and moreover, they will be righteous. (2.3)</p></blockquote>
<h2><a></a> 5. Moral force</h2>
<p>The last quotation from the <em>Analects</em> introduces a term perhaps most famously associated with a very different early Chinese text, the <em>Laozi (Lao-tzu)</em> or <em>Daodejing</em> <em>(Tao Te Ching)</em> – <em>de (te)</em>, “moral force.” Like <em>Tian</em>, <em>de</em> is heavily freighted with a long train of cultural and religious baggage, extending far back into the mists of early Chinese history. During the early Zhou period, <em>de</em> seems to have been a kind of amoral, almost magical power attributed to various persons – seductive women, charismatic leaders, etc. For Confucius, <em>de</em> seems to be just as magically efficacious, but stringently moral. It is both a quality, and a virtue of, the successful ruler:</p>
<blockquote><p>One who rules by moral force may be compared to the North Star – it occupies its place and all the stars pay homage to it. (2.1)</p></blockquote>
<p><em>De</em> is a quality of the successful ruler, because he rules at the pleasure of <em>Tian</em>, which for Confucius is resolutely allied with morality, and to which he attributes his own inner <em>de</em> (7.23). <em>De</em> is the virtue of the successful ruler, without which he could not rule at all.</p>
<p>Confucius’ vision of order unites aesthetic concerns for harmony and symmetry (<em>li</em>) with moral force (<em>de</em>) in pursuit of social goals: a well-ordered family, a well-ordered state, and a well-ordered world. Such an aesthetic, moral, and social program begins at home, with the cultivation of the individual.</p>
<h2><a></a> 6. Self-Cultivation</h2>
<p>In the <em>Analects</em>, two types of persons are opposed to one another – not in terms of basic potential (for, in 17.2, Confucius says all human beings are alike at birth), but in terms of developed potential. These are the <em>junzi</em> (literally, “lord’s son” or “gentleman”; Tu Wei-ming has originated the useful translation “profound person,” which will be used here) and the <em>xiaoren</em> (“small person”):</p>
<blockquote><p>The profound person understands what is moral. The small person understands what is profitable. (4.16)</p></blockquote>
<p>The <em>junzi</em> is the person who always manifests the quality of <em>ren (jen)</em> in his person and the displays the quality of <em>yi (i)</em> in his actions (4.5). The character for<em> ren </em>is composed of two graphic elements, one representing a human being and the other representing the number two. Based on this, one often hears that <em>ren</em> means “how two people should treat one another.” While such folk etymologies are common in discussions of Chinese characters, they often are as misleading as they are entertaining. In the case of <em>ren</em> – usually translated as “benevolence” or “humaneness” – the graphic elements of a human being and the number two really are instructive, so much so that Peter Boodberg suggested an evocative translation of <em>ren</em> as “co-humanity.” The way in which the <em>junzi</em> relates to his fellow human beings, however, highlights Confucius’ fundamentally hierarchical model of relations:</p>
<blockquote><p>The moral force of the profound person is like the wind; the moral force of the small person is like the grass. Let the wind blow over the grass and it is sure to bend. (12.19)</p></blockquote>
<p>D. C. Lau has pointed out that <em>ren</em> is an attribute of agents, while <em>yi</em> (literally, “what is fitting” — “rightness,” “righteousness”) is an attribute of actions. This helps to make clear the conceptual links between <em>li</em>, <em>de</em>, and the <em>junzi</em>. The <em>junzi</em> qua <em>junzi</em> exerts <em>de</em>, moral force, according to what is <em>yi</em>, fitting (that is, what is aesthetically, morally, and socially proper), and thus manifests <em>ren</em>, or the virtue of co-humanity in an interdependent, hierarchical universe over which <em>Tian</em> presides.</p>
<p>Two passages from the <em>Analects</em> go a long way in indicating the path toward self-cultivation that Confucius taught would-be <em>junzi</em> in fifth century BCE China:</p>
<blockquote><p>From the age of fifteen on, I have been intent upon learning; from thirty on, I have established myself; from forty on, I have not been confused; from fifty on, I have known the mandate of Heaven; from sixty on, my ear has been attuned; from seventy on, I have followed my heart’s desire without transgressing what is right. (2.4)</p>
<p>The Master’s Way is nothing but other-regard and self-reflection. (4.15)</p></blockquote>
<p>The first passage illustrates the gradual and long-term scale of the process of self-cultivation. It begins during one’s teenaged years, and extends well into old age; it proceeds incrementally from intention (<em>zhi</em>) to learning (<em>xue</em>), from knowing the mandate of Heaven (<em>Tianming</em>) to doing both what is desired (<em>yu</em>) and what is right (<em>yi</em>). In his disciple Zengzi (Tseng-tzu)’s summary of his “Way” (<em>Dao</em>), Confucius teaches only “other-regard” (<em>zhong</em>) and “self-reflection” (<em>shu</em>). These terms merit their own discussion.</p>
<p>The conventional meaning of “other-regard” (<em>zhong</em>) in classical Chinese is “loyalty,” especially loyalty to a ruler on the part of a minister. In the <em>Analects</em>, Confucius extends the meaning of the term to include exercising oneself to the fullest in all relationships, including relationships with those below oneself as well as with one’s betters. “Self-reflection” (<em>shu</em>) is explained by Confucius as a negatively-phrased version of the “Golden Rule”: “What you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others.” (15.24) When one reflects upon oneself, one realizes the necessity of concern for others. The self as conceptualized by Confucius is a deeply relational self that responds to inner reflection with outer virtue.</p>
<p>Similarly, the self that Confucius wishes to cultivate in his own person and in his disciples is one that looks within and compares itself with the aesthetic, moral, and social canons of tradition. Aware of its source in <em>Tian</em>, it seeks to maximize <em>ren</em> through apprenticeship to <em>li</em> so as to exercise <em>de</em> in a manner befitting a <em>junzi</em>. Because Confucius (and early Chinese thought in general) does not suffer from the Cartesian “mind-body problem” (as Herbert Fingarette has demonstrated), there is no dichotomy between inner and outer, self and whole, and thus the cumulative effect of Confucian self-cultivation is not merely personal, but collectively social and even cosmic.</p>
<h2><a></a> 7. The Confucius of Myth</h2>
<p>While the <em>Analects</em> is valuable, albeit not infallible, as a source for the reconstruction of Confucius’ thought, it is far from being the only text to which Chinese readers have turned in their quest for discovering his identity. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), numerous hagiographical accounts of Confucius’ origins and deeds were produced, many of which would startle readers familiar only with the <em>Analects</em>. According to various texts, Confucius was a superhuman figure destined to rule as the “uncrowned king” of pre-imperial China. At birth, his body was said to have displayed special markings indicating his exemplary status. After his death, he was alleged to have revealed himself in a glorified state to his living disciples, who then received further esoteric teachings from their apotheosized master. Eventually, and perhaps inevitably, he was recognized as a deity and a cult organized itself around his worship. Feng Youlan has suggested that, had these Han images of Confucius prevailed, Confucius would have become a figure comparable to Jesus Christ in the history of China, and there would have been no arguments among scholars about whether or not Confucianism was a religion like Christianity.</p>
<p>To both ancient modern eyes, fantastic and improbable myths of Confucius should be added more recent myths about the sage that date from the earliest sustained contact between China and the West during the early modern period. The Latinization of <em>Kong(fu)zi</em> to “Confucius” originates with the interpretation of Chinese culture and thought by Jesuit missionaries for their Western audiences, supporters, and critics. Jesuits steeped in Renaissance humanism saw in Confucius a Renaissance humanist; German thinkers such as Leibniz or Wolff recognized in him an Enlightenment sage. Hegel condemned Confucius for exemplifying those whom he saw as “the people without history”; Mao castigated Confucius for imprisoning China in a cage of feudal archaism and oppression. Each remade Confucius in his own image for his own ends – a process that continues throughout the modern era, creating great heat and little light where the historical Confucius himself is concerned. Each mythologizer has seen Confucius as a symbol of whatever s/he loves or hates about China. As H. G. Creel once put it, once a figure like Confucius has become a cultural hero, stories about him tell us more about the values of the storytellers than about Confucius himself.</p>
<h2><a></a> 8. The Confucius of the State</h2>
<p>Such mythmaking was very important to the emerging imperial Chinese state, however, as it struggled to impose cultural unity on a vast and fractious territory during the final few centuries BCE and beyond into the Common Era. After the initial persecution of Confucians during the short-lived Qin dynasty (221-202 BCE), the succeeding Han emperors and their ministers seized upon Confucius as a vehicle for the legitimation of their rule and the social control of their subjects. The “Five Classics” – five ancient texts associated with Confucius – were established as the basis for the imperial civil service examinations in 136 BCE, making memorization of these texts and their orthodox Confucian interpretations mandatory for all who wished to obtain official positions in the Han government. The state’s love affair with Confucius carried on through the end of the Han in 220 CE, after which Confucius fell out of official favor as a series of warring factions struggled for control of China during the “Period of Disunity” (220-589 CE) and foreign and indigenous religious traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism rivaled Confucianism for the attentions of the elite.</p>
<p>After the restoration of unified imperial government with the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE), however, the future of Confucius as a symbol of the Chinese cultural and political establishment became increasingly secure. State-sponsored sacrifices to him formed part of the official religious complex of temple rituals, from the national to the local level, and orthodox hagiography and history cemented his reputation as cultural hero among the masses. The Song dynasty (969-1279 CE) Confucian scholar Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE) institutionalized the study of the <em>Analects</em> as one of “Four Books” required for the redesigned imperial civil service examinations, and aspiring officials continued to memorize the text and orthodox commentaries on it until the early twentieth century.</p>
<p>With the fall of the last Chinese imperial government in 1911, Confucius also fell from his position of state-imposed grandeur – but not for long. Within a short time of the abdication of the last emperor, monarchists were plotting to restore a Confucian ruler to the throne. Although these plans did not materialize, the Nationalist regime in mainland China and later in Taiwan has promoted Confucius and Confucianism in a variety of ways in order to distinguish itself from the iconoclastic Communists who followed Mao to victory and control over most of China in 1949. Even the Communist regime in China has bowed reverentially to Confucius on occasion, although not without vilifying him first, especially during the anti-traditional “Cultural Revolution” campaigns of the late 1960s and early 1970s.</p>
<p>Today, the Communist government of China spends a great deal of money on the reconstruction and restoration of old imperial temples to Confucius across the country, and has even erected many new statues of Confucius in areas likely to be frequented by tourists from overseas. Predictably, Confucius, as a philosopher, has been rehabilitated by culturally Chinese regimes across Asia, from Singapore to Beijing, as what Wm. Th. de Bary has called “the East Asian challenge for human rights” has prompted attempts to ground “human rights with Chinese characteristics” in an authentically traditional source. In short, Confucius seems far from dead, although one wonders if the authentic spirit of his fifth century BCE thought ever will live again.</p>
<h2><a></a> 9. Key Interpreters of Confucius</h2>
<p>Detailed discussion of Confucius’ key interpreters is best reserved for an article on Confucian philosophy. Nonetheless, an outline of the most important commentators and their philosophical trajectories is worth including here.</p>
<p>The two best known early interpreters of Confucius’ thought – besides the compilers of the <em>Analects</em> themselves, who worked gradually from the time of Confucius’ death until sometime during the former Han dynasty – are the Warring States philosophers “<a href="../mencius">Mencius</a>” or Mengzi (Meng-tzu, 372-289 BCE) and <a href="../xunzi">Xunzi</a> (Hsun-tzu, 310-220 BCE). Neither knew Confucius personally, nor did they know one another, except retrospectively, as in the case of Xunzi commenting on Mencius. The two usually are cast as being opposed to one another because of their disagreement over human nature – a subject on which Confucius was notably silent (<em>Analects </em>5.13).</p>
<p>Mencius illustrates a pattern typical of Confucius’ interpreters in that he claims to be doing nothing more than “transmitting” Confucius’ thought while introducing new ideas of his own. For Mencius, <em>renxing</em> (human nature) is congenitally disposed toward <em>ren</em>, but requires cultivation through <em>li</em> as well as yogic disciplines related to one’s <em>qi</em> (vital energy), and may be stunted (although never destroyed) through neglect or negative environmental influence. Confucius does not use the term <em>renxing</em> in the <em>Analects</em>, nor does he describe <em>qi</em> in Mencius’ sense, and nowhere does he provide an account of the basic goodness of human beings. Nonetheless, it is Mencius’ interpretation of Confucius’ thought – especially after the ascendancy of Zhu Xi’s brand of Confucianism in the twelfth century CE – that became regarded as orthodox by most Chinese thinkers.</p>
<p>Like Mencius, Xunzi claims to interpret Confucius’ thought authentically, but leavens it with his own contributions. Whereas Mencius claims that human beings are originally good but argues for the necessity of self-cultivation, Xunzi claims that human beings are originally bad but argues that they can be reformed, even perfected, through self-cultivation. Also like Mencius, Xunzi sees <em>li</em> as the key to the cultivation of <em>renxing</em>. Although Xunzi condemns Mencius’ arguments in no uncertain terms, when one has risen above the smoke and din of the fray, one may see that the two thinkers share many assumptions, including one that links each to Confucius: the assumption that human beings can be transformed by participation in traditional aesthetic, moral, and social disciplines.</p>
<p>Later interpreters of Confucius’ thought between the Tang and Ming dynasties are often grouped together under the label of “<a href="../neo-conf">Neo-Confucianism</a>.” This term has no cognate in classical Chinese, but is useful insofar as it unites several thinkers from disparate eras who share common themes and concerns. Thinkers such as <a href="../zhangzai">Zhang Zai</a> (Chang Tsai, 1020-1077 CE), Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE), and <a href="../wangyang">Wang Yangming</a> (1472-1529 CE), while distinct from one another, agree on the primacy of Confucius as the fountainhead of the Confucian tradition, share Mencius’ understanding of human beings as innately good, and revere the “Five Classics” and “Four Books” associated with Confucius as authoritative sources for standards of ritual, moral, and social propriety. These thinkers also display a bent toward the cosmological and metaphysical which isolates them from the Confucius of the <em>Analects</em>, and betrays the influence of Buddhism and <a href="../daoism">Daoism</a> – two movements with little or no popular following in Confucius’ China — on their thought.</p>
<p>This cursory review of some seminal interpreters of Confucius’ thought illustrates a principle that ought to be followed by all who seek to understanding Confucius’ philosophical views: suspicion of the sources. All sources for reconstructing Confucius’ views, from the <em>Analects</em> on down, postdate the master and come from a hand other than his own, and thus all should be used with caution and with an eye toward possible influences from outside of fifth century BCE China.</p>
<h2><a></a> 10. References and Further Reading</h2>
<ul>
<li>Allan, Sarah. <em>The Way of Water and Sprouts of Virtue</em>. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.</li>
<li>Allinson, Robert E. “The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity: Ethical Similarities and Differences.” <em>Asian Philosophy </em>2/2 (1992): 173-185.</li>
<li>Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. <em>The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation.</em> New York: Ballatine, 1998.</li>
<li>Ames, Roger T. “The Focus-Field Self in Classical Confucianism,” in <em>Self as Person in Asian Theory and Practice</em>, ed. Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 187-212.</li>
<li>Berthrong, John. “Trends in the Interpretation of Confucian Religiosity,” in <em>The Confucian-Christian Encounter in Historical and Contemporary Perspective</em>, ed. Peter K. H. Lee (Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 226-254.</li>
<li>Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts,” in <em>Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg</em>, ed. Alvin P. Cohen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 26-40.</li>
<li>Brooks, E. Bruce and A. Taeko, trans. <em>The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors</em>. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.</li>
<li>Chan, Wing-tsit, ed. <em>A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy</em>. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.</li>
<li>Cheng, Anne. “Lun-yü,” in <em>Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide</em>, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 313-323.</li>
<li>Creel, Herrlee G. <em>Confucius and the </em><em>Chinese Way</em>. New York: Harper and Row, 1949.</li>
<li>Creel, Herrlee G. “Was Confucius Agnostic?” <em>T’oung Pao</em> 29 (1935): 55-99.</li>
<li>Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. “Confucius and the <em>Analects</em> in the Hàn,” in <em>Confucius and the Analects: New Essays</em>, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 134-162.</li>
<li>Eno, Robert. <em>The Confucian Creation of Heaven</em>. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.</li>
<li>Fingarette, Herbert. <em>Confucius — The Secular as Sacred</em>. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972.</li>
<li>Graham, A. C. <em>Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient </em><em>China</em>. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1989.</li>
<li>Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. <em>Thinking Through Confucius</em>. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.</li>
<li>Ivanhoe, Philip J. “Whose Confucius? Which <em>Analects</em>?” in <em>Confucius and the Analects: New Essays</em>, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 119-133.</li>
<li>Lau, D.C., trans. <em>Confucius — The Analects</em>. 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992.</li>
<li>Legge, James, trans. <em>Confucius — Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean</em>. New York: Dover Publications, 1971.</li>
<li>Munro, Donald J. <em>The Concept of Man In Early </em><em>China</em>. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969.</li>
<li>Nivison, David S. “The Classical Philosophical Writings,” in <em>The </em><em>Cambridge</em><em> History of Ancient </em><em>China</em><em>: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C.</em>, ed. Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 745-812.</li>
<li>Nivison, David S. <em>The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy</em>. Ed. Bryan W. Van Norden. Chicago and La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1996.</li>
<li>Schwartz, Benjamin I. <em>The World of Thought in Ancient </em><em>China</em>. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985.</li>
<li>Shryock, John K. <em>The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius</em>. New York: Century Company, 1932.</li>
<li>Taylor, Rodney L. “The Religious Character of the Confucian Tradition.” <em>Philosophy East and West</em> 48/1 (January 1998): 80-107.</li>
<li>Tu, Wei-ming. “<em>Li</em> as a Process of Humanization,” in Tu, <em>Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought</em> (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1979), 17-34.</li>
<li>Van Norden, Bryan W. “Introduction,” in <em>Confucius and the Analects: New Essays</em>, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 3-38.</li>
<li>Waley, Arthur, trans. <em>The Analects of Confucius</em>. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1938.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Author Information</h3>
<p>Jeff Richey<br />
Email: <a href="mailto:Jeffrey_Richey@berea.edu">Jeffrey_Richey@berea.edu</a><br />
Berea College<br />
U. S. A.</p>
	</div>
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 Confucius (551—479 B.C.E.)

 Better known in China as “Master Kong” (Chinese: Kongzi), Confucius was a fifth-century BCE Chinese thinker whose influence upon East Asian intellectual and social history is immeasurable. As a culturally symbolic figure, he has been alternately idealized, deified, dismissed, vilified, and rehabilitated over the millennia by both Asian and non-Asian thinkers and regimes. Given his extraordinary impact on Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese thought, it is ironic that so little can be known about Confucius. The tradition that bears his name – “Confucianism” (Chinese: Rujia) – ultimately traces itself to the sayings and biographical fragments recorded in the text known as the Analects (Chinese: Lunyu). As with the person of Confucius himself, scholars disagree about the origins and character of the Analects, but it remains the traditional source for information about Confucius’ life and teaching. Most scholars remain confident that it is possible to extract from the Analects several philosophical themes and views that may be safely attributed to this ancient Chinese sage. These are primarily ethical, rather than analytical-logical or metaphysical in nature, and include Confucius’ claim that Tian (“Heaven”) is aligned with moral order but dependent upon human agents to actualize its will; his concern for li (ritual propriety) as the instrument through which the family, the state, and the world may be aligned with Tian’s moral order; and his belief in the “contagious” nature of moral force (de), by which moral rulers diffuse morality to their subjects, moral parents raise moral children, and so forth.

 Table of Contents

 1. The Confucius of History
 2. The Confucius of the Analects
 3. Theodicy
 4. Harmonious order
 5. Moral force
 6. Self-cultivation
 7. The Confucius of Myth
 8. The Confucius of the State
 9. Key Interpreters of Confucius
 10. References and Further Reading

 1. The Confucius of History

 Sources for the historical recovery of Confucius’ life and thought are limited to texts that postdate his traditional lifetime (551-479 BCE) by a few decades at least and several centuries at most. Confucius’ appearances in Chinese texts are a sign of his popularity and utility among literate elites during the Warring States (403-221 BCE), Qin (221-206 BCE), and Han (206 BCE-220 CE) periods. These texts vary in character and function, from collections of biographical and pedagogical fragments such as the Analects to dynastic histories and works by later Confucian thinkers.

 The historical Confucius, born in the small state of Lu on the Shandong peninsula in northeastern China, was a product of the “Spring and Autumn Period” (770-481 BCE). We know him mostly from texts that date to the “Warring States Period” (403-221 BCE). During these eras, China enjoyed no political unity and suffered from the internecine warfare of small states, remnants of the once-great Zhou polity that collapsed after “barbarian” invasions in 771 BCE. For more than three hundred years after the alleged year of Confucius’ birth, the Chinese would fight each other for mastery of the empire lost by the Zhou. In the process, life became difficult, especially for the shi (“retainer” or “knight”) class, from which Confucius himself arose. As feudal lords were defeated and disenfranchised in battle and the kings of the various warring states began to rely on appointed administrators rather than vassals to govern their territories, these shi became lordless anachronisms and fell into genteel poverty and itinerancy. Their knowledge of aristocratic traditions, however, helped them remain valuable to competing kings, who wished to learn how to regain the unity imposed by the Zhou and who sought to emulate the Zhou by patterning court rituals and other institutions after those of the fallen dynasty.

 Thus, a new role for shi as itinerant antiquarians emerged. In such roles, shi found themselves in and out of office as the fortunes of various patron states ebbed and flowed. Confucius is said to have held office for only a short time before withdrawing into scholarly retirement. While out of office, veteran shi might gather small circles of disciples – young men from shi backgrounds who wished to succeed in public life. It is precisely such master-and-disciple exchanges between Confucius and his students that the Analects claims to record.

 2. The Confucius of the Analects

 Above all else, the Analects depicts Confucius as someone who “transmits, but does not innovate” (7.1). What Confucius claimed to transmit was the Dao (Way) of the sages of Zhou antiquity; in the Analects, he is the erudite guardian of tradition who challenges his disciples to emulate the sages of the past and restore the moral integrity of the state. Although readers of the Analects often assume that Confucius’ views are presented as a coherent and consistent system within the text, a careful reading reveals several different sets of philosophical concerns which do not conflict so much as they complement one another. These complimentary sets of concerns can be categorized into four groups:

 * Theodicy
 * Harmonious order
 * Moral force
 * Self-cultivation

 3. Theodicy

 Those familiar with Enlightenment-influenced presentations of Confucius as an austere humanist who did not discuss the supernatural may be surprised to encounter the term “theodicy” as a framework for understanding Confucius’ philosophical concerns. Confucius’ record of silence on the subject of the divine is attested by the Analects (5.13, 7.21, 11.12). In fact, as a child of the late Zhou world, Confucius inherited a great many religious sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. 16th century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, “The Lord on High” (Shangdi), to whom entreaties were made in the first known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice. As the Zhou polity emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, Tian (“Sky” or “Heaven”) as synonymous with Shangdi, the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a consequence of a change in Tianming (“the mandate of Heaven”). Thus, theistic justifications for conquest and rulership were present very early in Chinese history.By the time of Confucius, the concept of Tian appears to have changed slightly. For one thing, the ritual complex of Zhou diviners, which served to ascertain the will of Tian for the benefit of the king, had collapsed with Zhou rule itself. At the same time, the network of religious obligations to manifold divinities, local spirits, and ancestors does not seem to have ceased with the fall of the Zhou, and Confucius appears to uphold sacrifices to “gods and ghosts” as consistent with “transmitting” noble tradition. Yet, in the Analects, a new aspect of Tian emerges. For the Confucius of the Analects, discerning the will of Tian and reconciling it with his own moral compass sometimes proves to be a troubling exercise:

 If Heaven is about to abandon this culture, those who die afterwards will not get to share in it; if Heaven has not yet abandoned this culture, what can the men of Guang [Confucius’ adversaries in this instance] do to me? (9.5)

 There is no one who recognizes me…. I neither resent Heaven nor blame humanity. In learning about the lower I have understood the higher. The one who recognizes me – wouldn’t that be Heaven? (14.35)

 Heaven has abandoned me! Heaven has abandoned me! (11.9)

 As A. C. Graham has noted, Confucius seems to be of two minds about Tian. At times, he is convinced that he enjoys the personal protection and sanction of Tian, and thus defies his mortal opponents as he wages his campaign of moral instruction and reform. At other moments, however, he seems caught in the throes of existential despair, wondering if he has lost his divine backer at last. Tian seems to participate in functions of “fate” and “nature” as well as those of “deity.” What remains consistent throughout Confucius’ discourses on Tian is his threefold assumption about this extrahuman, absolute power in the universe: (1) its alignment with moral goodness, (2) its dependence on human agents to actualize its will, and (3) the variable, unpredictable nature of its associations with mortal actors. Thus, to the extent that the Confucius of the Analects is concerned with justifying the ways of Tian to humanity, he tends to do so without questioning these three assumptions about the nature of Tian, which are rooted deeply in the Chinese past.

 4. Harmonious order

 The dependence of Tian upon human agents to put its will into practice helps account for Confucius’ insistence on moral, political, social, and even religious activism. In one passage (17.19), Confucius seems to believe that, just as Tian does not speak but yet accomplishes its will for the cosmos, so too can he remain “silent” (in the sense of being out of office, perhaps) and yet effective in promoting his principles, possibly through the many disciples he trained for government service. At any rate, much of Confucius’ teaching is directed toward the maintenance of three interlocking kinds of order: (1) aesthetic, (2) moral, and (3) social. The instrument for effecting and emulating all three is li (ritual propriety).

 Do not look at, do not listen to, do not speak of, do not do whatever is contrary to ritual propriety. (12.1)

 In this passage, Confucius underscores the crucial importance of rigorous attention to li as a kind of self-replicating blueprint for good manners and taste, morality, and social order. In his view, the appropriate use of a quotation from the Classic of Poetry (Shijing), the perfect execution of guest-host etiquette, and the correct performance of court ritual all serve a common end: they regulate and maintain order. The nature of this order is, as mentioned above, threefold. It is aesthetic — quoting the Shijing upholds the cultural hegemony of Zhou literature and the conventions of elite good taste. Moreover, it is moral — good manners demonstrate both concern for others and a sense of one’s place. Finally, it is social — rituals properly performed duplicate ideal hierarchies of power, whether between ruler and subject, parent and child, or husband and wife. For Confucius, the paramount example of harmonious social order seems to be xiao (filial piety), of which jing (reverence) is the key quality:

 Observe what a person has in mind to do when his father is alive, and then observe what he does when his father is dead. If, for three years, he makes no changes to his father’s ways, he can be said to be a good son. (1.11)

 [The disciple] Ziyu asked about filial piety. The Master said, “Nowadays, for a person to be filial means no more than that he is able to provide his parents with food. Even dogs and horses are provided with food. If a person shows no reverence, where is the difference?” (2.7)

 In serving your father and mother, you ought to dissuade them from doing wrong in the gentlest way. If you see your advice being ignored, you should not become disobedient but should remain reverent. You should not complain even if you are distressed. (4.18)

 The character of this threefold order is deeper than mere conventions such as taste and decorum, as the above quotations demonstrate. Labeling it “aesthetic” might appear to demean or trivialize it, but to draw this conclusion is to fail to reflect on the peculiar way in which many Western thinkers tend to devalue the aesthetic. As David Hall and Roger Ames have argued, this “aesthetic” Confucian order is understood to be both intrinsically moral and profoundly harmonious, whether for a shi household, the court of a Warring States king, or the cosmos at large. When persons and things are in their proper places – and here tradition is the measure of propriety – relations are smooth, operations are effortless, and the good is sought and done voluntarily. In the hierarchical political and social conception of Confucius (and all of his Chinese contemporaries), what is below takes its cues from what is above. A moral ruler will diffuse morality to those under his sway; a moral parent will raise a moral child:

 Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject, a father a father, and a son a son. (12.11)

 Direct the people with moral force and regulate them with ritual, and they will possess shame, and moreover, they will be righteous. (2.3)

 5. Moral force

 The last quotation from the Analects introduces a term perhaps most famously associated with a very different early Chinese text, the Laozi (Lao-tzu) or Daodejing (Tao Te Ching) – de (te), “moral force.” Like Tian, de is heavily freighted with a long train of cultural and religious baggage, extending far back into the mists of early Chinese history. During the early Zhou period, de seems to have been a kind of amoral, almost magical power attributed to various persons – seductive women, charismatic leaders, etc. For Confucius, de seems to be just as magically efficacious, but stringently moral. It is both a quality, and a virtue of, the successful ruler:

 One who rules by moral force may be compared to the North Star – it occupies its place and all the stars pay homage to it. (2.1)

 De is a quality of the successful ruler, because he rules at the pleasure of Tian, which for Confucius is resolutely allied with morality, and to which he attributes his own inner de (7.23). De is the virtue of the successful ruler, without which he could not rule at all.

 Confucius’ vision of order unites aesthetic concerns for harmony and symmetry (li) with moral force (de) in pursuit of social goals: a well-ordered family, a well-ordered state, and a well-ordered world. Such an aesthetic, moral, and social program begins at home, with the cultivation of the individual.

 6. Self-Cultivation

 In the Analects, two types of persons are opposed to one another – not in terms of basic potential (for, in 17.2, Confucius says all human beings are alike at birth), but in terms of developed potential. These are the junzi (literally, “lord’s son” or “gentleman”; Tu Wei-ming has originated the useful translation “profound person,” which will be used here) and the xiaoren (“small person”):

 The profound person understands what is moral. The small person understands what is profitable. (4.16)

 The junzi is the person who always manifests the quality of ren (jen) in his person and the displays the quality of yi (i) in his actions (4.5). The character for ren is composed of two graphic elements, one representing a human being and the other representing the number two. Based on this, one often hears that ren means “how two people should treat one another.” While such folk etymologies are common in discussions of Chinese characters, they often are as misleading as they are entertaining. In the case of ren – usually translated as “benevolence” or “humaneness” – the graphic elements of a human being and the number two really are instructive, so much so that Peter Boodberg suggested an evocative translation of ren as “co-humanity.” The way in which the junzi relates to his fellow human beings, however, highlights Confucius’ fundamentally hierarchical model of relations:

 The moral force of the profound person is like the wind; the moral force of the small person is like the grass. Let the wind blow over the grass and it is sure to bend. (12.19)

 D. C. Lau has pointed out that ren is an attribute of agents, while yi (literally, “what is fitting” — “rightness,” “righteousness”) is an attribute of actions. This helps to make clear the conceptual links between li, de, and the junzi. The junzi qua junzi exerts de, moral force, according to what is yi, fitting (that is, what is aesthetically, morally, and socially proper), and thus manifests ren, or the virtue of co-humanity in an interdependent, hierarchical universe over which Tian presides.

 Two passages from the Analects go a long way in indicating the path toward self-cultivation that Confucius taught would-be junzi in fifth century BCE China:

 From the age of fifteen on, I have been intent upon learning; from thirty on, I have established myself; from forty on, I have not been confused; from fifty on, I have known the mandate of Heaven; from sixty on, my ear has been attuned; from seventy on, I have followed my heart’s desire without transgressing what is right. (2.4)

 The Master’s Way is nothing but other-regard and self-reflection. (4.15)

 The first passage illustrates the gradual and long-term scale of the process of self-cultivation. It begins during one’s teenaged years, and extends well into old age; it proceeds incrementally from intention (zhi) to learning (xue), from knowing the mandate of Heaven (Tianming) to doing both what is desired (yu) and what is right (yi). In his disciple Zengzi (Tseng-tzu)’s summary of his “Way” (Dao), Confucius teaches only “other-regard” (zhong) and “self-reflection” (shu). These terms merit their own discussion.

 The conventional meaning of “other-regard” (zhong) in classical Chinese is “loyalty,” especially loyalty to a ruler on the part of a minister. In the Analects, Confucius extends the meaning of the term to include exercising oneself to the fullest in all relationships, including relationships with those below oneself as well as with one’s betters. “Self-reflection” (shu) is explained by Confucius as a negatively-phrased version of the “Golden Rule”: “What you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others.” (15.24) When one reflects upon oneself, one realizes the necessity of concern for others. The self as conceptualized by Confucius is a deeply relational self that responds to inner reflection with outer virtue.

 Similarly, the self that Confucius wishes to cultivate in his own person and in his disciples is one that looks within and compares itself with the aesthetic, moral, and social canons of tradition. Aware of its source in Tian, it seeks to maximize ren through apprenticeship to li so as to exercise de in a manner befitting a junzi. Because Confucius (and early Chinese thought in general) does not suffer from the Cartesian “mind-body problem” (as Herbert Fingarette has demonstrated), there is no dichotomy between inner and outer, self and whole, and thus the cumulative effect of Confucian self-cultivation is not merely personal, but collectively social and even cosmic.

 7. The Confucius of Myth

 While the Analects is valuable, albeit not infallible, as a source for the reconstruction of Confucius’ thought, it is far from being the only text to which Chinese readers have turned in their quest for discovering his identity. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), numerous hagiographical accounts of Confucius’ origins and deeds were produced, many of which would startle readers familiar only with the Analects. According to various texts, Confucius was a superhuman figure destined to rule as the “uncrowned king” of pre-imperial China. At birth, his body was said to have displayed special markings indicating his exemplary status. After his death, he was alleged to have revealed himself in a glorified state to his living disciples, who then received further esoteric teachings from their apotheosized master. Eventually, and perhaps inevitably, he was recognized as a deity and a cult organized itself around his worship. Feng Youlan has suggested that, had these Han images of Confucius prevailed, Confucius would have become a figure comparable to Jesus Christ in the history of China, and there would have been no arguments among scholars about whether or not Confucianism was a religion like Christianity.

 To both ancient modern eyes, fantastic and improbable myths of Confucius should be added more recent myths about the sage that date from the earliest sustained contact between China and the West during the early modern period. The Latinization of Kong(fu)zi to “Confucius” originates with the interpretation of Chinese culture and thought by Jesuit missionaries for their Western audiences, supporters, and critics. Jesuits steeped in Renaissance humanism saw in Confucius a Renaissance humanist; German thinkers such as Leibniz or Wolff recognized in him an Enlightenment sage. Hegel condemned Confucius for exemplifying those whom he saw as “the people without history”; Mao castigated Confucius for imprisoning China in a cage of feudal archaism and oppression. Each remade Confucius in his own image for his own ends – a process that continues throughout the modern era, creating great heat and little light where the historical Confucius himself is concerned. Each mythologizer has seen Confucius as a symbol of whatever s/he loves or hates about China. As H. G. Creel once put it, once a figure like Confucius has become a cultural hero, stories about him tell us more about the values of the storytellers than about Confucius himself.

 8. The Confucius of the State

 Such mythmaking was very important to the emerging imperial Chinese state, however, as it struggled to impose cultural unity on a vast and fractious territory during the final few centuries BCE and beyond into the Common Era. After the initial persecution of Confucians during the short-lived Qin dynasty (221-202 BCE), the succeeding Han emperors and their ministers seized upon Confucius as a vehicle for the legitimation of their rule and the social control of their subjects. The “Five Classics” – five ancient texts associated with Confucius – were established as the basis for the imperial civil service examinations in 136 BCE, making memorization of these texts and their orthodox Confucian interpretations mandatory for all who wished to obtain official positions in the Han government. The state’s love affair with Confucius carried on through the end of the Han in 220 CE, after which Confucius fell out of official favor as a series of warring factions struggled for control of China during the “Period of Disunity” (220-589 CE) and foreign and indigenous religious traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism rivaled Confucianism for the attentions of the elite.

 After the restoration of unified imperial government with the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE), however, the future of Confucius as a symbol of the Chinese cultural and political establishment became increasingly secure. State-sponsored sacrifices to him formed part of the official religious complex of temple rituals, from the national to the local level, and orthodox hagiography and history cemented his reputation as cultural hero among the masses. The Song dynasty (969-1279 CE) Confucian scholar Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE) institutionalized the study of the Analects as one of “Four Books” required for the redesigned imperial civil service examinations, and aspiring officials continued to memorize the text and orthodox commentaries on it until the early twentieth century.

 With the fall of the last Chinese imperial government in 1911, Confucius also fell from his position of state-imposed grandeur – but not for long. Within a short time of the abdication of the last emperor, monarchists were plotting to restore a Confucian ruler to the throne. Although these plans did not materialize, the Nationalist regime in mainland China and later in Taiwan has promoted Confucius and Confucianism in a variety of ways in order to distinguish itself from the iconoclastic Communists who followed Mao to victory and control over most of China in 1949. Even the Communist regime in China has bowed reverentially to Confucius on occasion, although not without vilifying him first, especially during the anti-traditional “Cultural Revolution” campaigns of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

 Today, the Communist government of China spends a great deal of money on the reconstruction and restoration of old imperial temples to Confucius across the country, and has even erected many new statues of Confucius in areas likely to be frequented by tourists from overseas. Predictably, Confucius, as a philosopher, has been rehabilitated by culturally Chinese regimes across Asia, from Singapore to Beijing, as what Wm. Th. de Bary has called “the East Asian challenge for human rights” has prompted attempts to ground “human rights with Chinese characteristics” in an authentically traditional source. In short, Confucius seems far from dead, although one wonders if the authentic spirit of his fifth century BCE thought ever will live again.

 9. Key Interpreters of Confucius

 Detailed discussion of Confucius’ key interpreters is best reserved for an article on Confucian philosophy. Nonetheless, an outline of the most important commentators and their philosophical trajectories is worth including here.

 The two best known early interpreters of Confucius’ thought – besides the compilers of the Analects themselves, who worked gradually from the time of Confucius’ death until sometime during the former Han dynasty – are the Warring States philosophers “Mencius” or Mengzi (Meng-tzu, 372-289 BCE) and Xunzi (Hsun-tzu, 310-220 BCE). Neither knew Confucius personally, nor did they know one another, except retrospectively, as in the case of Xunzi commenting on Mencius. The two usually are cast as being opposed to one another because of their disagreement over human nature – a subject on which Confucius was notably silent (Analects 5.13).

 Mencius illustrates a pattern typical of Confucius’ interpreters in that he claims to be doing nothing more than “transmitting” Confucius’ thought while introducing new ideas of his own. For Mencius, renxing (human nature) is congenitally disposed toward ren, but requires cultivation through li as well as yogic disciplines related to one’s qi (vital energy), and may be stunted (although never destroyed) through neglect or negative environmental influence. Confucius does not use the term renxing in the Analects, nor does he describe qi in Mencius’ sense, and nowhere does he provide an account of the basic goodness of human beings. Nonetheless, it is Mencius’ interpretation of Confucius’ thought – especially after the ascendancy of Zhu Xi’s brand of Confucianism in the twelfth century CE – that became regarded as orthodox by most Chinese thinkers.

 Like Mencius, Xunzi claims to interpret Confucius’ thought authentically, but leavens it with his own contributions. Whereas Mencius claims that human beings are originally good but argues for the necessity of self-cultivation, Xunzi claims that human beings are originally bad but argues that they can be reformed, even perfected, through self-cultivation. Also like Mencius, Xunzi sees li as the key to the cultivation of renxing. Although Xunzi condemns Mencius’ arguments in no uncertain terms, when one has risen above the smoke and din of the fray, one may see that the two thinkers share many assumptions, including one that links each to Confucius: the assumption that human beings can be transformed by participation in traditional aesthetic, moral, and social disciplines.

 Later interpreters of Confucius’ thought between the Tang and Ming dynasties are often grouped together under the label of “Neo-Confucianism.” This term has no cognate in classical Chinese, but is useful insofar as it unites several thinkers from disparate eras who share common themes and concerns. Thinkers such as Zhang Zai (Chang Tsai, 1020-1077 CE), Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE), and Wang Yangming (1472-1529 CE), while distinct from one another, agree on the primacy of Confucius as the fountainhead of the Confucian tradition, share Mencius’ understanding of human beings as innately good, and revere the “Five Classics” and “Four Books” associated with Confucius as authoritative sources for standards of ritual, moral, and social propriety. These thinkers also display a bent toward the cosmological and metaphysical which isolates them from the Confucius of the Analects, and betrays the influence of Buddhism and Daoism – two movements with little or no popular following in Confucius’ China — on their thought.

 This cursory review of some seminal interpreters of Confucius’ thought illustrates a principle that ought to be followed by all who seek to understanding Confucius’ philosophical views: suspicion of the sources. All sources for reconstructing Confucius’ views, from the Analects on down, postdate the master and come from a hand other than his own, and thus all should be used with caution and with an eye toward possible influences from outside of fifth century BCE China.

 10. References and Further Reading

 * Allan, Sarah. The Way of Water and Sprouts of Virtue. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.
 * Allinson, Robert E. “The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity: Ethical Similarities and Differences.” Asian Philosophy 2/2 (1992): 173-185.
 * Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballatine, 1998.
 * Ames, Roger T. “The Focus-Field Self in Classical Confucianism,” in Self as Person in Asian Theory and Practice, ed. Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 187-212.
 * Berthrong, John. “Trends in the Interpretation of Confucian Religiosity,” in The Confucian-Christian Encounter in Historical and Contemporary Perspective, ed. Peter K. H. Lee (Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 226-254.
 * Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts,” in Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg, ed. Alvin P. Cohen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 26-40.
 * Brooks, E. Bruce and A. Taeko, trans. The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.
 * Chan, Wing-tsit, ed. A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
 * Cheng, Anne. “Lun-yü,” in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 313-323.
 * Creel, Herrlee G. Confucius and the Chinese Way. New York: Harper and Row, 1949.
 * Creel, Herrlee G. “Was Confucius Agnostic?” T’oung Pao 29 (1935): 55-99.
 * Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. “Confucius and the Analects in the Hàn,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 134-162.
 * Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of Heaven. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.
 * Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius — The Secular as Sacred. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972.
 * Graham, A. C. Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1989.
 * Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. Thinking Through Confucius. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.
 * Ivanhoe, Philip J. “Whose Confucius? Which Analects?” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 119-133.
 * Lau, D.C., trans. Confucius — The Analects. 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992.
 * Legge, James, trans. Confucius — Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean. New York: Dover Publications, 1971.
 * Munro, Donald J. The Concept of Man In Early China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969.
 * Nivison, David S. “The Classical Philosophical Writings,” in The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., ed. Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 745-812.
 * Nivison, David S. The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy. Ed. Bryan W. Van Norden. Chicago and La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1996.
 * Schwartz, Benjamin I. The World of Thought in Ancient China. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985.
 * Shryock, John K. The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius. New York: Century Company, 1932.
 * Taylor, Rodney L. “The Religious Character of the Confucian Tradition.” Philosophy East and West 48/1 (January 1998): 80-107.
 * Tu, Wei-ming. “Li as a Process of Humanization,” in Tu, Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1979), 17-34.
 * Van Norden, Bryan W. “Introduction,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 3-38.
 * Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of Confucius. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1938.

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 Jeff Richey
 Email: Jeffrey_Richey@berea.edu
 Berea College
 U. S. A.

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Confucius (551—479 B.C.E.)
Better known in China as “Master Kong” (Chinese:  Kongzi ), Confucius was a fifth-century BCE Chinese thinker whose influence upon East Asian intellectual and social history is immeasurable. As a culturally symbolic figure, he has been alternately idealized, deified, dismissed, vilified, and rehabilitated over the millennia by both Asian and non-Asian thinkers and regimes. Given his extraordinary impact on Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese thought, it is ironic that so little can be known about Confucius. The tradition that bears his name – “Confucianism” (Chinese: Rujia) – ultimately traces itself to the sayings and biographical fragments recorded in the text known as the Analects (Chinese: Lunyu). As with the person of Confucius himself, scholars disagree about the origins and character of the Analects, but it remains the traditional source for information about Confucius’ life and teaching. Most scholars remain confident that it is possible to extract from the Analects several philosophical themes and views that may be safely attributed to this ancient Chinese sage. These are primarily ethical, rather than analytical-logical or metaphysical in nature, and include Confucius’ claim that Tian (“Heaven”) is aligned with moral order but dependent upon human agents to actualize its will; his concern for li (ritual propriety) as the instrument through which the family, the state, and the world may be aligned with Tian’s moral order; and his belief in the “contagious” nature of moral force (de), by which moral rulers diffuse morality to their subjects, moral parents raise moral children, and so forth.
Table of Contents
 The Confucius of History  
 The Confucius of the Analects  
 Theodicy  
 Harmonious order  
 Moral force  
 Self-cultivation  
 The Confucius of Myth  
 The Confucius of the State  
 Key Interpreters of Confucius  
 References and Further Reading  
  1. The Confucius of History
Sources for the historical recovery of Confucius’ life and thought are limited to texts that postdate his traditional lifetime (551-479 BCE) by a few decades at least and several centuries at most. Confucius’ appearances in Chinese texts are a sign of his popularity and utility among literate elites during the Warring States (403-221 BCE), Qin (221-206 BCE), and Han (206 BCE-220 CE) periods. These texts vary in character and function, from collections of biographical and pedagogical fragments such as the Analects to dynastic histories and works by later Confucian thinkers.
The historical Confucius, born in the small state of Lu on the Shandong peninsula in northeastern China, was a product of the “Spring and Autumn Period” (770-481 BCE). We know him mostly from texts that date to the “Warring States Period” (403-221 BCE). During these eras, China enjoyed no political unity and suffered from the internecine warfare of small states, remnants of the once-great Zhou polity that collapsed after “barbarian” invasions in 771 BCE. For more than three hundred years after the alleged year of Confucius’ birth, the Chinese would fight each other for mastery of the empire lost by the Zhou. In the process, life became difficult, especially for the shi (“retainer” or “knight”) class, from which Confucius himself arose. As feudal lords were defeated and disenfranchised in battle and the kings of the various warring states began to rely on appointed administrators rather than vassals to govern their territories, these shi became lordless anachronisms and fell into genteel poverty and itinerancy. Their knowledge of aristocratic traditions, however, helped them remain valuable to competing kings, who wished to learn how to regain the unity imposed by the Zhou and who sought to emulate the Zhou by patterning court rituals and other institutions after those of the fallen dynasty.
Thus, a new role for shi as itinerant antiquarians emerged. In such roles, shi found themselves in and out of office as the fortunes of various patron states ebbed and flowed. Confucius is said to have held office for only a short time before withdrawing into scholarly retirement. While out of office, veteran shi might gather small circles of disciples – young men from shi backgrounds who wished to succeed in public life. It is precisely such master-and-disciple exchanges between Confucius and his students that the Analects claims to record.
   2. The Confucius of the Analects 
Above all else, the Analects depicts Confucius as someone who “transmits, but does not innovate” (7.1). What Confucius claimed to transmit was the Dao (Way) of the sages of Zhou antiquity; in the Analects, he is the erudite guardian of tradition who challenges his disciples to emulate the sages of the past and restore the moral integrity of the state. Although readers of the Analects often assume that Confucius’ views are presented as a coherent and consistent system within the text, a careful reading reveals several different sets of philosophical concerns which do not conflict so much as they complement one another. These complimentary sets of concerns can be categorized into four groups:
Theodicy
Harmonious order
Moral force
Self-cultivation
  3. Theodicy
Those familiar with Enlightenment-influenced presentations of Confucius as an austere humanist who did not discuss the supernatural may be surprised to encounter the term “theodicy” as a framework for understanding Confucius’ philosophical concerns. Confucius’ record of silence on the subject of the divine is attested by the Analects (5.13, 7.21, 11.12). In fact, as a child of the late Zhou world, Confucius inherited a great many religious sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. 16th century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, “The Lord on High” (Shangdi), to whom entreaties were made in the first known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice. As the Zhou polity emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, Tian (“Sky” or “Heaven”) as synonymous with Shangdi, the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a consequence of a change in Tianming (“the mandate of Heaven”). Thus, theistic justifications for conquest and rulership were present very early in Chinese history.By the time of Confucius, the concept of Tian appears to have changed slightly. For one thing, the ritual complex of Zhou diviners, which served to ascertain the will of Tian for the benefit of the king, had collapsed with Zhou rule itself. At the same time, the network of religious obligations to manifold divinities, local spirits, and ancestors does not seem to have ceased with the fall of the Zhou, and Confucius appears to uphold sacrifices to “gods and ghosts” as consistent with “transmitting” noble tradition. Yet, in the Analects, a new aspect of Tian emerges. For the Confucius of the Analects, discerning the will of Tian and reconciling it with his own moral compass sometimes proves to be a troubling exercise:
 If Heaven is about to abandon this culture, those who die afterwards will not get to share in it; if Heaven has not yet abandoned this culture, what can the men of Guang [Confucius’ adversaries in this instance] do to me? (9.5)
There is no one who recognizes me…. I neither resent Heaven nor blame humanity. In learning about the lower I have understood the higher. The one who recognizes me – wouldn’t that be Heaven? (14.35)
Heaven has abandoned me! Heaven has abandoned me! (11.9) 
As A. C. Graham has noted, Confucius seems to be of two minds about Tian. At times, he is convinced that he enjoys the personal protection and sanction of Tian, and thus defies his mortal opponents as he wages his campaign of moral instruction and reform. At other moments, however, he seems caught in the throes of existential despair, wondering if he has lost his divine backer at last. Tian seems to participate in functions of “fate” and “nature” as well as those of “deity.” What remains consistent throughout Confucius’ discourses on Tian is his threefold assumption about this extrahuman, absolute power in the universe: (1) its alignment with moral goodness, (2) its dependence on human agents to actualize its will, and (3) the variable, unpredictable nature of its associations with mortal actors. Thus, to the extent that the Confucius of the Analects is concerned with justifying the ways of Tian to humanity, he tends to do so without questioning these three assumptions about the nature of Tian, which are rooted deeply in the Chinese past.
   4. Harmonious order
The dependence of Tian upon human agents to put its will into practice helps account for Confucius’ insistence on moral, political, social, and even religious activism. In one passage (17.19), Confucius seems to believe that, just as Tian does not speak but yet accomplishes its will for the cosmos, so too can he remain “silent” (in the sense of being out of office, perhaps) and yet effective in promoting his principles, possibly through the many disciples he trained for government service. At any rate, much of Confucius’ teaching is directed toward the maintenance of three interlocking kinds of order: (1) aesthetic, (2) moral, and (3) social. The instrument for effecting and emulating all three is li (ritual propriety).
 Do not look at, do not listen to, do not speak of, do not do whatever is contrary to ritual propriety. (12.1) 
In this passage, Confucius underscores the crucial importance of rigorous attention to li as a kind of self-replicating blueprint for good manners and taste, morality, and social order. In his view, the appropriate use of a quotation from the Classic of Poetry (Shijing), the perfect execution of guest-host etiquette, and the correct performance of court ritual all serve a common end: they regulate and maintain order. The nature of this order is, as mentioned above, threefold. It is aesthetic — quoting the Shijing upholds the cultural hegemony of Zhou literature and the conventions of elite good taste. Moreover, it is moral — good manners demonstrate both concern for others and a sense of one’s place. Finally, it is social — rituals properly performed duplicate ideal hierarchies of power, whether between ruler and subject, parent and child, or husband and wife. For Confucius, the paramount example of harmonious social order seems to be xiao (filial piety), of which jing (reverence) is the key quality:
 Observe what a person has in mind to do when his father is alive, and then observe what he does when his father is dead. If, for three years, he makes no changes to his father’s ways, he can be said to be a good son. (1.11)
[The disciple] Ziyu asked about filial piety. The Master said, “Nowadays, for a person to be filial means no more than that he is able to provide his parents with food. Even dogs and horses are provided with food. If a person shows no reverence, where is the difference?” (2.7)
In serving your father and mother, you ought to dissuade them from doing wrong in the gentlest way. If you see your advice being ignored, you should not become disobedient but should remain reverent. You should not complain even if you are distressed. (4.18) 
The character of this threefold order is deeper than mere conventions such as taste and decorum, as the above quotations demonstrate. Labeling it “aesthetic” might appear to demean or trivialize it, but to draw this conclusion is to fail to reflect on the peculiar way in which many Western thinkers tend to devalue the aesthetic. As David Hall and Roger Ames have argued, this “aesthetic” Confucian order is understood to be both intrinsically moral and profoundly harmonious, whether for a shi household, the court of a Warring States king, or the cosmos at large. When persons and things are in their proper places – and here tradition is the measure of propriety – relations are smooth, operations are effortless, and the good is sought and done voluntarily. In the hierarchical political and social conception of Confucius (and all of his Chinese contemporaries), what is below takes its cues from what is above. A moral ruler will diffuse morality to those under his sway; a moral parent will raise a moral child:
 Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject, a father a father, and a son a son. (12.11)
Direct the people with moral force and regulate them with ritual, and they will possess shame, and moreover, they will be righteous. (2.3) 
   5. Moral force
The last quotation from the Analects introduces a term perhaps most famously associated with a very different early Chinese text, the Laozi (Lao-tzu) or Daodejing (Tao Te Ching) – de (te), “moral force.” Like Tian, de is heavily freighted with a long train of cultural and religious baggage, extending far back into the mists of early Chinese history. During the early Zhou period, de seems to have been a kind of amoral, almost magical power attributed to various persons – seductive women, charismatic leaders, etc. For Confucius, de seems to be just as magically efficacious, but stringently moral. It is both a quality, and a virtue of, the successful ruler:
 One who rules by moral force may be compared to the North Star – it occupies its place and all the stars pay homage to it. (2.1) 
 De is a quality of the successful ruler, because he rules at the pleasure of Tian, which for Confucius is resolutely allied with morality, and to which he attributes his own inner de (7.23). De is the virtue of the successful ruler, without which he could not rule at all.
Confucius’ vision of order unites aesthetic concerns for harmony and symmetry (li) with moral force (de) in pursuit of social goals: a well-ordered family, a well-ordered state, and a well-ordered world. Such an aesthetic, moral, and social program begins at home, with the cultivation of the individual.
   6. Self-Cultivation
In the Analects, two types of persons are opposed to one another – not in terms of basic potential (for, in 17.2, Confucius says all human beings are alike at birth), but in terms of developed potential. These are the junzi (literally, “lord’s son” or “gentleman”; Tu Wei-ming has originated the useful translation “profound person,” which will be used here) and the xiaoren (“small person”):
 The profound person understands what is moral. The small person understands what is profitable. (4.16) 
The junzi is the person who always manifests the quality of ren (jen) in his person and the displays the quality of yi (i) in his actions (4.5). The character for ren is composed of two graphic elements, one representing a human being and the other representing the number two. Based on this, one often hears that ren means “how two people should treat one another.” While such folk etymologies are common in discussions of Chinese characters, they often are as misleading as they are entertaining. In the case of ren – usually translated as “benevolence” or “humaneness” – the graphic elements of a human being and the number two really are instructive, so much so that Peter Boodberg suggested an evocative translation of ren as “co-humanity.” The way in which the junzi relates to his fellow human beings, however, highlights Confucius’ fundamentally hierarchical model of relations:
 The moral force of the profound person is like the wind; the moral force of the small person is like the grass. Let the wind blow over the grass and it is sure to bend. (12.19) 
D. C. Lau has pointed out that ren is an attribute of agents, while yi (literally, “what is fitting” — “rightness,” “righteousness”) is an attribute of actions. This helps to make clear the conceptual links between li, de, and the junzi. The junzi qua junzi exerts de, moral force, according to what is yi, fitting (that is, what is aesthetically, morally, and socially proper), and thus manifests ren, or the virtue of co-humanity in an interdependent, hierarchical universe over which Tian presides.
Two passages from the Analects go a long way in indicating the path toward self-cultivation that Confucius taught would-be junzi in fifth century BCE China:
 From the age of fifteen on, I have been intent upon learning; from thirty on, I have established myself; from forty on, I have not been confused; from fifty on, I have known the mandate of Heaven; from sixty on, my ear has been attuned; from seventy on, I have followed my heart’s desire without transgressing what is right. (2.4)
The Master’s Way is nothing but other-regard and self-reflection. (4.15) 
The first passage illustrates the gradual and long-term scale of the process of self-cultivation. It begins during one’s teenaged years, and extends well into old age; it proceeds incrementally from intention (zhi) to learning (xue), from knowing the mandate of Heaven (Tianming) to doing both what is desired (yu) and what is right (yi). In his disciple Zengzi (Tseng-tzu)’s summary of his “Way” (Dao), Confucius teaches only “other-regard” (zhong) and “self-reflection” (shu). These terms merit their own discussion.
The conventional meaning of “other-regard” (zhong) in classical Chinese is “loyalty,” especially loyalty to a ruler on the part of a minister. In the Analects, Confucius extends the meaning of the term to include exercising oneself to the fullest in all relationships, including relationships with those below oneself as well as with one’s betters. “Self-reflection” (shu) is explained by Confucius as a negatively-phrased version of the “Golden Rule”: “What you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others.” (15.24) When one reflects upon oneself, one realizes the necessity of concern for others. The self as conceptualized by Confucius is a deeply relational self that responds to inner reflection with outer virtue.
Similarly, the self that Confucius wishes to cultivate in his own person and in his disciples is one that looks within and compares itself with the aesthetic, moral, and social canons of tradition. Aware of its source in Tian, it seeks to maximize ren through apprenticeship to li so as to exercise de in a manner befitting a junzi. Because Confucius (and early Chinese thought in general) does not suffer from the Cartesian “mind-body problem” (as Herbert Fingarette has demonstrated), there is no dichotomy between inner and outer, self and whole, and thus the cumulative effect of Confucian self-cultivation is not merely personal, but collectively social and even cosmic.
   7. The Confucius of Myth
While the Analects is valuable, albeit not infallible, as a source for the reconstruction of Confucius’ thought, it is far from being the only text to which Chinese readers have turned in their quest for discovering his identity. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), numerous hagiographical accounts of Confucius’ origins and deeds were produced, many of which would startle readers familiar only with the Analects. According to various texts, Confucius was a superhuman figure destined to rule as the “uncrowned king” of pre-imperial China. At birth, his body was said to have displayed special markings indicating his exemplary status. After his death, he was alleged to have revealed himself in a glorified state to his living disciples, who then received further esoteric teachings from their apotheosized master. Eventually, and perhaps inevitably, he was recognized as a deity and a cult organized itself around his worship. Feng Youlan has suggested that, had these Han images of Confucius prevailed, Confucius would have become a figure comparable to Jesus Christ in the history of China, and there would have been no arguments among scholars about whether or not Confucianism was a religion like Christianity.
To both ancient modern eyes, fantastic and improbable myths of Confucius should be added more recent myths about the sage that date from the earliest sustained contact between China and the West during the early modern period. The Latinization of Kong(fu)zi to “Confucius” originates with the interpretation of Chinese culture and thought by Jesuit missionaries for their Western audiences, supporters, and critics. Jesuits steeped in Renaissance humanism saw in Confucius a Renaissance humanist; German thinkers such as Leibniz or Wolff recognized in him an Enlightenment sage. Hegel condemned Confucius for exemplifying those whom he saw as “the people without history”; Mao castigated Confucius for imprisoning China in a cage of feudal archaism and oppression. Each remade Confucius in his own image for his own ends – a process that continues throughout the modern era, creating great heat and little light where the historical Confucius himself is concerned. Each mythologizer has seen Confucius as a symbol of whatever s/he loves or hates about China. As H. G. Creel once put it, once a figure like Confucius has become a cultural hero, stories about him tell us more about the values of the storytellers than about Confucius himself.
   8. The Confucius of the State
Such mythmaking was very important to the emerging imperial Chinese state, however, as it struggled to impose cultural unity on a vast and fractious territory during the final few centuries BCE and beyond into the Common Era. After the initial persecution of Confucians during the short-lived Qin dynasty (221-202 BCE), the succeeding Han emperors and their ministers seized upon Confucius as a vehicle for the legitimation of their rule and the social control of their subjects. The “Five Classics” – five ancient texts associated with Confucius – were established as the basis for the imperial civil service examinations in 136 BCE, making memorization of these texts and their orthodox Confucian interpretations mandatory for all who wished to obtain official positions in the Han government. The state’s love affair with Confucius carried on through the end of the Han in 220 CE, after which Confucius fell out of official favor as a series of warring factions struggled for control of China during the “Period of Disunity” (220-589 CE) and foreign and indigenous religious traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism rivaled Confucianism for the attentions of the elite.
After the restoration of unified imperial government with the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE), however, the future of Confucius as a symbol of the Chinese cultural and political establishment became increasingly secure. State-sponsored sacrifices to him formed part of the official religious complex of temple rituals, from the national to the local level, and orthodox hagiography and history cemented his reputation as cultural hero among the masses. The Song dynasty (969-1279 CE) Confucian scholar Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE) institutionalized the study of the Analects as one of “Four Books” required for the redesigned imperial civil service examinations, and aspiring officials continued to memorize the text and orthodox commentaries on it until the early twentieth century.
With the fall of the last Chinese imperial government in 1911, Confucius also fell from his position of state-imposed grandeur – but not for long. Within a short time of the abdication of the last emperor, monarchists were plotting to restore a Confucian ruler to the throne. Although these plans did not materialize, the Nationalist regime in mainland China and later in Taiwan has promoted Confucius and Confucianism in a variety of ways in order to distinguish itself from the iconoclastic Communists who followed Mao to victory and control over most of China in 1949. Even the Communist regime in China has bowed reverentially to Confucius on occasion, although not without vilifying him first, especially during the anti-traditional “Cultural Revolution” campaigns of the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Today, the Communist government of China spends a great deal of money on the reconstruction and restoration of old imperial temples to Confucius across the country, and has even erected many new statues of Confucius in areas likely to be frequented by tourists from overseas. Predictably, Confucius, as a philosopher, has been rehabilitated by culturally Chinese regimes across Asia, from Singapore to Beijing, as what Wm. Th. de Bary has called “the East Asian challenge for human rights” has prompted attempts to ground “human rights with Chinese characteristics” in an authentically traditional source. In short, Confucius seems far from dead, although one wonders if the authentic spirit of his fifth century BCE thought ever will live again.
   9. Key Interpreters of Confucius
Detailed discussion of Confucius’ key interpreters is best reserved for an article on Confucian philosophy. Nonetheless, an outline of the most important commentators and their philosophical trajectories is worth including here.
The two best known early interpreters of Confucius’ thought – besides the compilers of the Analects themselves, who worked gradually from the time of Confucius’ death until sometime during the former Han dynasty – are the Warring States philosophers “Mencius” or Mengzi (Meng-tzu, 372-289 BCE) and Xunzi (Hsun-tzu, 310-220 BCE). Neither knew Confucius personally, nor did they know one another, except retrospectively, as in the case of Xunzi commenting on Mencius. The two usually are cast as being opposed to one another because of their disagreement over human nature – a subject on which Confucius was notably silent (Analects 5.13).
Mencius illustrates a pattern typical of Confucius’ interpreters in that he claims to be doing nothing more than “transmitting” Confucius’ thought while introducing new ideas of his own. For Mencius, renxing (human nature) is congenitally disposed toward ren, but requires cultivation through li as well as yogic disciplines related to one’s qi (vital energy), and may be stunted (although never destroyed) through neglect or negative environmental influence. Confucius does not use the term renxing in the Analects, nor does he describe qi in Mencius’ sense, and nowhere does he provide an account of the basic goodness of human beings. Nonetheless, it is Mencius’ interpretation of Confucius’ thought – especially after the ascendancy of Zhu Xi’s brand of Confucianism in the twelfth century CE – that became regarded as orthodox by most Chinese thinkers.
Like Mencius, Xunzi claims to interpret Confucius’ thought authentically, but leavens it with his own contributions. Whereas Mencius claims that human beings are originally good but argues for the necessity of self-cultivation, Xunzi claims that human beings are originally bad but argues that they can be reformed, even perfected, through self-cultivation. Also like Mencius, Xunzi sees li as the key to the cultivation of renxing. Although Xunzi condemns Mencius’ arguments in no uncertain terms, when one has risen above the smoke and din of the fray, one may see that the two thinkers share many assumptions, including one that links each to Confucius: the assumption that human beings can be transformed by participation in traditional aesthetic, moral, and social disciplines.
Later interpreters of Confucius’ thought between the Tang and Ming dynasties are often grouped together under the label of “Neo-Confucianism.” This term has no cognate in classical Chinese, but is useful insofar as it unites several thinkers from disparate eras who share common themes and concerns. Thinkers such as Zhang Zai (Chang Tsai, 1020-1077 CE), Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE), and Wang Yangming (1472-1529 CE), while distinct from one another, agree on the primacy of Confucius as the fountainhead of the Confucian tradition, share Mencius’ understanding of human beings as innately good, and revere the “Five Classics” and “Four Books” associated with Confucius as authoritative sources for standards of ritual, moral, and social propriety. These thinkers also display a bent toward the cosmological and metaphysical which isolates them from the Confucius of the Analects, and betrays the influence of Buddhism and Daoism – two movements with little or no popular following in Confucius’ China — on their thought.
This cursory review of some seminal interpreters of Confucius’ thought illustrates a principle that ought to be followed by all who seek to understanding Confucius’ philosophical views: suspicion of the sources. All sources for reconstructing Confucius’ views, from the Analects on down, postdate the master and come from a hand other than his own, and thus all should be used with caution and with an eye toward possible influences from outside of fifth century BCE China.
   10. References and Further Reading
Allan, Sarah. The Way of Water and Sprouts of Virtue. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.
Allinson, Robert E. “The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity: Ethical Similarities and Differences.” Asian Philosophy 2/2 (1992): 173-185.
Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballatine, 1998.
Ames, Roger T. “The Focus-Field Self in Classical Confucianism,” in Self as Person in Asian Theory and Practice, ed. Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 187-212.
Berthrong, John. “Trends in the Interpretation of Confucian Religiosity,” in The Confucian-Christian Encounter in Historical and Contemporary Perspective, ed. Peter K. H. Lee (Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 226-254.
Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts,” in Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg, ed. Alvin P. Cohen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 26-40.
Brooks, E. Bruce and A. Taeko, trans. The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.
Chan, Wing-tsit, ed. A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
Cheng, Anne. “Lun-yü,” in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 313-323.
Creel, Herrlee G. Confucius and the  Chinese Way. New York: Harper and Row, 1949.
Creel, Herrlee G. “Was Confucius Agnostic?” T’oung Pao 29 (1935): 55-99.
Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. “Confucius and the Analects in the Hàn,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 134-162.
Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of Heaven. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.
Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius — The Secular as Sacred. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972.
Graham, A. C. Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient  China. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1989.
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. Thinking Through Confucius. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.
Ivanhoe, Philip J. “Whose Confucius? Which Analects?” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 119-133.
Lau, D.C., trans. Confucius — The Analects. 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992.
Legge, James, trans. Confucius — Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean. New York: Dover Publications, 1971.
Munro, Donald J. The Concept of Man In Early  China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969.
Nivison, David S. “The Classical Philosophical Writings,” in The  Cambridge  History of Ancient  China : From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., ed. Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 745-812.
Nivison, David S. The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy. Ed. Bryan W. Van Norden. Chicago and La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1996.
Schwartz, Benjamin I. The World of Thought in Ancient  China. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985.
Shryock, John K. The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius. New York: Century Company, 1932.
Taylor, Rodney L. “The Religious Character of the Confucian Tradition.” Philosophy East and West 48/1 (January 1998): 80-107.
Tu, Wei-ming. “Li as a Process of Humanization,” in Tu, Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1979), 17-34.
Van Norden, Bryan W. “Introduction,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays, ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 3-38.
Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of Confucius. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1938.
Author Information
Jeff Richey
Email: Jeffrey_Richey@berea.edu 
Berea College
U. S. A.
Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
https://iep.utm.edu/confucius/
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/confucius/
Confucius
2020-03-31
Csikszentmihalyi; Mark
<div><div>
<h2>1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture</h2>
<p>
Because of the wide range of texts and traditions identified with him,
choices about which version of Confucius is authoritative have changed
over time, reflecting particular political and social priorities. The
portrait of Confucius as philosopher is, in part, the product of a
series of modern cross-cultural interactions. In Imperial China,
Confucius was identified with interpretations of the classics and
moral guidelines for administrators, and therefore also with training
the scholar-officials that populated the bureaucracy. At the same
time, he was closely associated with the transmission of the ancient
sacrificial system, and he himself received ritual offerings in
temples found in all major cities. By the Han (202 BCE–220 CE),
Confucius was already an authoritative figure in a number of different
cultural domains, and the early commentaries show that reading texts
associated with him about history, ritual, and proper behavior was
important to rulers. The first commentaries to the <em>Analects</em>
were written by tutors to the crown prince (e.g., Zhang Yu 張禹, d. 5 BCE),
and select experts in the “Five Classics”
(<em>Wujing</em> 五經) were given scholastic positions in the government.
The authority of Confucius was such that during the late Han and the
following period of disunity, his imprimatur was used to validate
commentaries to the classics, encoded political prophecies, and
esoteric doctrines.</p>
<p>
By the Song period (960–1279), the post-Buddhist revival known
as “Neo-Confucianism” anchored readings of the dialogues
of Confucius to a dualism between “cosmic pattern”
(<em>li</em> 理) and “<em>pneumas</em>” (<em>qi</em>
氣), a distinctive moral cosmology that marked the tradition off
from those of Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucian interpretation of
the <em>Analects</em> by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200)
integrated the study of the <em>Analects</em> into a curriculum based
on the “Four Books” (<em>Sishu</em> 四書) that
became widely influential in China, Korea, and Japan. The pre-modern
Confucius was closely associated with good government, moral
education, proper ritual performance, and the reciprocal obligations
that people in different roles owed each other in such contexts.</p>
<p>
When Confucius became a character in the intellectual debates of
eighteenth century Europe, he became identified as China’s first
philosopher. Jesuit missionaries in China sent back accounts of
ancient China that portrayed Confucius as inspired by Natural Theology
to pursue the good, which they considered a marked contrast with the
“idolatries” of Buddhism and Daoism. Back in Europe,
intellectuals read missionary descriptions and translations of Chinese
literature, and writers like Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
(1646–1716) and Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–1798) praised
Confucius for his discovery of universal natural laws through reason.
Enlightenment writers celebrated the moral philosophy of Confucius for
its independence from the dogmatic influence of the Church. While at
times he was criticized as an atheist or an advocate of despotism,
many Europeans viewed Confucius as a moral philosopher whose approach
was in line with rationalism and humanism.</p>
<p>
Today, many descriptions combine these several ways of positioning
Confucius, but the modern interpretation of his views has been
complicated by a tendency to look back on him as an emblem of the
“traditional culture” of China. In the eyes of some late
nineteenth and twentieth century reformers who sought to fortify China
against foreign influence, the moral teachings of Confucius had the
potential to play the same role that they perceived Christianity had
done in the modernization of Europe and America, or serve as the basis
of a more secular spiritual renewal that would transform the
population into citizens of a modern nation-state. In the twentieth
century, the pursuit of modernization also led to the rejection of
Confucius by some reformers in the May Fourth and New Culture
movements, as well as by many in the Communist Party, who identified
the traditional hierarchies implicit in his social and political
philosophy with the social and economic inequalities that they sought
to eliminate. In these modern debates, it is not just the status of 
Confucius in traditional China that made him such a potent symbol.
His specific association with the curriculum of the system of education of
scholar-officials in the imperial government, and of traditional moral
values more generally, connected him to the aspects of tradition worth
preserving, or the things that held China back from modernization,
depending on one’s point of view.</p>
<p>
As legacies of Confucius tied to traditional ritual roles and the
pre-modern social structure were criticized by modernizers, a view of
Confucius as a moral philosopher, already common in European readings,
gained ascendancy in East Asia. The American-educated historian Hu Shi
胡適 (1891–1962) wrote an early influential history
of Chinese philosophy, beginning with Laozi 老子 and
Confucius, explicitly on the model of existing histories of Western
philosophy. In it, Hu compared what he called the conservative aspect
of the philosophy of Confucius to Socrates and Plato. Since at least
that time, Confucius has been central to most histories of Chinese
philosophy.</p>
<h2>2. Sources for Confucius’s Life and Thought</h2>
<p>
Biographical treatments of Confucius, beginning with the
“Hereditary House of Confucius” (<em>Kongzi shijia</em>
孔子世家), a chapter of Sima Qian’s
司馬遷 (c.145–c.86 BCE) <em>Records of the
Grand Historian</em> (<em>Shiji</em> 史記), were initially
based on information from compilations of independently circulating
dialogues and prose accounts. Tying particular elements of his
philosophy to the life experiences of Confucius is a risky and
potentially circular exercise, since many of the details of his
biography were first recorded in instructive anecdotes linked to the
expression of didactic messages. Nevertheless, since Sima Qian’s
time, the biography of Confucius has been intimately linked with the
interpretation of his philosophy, and so this section begins with a
brief treatment of traditional tropes about his family background,
official career, and teaching of 72 disciples, before turning to the
dialogue and prose accounts upon which early biographers like Sima
Qian drew.</p>
<p>
Confucius was born in the domain of Zou, in modern Shandong Province,
south of the larger kingdom of Lu. A date of 551 BCE is given for his
birth in the <em>Gongyang Commentary</em> (<em>Gongyang zhuan</em>
公羊傳) to the classic <em>Spring and Autumn
Annals</em> (<em>Chunqiu</em> 春秋), which places him in
the period when the influence of the Zhou polity was declining, and
regional domains were becoming independent states. His father, who
came from Lu, was descended from a noble clan that included, in Sima
Qian’s telling, several people known for their modesty and
ritual mastery. His father died when Confucius was a small child,
leaving the family poor but with some social status, and as a young
man Confucius became known for expertise in the classical ritual and
ceremonial forms of the Zhou. In adulthood, Confucius travelled to Lu
and began a career as an official in the employ of aristocratic
families.</p>
<p>
Different sources identify Confucius as having held a large number of
different offices in Lu. Entries in the <em>Zuo Commentary</em>
(<em>Zuozhuan</em> 左傳) to the <em>Spring and Autumn
Annals</em> for 509 and 500 BCE identify him as Director of
Corrections (<em>Sikou</em> 司寇), and say he was charged
with assisting the ruler with the rituals surrounding a visiting
dignitary from the state of Qi, respectively. The <em>Mencius</em>
(<em>Mengzi</em> 孟子), a text centered on a figure
generally regarded as the most important early developer of the
thought of Confucius, Mencius (trad. 372–289 BCE), says
Confucius was Foodstuffs Scribe (<em>Weili</em> 委吏) and
Scribe in the Field (<em>Chengtian</em> 乘田), involved
with managing the accounting at the granary and keeping the books on
the pasturing of different animals
(11.14).<sup>[<a href="notes.html#note-1">1</a>]</sup> In the
first biography, Sima Qian mentions these offices, but then adds a
second set of more powerful positions in Lu including Steward
(<em>Zai</em> 宰) managing an estate in the district of Zhongdu,
Minister of Works (<em>Sikong</em> 司空), and even acting
Chancellor (<em>Xiang</em> 相). Following his departure from Lu,
different stories place Confucius in the kingdoms of Wei, Song, Chen,
Cai, and Chu. Sima Qian crafted these stories into a serial narrative
of rulers failing to appreciate the moral worth of Confucius, whose
high standards forced him to continue to travel in search of an
incorrupt ruler.</p>
<p>
Late in life, Confucius left service and turned to teaching. In Sima
Qian’s time, the sheer number of independently circulating texts
centering on dialogues that Confucius had with his disciples led the
biographer to include a separate chapter on “The arranged
traditions of the disciples of Confucius” (<em>Zhongni dizi
liezhuan</em> 仲尼弟子列傳). His
account identifies 77 direct disciples, whom Sima Qian says Confucius
trained in ritual practice and the <em>Classic of Odes</em>
(<em>Shijing</em> 詩經), <em>Classic of Documents</em>
(<em>Shujing</em> 書經, also called <em>Documents of the
Predecessors</em> or <em>Shangshu</em> 尚書), <em>Records
of Ritual</em> (<em>Liji</em> 禮記) and
<em>Classic of Music</em> (<em>Yuejing</em> 樂經). Altogether, some 3000
students received some form of this training regimen. Sima
Qian’s editorial practice in systematizing dialogues was
inclusive, and the fact that he was able to collect so much
information some three centuries after the death of Confucius
testifies to the latter’s importance in the Han period. Looked
at in a different way, the prodigious numbers of direct disciples and
students of Confucius, and the inconsistent accounts of the offices in
which he served, may also be due to a proliferation of texts
associating the increasingly authoritative figure of Confucius with
divergent regional or interpretive traditions during those intervening
centuries.</p>
<p>
The many sources of quotations and dialogues of Confucius, both
transmitted and recently excavated, provide a wealth of materials
about the philosophy of Confucius, but an incomplete sense of which
materials are authoritative. The last millennium has seen the
development of a conventional view that materials preserved in the
twenty chapters of the transmitted <em>Analects</em> most accurately
represent Confucius’s original teachings. This derives in part
from a second century CE account by Ban Gu 班固
(39–92 CE) of the composition of the <em>Analects</em> that
describes the work as having been compiled by first and second
generation disciples of Confucius and then transmitted privately for
centuries, making it arguably the oldest stratum of extant Confucius
sources. In the centuries since, some scholars have come up with
variations on this basic account, such as Liu Baonan’s
劉寳楠 (1791–1855) view in <em>Corrected Meanings
of the Analects</em> (<em>Lunyu zhengyi</em>
論語正義) that each chapter was written by a
different disciple. Recently, several centuries of doubts about
internal inconsistencies in the text and a lack of references to the
title in early sources were marshaled by classicist Zhu Weizheng
朱維錚 in an influential 1986 article which argued
that the lack of attributed quotations from the <em>Analects</em>, and
of explicit references to it, prior to the second century BCE, meant
that its traditional status as the oldest stratum of the teachings of
Confucius was undeserved. Since then a number of historians, including
Michael J. Hunter, have systematically shown that writers started to
demonstrate an acute interest in the <em>Analects</em> only in the
late second and first centuries BCE, suggesting that other
Confucius-related records from those centuries should also be
considered as potentially authoritative sources. Some have suggested
this critical approach to sources is an attack on the historicity of
Confucius, but a more reasonable description is that it is an attack
on the authoritativeness of the <em>Analects</em> that broadens and
diversifies the sources that may be used to reconstruct the historical
Confucius.</p>
<p>
Expanding the corpus of Confucius quotations and dialogues beyond the
<em>Analects</em>, then, requires attention to three additional types
of sources. First, dialogues preserved in transmitted sources like the
<em>Records of Ritual,</em> the <em>Elder Dai’s Records of
Ritual</em> (<em>DaDai Liji</em> 大戴禮記),
and Han collections like the
<em>Family Discussions of Confucius</em> (<em>Kongzi jiayu</em>
孔子家語) contain a large number of diverse
teachings. Second, quotations attached to the interpretation of
passages in the classics preserved in works like the <em>Zuo
Commentary</em> to the <em>Spring and Autumn Annals</em>,
or <em>Han’s Intertextual Commentary on the Odes</em> (<em>Han
Shi waizhuan</em> 韓詩外傳) are particularly
rich sources for readings of history and poetry. Finally, a number of
recently archaeologically recovered texts from the Han period and
before have also expanded the corpus.</p>
<p>
Newly discovered sources include three recently excavated versions of
texts with parallel to the transmitted <em>Analects</em>. These are
the 1973 excavation at the Dingzhou site in Hebei Province dating to
55 BCE; the 1990’s excavation of a partial parallel version at
Jongbaekdong in Pyongyang, North Korea, dating to between 62 and 45
BCE; and most recently the 2011-2015 excavation of the tomb of the Marquis
of Haihun in Jiangxi Province dating to 59 BCE. The Haihun excavation
is particularly important because it is thought to contain the two
lost chapters of what Han period sources identify as a 22-chapter
version of the <em>Analects</em> that circulated in the state of Qi,
the titles of which appear to be “Understanding the Way”
(<em>Zhi dao</em> 智道) and “Questions about
Jade” (<em>Wen yu</em> 問玉). While the
Haihun <em>Analects</em> has yet to be published, the content of the
lost chapters overlaps with a handful of fragments dating to the late
first century BCE that were found at the Jianshui Jinguan site in
Jinta county in Gansu Province in 1973. All in all, these finds
confirm the sudden wide circulation of the <em>Analects</em> in the
middle of the first century BCE.</p>
<p>
Previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations have also been
unearthed. The Dingzhou site also yielded texts given the titles
“Sayings of the Ru” (<em>Rujiazhe yan</em>
儒家者言) and “Duke Ai asked about the
five kinds of righteousness” (<em>Aigong wen wuyi</em>
哀公問五義). A significantly different
text also given the name “Sayings of the Ru” was found in
1977 in a Han tomb at Fuyang in Anhui Province. Several texts dating
to 168 BCE recording statements by Confucius about the
<em>Classic of Changes</em> (<em>Yijing</em> 易經) were
excavated from the Mawangdui site in Hunan Province in
1973. Additionally, a number of Warring States period dialogical texts
centered on particular disciples, and a text with interpretative
comments by Confucius on the <em>Classic of Poetry</em> given the name
“Confucius discusses the <em>Odes</em>” (<em>Kongzi
shilun</em> 孔子詩論), were looted from tombs in the 1990s, sold on the black market, 
and made their way to the Shanghai Museum. Finally, the 59 BCE tomb of the
Marquis of Haihun also contains a number of previously unknown
Confucius dialogues and quotations on ritual and filial piety, along
with materials that overlap with sections of transmitted texts
including the <em>Analects</em>, <em>Records of Ritual</em> and the
<em>Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual</em>.</p>
<p>
Some excavated texts, like the pre-Han period “Thicket of
Sayings” (<em>Yucong</em> 語叢) apothegms excavated
at the Guodian site in Hubei Province in 1993, contain fragments of
the
<em>Analects</em> in circulation without attribution to Confucius.
Transmitted materials also show some of the quotations attributed to
Confucius in the <em>Analects</em> in the mouths of other historical
figures. The fluidity and diversity of Confucius-related materials in
circulation prior to the fixing of the <em>Analects</em> text in the
second century BCE, suggest that the <em>Analects</em> itself, with
its keen interest in ritual, personal ethics, and politics, may well
have been in part a topical selection from a larger and more diverse
set of available Confucius-related materials. In other words, there
were already multiple topical foci prior to any horizon by which we
can definitively deem any single focus to be authoritative. It is for
this reason that the essential core of the teachings of Confucius is
historically underdetermined, and the correct identification of the
core teachings is still avidly debated. The following sections treat
three key aspects of the philosophy of Confucius, each different but
all interrelated, found throughout many of these diverse sets of
sources: a theory of how ritual and musical performance functioned to
promote unselfishness and train emotions, advice on how to inculcate a
set of personal virtues to prepare people to behave morally in
different domains of their lives, and a social and political
philosophy that abstracted classical ideals of proper conduct in
family and official contexts to apply to more general contexts.</p>
<h2>3. Ritual Psychology and Social Values</h2>
<p>
The <em>Records of Ritual</em>, the <em>Analects</em>, and numerous
Han collections portray Confucius as being deeply
concerned with the proper performance of ritual and music. In such works, the description of the attitudes and affect of the performer became the foundation of a
ritual psychology in which proper performance was key to reforming
desires and beginning to develop moral dispositions. Confucius sought
to preserve the Zhou ritual system, and theorized about how ritual and
music inculcated social roles, limited desires and transformed
character.</p>
<p>
Many biographies begin their description of his life with a story of
Confucius at an early age performing rituals, reflecting accounts and
statements that demonstrate his prodigious mastery of ritual and
music. The archaeological record shows that one legacy of the Zhou
period into which Confucius was born was a system of sumptuary
regulations that encoded social status. Another of these legacies was
ancestral sacrifice, a means to demonstrate people’s reverence
for their ancestors while also providing a way to ask the spirits to
assist them or to guarantee them protection from harm. The
<em>Analects</em> describes the ritual mastery of Confucius in
receiving guests at a noble’s home (10.3), and in carrying out
sacrifices (10.8, 15.1). He plays the stone chimes (14.39),
distinguishes between proper and improper music (15.11, 17.18), and
extols and explains the <em>Classic of Odes</em> to his disciples
(1.15, 2.2, 8.3, 16.13, 17.9). This mastery of classical ritual and
musical forms is an important reason Confucius said he “followed
Zhou” (3.14). While he might alter a detail of a ritual out of
frugality (9.3), Confucius insists on adherence to the letter of the rites,
as when his disciple Zi Gong 子貢 sought to substitute another animal for a
sheep in a seasonal sacrifice, saying “though you care about the
sheep, I care about the ritual” (3.17). It was in large part
this adherence to Zhou period cultural forms, or to what Confucius
reconstructed them to be, that has led many in the modern period to
label him a traditionalist.</p>
<p>
Where Confucius clearly innovated was in his rationale for performing
the rites and music. Historian Yan Buke 閻步克 has
argued that the early Confucian (<em>Ru</em>) tradition began from the
office of the “Music master” (<em>Yueshi</em>
樂師) described in the
<em>Ritual of Zhou</em> (<em>Zhou Li</em> 周禮). Yan’s view is that
since these officials were responsible for teaching the rites, music,
and the <em>Classic of Odes</em>, it was their combined expertise that
developed into the particular vocation that shaped the outlook of
Confucius. Early discussions of ritual in the Zhou classics often
explained ritual in terms of a <em>do ut des</em> view of making
offerings to receive benefits. By contrast, early discussions between
Confucius and his disciples described benefits of ritual performance
that went beyond the propitiation of spirits, rewards from the
ancestors, or the maintenance of the social or cosmic order. Instead
of emphasizing goods that were external to the performer, these works
stressed the value of the associated interior psychological states of
the practitioner. In <em>Analects</em> 3.26, Confucius condemns the
performance of ritual without reverence (<em>jing</em> 敬). He also
condemns views of ritual that focus only on the offerings, or views of
music that focus only on the instruments (17.11). Passages from the <em>Records of
Ritual</em> explain that Confucius would rather have an excess of
reverence than an excess of ritual (“<em>Tangong,
shang</em>” 檀弓上), and that reverence is the most important aspect of
mourning rites (“<em>Zaji, xia</em>” 雜記下). This emphasis on the
importance of an attitude of reverence became the salient distinction
between performing ritual in a rote manner, and performing it in the
proper affective state. Another passage from the <em>Records of Ritual</em>
says the difference between how an ideal gentleman and a
lesser person cares for a parent is that the gentleman is reverent
when he does it (“<em>Fangji</em>” 坊記, cf. <em>Analects</em>
2.7). In contexts concerning both ritual and filial piety (<em>xiao</em> 孝),
the affective state behind the action is arguably more important than
the action’s consequences. As Philip J. Ivanhoe has
written, ritual and music are not just an indicator of values in the
sense that these examples show, but also an inculcator of them.</p>
<p>
In this ritual psychology, the performance of ritual and music restricts
desires because it alters the performer’s affective states, and
place limits on appetitive desires. The <em>Records of Ritual</em>
illustrates desirable affective states, describing how the Zhou
founder King Wen 文 was moved to joy when making offerings to
his deceased parents, but then to grief once the ritual ended
(“<em>Jiyi</em>” 祭義). A collection
associated with the third century BCE philosopher Xunzi 荀子 contains a
Confucius quotation that associates different parts of a ruler’s
day with particular emotions. Entering the ancestral temple to make
offerings and maintain a connection to those who are no longer living
leads the ruler to reflect on sorrow, while wearing a cap to hear
legal cases leads him to reflect on worry (“<em>Aigong</em>” 哀公). These are examples of the way that
ritual fosters the development of particular emotional responses, part
of a sophisticated understanding of affective states and the ways that
performance channels them in particular directions. More generally,
the social conventions implicit in ritual hierarchies restrict
people’s latitude to pursue their desires, as the master
explains in the <em>Records of Ritual:</em> </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
The way of the gentleman may be compared to an embankment dam,
bolstering those areas where ordinary people are deficient
(“<em>Fangji</em>”). </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
Blocking the overflow of desires by adhering to these social norms
preserves psychological space to reflect and reform one’s
reactions.</p>
<p>
Descriptions of the early community depict Confucius creating a
subculture in which ritual provided an alternate source of value,
effectively training his disciples to opt out of conventional modes of
exchange. In the <em>Analects</em>, when Confucius says he would
instruct any person who presented him with “a bundle of dried
meat” (7.7), he is highlighting how his standards of value
derive from the sacrificial system, eschewing currency or luxury
items. Gifts valuable in ordinary situations might be worth little by
such standards: “Even if a friend gave him a gift of a carriage
and horses, if it was not dried meat, he did not bow” (10.15).
The Han period biographical materials in <em>Records of the
Historian</em> describe how a high official of the state of Lu did not
come to court for three days after the state of Qi made him a gift of
female entertainers. When, additionally, the high official failed to
properly offer gifts of sacrificial meats, Confucius
departed Lu for the state of Wei (47, cf. <em>Analects</em> 18.4).
Confucius repeatedly rejected conventional values of wealth and
position, choosing instead to rely on ritual standards of value. In
some ways, these stories are similar to ones in the late Warring
States and Han period compilation <em>Master Zhuang</em> (<em>Zhuangzi</em>
莊子) that explore the way that things that are
conventionally belittled for their lack of utility are useful by an
unconventional standard. However, here the standard that gives such objects currency is ritual importance rather than longevity, divorcing
Confucius from conventional materialistic or hedonistic pursuits. This
is a second way that ritual allows one to direct more effort into
character formation.</p>
<p>
Once, when speaking of cultivating benevolence, Confucius explained
how ritual value was connected to the ideal way of the gentleman,
which should always take precedence over the pursuit of conventional
values: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
Wealth and high social status are what others covet. If I cannot
prosper by following the way, I will not dwell in them. Poverty and
low social status are what others shun. If I cannot prosper by
following the way, I will not avoid them. (4.5) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
The argument that ritual performance has internal benefits underlies
the ritual psychology laid out by Confucius, one that explains how
performing ritual and music controls desires and sets the stage for
further moral development.</p>
<h2>4. Virtues and Character Formation</h2>
<p>
Many of the short passages from the <em>Analects</em>, and the
“Thicket of Sayings” passages excavated at Guodian,
describe the development of set of ideal behaviors associated with the
moral ideal of the “way” (<em>dao</em> 道) of the
“gentleman” (<em>junzi</em> 君子). Based on
the analogy between the way of Confucius and character ethics systems
deriving from Aristotle, these patterns of behavior are today often
described using the Latinate term “virtue”. In the second
passage in the
<em>Analects</em>, the disciple You Ruo 有若 says a person who behaves with
filial piety to parents and siblings (<em>xiao</em> and <em>di</em> 弟),
and who avoids going against superiors, will rarely disorder society.
It relates this correlation to a more general picture of how patterns
of good behavior effectively open up the possibility of following the
way of the gentleman: “The gentleman works at the roots. Once
the roots are established, the way comes to life” (1.2). The way
of the gentleman is a distillation of the exemplary behaviors of the
selfless culture heroes of the past, and is available to all who are
willing to “work at the roots”. In this way, the virtues
that Confucius taught were not original to him, but represented his
adaptations of existing cultural ideals, to which he continually
returned in order to clarify their proper expressions in different
situations. Five behaviors of the gentleman most central to the
<em>Analects</em> are benevolence (<em>ren</em> 仁), righteousness
(<em>yi</em> 義), ritual propriety (<em>li</em> 禮), wisdom (<em>zhi</em> 智),
and trustworthiness (<em>xin</em> 信).</p>
<p>
The virtue of benevolence entails interacting with others guided by a
sense of what is good from their perspectives. Sometimes the
<em>Analects</em> defines benevolence generally as “caring for
others” (12.22), but in certain contexts it is associated with
more specific behaviors. Examples of contextual definitions of
benevolence include treating people on the street as important guests
and common people as if they were attendants at a sacrifice (12.2),
being reticent in speaking (12.3) and rejecting the use of clever
speech (1.3), and being respectful where one dwells, reverent where
one works, and loyal where one deals with others (13.19). It is the
broadest of the virtues, yet a gentleman would rather die than
compromise it (15.9). Benevolence entails a kind of unselfishness, or,
as David Hall and Roger Ames suggest, it involves forming moral
judgments from a combined perspective of self and others.</p>
<p>
Later writers developed accounts of the sources of benevolent
behavior, most famously in the context of the discussion of human
nature (<em>xing</em> 性) in the centuries after
Confucius. Mencius (fourth century BCE) argued that benevolence grows
out of the cultivation of an affective disposition to compassion
(<em>ceyin</em> 惻隱) in the face of another’s
distress. The anonymous author of the late Warring States period
excavated text “Five Kinds of Action” (<em>Wu xing</em>
五行) describes it as building from the affection one
feels for close family members, through successive stages to finally
develop into a more universal, fully-fledged virtue. In
the <em>Analects</em>, however, one comment on human nature
emphasizes the importance of nurture: “By nature people are
close, by habituation they are miles apart” (17.2), a sentiment
that suggests the importance of training one’s dispositions
through ritual and the classics in a manner closer to the program of Xunzi (third century
BCE). The <em>Analects</em>, however, discusses the incubation of
benevolent behavior in family and ritual contexts. You Ruo winds up
his discussion of the roots of the way of the gentleman with the
rhetorical question: “Is not behaving with filial piety to
one’s parents and siblings the root of benevolence?”
(1.2). Confucius tells his disciple Yan Yuan 顏淵 that
benevolence is a matter of “overcoming oneself and returning to
ritual propriety” (12.1). These connections between benevolence
and other virtues underscore the way in which benevolent behavior does
not entail creating novel social forms or relationships, but is
grounded in traditional familial and ritual networks.</p>
<p>
The second virtue, righteousness, is often described in the <em>Analects</em> relative to
situations involving public responsibility. In contexts where
standards of fairness and integrity are valuable, such as acting as
the steward of an estate as some of the disciples of Confucius did,
righteousness is what keeps a person uncorrupted. Confucius wrote that
a gentleman “thinks of righteousness when faced with gain”
(16.10, 19.10), or “when faced with profit” (14.12).
Confucius says that one should ignore the wealth and rank one might
attain by acting against righteousness, even if it means eating coarse
rice, drinking water, and sleeping using one’s bent arm as a
pillow (7.16). Later writers like Xunzi celebrated Confucius for his
righteousness in office, which he stressed was all the more impressive
because Confucius was extremely poor (“<em>Wangba</em>”
王霸). This behavior is particularly relevant in official
interactions with ordinary people, such as when “employing
common people” (5.16), and if a social superior has mastered it,
“the common people will all comply” (13.4). Like
benevolence, righteousness also entails unselfishness, but instead of
coming out of consideration for the needs of others, it is rooted in
steadfastness in the face of temptation.</p>
<p>
The perspective needed to act in a righteous way is sometimes related
to an attitude to personal profit that recalls the previous
section’s discussion of how Confucius taught his disciples to
recalibrate their sense of value based on their immersion in the
sacrificial system. More specifically, evaluating things based on
their ritual significance can put one at odds with conventional
hierarchies of value. This is defined as the root of righteous
behavior in a story from the late Warring States period text
<em>Master Fei of Han</em> (<em>Han Feizi</em> 韓非子). The tale relates how
at court, Confucius was given a plate with a peach and a pile of
millet grains with which to scrub the fruit clean. After the
attendants laughed at Confucius for proceeding to eat the millet
first, Confucius explained to them that in sacrifices to the Former Kings,
millet itself is the most valued offering. Therefore, cleaning a
ritually base peach with millet: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
would be obstructing righteousness, and so I dared not put [the peach]
above what fills the vessels in the ancestral shrine.
(“<em>Waichu shuo, zuo shang</em>”
外儲說左上) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
While such stories may have been told to mock his fastidiousness, for
Confucius the essence of righteousness was internalizing a system of
value that he would breach for neither convenience nor profit.</p>
<p>
At times, the phrase “benevolence and righteousness” is
used metonymically for all the virtues, but in some later texts, a
benevolent impulse to compassion and a righteous steadfastness are
seen as potentially contradictory. In the <em>Analects</em>,
portrayals of Confucius do not recognize a tension between benevolence
and righteousness, perhaps because each is usually described as
salient in a different set of contexts. In ritual contexts like courts
or shrines, one ideally acts like one might act out of familial
affection in a personal context, the paradigm that is key to
benevolence. In the performance of official duties, one ideally acts
out of the responsibilities felt to inferiors and superiors, with a
resistance to temptation by corrupt gain that is key to
righteousness. The <em>Records of Ritual</em> distinguishes between the
domains of these two virtues: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
In regulating one’s household, kindness overrules righteousness.
Outside of one’s house, righteousness cuts off kindness. What
one undertakes in serving one’s father, one also does in serving
one’s lord, because one’s reverence for both is the same.
Treating nobility in a noble way and the honorable in an honorable
way, is the height of righteousness. (“<em>Sangfu
sizhi</em>” 喪服四制) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
While it is not the case that righteousness is benevolence by other
means, this passage underlines how in different contexts, different
virtues may push people toward participation in particular shared
cultural practices constitutive of the good life.</p>
<p>
While the virtues of benevolence and righteousness might impel a gentleman to adhere to ritual
norms in particular situations or areas of life, a third virtue of
“ritual propriety” expresses a sensitivity to one’s
social place, and willingness to play all of one’s multiple
ritual roles. The term <em>li</em> translated here as “ritual
propriety” has a particularly wide range of connotations, and
additionally connotes both the conventions of ritual and etiquette. In
the <em>Analects,</em> Confucius is depicted both teaching and
conducting the rites in the manner that he believed they were
conducted in antiquity. Detailed restrictions such as “the
gentleman avoids wearing garments with red-black trim” (10.6),
which the poet Ezra Pound disparaged as “verses re: length of
the night-gown and the predilection for ginger” (Pound 1951:
191), were by no means trivial to Confucius. His imperative, “Do
not look or listen, speak or move, unless it is in accordance with the
rites” (12.1), in answer to a question about benevolence,
illustrates how the symbolic conventions of the ritual system played a
role in the cultivation of the virtues. We have seen how ritual shapes
values by restricting desires, thereby allowing reflection and the
cultivation of moral dispositions. Yet without the proper affective
state, a person is not properly performing ritual. In the
<em>Analects</em>, Confucius says he cannot tolerate “ritual
without reverence, or mourning without grief,” (3.26). When
asked about the root of ritual propriety, he says that in funerals,
the mourners’ distress is more important than the formalities
(3.4). Knowing the details of ritual protocols is important, but is
not a substitute for sincere affect in performing them. Together, they
are necessary conditions for the gentleman’s training, and are also
essential to understanding the social context in which Confucius
taught his disciples.</p>
<p>
The mastery that “ritual propriety” signaled was part of a
curriculum associated with the training of rulers and officials, and
proper ritual performance at court could also serve as a kind of political
legitimation. Confucius summarized the different prongs of the
education in ritual and music involved in the training of his
followers: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
Raise yourself up with the <em>Classic of Odes</em>. Establish
yourself with ritual. Complete yourself with music. (8.8) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
On one occasion, Boyu 伯魚, the son of Confucius,
explained that when he asked his father to teach him, his father told
him to study the
<em>Classic of Odes</em> in order to have a means to speak with
others, and to study ritual to establish himself (16.13). That
Confucius insists that his son master classical literature and practices
underscores the values of these cultural products as a means of
transmitting the way from one generation to the next. He tells his
disciples that the study of the <em>Classic of Odes</em> prepares them
for different aspects of life, providing them with a capacity to: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
at home serve one’s father, away from it serve
one’s lord, as well as increase one's knowledge of the names of birds,
animals, plants and trees. (17.9) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
This valuation of knowledge of both the cultural and
natural worlds is one reason why the figure of Confucius has
traditionally been identified with schooling, and why today his
birthday is celebrated as “Teacher’s Day” in some
parts of Asia. In the ancient world, this kind of education also
qualified Confucius and his disciples for employment on estates and at
courts.</p>
<p>
The fourth virtue, wisdom, is related to appraising people and
situations. In the <em>Analects,</em> wisdom allows a gentleman to
discern crooked and straight behavior in others (12.22), and
discriminate between those who may be reformed and those who may not
(15.8). In the former dialogue, Confucius explains the virtue of
wisdom as “knowing others”. The “Thicket of
Sayings” excavated at Guodian indicates that this knowledge is
the basis for properly “selecting” others, defining wisdom
as the virtue that is the basis for selection. But it is also about
appraising situations correctly, as suggested by the master’s
rhetorical question: “How can a person be considered wise if
that person does not dwell in benevolence?” (4.1). One
well-known passage often cited to imply Confucius is agnostic about
the world of the spirits is more literally about how wisdom allows an
outsider to present himself in a way appropriate to the people on
whose behalf he is working: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
When working for what is right for the common people, to show
reverence for the ghosts and spirits while maintaining one’s
distance may be deemed wisdom. (6.22) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
The context for this sort of appraisal is usually official service,
and wisdom is often attributed to valued ministers or advisors to sage
rulers.</p>
<p>
In certain dialogues, wisdom also connotes a moral discernment that
allows the gentleman to be confident of the appropriateness of good
actions. In the <em>Analects</em>, Confucius tells his disciple Zi Lu
子路 that wisdom recognizes knowing a thing as knowing it,
and ignorance of a thing as ignorance of it (2.17). In soliloquies
about several virtues, Confucius describes a wise person as never
confused (9.28, 14.28). While comparative philosophers have noted that
Chinese thought has nothing clearly analogous to the role of the will
in pre-modern European philosophy, the moral discernment that is part
of wisdom does provide actors with confidence that the moral actions
they have taken are correct.</p>
<p>
The virtue of trustworthiness qualifies a gentleman to give advice to
a ruler, and a ruler or official to manage others. In the
<em>Analects</em>, Confucius explains it succinctly: “if one is
trustworthy, others will give one responsibilities” (17.6, cf.
20.1). While trustworthiness may be rooted in
the proper expression of friendship between those of the same status (1.4, 5.26),
it is also valuable in interactions with those of different status. The disciple Zi Xia 子夏 explains its effect on superiors and
subordinates: when advising a ruler, without trustworthiness, the
ruler will think a gentleman is engaged in slander, and when
administering a state, without trustworthiness, people will think a
gentleman is exploiting them (19.10). The implication is that a
sincerely public-minded official would be ineffective without the
trust that this quality inspires. In a dialogue with a ruler from
chapter four of <em>Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes</em>,
Confucius explains that in employing someone, trustworthiness is
superior to strength, ability to flatter, or eloquence. Being able to
rely on someone is so important to Confucius that, when asked about
good government, he explained that trustworthiness was superior to
either food or weapons, concluding: “If the people do not find the
ruler trustworthy, the state will not stand” (12.7). </p>
<p>
By the Han period, benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety,
wisdom and trustworthiness began to be considered as a complete set of
human virtues, corresponding with other quintets of phenomena used to
describe the natural world. Some texts described a level of moral
perfection, as with the sages of antiquity, as unifying all these
virtues. Prior to this, it is unclear whether the possession of a
particular virtue entailed having all the others, although benevolence
was sometimes used as a more general term for a combination of one or
more of the other virtues (e.g.,
<em>Analects</em> 17.6). At other times, Confucius presented
individual virtues as expressions of goodness in particular domains of
life. Early Confucius dialogues are embedded in concrete situations,
and so resist attempts to distill them into more abstract principles
of morality. As a result, descriptions of the virtues are embedded in
anecdotes about the exemplary individuals whose character traits the
dialogues encourage their audience to develop. Confucius taught that
the measure of a good action was whether it was an expression of the
actor’s virtue, something his lessons share with those of
philosophies like Aristotle’s that are generally described as
“virtue ethics”. A modern evaluation of the teachings of Confucius as
a “virtue ethics” is articulated in Bryan W. Van
Norden’s <em>Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese
Philosophy</em>, which pays particular attention to analogies between
the way of Confucius and Aristotle’s “good life”.
The nature of the available source materials about Confucius, however,
means that the diverse texts from early China lack the systematization
of a work like Aristotle’s <em>Nicomachean Ethics</em>.</p>
<p>
The five virtues described above are not the only ones of which
Confucius spoke. He discussed loyalty (<em>zhong</em> 忠), which
at one point is described as the minister’s behavior toward a
ritually proper ruler (3.19). He said that courage (<em>yong</em>
勇) is what compels one to act once one has seen where
righteousness lies (2.24). Another term sometimes translated as
“virtue” (<em>de</em> 德), is usually used to
describe the authority of a ruler that grows out of goodness or favor
to others, and is a key term in many of the social and political works
discussed in the following section. Yet going through a list of all
the virtues in the early sources is not sufficient to describe the
entirety of the moral universe associated with Confucius.</p>
<p>
The presence of themes in the <em>Analects</em> like the ruler’s
exceptional influence as a moral exemplar, the importance of judging
people by their deeds rather than their words (1.3, 2.10, 5.10), or
even the protection of the culture of Zhou by higher powers (9.5), all
highlight the unsystematic nature of the text and underscore that
teaching others how to cultivate the virtues is a key aspect, but only
a part, of the ethical ideal of Confucius. Yet there is also a conundrum inherent in any attempt to derive abstract moral rules from the mostly dialogical form of the <em>Analects</em>, that is, the problem of whether the situational context and conversation partner is integral to evaluating the statements of Confucius. 
A historically notable example of an attempt to find a generalized moral rule in the <em>Analects</em> is the reading of a pair of
passages that use a formulation similar to that of the “Golden
Rule” of the Christian Bible (Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31) to
describe benevolence: “Do not impose upon others those things
that you yourself do not desire” (12.2, cf. 5.12, 15.24). Read
as axiomatic moral imperatives, these passages differ from the kind of
exemplar-based and situational conversations about morality usually
found in the <em>Analects</em>. For this reason, some scholars,
including E. Bruce Brooks, believe these passages to be
interpolations. While they are not wholly inconsistent with the way
that benevolence is described in early texts, their
interpretation as abstract principles has been influenced by their perceived similarity to the Biblical examples. In
the <em>Records of Ritual</em>, a slightly different formulation of a
rule about self and others is presented as not universal in its scope,
but rather as descriptive of how the exemplary ruler influences the
people. In common with other early texts, the <em>Analects</em>
describes how the moral transformation of society relies on the
positive example of the ruler, comparing the influence of the
gentleman on the people to the way the wind blows on the grass,
forcing it to bend (12.19). In a similar vein, after discussing how the personal
qualities of rulers of the past determined whether or not their
subjects could morally transform, the <em>Records of Ritual</em>
expresses its principle of reflexivity: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
That is why the gentleman only seeks things in others that he or she
personally possesses. [The gentleman] only condemns things in others
that he or she personally lacks. (“<em>Daxue</em>”
大學) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
This is a point about the efficacy of moral suasion, saying that a
ruler cannot expect to reform society solely by command since it is
only the ruler’s personal example that can transform others. For
this reason, the ruler should not compel behaviors from his subjects
to which he or she would not personally assent, something rather
different from the “Golden Rule”. 
Historically, however, views that Confucius was inspired by the same Natural Theology as Christians, or that philosophers are naturally concerned with the generalization of moral imperatives, have argued in favor of a closer identification with the “Golden Rule,” a fact that illustrates the interpretative conundrum arising from the formal aspects of the <em>Analects</em>. </p>
<h2>5. The Family and the State</h2>
<p>
Early Zhou political philosophy as represented in the <em>Classic of
Odes</em> and the <em>Classic of Documents</em> centered on moral
justification for political authority based on the doctrine of the
“Mandate of Heaven” (<em>tianming</em>
天命). This view was that the sage’s virtue
(<em>de</em>) attracted the attention of the anthropomorphized cosmic
power usually translated as “Heaven” (<em>tian</em>
天), which supported the sage’s rise to political
authority. These canonical texts argued that political success or
failure is a function of moral quality, evidenced by actions such as
proper ritual performance, on the part of the ruler. Confucius drew on
these classics and adapted the classical view of moral authority in
important ways, connecting it to a normative picture of
society. Positing a parallel between the nature of reciprocal
responsibilities of individuals in different roles in two domains of
social organization, in the <em>Analects</em> Confucius linked filial piety in the family to
loyalty in the political realm: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
It is rare for a person who is filially pious to his parents and older
siblings to be inclined to rebel against his superiors… Filial
piety to parents and elder siblings may be considered the root of a
person. (1.2) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
This section examines Confucius’s social and political
philosophy, beginning with the central role of his analysis of the
traditional norm of filial piety.</p>
<p>
Just as Confucius analyzed the psychology of ritual performance and
related it to individual moral development, his discussion of filial
piety was another example of the development and adaptation of a
particular classical cultural pattern to a wider philosophical context
and set of concerns. Originally limited to descriptions of sacrifice
to ancestors in the context of hereditary kinship groups, a more
extended meaning of “filial piety” was used to describe
the sage king Shun’s 舜 (trad. r. 2256–2205 BCE)
treatment of his living father in the <em>Classic of
Documents</em>. Despite humble origins, Shun’s filial piety was
recognized as a quality that signaled he would be a suitable successor
for the sage king Yao 堯 (trad. r. 2357–2256
BCE). Confucius in the <em>Analects</em> praised the ancient sage
kings at great length, and the sage king Yu 禹 for his filial
piety in the context of sacrifice (8.21). However, he used the term
filial piety to mean both sacrificial mastery and behaving
appropriately to one’s parents. In a conversation with one of
his disciples he explains that filial piety meant “not
contesting”, and that it entailed: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
while one’s parents were alive, serving them in a ritually
proper way, and after one’s parents died, burying them and
sacrificing to them in a ritually proper way. (2.5) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
In rationalizing the moral content of legacies of the past like the
three-year mourning period after the death of a parent, Confucius
reasoned that for three years a filially pious child should not alter
a parent’s way (4.20, cf. 19.18), and explains the origin of
length of the three-year mourning period to be the length of time that
the parents had given their infant child support (17.21). This
adaptation of filial piety to connote the proper way for a gentleman
to behave both inside and outside the home was a generalization of a
pattern of behavior that had once been specific to the family.</p>
<p>
Intellectual historian Chen Lai 陈来 has identified two
sets of ideal traits that became hybridized in the late Warring States
period. The first set of qualities describes the virtue of the ruler
coming out of politically-oriented descriptions of figures like King
Wen of Zhou, including uprightness (<em>zhi</em> 直) and
fortitude (<em>gang</em> 剛). The second set of qualities is
based on bonds specific to kinship groups, including filial piety and
kindness (<em>ci</em> 慈). As kinship groups were subordinated
to larger political units, texts began to exhibit hybrid lists of
ideal qualities that drew from both sets. Consequently, Confucius had
to effectively integrate clan priorities and state priorities, a
conciliation illustrated in
<em>Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes</em> by his
insistence that filial piety is not simply deference to elders. When
his disciple Zengzi 曾子 submitted to a severe beating from his
father’s staff in punishment for an offense, Confucius chastises
Zengzi, saying that even the sage king Shun would not have submitted
to a beating so severe. He goes on to explain that a child has a dual
set of duties, to both a father and ruler, the former filial piety and
the other loyalty. Therefore, protecting one’s body is a duty to
the ruler and a counterweight to a duty to submit to one’s
parent (8). In the <em>Classic of Filial Piety</em> (<em>Xiaojing</em>
孝經), similar reasoning is applied to a redefinition of filial
piety that rejects behaviors like such extreme submission because
protecting one’s body is a duty to one’s parents. This
sort of qualification suggests that as filial piety moved further
outside its original family context, it had to be qualified to be integrated
into a view that valorized multiple character traits.</p>
<p>
Since filial piety was based on a fundamental relationship defined
within the family, one’s family role and state role could
conflict. A <em>Classic of Documents</em> text spells out the possible
conflict between loyalty to a ruler and filial piety toward a father
(“<em>Cai Zhong zhi ming</em>”
蔡仲之命), a trade-off similar to a story in
the <em>Analects</em> about a man named Zhi Gong 直躬
(Upright Gong) who testified that his father stole a sheep. Although
Confucius acknowledged that theft injures social order, he judged
Upright Gong to have failed to be truly “upright” in a
sense that balances the imperative to testify with special
consideration for members of his kinship group:
</p>
<blockquote>
<p>
In my circle, being upright differs from this. A father would conceal
such a thing on behalf of his son, and a son would conceal it on
behalf of his father. Uprightness is found in this. (13.18) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
In this way, too, Confucius was adapting filial piety to a wider
manifold of moral behaviors, honing his answer to the question of how
a child balances responsibility to family and loyalty to the state.
While these two traits may conflict with one and other, Sociologist
Robert Bellah, in his study of Tokugawa and modern Japan, noted how
the structural similarity between loyalty and filial piety led to
their both being promoted by the state as interlinked ideals that
located each person in dual networks of responsibility. Confucius was
making this claim when he connected filial piety to the propensity to
be loyal to superiors (1.2). Statements like “filial piety is
the root of virtuous action” from the <em>Classic of Filial
Piety</em> connect loyalty and the kind of action that
signals the personal virtue that justifies political authority, as in
the historical precedent of the sage king Shun.</p>
<p>
Of the classical sources from which Confucius drew, two were
particularly influential in discussions of political legitimation. The
<em>Classic of Odes</em> consists of 305 Zhou period regulated lyrics
(hence the several translations “songs”,
“odes”, or “poems”) and became numbered as one
of the Five Classics (<em>Wujing</em>) in the Han dynasty. Critical to
a number of these lyrics is the celebration of King Wen of
Zhou’s overthrow of the Shang, which is an example of a virtuous
person seizing the “Mandate of Heaven”: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>
This King Wen of ours, his prudent heart was well-ordered. He shone in
serving the High God, and thus enjoyed much good fortune. Unswerving
in his virtue, he came to hold the domains all around. (“<em>Daming</em>” 大明) </p>
</blockquote>
<p>
The Zhou political theory expressed in this passage is based on the
idea of a limited moral universe that may not reward a virtuous person
in isolation, but in which the High God (<em>Shangdi</em>
上帝, <em>Di</em> 帝) or Heaven will intercede to
replace a bad ruler with a person of exceptional
virtue. The <em>Classic of Documents</em> is a collection that
includes orations attributed to the sage rulers of the past and their
ministers, and its arguments often concern moral authority with a
focus on the methods and character of exemplary rulers of the past.
The chapter “Announcement of Kang” (“<em>Kanggao</em>” 康誥) is addressed to one of the sons of
King Wen, and provides him with a guide for behaving as sage ruler as
well as with methods that had been empirically proven successful by
those rulers. When it comes to the mandate inherited from King Wen,
the chapter insists that the mandate is not unchanging, and so as
ruler the son must always be mindful of it when deciding how to
act. Further, it is not always possible to understand Heaven, but the
“feelings of the people are visible”, and so the ruler
must care for his subjects. The Zhou political view that Confucius
inherited was based on supernatural intercession to place a person
with personal virtue in charge of the state, but over time the
emphasis shifted to the way that the effects of good government could
be viewed as proof of a continuing moral justification for that
placement.</p>
<p>
Confucius himself arguably served as a historical counterexample to the
classical “Mandate of Heaven” theory, calling into question the
direct nature of the support given by Heaven to the person with
virtue. The Han period <em>Records of the Historian</em> biography of
Confucius described him as possessing all the personal qualities
needed to govern well, but wandering from state to state because those
qualities had not been recognized. When his favorite disciple died,
the <em>Analects</em> records Confucius saying that “Heaven has
forsaken me!” (11.9). Wang Chong’s 王充
(27–c.97 CE)
<em>Balanced Discussions</em> (<em>Lunheng</em> 論衡) uses the phrase
“uncrowned king” (<em>suwang</em> 素王) to describe the
tragic situation: “Confucius did not rule as king, but his work
as uncrowned king may be seen in the <em>Spring and Autumn
Annals</em>” (80). The view that through his writings Confucius
could prepare the world for the government of a future sage king
became a central part of Confucius lore that has colored the reception
of his writings since, especially in works related to the <em>Spring
and Autumn Annals</em> and its <em>Gongyang Commentary</em>. The
biography of Confucius reinforced the tragic cosmological picture that
personal virtue did not always guarantee success. Even when
Heaven’s support is cited in the <em>Analects</em>, it is not a
matter of direct intercession, but expressed through personal virtue
or cultural patterns: “Heaven gave birth to the virtue in me, so
what can Huan Tui 桓魋 do to me?” (7.23, cf. 9.5). As
Robert Eno has pointed out, the concept of Heaven also came to be
increasingly naturalized in passages like “what need does Heaven
have to speak?” (17.19). Changing views of the scope of
Heaven’s activity and the ways human beings may have knowledge
of that activity fostered a change in the role of Heaven in political
theory.</p>
<p>
Most often, in dialogues with the rulers of his time, references to
Heaven were occasions for Confucius to encourage rulers to remain
attentive to their personal moral development and treat their subjects
fairly. In integrating the classical legacy of the “Mandate of
Heaven” that applied specifically to the ruler or “Son of
Heaven” (<em>tianzi</em> 天子), with moral teachings
that were directed to a wider audience, the nature of Heaven’s
intercession came to be understood differently. In the
<em>Analects</em> and writings like those attributed to Mencius,
descriptions of virtue were often adapted to contexts such as the
conduct of lesser officials and the navigation of everyday life.
Kwong-Loi Shun notes that in such contexts, the influence of Heaven
remained as an explanation of both what happened outside of human
control, like political success or lifespan, and of the source of the
ethical ideal. In the <em>Analects</em>, the gentleman’s awe of
Heaven is combined with an awe of the words of the sages (16.8), and
when Confucius explains the Zhou theory of the “mandate of
Heaven” in the <em>Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual,</em> he
does so in order to explain how the signs of a well-ordered society
demonstrate that the ruler’s “virtue matches Heaven”
(“<em>Shaojian</em>” 少閒). Heaven is still
ubiquitous in the responses of Confucius to questions from rulers, but
the focus of the responses was not on Heaven’s direct
intercession but rather the ruler’s demonstration of his
personal moral qualities.</p>
<p>
In this way, personal qualities of modesty, filial piety or respect
for the elders were seen as proof of fitness to serve in an official
capacity. Qualification to rule was demonstrated by proper behavior in
the social roles defined by the “five relationships”
(<em>wulun</em> 五倫), a formulation seen in the writings
of Mencius that became a key feature of the interpretation of works
associated with Confucius in the Han dynasty. The Western Han emperors
were members of the Liu clan, and works like the <em>Guliang
Commentary</em> (<em>Guliang zhuan</em>
穀梁傳) to the <em>Spring and Autumn Annals</em> emphasized
normative family behavior grounded in the five relationships, which were
(here, adapted to include mothers and sisters): ruler and subject,
parent and child, husband and wife, siblings, and friends. Writing
with particular reference to the <em>Classic of Filial Piety</em>,
Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames argue that prescribed social roles are a
defining characteristic of the “Confucian tradition”, and
that such roles were normative guides to appropriate conduct. They
contrast this with the “virtue ethics” approach they say
requires rational calculation to determine moral conduct, while filial
piety is simply a matter of meeting one’s family obligations.
Just as the five virtues were placed at the center of later theories
of moral development, once social roles became systematized in this
way, selected situational teachings of Confucius consistent with them
could become the basis of more abstract, systematic moral theories.
Yet this could not have happened without the adaptation of the
abstract classical political theory of “Heaven’s
mandate”, a doctrine that originally supported the ruling clan,
to argue that Heaven’s influence was expressed through
particular concrete expressions of individual virtue. As a result of
this adaptation in writings associated with Confucius, the
ruler’s conduct of imperial rituals, performance of filial
piety, or other demonstrations of personal virtue provided proof of
moral fitness that legitimated his political authority. As with the
rituals and the virtues, filial piety and the mandate of Heaven were
transformed as they were integrated with the classics through the
voices of Confucius and the rulers and disciples of his era.</p>
<p>
Earlier, the usage of “Confucius” as a metonym for
Chinese traditional culture was introduced as a feature of the modern period. Yet the
complexity of the philosophical views associated with
Confucius—encompassing ethical ideals developed out of a
sophisticated view of the effects of ritual and music on the
performer’s psychology, robust descriptions of the attitudes of traditional exemplars across diverse life contexts, and the abstraction of normative behaviors in the family and state—is due in part to the
fact that this metonymic usage was to some degree already the case in
the Han period. By that time, the teachings of Confucius had gone
through several centuries of gestation, and dialogues and quotations
fashioned at different points over that time circulated and mixed. Put
slightly differently, Confucius read the traditional culture of the
halcyon Zhou period in a particular way, but this reading was
continuously reflected and refracted through different lenses during
the Pre-Imperial period, prior to the results being fixed in diverse early
Imperial period sources like the <em>Analects</em>, the
<em>Records of Ritual</em>, and the <em>Records of the Historian.</em>
What remains is the work of the hand of Confucius, but also of his
“school”, and even sometimes of his opponents during the
centuries that his philosophy underwent elaboration and drift. This process of accretion and elaboration is
not uncommon for pre-modern writings, and the resulting breadth and depth explains, at
least in part, why the voice of Confucius retained primacy in
pre-modern Chinese philosophical conversations as well as in many modern
debates about the role of traditional East Asian culture.</p>
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 Confucius

 First published Tue Mar 31, 2020

 At different times in Chinese history, Confucius (trad. 551–479 BCE) has been portrayed as a teacher, advisor, editor, philosopher, reformer, and prophet. The name Confucius, a Latinized combination of the surname Kong 孔 with an honorific suffix “Master” (fuzi 夫子), has also come to be used as a global metonym for different aspects of traditional East Asian society. This association of Confucius with many of the foundational concepts and cultural practices in East Asia, and his casting as a progenitor of “Eastern” thought in Early Modern Europe, make him arguably the most significant thinker in East Asian history. Yet while early sources preserve biographical details about Master Kong, dialogues and stories about him in early texts like the Analects (Lunyu 論語) reflect a diversity of representations and concerns, strands of which were later differentially selected and woven together by interpreters intent on appropriating or condemning particular associated views and traditions. This means that the philosophy of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and it is possible to trace multiple sets of coherent doctrines back to the early period, each grounded in different sets of classical sources and schools of interpretation linked to his name. After introducing key texts and interpreters, then, this entry explores three principal interconnected areas of concern: a psychology of ritual that describes how ideal social forms regulate individuals, an ethics rooted in the cultivation of a set of personal virtues, and a theory of society and politics based on normative views of the family and the state.

 Each of these areas has unique features that were developed by later thinkers, some of whom have been identified as “Confucians”, even though that term is not well-defined. The Chinese term Ru (儒) predates Confucius, and connoted specialists in ritual and music, and later experts in Classical Studies. Ru is routinely translated into English as “Confucian”. Yet “Confucian” is also sometimes used in English to refer to the sage kings of antiquity who were credited with key cultural innovations by the Ru, to sacrificial practices at temples dedicated to Confucius and related figures, and to traditional features of East Asian social organization like the “bureaucracy” or “meritocracy”. For this reason, the term Confucian will be avoided in this entry, which will focus on the philosophical aspects of the thought of Confucius (the Latinization used for “Master Kong” following the English-language convention) primarily, but not exclusively, through the lens of the Analects.

 * 1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture
 * 2. Sources for Confucius’s Life and Thought
 * 3. Ritual Psychology and Social Values
 * 4. Virtues and Character Formation
 * 5. The Family and the State
 * Bibliography
 * Academic Tools
 * Other Internet Resources
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 1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture

 Because of the wide range of texts and traditions identified with him, choices about which version of Confucius is authoritative have changed over time, reflecting particular political and social priorities. The portrait of Confucius as philosopher is, in part, the product of a series of modern cross-cultural interactions. In Imperial China, Confucius was identified with interpretations of the classics and moral guidelines for administrators, and therefore also with training the scholar-officials that populated the bureaucracy. At the same time, he was closely associated with the transmission of the ancient sacrificial system, and he himself received ritual offerings in temples found in all major cities. By the Han (202 BCE–220 CE), Confucius was already an authoritative figure in a number of different cultural domains, and the early commentaries show that reading texts associated with him about history, ritual, and proper behavior was important to rulers. The first commentaries to the Analects were written by tutors to the crown prince (e.g., Zhang Yu 張禹, d. 5 BCE), and select experts in the “Five Classics” (Wujing 五經) were given scholastic positions in the government. The authority of Confucius was such that during the late Han and the following period of disunity, his imprimatur was used to validate commentaries to the classics, encoded political prophecies, and esoteric doctrines.

 By the Song period (960–1279), the post-Buddhist revival known as “Neo-Confucianism” anchored readings of the dialogues of Confucius to a dualism between “cosmic pattern” (li 理) and “pneumas” (qi 氣), a distinctive moral cosmology that marked the tradition off from those of Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucian interpretation of the Analects by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) integrated the study of the Analects into a curriculum based on the “Four Books” (Sishu 四書) that became widely influential in China, Korea, and Japan. The pre-modern Confucius was closely associated with good government, moral education, proper ritual performance, and the reciprocal obligations that people in different roles owed each other in such contexts.

 When Confucius became a character in the intellectual debates of eighteenth century Europe, he became identified as China’s first philosopher. Jesuit missionaries in China sent back accounts of ancient China that portrayed Confucius as inspired by Natural Theology to pursue the good, which they considered a marked contrast with the “idolatries” of Buddhism and Daoism. Back in Europe, intellectuals read missionary descriptions and translations of Chinese literature, and writers like Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) and Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–1798) praised Confucius for his discovery of universal natural laws through reason. Enlightenment writers celebrated the moral philosophy of Confucius for its independence from the dogmatic influence of the Church. While at times he was criticized as an atheist or an advocate of despotism, many Europeans viewed Confucius as a moral philosopher whose approach was in line with rationalism and humanism.

 Today, many descriptions combine these several ways of positioning Confucius, but the modern interpretation of his views has been complicated by a tendency to look back on him as an emblem of the “traditional culture” of China. In the eyes of some late nineteenth and twentieth century reformers who sought to fortify China against foreign influence, the moral teachings of Confucius had the potential to play the same role that they perceived Christianity had done in the modernization of Europe and America, or serve as the basis of a more secular spiritual renewal that would transform the population into citizens of a modern nation-state. In the twentieth century, the pursuit of modernization also led to the rejection of Confucius by some reformers in the May Fourth and New Culture movements, as well as by many in the Communist Party, who identified the traditional hierarchies implicit in his social and political philosophy with the social and economic inequalities that they sought to eliminate. In these modern debates, it is not just the status of Confucius in traditional China that made him such a potent symbol. His specific association with the curriculum of the system of education of scholar-officials in the imperial government, and of traditional moral values more generally, connected him to the aspects of tradition worth preserving, or the things that held China back from modernization, depending on one’s point of view.

 As legacies of Confucius tied to traditional ritual roles and the pre-modern social structure were criticized by modernizers, a view of Confucius as a moral philosopher, already common in European readings, gained ascendancy in East Asia. The American-educated historian Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962) wrote an early influential history of Chinese philosophy, beginning with Laozi 老子 and Confucius, explicitly on the model of existing histories of Western philosophy. In it, Hu compared what he called the conservative aspect of the philosophy of Confucius to Socrates and Plato. Since at least that time, Confucius has been central to most histories of Chinese philosophy.

 2. Sources for Confucius’s Life and Thought

 Biographical treatments of Confucius, beginning with the “Hereditary House of Confucius” (Kongzi shijia 孔子世家), a chapter of Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (c.145–c.86 BCE) Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), were initially based on information from compilations of independently circulating dialogues and prose accounts. Tying particular elements of his philosophy to the life experiences of Confucius is a risky and potentially circular exercise, since many of the details of his biography were first recorded in instructive anecdotes linked to the expression of didactic messages. Nevertheless, since Sima Qian’s time, the biography of Confucius has been intimately linked with the interpretation of his philosophy, and so this section begins with a brief treatment of traditional tropes about his family background, official career, and teaching of 72 disciples, before turning to the dialogue and prose accounts upon which early biographers like Sima Qian drew.

 Confucius was born in the domain of Zou, in modern Shandong Province, south of the larger kingdom of Lu. A date of 551 BCE is given for his birth in the Gongyang Commentary (Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳) to the classic Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu 春秋), which places him in the period when the influence of the Zhou polity was declining, and regional domains were becoming independent states. His father, who came from Lu, was descended from a noble clan that included, in Sima Qian’s telling, several people known for their modesty and ritual mastery. His father died when Confucius was a small child, leaving the family poor but with some social status, and as a young man Confucius became known for expertise in the classical ritual and ceremonial forms of the Zhou. In adulthood, Confucius travelled to Lu and began a career as an official in the employ of aristocratic families.

 Different sources identify Confucius as having held a large number of different offices in Lu. Entries in the Zuo Commentary (Zuozhuan 左傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals for 509 and 500 BCE identify him as Director of Corrections (Sikou 司寇), and say he was charged with assisting the ruler with the rituals surrounding a visiting dignitary from the state of Qi, respectively. The Mencius (Mengzi 孟子), a text centered on a figure generally regarded as the most important early developer of the thought of Confucius, Mencius (trad. 372–289 BCE), says Confucius was Foodstuffs Scribe (Weili 委吏) and Scribe in the Field (Chengtian 乘田), involved with managing the accounting at the granary and keeping the books on the pasturing of different animals (11.14).[1] In the first biography, Sima Qian mentions these offices, but then adds a second set of more powerful positions in Lu including Steward (Zai 宰) managing an estate in the district of Zhongdu, Minister of Works (Sikong 司空), and even acting Chancellor (Xiang 相). Following his departure from Lu, different stories place Confucius in the kingdoms of Wei, Song, Chen, Cai, and Chu. Sima Qian crafted these stories into a serial narrative of rulers failing to appreciate the moral worth of Confucius, whose high standards forced him to continue to travel in search of an incorrupt ruler.

 Late in life, Confucius left service and turned to teaching. In Sima Qian’s time, the sheer number of independently circulating texts centering on dialogues that Confucius had with his disciples led the biographer to include a separate chapter on “The arranged traditions of the disciples of Confucius” (Zhongni dizi liezhuan 仲尼弟子列傳). His account identifies 77 direct disciples, whom Sima Qian says Confucius trained in ritual practice and the Classic of Odes (Shijing 詩經), Classic of Documents (Shujing 書經, also called Documents of the Predecessors or Shangshu 尚書), Records of Ritual (Liji 禮記) and Classic of Music (Yuejing 樂經). Altogether, some 3000 students received some form of this training regimen. Sima Qian’s editorial practice in systematizing dialogues was inclusive, and the fact that he was able to collect so much information some three centuries after the death of Confucius testifies to the latter’s importance in the Han period. Looked at in a different way, the prodigious numbers of direct disciples and students of Confucius, and the inconsistent accounts of the offices in which he served, may also be due to a proliferation of texts associating the increasingly authoritative figure of Confucius with divergent regional or interpretive traditions during those intervening centuries.

 The many sources of quotations and dialogues of Confucius, both transmitted and recently excavated, provide a wealth of materials about the philosophy of Confucius, but an incomplete sense of which materials are authoritative. The last millennium has seen the development of a conventional view that materials preserved in the twenty chapters of the transmitted Analects most accurately represent Confucius’s original teachings. This derives in part from a second century CE account by Ban Gu 班固 (39–92 CE) of the composition of the Analects that describes the work as having been compiled by first and second generation disciples of Confucius and then transmitted privately for centuries, making it arguably the oldest stratum of extant Confucius sources. In the centuries since, some scholars have come up with variations on this basic account, such as Liu Baonan’s 劉寳楠 (1791–1855) view in Corrected Meanings of the Analects (Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義) that each chapter was written by a different disciple. Recently, several centuries of doubts about internal inconsistencies in the text and a lack of references to the title in early sources were marshaled by classicist Zhu Weizheng 朱維錚 in an influential 1986 article which argued that the lack of attributed quotations from the Analects, and of explicit references to it, prior to the second century BCE, meant that its traditional status as the oldest stratum of the teachings of Confucius was undeserved. Since then a number of historians, including Michael J. Hunter, have systematically shown that writers started to demonstrate an acute interest in the Analects only in the late second and first centuries BCE, suggesting that other Confucius-related records from those centuries should also be considered as potentially authoritative sources. Some have suggested this critical approach to sources is an attack on the historicity of Confucius, but a more reasonable description is that it is an attack on the authoritativeness of the Analects that broadens and diversifies the sources that may be used to reconstruct the historical Confucius.

 Expanding the corpus of Confucius quotations and dialogues beyond the Analects, then, requires attention to three additional types of sources. First, dialogues preserved in transmitted sources like the Records of Ritual, the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual (DaDai Liji 大戴禮記), and Han collections like the Family Discussions of Confucius (Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語) contain a large number of diverse teachings. Second, quotations attached to the interpretation of passages in the classics preserved in works like the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, or Han’s Intertextual Commentary on the Odes (Han Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳) are particularly rich sources for readings of history and poetry. Finally, a number of recently archaeologically recovered texts from the Han period and before have also expanded the corpus.

 Newly discovered sources include three recently excavated versions of texts with parallel to the transmitted Analects. These are the 1973 excavation at the Dingzhou site in Hebei Province dating to 55 BCE; the 1990’s excavation of a partial parallel version at Jongbaekdong in Pyongyang, North Korea, dating to between 62 and 45 BCE; and most recently the 2011-2015 excavation of the tomb of the Marquis of Haihun in Jiangxi Province dating to 59 BCE. The Haihun excavation is particularly important because it is thought to contain the two lost chapters of what Han period sources identify as a 22-chapter version of the Analects that circulated in the state of Qi, the titles of which appear to be “Understanding the Way” (Zhi dao 智道) and “Questions about Jade” (Wen yu 問玉). While the Haihun Analects has yet to be published, the content of the lost chapters overlaps with a handful of fragments dating to the late first century BCE that were found at the Jianshui Jinguan site in Jinta county in Gansu Province in 1973. All in all, these finds confirm the sudden wide circulation of the Analects in the middle of the first century BCE.

 Previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations have also been unearthed. The Dingzhou site also yielded texts given the titles “Sayings of the Ru” (Rujiazhe yan 儒家者言) and “Duke Ai asked about the five kinds of righteousness” (Aigong wen wuyi 哀公問五義). A significantly different text also given the name “Sayings of the Ru” was found in 1977 in a Han tomb at Fuyang in Anhui Province. Several texts dating to 168 BCE recording statements by Confucius about the Classic of Changes (Yijing 易經) were excavated from the Mawangdui site in Hunan Province in 1973. Additionally, a number of Warring States period dialogical texts centered on particular disciples, and a text with interpretative comments by Confucius on the Classic of Poetry given the name “Confucius discusses the Odes” (Kongzi shilun 孔子詩論), were looted from tombs in the 1990s, sold on the black market, and made their way to the Shanghai Museum. Finally, the 59 BCE tomb of the Marquis of Haihun also contains a number of previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations on ritual and filial piety, along with materials that overlap with sections of transmitted texts including the Analects, Records of Ritual and the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual.

 Some excavated texts, like the pre-Han period “Thicket of Sayings” (Yucong 語叢) apothegms excavated at the Guodian site in Hubei Province in 1993, contain fragments of the Analects in circulation without attribution to Confucius. Transmitted materials also show some of the quotations attributed to Confucius in the Analects in the mouths of other historical figures. The fluidity and diversity of Confucius-related materials in circulation prior to the fixing of the Analects text in the second century BCE, suggest that the Analects itself, with its keen interest in ritual, personal ethics, and politics, may well have been in part a topical selection from a larger and more diverse set of available Confucius-related materials. In other words, there were already multiple topical foci prior to any horizon by which we can definitively deem any single focus to be authoritative. It is for this reason that the essential core of the teachings of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and the correct identification of the core teachings is still avidly debated. The following sections treat three key aspects of the philosophy of Confucius, each different but all interrelated, found throughout many of these diverse sets of sources: a theory of how ritual and musical performance functioned to promote unselfishness and train emotions, advice on how to inculcate a set of personal virtues to prepare people to behave morally in different domains of their lives, and a social and political philosophy that abstracted classical ideals of proper conduct in family and official contexts to apply to more general contexts.

 3. Ritual Psychology and Social Values

 The Records of Ritual, the Analects, and numerous Han collections portray Confucius as being deeply concerned with the proper performance of ritual and music. In such works, the description of the attitudes and affect of the performer became the foundation of a ritual psychology in which proper performance was key to reforming desires and beginning to develop moral dispositions. Confucius sought to preserve the Zhou ritual system, and theorized about how ritual and music inculcated social roles, limited desires and transformed character.

 Many biographies begin their description of his life with a story of Confucius at an early age performing rituals, reflecting accounts and statements that demonstrate his prodigious mastery of ritual and music. The archaeological record shows that one legacy of the Zhou period into which Confucius was born was a system of sumptuary regulations that encoded social status. Another of these legacies was ancestral sacrifice, a means to demonstrate people’s reverence for their ancestors while also providing a way to ask the spirits to assist them or to guarantee them protection from harm. The Analects describes the ritual mastery of Confucius in receiving guests at a noble’s home (10.3), and in carrying out sacrifices (10.8, 15.1). He plays the stone chimes (14.39), distinguishes between proper and improper music (15.11, 17.18), and extols and explains the Classic of Odes to his disciples (1.15, 2.2, 8.3, 16.13, 17.9). This mastery of classical ritual and musical forms is an important reason Confucius said he “followed Zhou” (3.14). While he might alter a detail of a ritual out of frugality (9.3), Confucius insists on adherence to the letter of the rites, as when his disciple Zi Gong 子貢 sought to substitute another animal for a sheep in a seasonal sacrifice, saying “though you care about the sheep, I care about the ritual” (3.17). It was in large part this adherence to Zhou period cultural forms, or to what Confucius reconstructed them to be, that has led many in the modern period to label him a traditionalist.

 Where Confucius clearly innovated was in his rationale for performing the rites and music. Historian Yan Buke 閻步克 has argued that the early Confucian (Ru) tradition began from the office of the “Music master” (Yueshi 樂師) described in the Ritual of Zhou (Zhou Li 周禮). Yan’s view is that since these officials were responsible for teaching the rites, music, and the Classic of Odes, it was their combined expertise that developed into the particular vocation that shaped the outlook of Confucius. Early discussions of ritual in the Zhou classics often explained ritual in terms of a do ut des view of making offerings to receive benefits. By contrast, early discussions between Confucius and his disciples described benefits of ritual performance that went beyond the propitiation of spirits, rewards from the ancestors, or the maintenance of the social or cosmic order. Instead of emphasizing goods that were external to the performer, these works stressed the value of the associated interior psychological states of the practitioner. In Analects 3.26, Confucius condemns the performance of ritual without reverence (jing 敬). He also condemns views of ritual that focus only on the offerings, or views of music that focus only on the instruments (17.11). Passages from the Records of Ritual explain that Confucius would rather have an excess of reverence than an excess of ritual (“Tangong, shang” 檀弓上), and that reverence is the most important aspect of mourning rites (“Zaji, xia” 雜記下). This emphasis on the importance of an attitude of reverence became the salient distinction between performing ritual in a rote manner, and performing it in the proper affective state. Another passage from the Records of Ritual says the difference between how an ideal gentleman and a lesser person cares for a parent is that the gentleman is reverent when he does it (“Fangji” 坊記, cf. Analects 2.7). In contexts concerning both ritual and filial piety (xiao 孝), the affective state behind the action is arguably more important than the action’s consequences. As Philip J. Ivanhoe has written, ritual and music are not just an indicator of values in the sense that these examples show, but also an inculcator of them.

 In this ritual psychology, the performance of ritual and music restricts desires because it alters the performer’s affective states, and place limits on appetitive desires. The Records of Ritual illustrates desirable affective states, describing how the Zhou founder King Wen 文 was moved to joy when making offerings to his deceased parents, but then to grief once the ritual ended (“Jiyi” 祭義). A collection associated with the third century BCE philosopher Xunzi 荀子 contains a Confucius quotation that associates different parts of a ruler’s day with particular emotions. Entering the ancestral temple to make offerings and maintain a connection to those who are no longer living leads the ruler to reflect on sorrow, while wearing a cap to hear legal cases leads him to reflect on worry (“Aigong” 哀公). These are examples of the way that ritual fosters the development of particular emotional responses, part of a sophisticated understanding of affective states and the ways that performance channels them in particular directions. More generally, the social conventions implicit in ritual hierarchies restrict people’s latitude to pursue their desires, as the master explains in the Records of Ritual:

 The way of the gentleman may be compared to an embankment dam, bolstering those areas where ordinary people are deficient (“Fangji”).

 Blocking the overflow of desires by adhering to these social norms preserves psychological space to reflect and reform one’s reactions.

 Descriptions of the early community depict Confucius creating a subculture in which ritual provided an alternate source of value, effectively training his disciples to opt out of conventional modes of exchange. In the Analects, when Confucius says he would instruct any person who presented him with “a bundle of dried meat” (7.7), he is highlighting how his standards of value derive from the sacrificial system, eschewing currency or luxury items. Gifts valuable in ordinary situations might be worth little by such standards: “Even if a friend gave him a gift of a carriage and horses, if it was not dried meat, he did not bow” (10.15). The Han period biographical materials in Records of the Historian describe how a high official of the state of Lu did not come to court for three days after the state of Qi made him a gift of female entertainers. When, additionally, the high official failed to properly offer gifts of sacrificial meats, Confucius departed Lu for the state of Wei (47, cf. Analects 18.4). Confucius repeatedly rejected conventional values of wealth and position, choosing instead to rely on ritual standards of value. In some ways, these stories are similar to ones in the late Warring States and Han period compilation Master Zhuang (Zhuangzi 莊子) that explore the way that things that are conventionally belittled for their lack of utility are useful by an unconventional standard. However, here the standard that gives such objects currency is ritual importance rather than longevity, divorcing Confucius from conventional materialistic or hedonistic pursuits. This is a second way that ritual allows one to direct more effort into character formation.

 Once, when speaking of cultivating benevolence, Confucius explained how ritual value was connected to the ideal way of the gentleman, which should always take precedence over the pursuit of conventional values:

 Wealth and high social status are what others covet. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not dwell in them. Poverty and low social status are what others shun. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not avoid them. (4.5)

 The argument that ritual performance has internal benefits underlies the ritual psychology laid out by Confucius, one that explains how performing ritual and music controls desires and sets the stage for further moral development.

 4. Virtues and Character Formation

 Many of the short passages from the Analects, and the “Thicket of Sayings” passages excavated at Guodian, describe the development of set of ideal behaviors associated with the moral ideal of the “way” (dao 道) of the “gentleman” (junzi 君子). Based on the analogy between the way of Confucius and character ethics systems deriving from Aristotle, these patterns of behavior are today often described using the Latinate term “virtue”. In the second passage in the Analects, the disciple You Ruo 有若 says a person who behaves with filial piety to parents and siblings (xiao and di 弟), and who avoids going against superiors, will rarely disorder society. It relates this correlation to a more general picture of how patterns of good behavior effectively open up the possibility of following the way of the gentleman: “The gentleman works at the roots. Once the roots are established, the way comes to life” (1.2). The way of the gentleman is a distillation of the exemplary behaviors of the selfless culture heroes of the past, and is available to all who are willing to “work at the roots”. In this way, the virtues that Confucius taught were not original to him, but represented his adaptations of existing cultural ideals, to which he continually returned in order to clarify their proper expressions in different situations. Five behaviors of the gentleman most central to the Analects are benevolence (ren 仁), righteousness (yi 義), ritual propriety (li 禮), wisdom (zhi 智), and trustworthiness (xin 信).

 The virtue of benevolence entails interacting with others guided by a sense of what is good from their perspectives. Sometimes the Analects defines benevolence generally as “caring for others” (12.22), but in certain contexts it is associated with more specific behaviors. Examples of contextual definitions of benevolence include treating people on the street as important guests and common people as if they were attendants at a sacrifice (12.2), being reticent in speaking (12.3) and rejecting the use of clever speech (1.3), and being respectful where one dwells, reverent where one works, and loyal where one deals with others (13.19). It is the broadest of the virtues, yet a gentleman would rather die than compromise it (15.9). Benevolence entails a kind of unselfishness, or, as David Hall and Roger Ames suggest, it involves forming moral judgments from a combined perspective of self and others.

 Later writers developed accounts of the sources of benevolent behavior, most famously in the context of the discussion of human nature (xing 性) in the centuries after Confucius. Mencius (fourth century BCE) argued that benevolence grows out of the cultivation of an affective disposition to compassion (ceyin 惻隱) in the face of another’s distress. The anonymous author of the late Warring States period excavated text “Five Kinds of Action” (Wu xing 五行) describes it as building from the affection one feels for close family members, through successive stages to finally develop into a more universal, fully-fledged virtue. In the Analects, however, one comment on human nature emphasizes the importance of nurture: “By nature people are close, by habituation they are miles apart” (17.2), a sentiment that suggests the importance of training one’s dispositions through ritual and the classics in a manner closer to the program of Xunzi (third century BCE). The Analects, however, discusses the incubation of benevolent behavior in family and ritual contexts. You Ruo winds up his discussion of the roots of the way of the gentleman with the rhetorical question: “Is not behaving with filial piety to one’s parents and siblings the root of benevolence?” (1.2). Confucius tells his disciple Yan Yuan 顏淵 that benevolence is a matter of “overcoming oneself and returning to ritual propriety” (12.1). These connections between benevolence and other virtues underscore the way in which benevolent behavior does not entail creating novel social forms or relationships, but is grounded in traditional familial and ritual networks.

 The second virtue, righteousness, is often described in the Analects relative to situations involving public responsibility. In contexts where standards of fairness and integrity are valuable, such as acting as the steward of an estate as some of the disciples of Confucius did, righteousness is what keeps a person uncorrupted. Confucius wrote that a gentleman “thinks of righteousness when faced with gain” (16.10, 19.10), or “when faced with profit” (14.12). Confucius says that one should ignore the wealth and rank one might attain by acting against righteousness, even if it means eating coarse rice, drinking water, and sleeping using one’s bent arm as a pillow (7.16). Later writers like Xunzi celebrated Confucius for his righteousness in office, which he stressed was all the more impressive because Confucius was extremely poor (“Wangba” 王霸). This behavior is particularly relevant in official interactions with ordinary people, such as when “employing common people” (5.16), and if a social superior has mastered it, “the common people will all comply” (13.4). Like benevolence, righteousness also entails unselfishness, but instead of coming out of consideration for the needs of others, it is rooted in steadfastness in the face of temptation.

 The perspective needed to act in a righteous way is sometimes related to an attitude to personal profit that recalls the previous section’s discussion of how Confucius taught his disciples to recalibrate their sense of value based on their immersion in the sacrificial system. More specifically, evaluating things based on their ritual significance can put one at odds with conventional hierarchies of value. This is defined as the root of righteous behavior in a story from the late Warring States period text Master Fei of Han (Han Feizi 韓非子). The tale relates how at court, Confucius was given a plate with a peach and a pile of millet grains with which to scrub the fruit clean. After the attendants laughed at Confucius for proceeding to eat the millet first, Confucius explained to them that in sacrifices to the Former Kings, millet itself is the most valued offering. Therefore, cleaning a ritually base peach with millet:

 would be obstructing righteousness, and so I dared not put [the peach] above what fills the vessels in the ancestral shrine. (“Waichu shuo, zuo shang” 外儲說左上)

 While such stories may have been told to mock his fastidiousness, for Confucius the essence of righteousness was internalizing a system of value that he would breach for neither convenience nor profit.

 At times, the phrase “benevolence and righteousness” is used metonymically for all the virtues, but in some later texts, a benevolent impulse to compassion and a righteous steadfastness are seen as potentially contradictory. In the Analects, portrayals of Confucius do not recognize a tension between benevolence and righteousness, perhaps because each is usually described as salient in a different set of contexts. In ritual contexts like courts or shrines, one ideally acts like one might act out of familial affection in a personal context, the paradigm that is key to benevolence. In the performance of official duties, one ideally acts out of the responsibilities felt to inferiors and superiors, with a resistance to temptation by corrupt gain that is key to righteousness. The Records of Ritual distinguishes between the domains of these two virtues:

 In regulating one’s household, kindness overrules righteousness. Outside of one’s house, righteousness cuts off kindness. What one undertakes in serving one’s father, one also does in serving one’s lord, because one’s reverence for both is the same. Treating nobility in a noble way and the honorable in an honorable way, is the height of righteousness. (“Sangfu sizhi” 喪服四制)

 While it is not the case that righteousness is benevolence by other means, this passage underlines how in different contexts, different virtues may push people toward participation in particular shared cultural practices constitutive of the good life.

 While the virtues of benevolence and righteousness might impel a gentleman to adhere to ritual norms in particular situations or areas of life, a third virtue of “ritual propriety” expresses a sensitivity to one’s social place, and willingness to play all of one’s multiple ritual roles. The term li translated here as “ritual propriety” has a particularly wide range of connotations, and additionally connotes both the conventions of ritual and etiquette. In the Analects, Confucius is depicted both teaching and conducting the rites in the manner that he believed they were conducted in antiquity. Detailed restrictions such as “the gentleman avoids wearing garments with red-black trim” (10.6), which the poet Ezra Pound disparaged as “verses re: length of the night-gown and the predilection for ginger” (Pound 1951: 191), were by no means trivial to Confucius. His imperative, “Do not look or listen, speak or move, unless it is in accordance with the rites” (12.1), in answer to a question about benevolence, illustrates how the symbolic conventions of the ritual system played a role in the cultivation of the virtues. We have seen how ritual shapes values by restricting desires, thereby allowing reflection and the cultivation of moral dispositions. Yet without the proper affective state, a person is not properly performing ritual. In the Analects, Confucius says he cannot tolerate “ritual without reverence, or mourning without grief,” (3.26). When asked about the root of ritual propriety, he says that in funerals, the mourners’ distress is more important than the formalities (3.4). Knowing the details of ritual protocols is important, but is not a substitute for sincere affect in performing them. Together, they are necessary conditions for the gentleman’s training, and are also essential to understanding the social context in which Confucius taught his disciples.

 The mastery that “ritual propriety” signaled was part of a curriculum associated with the training of rulers and officials, and proper ritual performance at court could also serve as a kind of political legitimation. Confucius summarized the different prongs of the education in ritual and music involved in the training of his followers:

 Raise yourself up with the Classic of Odes. Establish yourself with ritual. Complete yourself with music. (8.8)

 On one occasion, Boyu 伯魚, the son of Confucius, explained that when he asked his father to teach him, his father told him to study the Classic of Odes in order to have a means to speak with others, and to study ritual to establish himself (16.13). That Confucius insists that his son master classical literature and practices underscores the values of these cultural products as a means of transmitting the way from one generation to the next. He tells his disciples that the study of the Classic of Odes prepares them for different aspects of life, providing them with a capacity to:

 at home serve one’s father, away from it serve one’s lord, as well as increase one's knowledge of the names of birds, animals, plants and trees. (17.9)

 This valuation of knowledge of both the cultural and natural worlds is one reason why the figure of Confucius has traditionally been identified with schooling, and why today his birthday is celebrated as “Teacher’s Day” in some parts of Asia. In the ancient world, this kind of education also qualified Confucius and his disciples for employment on estates and at courts.

 The fourth virtue, wisdom, is related to appraising people and situations. In the Analects, wisdom allows a gentleman to discern crooked and straight behavior in others (12.22), and discriminate between those who may be reformed and those who may not (15.8). In the former dialogue, Confucius explains the virtue of wisdom as “knowing others”. The “Thicket of Sayings” excavated at Guodian indicates that this knowledge is the basis for properly “selecting” others, defining wisdom as the virtue that is the basis for selection. But it is also about appraising situations correctly, as suggested by the master’s rhetorical question: “How can a person be considered wise if that person does not dwell in benevolence?” (4.1). One well-known passage often cited to imply Confucius is agnostic about the world of the spirits is more literally about how wisdom allows an outsider to present himself in a way appropriate to the people on whose behalf he is working:

 When working for what is right for the common people, to show reverence for the ghosts and spirits while maintaining one’s distance may be deemed wisdom. (6.22)

 The context for this sort of appraisal is usually official service, and wisdom is often attributed to valued ministers or advisors to sage rulers.

 In certain dialogues, wisdom also connotes a moral discernment that allows the gentleman to be confident of the appropriateness of good actions. In the Analects, Confucius tells his disciple Zi Lu 子路 that wisdom recognizes knowing a thing as knowing it, and ignorance of a thing as ignorance of it (2.17). In soliloquies about several virtues, Confucius describes a wise person as never confused (9.28, 14.28). While comparative philosophers have noted that Chinese thought has nothing clearly analogous to the role of the will in pre-modern European philosophy, the moral discernment that is part of wisdom does provide actors with confidence that the moral actions they have taken are correct.

 The virtue of trustworthiness qualifies a gentleman to give advice to a ruler, and a ruler or official to manage others. In the Analects, Confucius explains it succinctly: “if one is trustworthy, others will give one responsibilities” (17.6, cf. 20.1). While trustworthiness may be rooted in the proper expression of friendship between those of the same status (1.4, 5.26), it is also valuable in interactions with those of different status. The disciple Zi Xia 子夏 explains its effect on superiors and subordinates: when advising a ruler, without trustworthiness, the ruler will think a gentleman is engaged in slander, and when administering a state, without trustworthiness, people will think a gentleman is exploiting them (19.10). The implication is that a sincerely public-minded official would be ineffective without the trust that this quality inspires. In a dialogue with a ruler from chapter four of Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes, Confucius explains that in employing someone, trustworthiness is superior to strength, ability to flatter, or eloquence. Being able to rely on someone is so important to Confucius that, when asked about good government, he explained that trustworthiness was superior to either food or weapons, concluding: “If the people do not find the ruler trustworthy, the state will not stand” (12.7).

 By the Han period, benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, wisdom and trustworthiness began to be considered as a complete set of human virtues, corresponding with other quintets of phenomena used to describe the natural world. Some texts described a level of moral perfection, as with the sages of antiquity, as unifying all these virtues. Prior to this, it is unclear whether the possession of a particular virtue entailed having all the others, although benevolence was sometimes used as a more general term for a combination of one or more of the other virtues (e.g., Analects 17.6). At other times, Confucius presented individual virtues as expressions of goodness in particular domains of life. Early Confucius dialogues are embedded in concrete situations, and so resist attempts to distill them into more abstract principles of morality. As a result, descriptions of the virtues are embedded in anecdotes about the exemplary individuals whose character traits the dialogues encourage their audience to develop. Confucius taught that the measure of a good action was whether it was an expression of the actor’s virtue, something his lessons share with those of philosophies like Aristotle’s that are generally described as “virtue ethics”. A modern evaluation of the teachings of Confucius as a “virtue ethics” is articulated in Bryan W. Van Norden’s Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese Philosophy, which pays particular attention to analogies between the way of Confucius and Aristotle’s “good life”. The nature of the available source materials about Confucius, however, means that the diverse texts from early China lack the systematization of a work like Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.

 The five virtues described above are not the only ones of which Confucius spoke. He discussed loyalty (zhong 忠), which at one point is described as the minister’s behavior toward a ritually proper ruler (3.19). He said that courage (yong 勇) is what compels one to act once one has seen where righteousness lies (2.24). Another term sometimes translated as “virtue” (de 德), is usually used to describe the authority of a ruler that grows out of goodness or favor to others, and is a key term in many of the social and political works discussed in the following section. Yet going through a list of all the virtues in the early sources is not sufficient to describe the entirety of the moral universe associated with Confucius.

 The presence of themes in the Analects like the ruler’s exceptional influence as a moral exemplar, the importance of judging people by their deeds rather than their words (1.3, 2.10, 5.10), or even the protection of the culture of Zhou by higher powers (9.5), all highlight the unsystematic nature of the text and underscore that teaching others how to cultivate the virtues is a key aspect, but only a part, of the ethical ideal of Confucius. Yet there is also a conundrum inherent in any attempt to derive abstract moral rules from the mostly dialogical form of the Analects, that is, the problem of whether the situational context and conversation partner is integral to evaluating the statements of Confucius. A historically notable example of an attempt to find a generalized moral rule in the Analects is the reading of a pair of passages that use a formulation similar to that of the “Golden Rule” of the Christian Bible (Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31) to describe benevolence: “Do not impose upon others those things that you yourself do not desire” (12.2, cf. 5.12, 15.24). Read as axiomatic moral imperatives, these passages differ from the kind of exemplar-based and situational conversations about morality usually found in the Analects. For this reason, some scholars, including E. Bruce Brooks, believe these passages to be interpolations. While they are not wholly inconsistent with the way that benevolence is described in early texts, their interpretation as abstract principles has been influenced by their perceived similarity to the Biblical examples. In the Records of Ritual, a slightly different formulation of a rule about self and others is presented as not universal in its scope, but rather as descriptive of how the exemplary ruler influences the people. In common with other early texts, the Analects describes how the moral transformation of society relies on the positive example of the ruler, comparing the influence of the gentleman on the people to the way the wind blows on the grass, forcing it to bend (12.19). In a similar vein, after discussing how the personal qualities of rulers of the past determined whether or not their subjects could morally transform, the Records of Ritual expresses its principle of reflexivity:

 That is why the gentleman only seeks things in others that he or she personally possesses. [The gentleman] only condemns things in others that he or she personally lacks. (“Daxue” 大學)

 This is a point about the efficacy of moral suasion, saying that a ruler cannot expect to reform society solely by command since it is only the ruler’s personal example that can transform others. For this reason, the ruler should not compel behaviors from his subjects to which he or she would not personally assent, something rather different from the “Golden Rule”. Historically, however, views that Confucius was inspired by the same Natural Theology as Christians, or that philosophers are naturally concerned with the generalization of moral imperatives, have argued in favor of a closer identification with the “Golden Rule,” a fact that illustrates the interpretative conundrum arising from the formal aspects of the Analects.

 5. The Family and the State

 Early Zhou political philosophy as represented in the Classic of Odes and the Classic of Documents centered on moral justification for political authority based on the doctrine of the “Mandate of Heaven” (tianming 天命). This view was that the sage’s virtue (de) attracted the attention of the anthropomorphized cosmic power usually translated as “Heaven” (tian 天), which supported the sage’s rise to political authority. These canonical texts argued that political success or failure is a function of moral quality, evidenced by actions such as proper ritual performance, on the part of the ruler. Confucius drew on these classics and adapted the classical view of moral authority in important ways, connecting it to a normative picture of society. Positing a parallel between the nature of reciprocal responsibilities of individuals in different roles in two domains of social organization, in the Analects Confucius linked filial piety in the family to loyalty in the political realm:

 It is rare for a person who is filially pious to his parents and older siblings to be inclined to rebel against his superiors… Filial piety to parents and elder siblings may be considered the root of a person. (1.2)

 This section examines Confucius’s social and political philosophy, beginning with the central role of his analysis of the traditional norm of filial piety.

 Just as Confucius analyzed the psychology of ritual performance and related it to individual moral development, his discussion of filial piety was another example of the development and adaptation of a particular classical cultural pattern to a wider philosophical context and set of concerns. Originally limited to descriptions of sacrifice to ancestors in the context of hereditary kinship groups, a more extended meaning of “filial piety” was used to describe the sage king Shun’s 舜 (trad. r. 2256–2205 BCE) treatment of his living father in the Classic of Documents. Despite humble origins, Shun’s filial piety was recognized as a quality that signaled he would be a suitable successor for the sage king Yao 堯 (trad. r. 2357–2256 BCE). Confucius in the Analects praised the ancient sage kings at great length, and the sage king Yu 禹 for his filial piety in the context of sacrifice (8.21). However, he used the term filial piety to mean both sacrificial mastery and behaving appropriately to one’s parents. In a conversation with one of his disciples he explains that filial piety meant “not contesting”, and that it entailed:

 while one’s parents were alive, serving them in a ritually proper way, and after one’s parents died, burying them and sacrificing to them in a ritually proper way. (2.5)

 In rationalizing the moral content of legacies of the past like the three-year mourning period after the death of a parent, Confucius reasoned that for three years a filially pious child should not alter a parent’s way (4.20, cf. 19.18), and explains the origin of length of the three-year mourning period to be the length of time that the parents had given their infant child support (17.21). This adaptation of filial piety to connote the proper way for a gentleman to behave both inside and outside the home was a generalization of a pattern of behavior that had once been specific to the family.

 Intellectual historian Chen Lai 陈来 has identified two sets of ideal traits that became hybridized in the late Warring States period. The first set of qualities describes the virtue of the ruler coming out of politically-oriented descriptions of figures like King Wen of Zhou, including uprightness (zhi 直) and fortitude (gang 剛). The second set of qualities is based on bonds specific to kinship groups, including filial piety and kindness (ci 慈). As kinship groups were subordinated to larger political units, texts began to exhibit hybrid lists of ideal qualities that drew from both sets. Consequently, Confucius had to effectively integrate clan priorities and state priorities, a conciliation illustrated in Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes by his insistence that filial piety is not simply deference to elders. When his disciple Zengzi 曾子 submitted to a severe beating from his father’s staff in punishment for an offense, Confucius chastises Zengzi, saying that even the sage king Shun would not have submitted to a beating so severe. He goes on to explain that a child has a dual set of duties, to both a father and ruler, the former filial piety and the other loyalty. Therefore, protecting one’s body is a duty to the ruler and a counterweight to a duty to submit to one’s parent (8). In the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing 孝經), similar reasoning is applied to a redefinition of filial piety that rejects behaviors like such extreme submission because protecting one’s body is a duty to one’s parents. This sort of qualification suggests that as filial piety moved further outside its original family context, it had to be qualified to be integrated into a view that valorized multiple character traits.

 Since filial piety was based on a fundamental relationship defined within the family, one’s family role and state role could conflict. A Classic of Documents text spells out the possible conflict between loyalty to a ruler and filial piety toward a father (“Cai Zhong zhi ming” 蔡仲之命), a trade-off similar to a story in the Analects about a man named Zhi Gong 直躬 (Upright Gong) who testified that his father stole a sheep. Although Confucius acknowledged that theft injures social order, he judged Upright Gong to have failed to be truly “upright” in a sense that balances the imperative to testify with special consideration for members of his kinship group:

 In my circle, being upright differs from this. A father would conceal such a thing on behalf of his son, and a son would conceal it on behalf of his father. Uprightness is found in this. (13.18)

 In this way, too, Confucius was adapting filial piety to a wider manifold of moral behaviors, honing his answer to the question of how a child balances responsibility to family and loyalty to the state. While these two traits may conflict with one and other, Sociologist Robert Bellah, in his study of Tokugawa and modern Japan, noted how the structural similarity between loyalty and filial piety led to their both being promoted by the state as interlinked ideals that located each person in dual networks of responsibility. Confucius was making this claim when he connected filial piety to the propensity to be loyal to superiors (1.2). Statements like “filial piety is the root of virtuous action” from the Classic of Filial Piety connect loyalty and the kind of action that signals the personal virtue that justifies political authority, as in the historical precedent of the sage king Shun.

 Of the classical sources from which Confucius drew, two were particularly influential in discussions of political legitimation. The Classic of Odes consists of 305 Zhou period regulated lyrics (hence the several translations “songs”, “odes”, or “poems”) and became numbered as one of the Five Classics (Wujing) in the Han dynasty. Critical to a number of these lyrics is the celebration of King Wen of Zhou’s overthrow of the Shang, which is an example of a virtuous person seizing the “Mandate of Heaven”:

 This King Wen of ours, his prudent heart was well-ordered. He shone in serving the High God, and thus enjoyed much good fortune. Unswerving in his virtue, he came to hold the domains all around. (“Daming” 大明)

 The Zhou political theory expressed in this passage is based on the idea of a limited moral universe that may not reward a virtuous person in isolation, but in which the High God (Shangdi 上帝, Di 帝) or Heaven will intercede to replace a bad ruler with a person of exceptional virtue. The Classic of Documents is a collection that includes orations attributed to the sage rulers of the past and their ministers, and its arguments often concern moral authority with a focus on the methods and character of exemplary rulers of the past. The chapter “Announcement of Kang” (“Kanggao” 康誥) is addressed to one of the sons of King Wen, and provides him with a guide for behaving as sage ruler as well as with methods that had been empirically proven successful by those rulers. When it comes to the mandate inherited from King Wen, the chapter insists that the mandate is not unchanging, and so as ruler the son must always be mindful of it when deciding how to act. Further, it is not always possible to understand Heaven, but the “feelings of the people are visible”, and so the ruler must care for his subjects. The Zhou political view that Confucius inherited was based on supernatural intercession to place a person with personal virtue in charge of the state, but over time the emphasis shifted to the way that the effects of good government could be viewed as proof of a continuing moral justification for that placement.

 Confucius himself arguably served as a historical counterexample to the classical “Mandate of Heaven” theory, calling into question the direct nature of the support given by Heaven to the person with virtue. The Han period Records of the Historian biography of Confucius described him as possessing all the personal qualities needed to govern well, but wandering from state to state because those qualities had not been recognized. When his favorite disciple died, the Analects records Confucius saying that “Heaven has forsaken me!” (11.9). Wang Chong’s 王充 (27–c.97 CE) Balanced Discussions (Lunheng 論衡) uses the phrase “uncrowned king” (suwang 素王) to describe the tragic situation: “Confucius did not rule as king, but his work as uncrowned king may be seen in the Spring and Autumn Annals” (80). The view that through his writings Confucius could prepare the world for the government of a future sage king became a central part of Confucius lore that has colored the reception of his writings since, especially in works related to the Spring and Autumn Annals and its Gongyang Commentary. The biography of Confucius reinforced the tragic cosmological picture that personal virtue did not always guarantee success. Even when Heaven’s support is cited in the Analects, it is not a matter of direct intercession, but expressed through personal virtue or cultural patterns: “Heaven gave birth to the virtue in me, so what can Huan Tui 桓魋 do to me?” (7.23, cf. 9.5). As Robert Eno has pointed out, the concept of Heaven also came to be increasingly naturalized in passages like “what need does Heaven have to speak?” (17.19). Changing views of the scope of Heaven’s activity and the ways human beings may have knowledge of that activity fostered a change in the role of Heaven in political theory.

 Most often, in dialogues with the rulers of his time, references to Heaven were occasions for Confucius to encourage rulers to remain attentive to their personal moral development and treat their subjects fairly. In integrating the classical legacy of the “Mandate of Heaven” that applied specifically to the ruler or “Son of Heaven” (tianzi 天子), with moral teachings that were directed to a wider audience, the nature of Heaven’s intercession came to be understood differently. In the Analects and writings like those attributed to Mencius, descriptions of virtue were often adapted to contexts such as the conduct of lesser officials and the navigation of everyday life. Kwong-Loi Shun notes that in such contexts, the influence of Heaven remained as an explanation of both what happened outside of human control, like political success or lifespan, and of the source of the ethical ideal. In the Analects, the gentleman’s awe of Heaven is combined with an awe of the words of the sages (16.8), and when Confucius explains the Zhou theory of the “mandate of Heaven” in the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual, he does so in order to explain how the signs of a well-ordered society demonstrate that the ruler’s “virtue matches Heaven” (“Shaojian” 少閒). Heaven is still ubiquitous in the responses of Confucius to questions from rulers, but the focus of the responses was not on Heaven’s direct intercession but rather the ruler’s demonstration of his personal moral qualities.

 In this way, personal qualities of modesty, filial piety or respect for the elders were seen as proof of fitness to serve in an official capacity. Qualification to rule was demonstrated by proper behavior in the social roles defined by the “five relationships” (wulun 五倫), a formulation seen in the writings of Mencius that became a key feature of the interpretation of works associated with Confucius in the Han dynasty. The Western Han emperors were members of the Liu clan, and works like the Guliang Commentary (Guliang zhuan 穀梁傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals emphasized normative family behavior grounded in the five relationships, which were (here, adapted to include mothers and sisters): ruler and subject, parent and child, husband and wife, siblings, and friends. Writing with particular reference to the Classic of Filial Piety, Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames argue that prescribed social roles are a defining characteristic of the “Confucian tradition”, and that such roles were normative guides to appropriate conduct. They contrast this with the “virtue ethics” approach they say requires rational calculation to determine moral conduct, while filial piety is simply a matter of meeting one’s family obligations. Just as the five virtues were placed at the center of later theories of moral development, once social roles became systematized in this way, selected situational teachings of Confucius consistent with them could become the basis of more abstract, systematic moral theories. Yet this could not have happened without the adaptation of the abstract classical political theory of “Heaven’s mandate”, a doctrine that originally supported the ruling clan, to argue that Heaven’s influence was expressed through particular concrete expressions of individual virtue. As a result of this adaptation in writings associated with Confucius, the ruler’s conduct of imperial rituals, performance of filial piety, or other demonstrations of personal virtue provided proof of moral fitness that legitimated his political authority. As with the rituals and the virtues, filial piety and the mandate of Heaven were transformed as they were integrated with the classics through the voices of Confucius and the rulers and disciples of his era.

 Earlier, the usage of “Confucius” as a metonym for Chinese traditional culture was introduced as a feature of the modern period. Yet the complexity of the philosophical views associated with Confucius—encompassing ethical ideals developed out of a sophisticated view of the effects of ritual and music on the performer’s psychology, robust descriptions of the attitudes of traditional exemplars across diverse life contexts, and the abstraction of normative behaviors in the family and state—is due in part to the fact that this metonymic usage was to some degree already the case in the Han period. By that time, the teachings of Confucius had gone through several centuries of gestation, and dialogues and quotations fashioned at different points over that time circulated and mixed. Put slightly differently, Confucius read the traditional culture of the halcyon Zhou period in a particular way, but this reading was continuously reflected and refracted through different lenses during the Pre-Imperial period, prior to the results being fixed in diverse early Imperial period sources like the Analects, the Records of Ritual, and the Records of the Historian. What remains is the work of the hand of Confucius, but also of his “school”, and even sometimes of his opponents during the centuries that his philosophy underwent elaboration and drift. This process of accretion and elaboration is not uncommon for pre-modern writings, and the resulting breadth and depth explains, at least in part, why the voice of Confucius retained primacy in pre-modern Chinese philosophical conversations as well as in many modern debates about the role of traditional East Asian culture.

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 Library of Congress Catalog Data: ISSN 1095-5054

1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture
Because of the wide range of texts and traditions identified with him,
choices about which version of Confucius is authoritative have changed
over time, reflecting particular political and social priorities. The
portrait of Confucius as philosopher is, in part, the product of a
series of modern cross-cultural interactions. In Imperial China,
Confucius was identified with interpretations of the classics and
moral guidelines for administrators, and therefore also with training
the scholar-officials that populated the bureaucracy. At the same
time, he was closely associated with the transmission of the ancient
sacrificial system, and he himself received ritual offerings in
temples found in all major cities. By the Han (202 BCE–220 CE),
Confucius was already an authoritative figure in a number of different
cultural domains, and the early commentaries show that reading texts
associated with him about history, ritual, and proper behavior was
important to rulers. The first commentaries to the Analects
were written by tutors to the crown prince (e.g., Zhang Yu 張禹, d. 5 BCE),
and select experts in the “Five Classics”
(Wujing 五經) were given scholastic positions in the government.
The authority of Confucius was such that during the late Han and the
following period of disunity, his imprimatur was used to validate
commentaries to the classics, encoded political prophecies, and
esoteric doctrines.
By the Song period (960–1279), the post-Buddhist revival known
as “Neo-Confucianism” anchored readings of the dialogues
of Confucius to a dualism between “cosmic pattern”
(li 理) and “pneumas” (qi
氣), a distinctive moral cosmology that marked the tradition off
from those of Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucian interpretation of
the Analects by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200)
integrated the study of the Analects into a curriculum based
on the “Four Books” (Sishu 四書) that
became widely influential in China, Korea, and Japan. The pre-modern
Confucius was closely associated with good government, moral
education, proper ritual performance, and the reciprocal obligations
that people in different roles owed each other in such contexts.
When Confucius became a character in the intellectual debates of
eighteenth century Europe, he became identified as China’s first
philosopher. Jesuit missionaries in China sent back accounts of
ancient China that portrayed Confucius as inspired by Natural Theology
to pursue the good, which they considered a marked contrast with the
“idolatries” of Buddhism and Daoism. Back in Europe,
intellectuals read missionary descriptions and translations of Chinese
literature, and writers like Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
(1646–1716) and Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–1798) praised
Confucius for his discovery of universal natural laws through reason.
Enlightenment writers celebrated the moral philosophy of Confucius for
its independence from the dogmatic influence of the Church. While at
times he was criticized as an atheist or an advocate of despotism,
many Europeans viewed Confucius as a moral philosopher whose approach
was in line with rationalism and humanism.
Today, many descriptions combine these several ways of positioning
Confucius, but the modern interpretation of his views has been
complicated by a tendency to look back on him as an emblem of the
“traditional culture” of China. In the eyes of some late
nineteenth and twentieth century reformers who sought to fortify China
against foreign influence, the moral teachings of Confucius had the
potential to play the same role that they perceived Christianity had
done in the modernization of Europe and America, or serve as the basis
of a more secular spiritual renewal that would transform the
population into citizens of a modern nation-state. In the twentieth
century, the pursuit of modernization also led to the rejection of
Confucius by some reformers in the May Fourth and New Culture
movements, as well as by many in the Communist Party, who identified
the traditional hierarchies implicit in his social and political
philosophy with the social and economic inequalities that they sought
to eliminate. In these modern debates, it is not just the status of 
Confucius in traditional China that made him such a potent symbol.
His specific association with the curriculum of the system of education of
scholar-officials in the imperial government, and of traditional moral
values more generally, connected him to the aspects of tradition worth
preserving, or the things that held China back from modernization,
depending on one’s point of view.
As legacies of Confucius tied to traditional ritual roles and the
pre-modern social structure were criticized by modernizers, a view of
Confucius as a moral philosopher, already common in European readings,
gained ascendancy in East Asia. The American-educated historian Hu Shi
胡適 (1891–1962) wrote an early influential history
of Chinese philosophy, beginning with Laozi 老子 and
Confucius, explicitly on the model of existing histories of Western
philosophy. In it, Hu compared what he called the conservative aspect
of the philosophy of Confucius to Socrates and Plato. Since at least
that time, Confucius has been central to most histories of Chinese
philosophy.
2. Sources for Confucius’s Life and Thought
Biographical treatments of Confucius, beginning with the
“Hereditary House of Confucius” (Kongzi shijia
孔子世家), a chapter of Sima Qian’s
司馬遷 (c.145–c.86 BCE) Records of the
Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), were initially
based on information from compilations of independently circulating
dialogues and prose accounts. Tying particular elements of his
philosophy to the life experiences of Confucius is a risky and
potentially circular exercise, since many of the details of his
biography were first recorded in instructive anecdotes linked to the
expression of didactic messages. Nevertheless, since Sima Qian’s
time, the biography of Confucius has been intimately linked with the
interpretation of his philosophy, and so this section begins with a
brief treatment of traditional tropes about his family background,
official career, and teaching of 72 disciples, before turning to the
dialogue and prose accounts upon which early biographers like Sima
Qian drew.
Confucius was born in the domain of Zou, in modern Shandong Province,
south of the larger kingdom of Lu. A date of 551 BCE is given for his
birth in the Gongyang Commentary (Gongyang zhuan
公羊傳) to the classic Spring and Autumn
Annals (Chunqiu 春秋), which places him in
the period when the influence of the Zhou polity was declining, and
regional domains were becoming independent states. His father, who
came from Lu, was descended from a noble clan that included, in Sima
Qian’s telling, several people known for their modesty and
ritual mastery. His father died when Confucius was a small child,
leaving the family poor but with some social status, and as a young
man Confucius became known for expertise in the classical ritual and
ceremonial forms of the Zhou. In adulthood, Confucius travelled to Lu
and began a career as an official in the employ of aristocratic
families.
Different sources identify Confucius as having held a large number of
different offices in Lu. Entries in the Zuo Commentary
(Zuozhuan 左傳) to the Spring and Autumn
Annals for 509 and 500 BCE identify him as Director of
Corrections (Sikou 司寇), and say he was charged
with assisting the ruler with the rituals surrounding a visiting
dignitary from the state of Qi, respectively. The Mencius
(Mengzi 孟子), a text centered on a figure
generally regarded as the most important early developer of the
thought of Confucius, Mencius (trad. 372–289 BCE), says
Confucius was Foodstuffs Scribe (Weili 委吏) and
Scribe in the Field (Chengtian 乘田), involved
with managing the accounting at the granary and keeping the books on
the pasturing of different animals
(11.14).[1] In the
first biography, Sima Qian mentions these offices, but then adds a
second set of more powerful positions in Lu including Steward
(Zai 宰) managing an estate in the district of Zhongdu,
Minister of Works (Sikong 司空), and even acting
Chancellor (Xiang 相). Following his departure from Lu,
different stories place Confucius in the kingdoms of Wei, Song, Chen,
Cai, and Chu. Sima Qian crafted these stories into a serial narrative
of rulers failing to appreciate the moral worth of Confucius, whose
high standards forced him to continue to travel in search of an
incorrupt ruler.
Late in life, Confucius left service and turned to teaching. In Sima
Qian’s time, the sheer number of independently circulating texts
centering on dialogues that Confucius had with his disciples led the
biographer to include a separate chapter on “The arranged
traditions of the disciples of Confucius” (Zhongni dizi
liezhuan 仲尼弟子列傳). His
account identifies 77 direct disciples, whom Sima Qian says Confucius
trained in ritual practice and the Classic of Odes
(Shijing 詩經), Classic of Documents
(Shujing 書經, also called Documents of the
Predecessors or Shangshu 尚書), Records
of Ritual (Liji 禮記) and
Classic of Music (Yuejing 樂經). Altogether, some 3000
students received some form of this training regimen. Sima
Qian’s editorial practice in systematizing dialogues was
inclusive, and the fact that he was able to collect so much
information some three centuries after the death of Confucius
testifies to the latter’s importance in the Han period. Looked
at in a different way, the prodigious numbers of direct disciples and
students of Confucius, and the inconsistent accounts of the offices in
which he served, may also be due to a proliferation of texts
associating the increasingly authoritative figure of Confucius with
divergent regional or interpretive traditions during those intervening
centuries.
The many sources of quotations and dialogues of Confucius, both
transmitted and recently excavated, provide a wealth of materials
about the philosophy of Confucius, but an incomplete sense of which
materials are authoritative. The last millennium has seen the
development of a conventional view that materials preserved in the
twenty chapters of the transmitted Analects most accurately
represent Confucius’s original teachings. This derives in part
from a second century CE account by Ban Gu 班固
(39–92 CE) of the composition of the Analects that
describes the work as having been compiled by first and second
generation disciples of Confucius and then transmitted privately for
centuries, making it arguably the oldest stratum of extant Confucius
sources. In the centuries since, some scholars have come up with
variations on this basic account, such as Liu Baonan’s
劉寳楠 (1791–1855) view in Corrected Meanings
of the Analects (Lunyu zhengyi
論語正義) that each chapter was written by a
different disciple. Recently, several centuries of doubts about
internal inconsistencies in the text and a lack of references to the
title in early sources were marshaled by classicist Zhu Weizheng
朱維錚 in an influential 1986 article which argued
that the lack of attributed quotations from the Analects, and
of explicit references to it, prior to the second century BCE, meant
that its traditional status as the oldest stratum of the teachings of
Confucius was undeserved. Since then a number of historians, including
Michael J. Hunter, have systematically shown that writers started to
demonstrate an acute interest in the Analects only in the
late second and first centuries BCE, suggesting that other
Confucius-related records from those centuries should also be
considered as potentially authoritative sources. Some have suggested
this critical approach to sources is an attack on the historicity of
Confucius, but a more reasonable description is that it is an attack
on the authoritativeness of the Analects that broadens and
diversifies the sources that may be used to reconstruct the historical
Confucius.
Expanding the corpus of Confucius quotations and dialogues beyond the
Analects, then, requires attention to three additional types
of sources. First, dialogues preserved in transmitted sources like the
Records of Ritual, the Elder Dai’s Records of
Ritual (DaDai Liji 大戴禮記),
and Han collections like the
Family Discussions of Confucius (Kongzi jiayu
孔子家語) contain a large number of diverse
teachings. Second, quotations attached to the interpretation of
passages in the classics preserved in works like the Zuo
Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals,
or Han’s Intertextual Commentary on the Odes (Han
Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳) are particularly
rich sources for readings of history and poetry. Finally, a number of
recently archaeologically recovered texts from the Han period and
before have also expanded the corpus.
Newly discovered sources include three recently excavated versions of
texts with parallel to the transmitted Analects. These are
the 1973 excavation at the Dingzhou site in Hebei Province dating to
55 BCE; the 1990’s excavation of a partial parallel version at
Jongbaekdong in Pyongyang, North Korea, dating to between 62 and 45
BCE; and most recently the 2011-2015 excavation of the tomb of the Marquis
of Haihun in Jiangxi Province dating to 59 BCE. The Haihun excavation
is particularly important because it is thought to contain the two
lost chapters of what Han period sources identify as a 22-chapter
version of the Analects that circulated in the state of Qi,
the titles of which appear to be “Understanding the Way”
(Zhi dao 智道) and “Questions about
Jade” (Wen yu 問玉). While the
Haihun Analects has yet to be published, the content of the
lost chapters overlaps with a handful of fragments dating to the late
first century BCE that were found at the Jianshui Jinguan site in
Jinta county in Gansu Province in 1973. All in all, these finds
confirm the sudden wide circulation of the Analects in the
middle of the first century BCE.
Previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations have also been
unearthed. The Dingzhou site also yielded texts given the titles
“Sayings of the Ru” (Rujiazhe yan
儒家者言) and “Duke Ai asked about the
five kinds of righteousness” (Aigong wen wuyi
哀公問五義). A significantly different
text also given the name “Sayings of the Ru” was found in
1977 in a Han tomb at Fuyang in Anhui Province. Several texts dating
to 168 BCE recording statements by Confucius about the
Classic of Changes (Yijing 易經) were
excavated from the Mawangdui site in Hunan Province in
1973. Additionally, a number of Warring States period dialogical texts
centered on particular disciples, and a text with interpretative
comments by Confucius on the Classic of Poetry given the name
“Confucius discusses the Odes” (Kongzi
shilun 孔子詩論), were looted from tombs in the 1990s, sold on the black market, 
and made their way to the Shanghai Museum. Finally, the 59 BCE tomb of the
Marquis of Haihun also contains a number of previously unknown
Confucius dialogues and quotations on ritual and filial piety, along
with materials that overlap with sections of transmitted texts
including the Analects, Records of Ritual and the
Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual.
Some excavated texts, like the pre-Han period “Thicket of
Sayings” (Yucong 語叢) apothegms excavated
at the Guodian site in Hubei Province in 1993, contain fragments of
the
Analects in circulation without attribution to Confucius.
Transmitted materials also show some of the quotations attributed to
Confucius in the Analects in the mouths of other historical
figures. The fluidity and diversity of Confucius-related materials in
circulation prior to the fixing of the Analects text in the
second century BCE, suggest that the Analects itself, with
its keen interest in ritual, personal ethics, and politics, may well
have been in part a topical selection from a larger and more diverse
set of available Confucius-related materials. In other words, there
were already multiple topical foci prior to any horizon by which we
can definitively deem any single focus to be authoritative. It is for
this reason that the essential core of the teachings of Confucius is
historically underdetermined, and the correct identification of the
core teachings is still avidly debated. The following sections treat
three key aspects of the philosophy of Confucius, each different but
all interrelated, found throughout many of these diverse sets of
sources: a theory of how ritual and musical performance functioned to
promote unselfishness and train emotions, advice on how to inculcate a
set of personal virtues to prepare people to behave morally in
different domains of their lives, and a social and political
philosophy that abstracted classical ideals of proper conduct in
family and official contexts to apply to more general contexts.
3. Ritual Psychology and Social Values
The Records of Ritual, the Analects, and numerous
Han collections portray Confucius as being deeply
concerned with the proper performance of ritual and music. In such works, the description of the attitudes and affect of the performer became the foundation of a
ritual psychology in which proper performance was key to reforming
desires and beginning to develop moral dispositions. Confucius sought
to preserve the Zhou ritual system, and theorized about how ritual and
music inculcated social roles, limited desires and transformed
character.
Many biographies begin their description of his life with a story of
Confucius at an early age performing rituals, reflecting accounts and
statements that demonstrate his prodigious mastery of ritual and
music. The archaeological record shows that one legacy of the Zhou
period into which Confucius was born was a system of sumptuary
regulations that encoded social status. Another of these legacies was
ancestral sacrifice, a means to demonstrate people’s reverence
for their ancestors while also providing a way to ask the spirits to
assist them or to guarantee them protection from harm. The
Analects describes the ritual mastery of Confucius in
receiving guests at a noble’s home (10.3), and in carrying out
sacrifices (10.8, 15.1). He plays the stone chimes (14.39),
distinguishes between proper and improper music (15.11, 17.18), and
extols and explains the Classic of Odes to his disciples
(1.15, 2.2, 8.3, 16.13, 17.9). This mastery of classical ritual and
musical forms is an important reason Confucius said he “followed
Zhou” (3.14). While he might alter a detail of a ritual out of
frugality (9.3), Confucius insists on adherence to the letter of the rites,
as when his disciple Zi Gong 子貢 sought to substitute another animal for a
sheep in a seasonal sacrifice, saying “though you care about the
sheep, I care about the ritual” (3.17). It was in large part
this adherence to Zhou period cultural forms, or to what Confucius
reconstructed them to be, that has led many in the modern period to
label him a traditionalist.
Where Confucius clearly innovated was in his rationale for performing
the rites and music. Historian Yan Buke 閻步克 has
argued that the early Confucian (Ru) tradition began from the
office of the “Music master” (Yueshi
樂師) described in the
Ritual of Zhou (Zhou Li 周禮). Yan’s view is that
since these officials were responsible for teaching the rites, music,
and the Classic of Odes, it was their combined expertise that
developed into the particular vocation that shaped the outlook of
Confucius. Early discussions of ritual in the Zhou classics often
explained ritual in terms of a do ut des view of making
offerings to receive benefits. By contrast, early discussions between
Confucius and his disciples described benefits of ritual performance
that went beyond the propitiation of spirits, rewards from the
ancestors, or the maintenance of the social or cosmic order. Instead
of emphasizing goods that were external to the performer, these works
stressed the value of the associated interior psychological states of
the practitioner. In Analects 3.26, Confucius condemns the
performance of ritual without reverence (jing 敬). He also
condemns views of ritual that focus only on the offerings, or views of
music that focus only on the instruments (17.11). Passages from the Records of
Ritual explain that Confucius would rather have an excess of
reverence than an excess of ritual (“Tangong,
shang” 檀弓上), and that reverence is the most important aspect of
mourning rites (“Zaji, xia” 雜記下). This emphasis on the
importance of an attitude of reverence became the salient distinction
between performing ritual in a rote manner, and performing it in the
proper affective state. Another passage from the Records of Ritual
says the difference between how an ideal gentleman and a
lesser person cares for a parent is that the gentleman is reverent
when he does it (“Fangji” 坊記, cf. Analects
2.7). In contexts concerning both ritual and filial piety (xiao 孝),
the affective state behind the action is arguably more important than
the action’s consequences. As Philip J. Ivanhoe has
written, ritual and music are not just an indicator of values in the
sense that these examples show, but also an inculcator of them.
In this ritual psychology, the performance of ritual and music restricts
desires because it alters the performer’s affective states, and
place limits on appetitive desires. The Records of Ritual
illustrates desirable affective states, describing how the Zhou
founder King Wen 文 was moved to joy when making offerings to
his deceased parents, but then to grief once the ritual ended
(“Jiyi” 祭義). A collection
associated with the third century BCE philosopher Xunzi 荀子 contains a
Confucius quotation that associates different parts of a ruler’s
day with particular emotions. Entering the ancestral temple to make
offerings and maintain a connection to those who are no longer living
leads the ruler to reflect on sorrow, while wearing a cap to hear
legal cases leads him to reflect on worry (“Aigong” 哀公). These are examples of the way that
ritual fosters the development of particular emotional responses, part
of a sophisticated understanding of affective states and the ways that
performance channels them in particular directions. More generally,
the social conventions implicit in ritual hierarchies restrict
people’s latitude to pursue their desires, as the master
explains in the Records of Ritual: 
The way of the gentleman may be compared to an embankment dam,
bolstering those areas where ordinary people are deficient
(“Fangji”). 
Blocking the overflow of desires by adhering to these social norms
preserves psychological space to reflect and reform one’s
reactions.
Descriptions of the early community depict Confucius creating a
subculture in which ritual provided an alternate source of value,
effectively training his disciples to opt out of conventional modes of
exchange. In the Analects, when Confucius says he would
instruct any person who presented him with “a bundle of dried
meat” (7.7), he is highlighting how his standards of value
derive from the sacrificial system, eschewing currency or luxury
items. Gifts valuable in ordinary situations might be worth little by
such standards: “Even if a friend gave him a gift of a carriage
and horses, if it was not dried meat, he did not bow” (10.15).
The Han period biographical materials in Records of the
Historian describe how a high official of the state of Lu did not
come to court for three days after the state of Qi made him a gift of
female entertainers. When, additionally, the high official failed to
properly offer gifts of sacrificial meats, Confucius
departed Lu for the state of Wei (47, cf. Analects 18.4).
Confucius repeatedly rejected conventional values of wealth and
position, choosing instead to rely on ritual standards of value. In
some ways, these stories are similar to ones in the late Warring
States and Han period compilation Master Zhuang (Zhuangzi
莊子) that explore the way that things that are
conventionally belittled for their lack of utility are useful by an
unconventional standard. However, here the standard that gives such objects currency is ritual importance rather than longevity, divorcing
Confucius from conventional materialistic or hedonistic pursuits. This
is a second way that ritual allows one to direct more effort into
character formation.
Once, when speaking of cultivating benevolence, Confucius explained
how ritual value was connected to the ideal way of the gentleman,
which should always take precedence over the pursuit of conventional
values: 
Wealth and high social status are what others covet. If I cannot
prosper by following the way, I will not dwell in them. Poverty and
low social status are what others shun. If I cannot prosper by
following the way, I will not avoid them. (4.5) 
The argument that ritual performance has internal benefits underlies
the ritual psychology laid out by Confucius, one that explains how
performing ritual and music controls desires and sets the stage for
further moral development.
4. Virtues and Character Formation
Many of the short passages from the Analects, and the
“Thicket of Sayings” passages excavated at Guodian,
describe the development of set of ideal behaviors associated with the
moral ideal of the “way” (dao 道) of the
“gentleman” (junzi 君子). Based on
the analogy between the way of Confucius and character ethics systems
deriving from Aristotle, these patterns of behavior are today often
described using the Latinate term “virtue”. In the second
passage in the
Analects, the disciple You Ruo 有若 says a person who behaves with
filial piety to parents and siblings (xiao and di 弟),
and who avoids going against superiors, will rarely disorder society.
It relates this correlation to a more general picture of how patterns
of good behavior effectively open up the possibility of following the
way of the gentleman: “The gentleman works at the roots. Once
the roots are established, the way comes to life” (1.2). The way
of the gentleman is a distillation of the exemplary behaviors of the
selfless culture heroes of the past, and is available to all who are
willing to “work at the roots”. In this way, the virtues
that Confucius taught were not original to him, but represented his
adaptations of existing cultural ideals, to which he continually
returned in order to clarify their proper expressions in different
situations. Five behaviors of the gentleman most central to the
Analects are benevolence (ren 仁), righteousness
(yi 義), ritual propriety (li 禮), wisdom (zhi 智),
and trustworthiness (xin 信).
The virtue of benevolence entails interacting with others guided by a
sense of what is good from their perspectives. Sometimes the
Analects defines benevolence generally as “caring for
others” (12.22), but in certain contexts it is associated with
more specific behaviors. Examples of contextual definitions of
benevolence include treating people on the street as important guests
and common people as if they were attendants at a sacrifice (12.2),
being reticent in speaking (12.3) and rejecting the use of clever
speech (1.3), and being respectful where one dwells, reverent where
one works, and loyal where one deals with others (13.19). It is the
broadest of the virtues, yet a gentleman would rather die than
compromise it (15.9). Benevolence entails a kind of unselfishness, or,
as David Hall and Roger Ames suggest, it involves forming moral
judgments from a combined perspective of self and others.
Later writers developed accounts of the sources of benevolent
behavior, most famously in the context of the discussion of human
nature (xing 性) in the centuries after
Confucius. Mencius (fourth century BCE) argued that benevolence grows
out of the cultivation of an affective disposition to compassion
(ceyin 惻隱) in the face of another’s
distress. The anonymous author of the late Warring States period
excavated text “Five Kinds of Action” (Wu xing
五行) describes it as building from the affection one
feels for close family members, through successive stages to finally
develop into a more universal, fully-fledged virtue. In
the Analects, however, one comment on human nature
emphasizes the importance of nurture: “By nature people are
close, by habituation they are miles apart” (17.2), a sentiment
that suggests the importance of training one’s dispositions
through ritual and the classics in a manner closer to the program of Xunzi (third century
BCE). The Analects, however, discusses the incubation of
benevolent behavior in family and ritual contexts. You Ruo winds up
his discussion of the roots of the way of the gentleman with the
rhetorical question: “Is not behaving with filial piety to
one’s parents and siblings the root of benevolence?”
(1.2). Confucius tells his disciple Yan Yuan 顏淵 that
benevolence is a matter of “overcoming oneself and returning to
ritual propriety” (12.1). These connections between benevolence
and other virtues underscore the way in which benevolent behavior does
not entail creating novel social forms or relationships, but is
grounded in traditional familial and ritual networks.
The second virtue, righteousness, is often described in the Analects relative to
situations involving public responsibility. In contexts where
standards of fairness and integrity are valuable, such as acting as
the steward of an estate as some of the disciples of Confucius did,
righteousness is what keeps a person uncorrupted. Confucius wrote that
a gentleman “thinks of righteousness when faced with gain”
(16.10, 19.10), or “when faced with profit” (14.12).
Confucius says that one should ignore the wealth and rank one might
attain by acting against righteousness, even if it means eating coarse
rice, drinking water, and sleeping using one’s bent arm as a
pillow (7.16). Later writers like Xunzi celebrated Confucius for his
righteousness in office, which he stressed was all the more impressive
because Confucius was extremely poor (“Wangba”
王霸). This behavior is particularly relevant in official
interactions with ordinary people, such as when “employing
common people” (5.16), and if a social superior has mastered it,
“the common people will all comply” (13.4). Like
benevolence, righteousness also entails unselfishness, but instead of
coming out of consideration for the needs of others, it is rooted in
steadfastness in the face of temptation.
The perspective needed to act in a righteous way is sometimes related
to an attitude to personal profit that recalls the previous
section’s discussion of how Confucius taught his disciples to
recalibrate their sense of value based on their immersion in the
sacrificial system. More specifically, evaluating things based on
their ritual significance can put one at odds with conventional
hierarchies of value. This is defined as the root of righteous
behavior in a story from the late Warring States period text
Master Fei of Han (Han Feizi 韓非子). The tale relates how
at court, Confucius was given a plate with a peach and a pile of
millet grains with which to scrub the fruit clean. After the
attendants laughed at Confucius for proceeding to eat the millet
first, Confucius explained to them that in sacrifices to the Former Kings,
millet itself is the most valued offering. Therefore, cleaning a
ritually base peach with millet: 
would be obstructing righteousness, and so I dared not put [the peach]
above what fills the vessels in the ancestral shrine.
(“Waichu shuo, zuo shang”
外儲說左上) 
While such stories may have been told to mock his fastidiousness, for
Confucius the essence of righteousness was internalizing a system of
value that he would breach for neither convenience nor profit.
At times, the phrase “benevolence and righteousness” is
used metonymically for all the virtues, but in some later texts, a
benevolent impulse to compassion and a righteous steadfastness are
seen as potentially contradictory. In the Analects,
portrayals of Confucius do not recognize a tension between benevolence
and righteousness, perhaps because each is usually described as
salient in a different set of contexts. In ritual contexts like courts
or shrines, one ideally acts like one might act out of familial
affection in a personal context, the paradigm that is key to
benevolence. In the performance of official duties, one ideally acts
out of the responsibilities felt to inferiors and superiors, with a
resistance to temptation by corrupt gain that is key to
righteousness. The Records of Ritual distinguishes between the
domains of these two virtues: 
In regulating one’s household, kindness overrules righteousness.
Outside of one’s house, righteousness cuts off kindness. What
one undertakes in serving one’s father, one also does in serving
one’s lord, because one’s reverence for both is the same.
Treating nobility in a noble way and the honorable in an honorable
way, is the height of righteousness. (“Sangfu
sizhi” 喪服四制) 
While it is not the case that righteousness is benevolence by other
means, this passage underlines how in different contexts, different
virtues may push people toward participation in particular shared
cultural practices constitutive of the good life.
While the virtues of benevolence and righteousness might impel a gentleman to adhere to ritual
norms in particular situations or areas of life, a third virtue of
“ritual propriety” expresses a sensitivity to one’s
social place, and willingness to play all of one’s multiple
ritual roles. The term li translated here as “ritual
propriety” has a particularly wide range of connotations, and
additionally connotes both the conventions of ritual and etiquette. In
the Analects, Confucius is depicted both teaching and
conducting the rites in the manner that he believed they were
conducted in antiquity. Detailed restrictions such as “the
gentleman avoids wearing garments with red-black trim” (10.6),
which the poet Ezra Pound disparaged as “verses re: length of
the night-gown and the predilection for ginger” (Pound 1951:
191), were by no means trivial to Confucius. His imperative, “Do
not look or listen, speak or move, unless it is in accordance with the
rites” (12.1), in answer to a question about benevolence,
illustrates how the symbolic conventions of the ritual system played a
role in the cultivation of the virtues. We have seen how ritual shapes
values by restricting desires, thereby allowing reflection and the
cultivation of moral dispositions. Yet without the proper affective
state, a person is not properly performing ritual. In the
Analects, Confucius says he cannot tolerate “ritual
without reverence, or mourning without grief,” (3.26). When
asked about the root of ritual propriety, he says that in funerals,
the mourners’ distress is more important than the formalities
(3.4). Knowing the details of ritual protocols is important, but is
not a substitute for sincere affect in performing them. Together, they
are necessary conditions for the gentleman’s training, and are also
essential to understanding the social context in which Confucius
taught his disciples.
The mastery that “ritual propriety” signaled was part of a
curriculum associated with the training of rulers and officials, and
proper ritual performance at court could also serve as a kind of political
legitimation. Confucius summarized the different prongs of the
education in ritual and music involved in the training of his
followers: 
Raise yourself up with the Classic of Odes. Establish
yourself with ritual. Complete yourself with music. (8.8) 
On one occasion, Boyu 伯魚, the son of Confucius,
explained that when he asked his father to teach him, his father told
him to study the
Classic of Odes in order to have a means to speak with
others, and to study ritual to establish himself (16.13). That
Confucius insists that his son master classical literature and practices
underscores the values of these cultural products as a means of
transmitting the way from one generation to the next. He tells his
disciples that the study of the Classic of Odes prepares them
for different aspects of life, providing them with a capacity to: 
at home serve one’s father, away from it serve
one’s lord, as well as increase one's knowledge of the names of birds,
animals, plants and trees. (17.9) 
This valuation of knowledge of both the cultural and
natural worlds is one reason why the figure of Confucius has
traditionally been identified with schooling, and why today his
birthday is celebrated as “Teacher’s Day” in some
parts of Asia. In the ancient world, this kind of education also
qualified Confucius and his disciples for employment on estates and at
courts.
The fourth virtue, wisdom, is related to appraising people and
situations. In the Analects, wisdom allows a gentleman to
discern crooked and straight behavior in others (12.22), and
discriminate between those who may be reformed and those who may not
(15.8). In the former dialogue, Confucius explains the virtue of
wisdom as “knowing others”. The “Thicket of
Sayings” excavated at Guodian indicates that this knowledge is
the basis for properly “selecting” others, defining wisdom
as the virtue that is the basis for selection. But it is also about
appraising situations correctly, as suggested by the master’s
rhetorical question: “How can a person be considered wise if
that person does not dwell in benevolence?” (4.1). One
well-known passage often cited to imply Confucius is agnostic about
the world of the spirits is more literally about how wisdom allows an
outsider to present himself in a way appropriate to the people on
whose behalf he is working: 
When working for what is right for the common people, to show
reverence for the ghosts and spirits while maintaining one’s
distance may be deemed wisdom. (6.22) 
The context for this sort of appraisal is usually official service,
and wisdom is often attributed to valued ministers or advisors to sage
rulers.
In certain dialogues, wisdom also connotes a moral discernment that
allows the gentleman to be confident of the appropriateness of good
actions. In the Analects, Confucius tells his disciple Zi Lu
子路 that wisdom recognizes knowing a thing as knowing it,
and ignorance of a thing as ignorance of it (2.17). In soliloquies
about several virtues, Confucius describes a wise person as never
confused (9.28, 14.28). While comparative philosophers have noted that
Chinese thought has nothing clearly analogous to the role of the will
in pre-modern European philosophy, the moral discernment that is part
of wisdom does provide actors with confidence that the moral actions
they have taken are correct.
The virtue of trustworthiness qualifies a gentleman to give advice to
a ruler, and a ruler or official to manage others. In the
Analects, Confucius explains it succinctly: “if one is
trustworthy, others will give one responsibilities” (17.6, cf.
20.1). While trustworthiness may be rooted in
the proper expression of friendship between those of the same status (1.4, 5.26),
it is also valuable in interactions with those of different status. The disciple Zi Xia 子夏 explains its effect on superiors and
subordinates: when advising a ruler, without trustworthiness, the
ruler will think a gentleman is engaged in slander, and when
administering a state, without trustworthiness, people will think a
gentleman is exploiting them (19.10). The implication is that a
sincerely public-minded official would be ineffective without the
trust that this quality inspires. In a dialogue with a ruler from
chapter four of Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes,
Confucius explains that in employing someone, trustworthiness is
superior to strength, ability to flatter, or eloquence. Being able to
rely on someone is so important to Confucius that, when asked about
good government, he explained that trustworthiness was superior to
either food or weapons, concluding: “If the people do not find the
ruler trustworthy, the state will not stand” (12.7). 
By the Han period, benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety,
wisdom and trustworthiness began to be considered as a complete set of
human virtues, corresponding with other quintets of phenomena used to
describe the natural world. Some texts described a level of moral
perfection, as with the sages of antiquity, as unifying all these
virtues. Prior to this, it is unclear whether the possession of a
particular virtue entailed having all the others, although benevolence
was sometimes used as a more general term for a combination of one or
more of the other virtues (e.g.,
Analects 17.6). At other times, Confucius presented
individual virtues as expressions of goodness in particular domains of
life. Early Confucius dialogues are embedded in concrete situations,
and so resist attempts to distill them into more abstract principles
of morality. As a result, descriptions of the virtues are embedded in
anecdotes about the exemplary individuals whose character traits the
dialogues encourage their audience to develop. Confucius taught that
the measure of a good action was whether it was an expression of the
actor’s virtue, something his lessons share with those of
philosophies like Aristotle’s that are generally described as
“virtue ethics”. A modern evaluation of the teachings of Confucius as
a “virtue ethics” is articulated in Bryan W. Van
Norden’s Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese
Philosophy, which pays particular attention to analogies between
the way of Confucius and Aristotle’s “good life”.
The nature of the available source materials about Confucius, however,
means that the diverse texts from early China lack the systematization
of a work like Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.
The five virtues described above are not the only ones of which
Confucius spoke. He discussed loyalty (zhong 忠), which
at one point is described as the minister’s behavior toward a
ritually proper ruler (3.19). He said that courage (yong
勇) is what compels one to act once one has seen where
righteousness lies (2.24). Another term sometimes translated as
“virtue” (de 德), is usually used to
describe the authority of a ruler that grows out of goodness or favor
to others, and is a key term in many of the social and political works
discussed in the following section. Yet going through a list of all
the virtues in the early sources is not sufficient to describe the
entirety of the moral universe associated with Confucius.
The presence of themes in the Analects like the ruler’s
exceptional influence as a moral exemplar, the importance of judging
people by their deeds rather than their words (1.3, 2.10, 5.10), or
even the protection of the culture of Zhou by higher powers (9.5), all
highlight the unsystematic nature of the text and underscore that
teaching others how to cultivate the virtues is a key aspect, but only
a part, of the ethical ideal of Confucius. Yet there is also a conundrum inherent in any attempt to derive abstract moral rules from the mostly dialogical form of the Analects, that is, the problem of whether the situational context and conversation partner is integral to evaluating the statements of Confucius. 
A historically notable example of an attempt to find a generalized moral rule in the Analects is the reading of a pair of
passages that use a formulation similar to that of the “Golden
Rule” of the Christian Bible (Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31) to
describe benevolence: “Do not impose upon others those things
that you yourself do not desire” (12.2, cf. 5.12, 15.24). Read
as axiomatic moral imperatives, these passages differ from the kind of
exemplar-based and situational conversations about morality usually
found in the Analects. For this reason, some scholars,
including E. Bruce Brooks, believe these passages to be
interpolations. While they are not wholly inconsistent with the way
that benevolence is described in early texts, their
interpretation as abstract principles has been influenced by their perceived similarity to the Biblical examples. In
the Records of Ritual, a slightly different formulation of a
rule about self and others is presented as not universal in its scope,
but rather as descriptive of how the exemplary ruler influences the
people. In common with other early texts, the Analects
describes how the moral transformation of society relies on the
positive example of the ruler, comparing the influence of the
gentleman on the people to the way the wind blows on the grass,
forcing it to bend (12.19). In a similar vein, after discussing how the personal
qualities of rulers of the past determined whether or not their
subjects could morally transform, the Records of Ritual
expresses its principle of reflexivity: 
That is why the gentleman only seeks things in others that he or she
personally possesses. [The gentleman] only condemns things in others
that he or she personally lacks. (“Daxue”
大學) 
This is a point about the efficacy of moral suasion, saying that a
ruler cannot expect to reform society solely by command since it is
only the ruler’s personal example that can transform others. For
this reason, the ruler should not compel behaviors from his subjects
to which he or she would not personally assent, something rather
different from the “Golden Rule”. 
Historically, however, views that Confucius was inspired by the same Natural Theology as Christians, or that philosophers are naturally concerned with the generalization of moral imperatives, have argued in favor of a closer identification with the “Golden Rule,” a fact that illustrates the interpretative conundrum arising from the formal aspects of the Analects. 
5. The Family and the State
Early Zhou political philosophy as represented in the Classic of
Odes and the Classic of Documents centered on moral
justification for political authority based on the doctrine of the
“Mandate of Heaven” (tianming
天命). This view was that the sage’s virtue
(de) attracted the attention of the anthropomorphized cosmic
power usually translated as “Heaven” (tian
天), which supported the sage’s rise to political
authority. These canonical texts argued that political success or
failure is a function of moral quality, evidenced by actions such as
proper ritual performance, on the part of the ruler. Confucius drew on
these classics and adapted the classical view of moral authority in
important ways, connecting it to a normative picture of
society. Positing a parallel between the nature of reciprocal
responsibilities of individuals in different roles in two domains of
social organization, in the Analects Confucius linked filial piety in the family to
loyalty in the political realm: 
It is rare for a person who is filially pious to his parents and older
siblings to be inclined to rebel against his superiors… Filial
piety to parents and elder siblings may be considered the root of a
person. (1.2) 
This section examines Confucius’s social and political
philosophy, beginning with the central role of his analysis of the
traditional norm of filial piety.
Just as Confucius analyzed the psychology of ritual performance and
related it to individual moral development, his discussion of filial
piety was another example of the development and adaptation of a
particular classical cultural pattern to a wider philosophical context
and set of concerns. Originally limited to descriptions of sacrifice
to ancestors in the context of hereditary kinship groups, a more
extended meaning of “filial piety” was used to describe
the sage king Shun’s 舜 (trad. r. 2256–2205 BCE)
treatment of his living father in the Classic of
Documents. Despite humble origins, Shun’s filial piety was
recognized as a quality that signaled he would be a suitable successor
for the sage king Yao 堯 (trad. r. 2357–2256
BCE). Confucius in the Analects praised the ancient sage
kings at great length, and the sage king Yu 禹 for his filial
piety in the context of sacrifice (8.21). However, he used the term
filial piety to mean both sacrificial mastery and behaving
appropriately to one’s parents. In a conversation with one of
his disciples he explains that filial piety meant “not
contesting”, and that it entailed: 
while one’s parents were alive, serving them in a ritually
proper way, and after one’s parents died, burying them and
sacrificing to them in a ritually proper way. (2.5) 
In rationalizing the moral content of legacies of the past like the
three-year mourning period after the death of a parent, Confucius
reasoned that for three years a filially pious child should not alter
a parent’s way (4.20, cf. 19.18), and explains the origin of
length of the three-year mourning period to be the length of time that
the parents had given their infant child support (17.21). This
adaptation of filial piety to connote the proper way for a gentleman
to behave both inside and outside the home was a generalization of a
pattern of behavior that had once been specific to the family.
Intellectual historian Chen Lai 陈来 has identified two
sets of ideal traits that became hybridized in the late Warring States
period. The first set of qualities describes the virtue of the ruler
coming out of politically-oriented descriptions of figures like King
Wen of Zhou, including uprightness (zhi 直) and
fortitude (gang 剛). The second set of qualities is
based on bonds specific to kinship groups, including filial piety and
kindness (ci 慈). As kinship groups were subordinated
to larger political units, texts began to exhibit hybrid lists of
ideal qualities that drew from both sets. Consequently, Confucius had
to effectively integrate clan priorities and state priorities, a
conciliation illustrated in
Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes by his
insistence that filial piety is not simply deference to elders. When
his disciple Zengzi 曾子 submitted to a severe beating from his
father’s staff in punishment for an offense, Confucius chastises
Zengzi, saying that even the sage king Shun would not have submitted
to a beating so severe. He goes on to explain that a child has a dual
set of duties, to both a father and ruler, the former filial piety and
the other loyalty. Therefore, protecting one’s body is a duty to
the ruler and a counterweight to a duty to submit to one’s
parent (8). In the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing
孝經), similar reasoning is applied to a redefinition of filial
piety that rejects behaviors like such extreme submission because
protecting one’s body is a duty to one’s parents. This
sort of qualification suggests that as filial piety moved further
outside its original family context, it had to be qualified to be integrated
into a view that valorized multiple character traits.
Since filial piety was based on a fundamental relationship defined
within the family, one’s family role and state role could
conflict. A Classic of Documents text spells out the possible
conflict between loyalty to a ruler and filial piety toward a father
(“Cai Zhong zhi ming”
蔡仲之命), a trade-off similar to a story in
the Analects about a man named Zhi Gong 直躬
(Upright Gong) who testified that his father stole a sheep. Although
Confucius acknowledged that theft injures social order, he judged
Upright Gong to have failed to be truly “upright” in a
sense that balances the imperative to testify with special
consideration for members of his kinship group:
In my circle, being upright differs from this. A father would conceal
such a thing on behalf of his son, and a son would conceal it on
behalf of his father. Uprightness is found in this. (13.18) 
In this way, too, Confucius was adapting filial piety to a wider
manifold of moral behaviors, honing his answer to the question of how
a child balances responsibility to family and loyalty to the state.
While these two traits may conflict with one and other, Sociologist
Robert Bellah, in his study of Tokugawa and modern Japan, noted how
the structural similarity between loyalty and filial piety led to
their both being promoted by the state as interlinked ideals that
located each person in dual networks of responsibility. Confucius was
making this claim when he connected filial piety to the propensity to
be loyal to superiors (1.2). Statements like “filial piety is
the root of virtuous action” from the Classic of Filial
Piety connect loyalty and the kind of action that
signals the personal virtue that justifies political authority, as in
the historical precedent of the sage king Shun.
Of the classical sources from which Confucius drew, two were
particularly influential in discussions of political legitimation. The
Classic of Odes consists of 305 Zhou period regulated lyrics
(hence the several translations “songs”,
“odes”, or “poems”) and became numbered as one
of the Five Classics (Wujing) in the Han dynasty. Critical to
a number of these lyrics is the celebration of King Wen of
Zhou’s overthrow of the Shang, which is an example of a virtuous
person seizing the “Mandate of Heaven”: 
This King Wen of ours, his prudent heart was well-ordered. He shone in
serving the High God, and thus enjoyed much good fortune. Unswerving
in his virtue, he came to hold the domains all around. (“Daming” 大明) 
The Zhou political theory expressed in this passage is based on the
idea of a limited moral universe that may not reward a virtuous person
in isolation, but in which the High God (Shangdi
上帝, Di 帝) or Heaven will intercede to
replace a bad ruler with a person of exceptional
virtue. The Classic of Documents is a collection that
includes orations attributed to the sage rulers of the past and their
ministers, and its arguments often concern moral authority with a
focus on the methods and character of exemplary rulers of the past.
The chapter “Announcement of Kang” (“Kanggao” 康誥) is addressed to one of the sons of
King Wen, and provides him with a guide for behaving as sage ruler as
well as with methods that had been empirically proven successful by
those rulers. When it comes to the mandate inherited from King Wen,
the chapter insists that the mandate is not unchanging, and so as
ruler the son must always be mindful of it when deciding how to
act. Further, it is not always possible to understand Heaven, but the
“feelings of the people are visible”, and so the ruler
must care for his subjects. The Zhou political view that Confucius
inherited was based on supernatural intercession to place a person
with personal virtue in charge of the state, but over time the
emphasis shifted to the way that the effects of good government could
be viewed as proof of a continuing moral justification for that
placement.
Confucius himself arguably served as a historical counterexample to the
classical “Mandate of Heaven” theory, calling into question the
direct nature of the support given by Heaven to the person with
virtue. The Han period Records of the Historian biography of
Confucius described him as possessing all the personal qualities
needed to govern well, but wandering from state to state because those
qualities had not been recognized. When his favorite disciple died,
the Analects records Confucius saying that “Heaven has
forsaken me!” (11.9). Wang Chong’s 王充
(27–c.97 CE)
Balanced Discussions (Lunheng 論衡) uses the phrase
“uncrowned king” (suwang 素王) to describe the
tragic situation: “Confucius did not rule as king, but his work
as uncrowned king may be seen in the Spring and Autumn
Annals” (80). The view that through his writings Confucius
could prepare the world for the government of a future sage king
became a central part of Confucius lore that has colored the reception
of his writings since, especially in works related to the Spring
and Autumn Annals and its Gongyang Commentary. The
biography of Confucius reinforced the tragic cosmological picture that
personal virtue did not always guarantee success. Even when
Heaven’s support is cited in the Analects, it is not a
matter of direct intercession, but expressed through personal virtue
or cultural patterns: “Heaven gave birth to the virtue in me, so
what can Huan Tui 桓魋 do to me?” (7.23, cf. 9.5). As
Robert Eno has pointed out, the concept of Heaven also came to be
increasingly naturalized in passages like “what need does Heaven
have to speak?” (17.19). Changing views of the scope of
Heaven’s activity and the ways human beings may have knowledge
of that activity fostered a change in the role of Heaven in political
theory.
Most often, in dialogues with the rulers of his time, references to
Heaven were occasions for Confucius to encourage rulers to remain
attentive to their personal moral development and treat their subjects
fairly. In integrating the classical legacy of the “Mandate of
Heaven” that applied specifically to the ruler or “Son of
Heaven” (tianzi 天子), with moral teachings
that were directed to a wider audience, the nature of Heaven’s
intercession came to be understood differently. In the
Analects and writings like those attributed to Mencius,
descriptions of virtue were often adapted to contexts such as the
conduct of lesser officials and the navigation of everyday life.
Kwong-Loi Shun notes that in such contexts, the influence of Heaven
remained as an explanation of both what happened outside of human
control, like political success or lifespan, and of the source of the
ethical ideal. In the Analects, the gentleman’s awe of
Heaven is combined with an awe of the words of the sages (16.8), and
when Confucius explains the Zhou theory of the “mandate of
Heaven” in the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual, he
does so in order to explain how the signs of a well-ordered society
demonstrate that the ruler’s “virtue matches Heaven”
(“Shaojian” 少閒). Heaven is still
ubiquitous in the responses of Confucius to questions from rulers, but
the focus of the responses was not on Heaven’s direct
intercession but rather the ruler’s demonstration of his
personal moral qualities.
In this way, personal qualities of modesty, filial piety or respect
for the elders were seen as proof of fitness to serve in an official
capacity. Qualification to rule was demonstrated by proper behavior in
the social roles defined by the “five relationships”
(wulun 五倫), a formulation seen in the writings
of Mencius that became a key feature of the interpretation of works
associated with Confucius in the Han dynasty. The Western Han emperors
were members of the Liu clan, and works like the Guliang
Commentary (Guliang zhuan
穀梁傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals emphasized
normative family behavior grounded in the five relationships, which were
(here, adapted to include mothers and sisters): ruler and subject,
parent and child, husband and wife, siblings, and friends. Writing
with particular reference to the Classic of Filial Piety,
Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames argue that prescribed social roles are a
defining characteristic of the “Confucian tradition”, and
that such roles were normative guides to appropriate conduct. They
contrast this with the “virtue ethics” approach they say
requires rational calculation to determine moral conduct, while filial
piety is simply a matter of meeting one’s family obligations.
Just as the five virtues were placed at the center of later theories
of moral development, once social roles became systematized in this
way, selected situational teachings of Confucius consistent with them
could become the basis of more abstract, systematic moral theories.
Yet this could not have happened without the adaptation of the
abstract classical political theory of “Heaven’s
mandate”, a doctrine that originally supported the ruling clan,
to argue that Heaven’s influence was expressed through
particular concrete expressions of individual virtue. As a result of
this adaptation in writings associated with Confucius, the
ruler’s conduct of imperial rituals, performance of filial
piety, or other demonstrations of personal virtue provided proof of
moral fitness that legitimated his political authority. As with the
rituals and the virtues, filial piety and the mandate of Heaven were
transformed as they were integrated with the classics through the
voices of Confucius and the rulers and disciples of his era.
Earlier, the usage of “Confucius” as a metonym for
Chinese traditional culture was introduced as a feature of the modern period. Yet the
complexity of the philosophical views associated with
Confucius—encompassing ethical ideals developed out of a
sophisticated view of the effects of ritual and music on the
performer’s psychology, robust descriptions of the attitudes of traditional exemplars across diverse life contexts, and the abstraction of normative behaviors in the family and state—is due in part to the
fact that this metonymic usage was to some degree already the case in
the Han period. By that time, the teachings of Confucius had gone
through several centuries of gestation, and dialogues and quotations
fashioned at different points over that time circulated and mixed. Put
slightly differently, Confucius read the traditional culture of the
halcyon Zhou period in a particular way, but this reading was
continuously reflected and refracted through different lenses during
the Pre-Imperial period, prior to the results being fixed in diverse early
Imperial period sources like the Analects, the
Records of Ritual, and the Records of the Historian.
What remains is the work of the hand of Confucius, but also of his
“school”, and even sometimes of his opponents during the
centuries that his philosophy underwent elaboration and drift. This process of accretion and elaboration is
not uncommon for pre-modern writings, and the resulting breadth and depth explains, at
least in part, why the voice of Confucius retained primacy in
pre-modern Chinese philosophical conversations as well as in many modern
debates about the role of traditional East Asian culture.
Confucius
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/confucius/