good article on psychology
https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/blog/hidden-wounds/202112/nourishing-the-brain-wounded-by-childhood-adversity
The right mix of nutrients revitalizes the brain.
2023-09-11T21:25:35-04:00
Glenn R. Schiraldi Ph.D.
<html><body><div><div>
 <div>
<p></p>
<p>Source: Alexandr Podvalny/Pexels</p>
</div>
<p>Most of us don’t fully appreciate how much the brain’s physical condition affects mood, thinking, and, eventually, our ability to rewire distressing <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/neuroscience">neural</a> pathways imprinted by <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/adverse-childhood-experiences">adverse childhood experiences</a> (ACEs). The brain’s physical condition is profoundly affected by our nutritional choices. And simple nutritional adjustments can fairly quickly improve the brain’s health and functioning. This post post explores five nutritional guidelines for building stronger brains.</p>
<h2>1. Follow a Mediterranean-style diet.</h2>
<p>Numerous studies attest to the brain benefits of this eating style. The Mediterranean diet is rich in:</p>
<ul><li>Plant foods, such as fruits, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, seeds, legumes (beans, lentils, peas), herbs, and spices. Plant foods of all colors (including white) are rich sources of antioxidants and anti-inflammatory agents, which protect the neurons of the brain. Note that ACEs can increase brain-damaging inflammation in adults. The new U.S. Dietary Guidelines recommend that most adults consume about 4 ½ total cups of fruits and vegetables per day—more vegetables than fruits.</li>
<li>Healthy fats, like extra-virgin olive oil.</li>
<li>Fish. The fatty acids in fish have anti-inflammatory properties and improve mood and sleep. Aim for at least two servings a week. Sometimes chicken or eggs may substitute for fish in the Mediterranean diet.</li>
<li>Yogurt, cheese in moderation, and other fermented foods.</li>
</ul>
<p>The Mediterranean diet limits:</p>
<ul><li>Processed foods, including processed meats (like hot dogs), refined grains, commercial baked goods, and other processed foods with added sugar and salt.</li>
<li>Red meats, butter, and cream.</li>
</ul>
<p>Studies have found that even small increases in the number of plant foods consumed greatly improve cognitive abilities while protecting against <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/dementia">dementia</a> and weight gain. A large Swedish study found that the Mediterranean-style diet is associated with a longer lifespan, even if people don’t lose weight when following it. <a href="https://www.MyPlate.gov">Go here</a> to see how closely your eating patterns match the Mediterranean-style goals.</p>
<h2>2. Mind your gut. </h2>
<p>The gut <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/microbiome">microbiome</a> consists of trillions of microbes. Harmful shifts in the balance of good to bad microbes increase the risk for <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/depression">depression</a>, <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/anxiety">anxiety</a>, cognitive dysfunction, and neurodegenerative disorders, such as Alzheimer’s disease. </p>
<p>The gut microbiome affects the brain in various ways. Good microbes:</p>
<ul><li>Produce molecules such as tryptophan that reach the brain through circulation and promote sleep. The <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/vagus-nerve">vagus nerve</a> also connects the gut to the brain; there is more messaging from the gut to the brain than vice versa.</li>
<li>Produce other substances that favorably affect neurogenesis, neuroplasticity, and the ability of the blood-brain barrier to block inflammatory agents and proteins linked to Alzheimer’s disease from reaching the brain.</li>
</ul>
<p>Microbe imbalance in the gut can be quickly caused by antibiotics and by consuming processed, fatty, or sugary foods, which make it harder for good microbes to survive. Microbe balance can be restored by consuming foods rich in fiber (which feeds good microbes), limiting over-processed and fat-rich foods, and limiting animal protein. In other words, follow a Mediterranean-style diet, which also reduces inflammation. </p>
<p>Probiotics also restore balance to the microbiome. Probiotics are friendly microbes found in fermented foods, such as yogurt, some cheeses, sauerkraut, kefir, kombucha, pickles, and chocolate. Probiotic supplements might also improve the microbiome balance, but it is as yet uncertain as to which microbes are best to take or in what amounts.</p>
<div>
 
 <ul>
 <li>
 <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/adverse-childhood-experiences">What Are Adverse Childhood Experiences?</a>
 </li>
 
 <li>
 <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/therapists?category=trauma-and-ptsd">Find counselling near me</a>
 </li>
 </ul>
</div>
<h2>3. Hydrate. </h2>
<p>Even mild dehydration impairs <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/memory">memory</a> and other brain functions. Most experts still recommend at least eight cups of liquid per day, depending on factors such as your size, activity levels, and <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/sex">sex</a>. German researchers found that increasing cold water intake by 2 cups daily would result in the loss of five pounds of weight in a year. </p>
<h2>4. Limit caffeine. </h2>
<p>Coffee is a mixed bag. Coffee appears to inhibit the buildup of harmful proteins in the brain, while its antioxidants protect against cellular damage. However, European researchers found that more than six cups of coffee per day decreases brain volume while increasing the risk of stroke and dementia. They suggest that coffee drinkers reduce intake to 1-2 cups of coffee in the morning, then switch to water. Army research found that caffeinated energy drinks result in effects opposite to those desired (such as more fatigue, depression, and sleep problems).</p>
 
<div>
 <p>Adverse <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/child-development">Childhood</a> Experiences Essential Reads</p>
 
 </div>
<h2>5. Are supplements helpful? Maybe.</h2>
<p>As a general rule, seek needed nutrients from healthy food. However, supplementation might sometimes be necessary. Vitamin D is key to multiple brain functions—promoting neuroplasticity, protecting neurons from inflammation, facilitating memory consolidation, protecting against <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/mild-cognitive-impairment">cognitive decline</a>, and improving mood and sleep. Deficiencies are associated with autoimmunity and less healthy microbiomes.</p>
<p>More than 40 percent of Americans are deficient in vitamin D. While the recommended daily allowance is 600 IU (800 IU for those over 70), some researchers feel that 2,000 IU daily is safe and beneficial for most people. There are a few good food sources of vitamin D (such as salmon and sardines). Most vitamin D is produced when sunlight reaches the skin. Have your blood levels checked to see if you need a supplement. About 20 minutes of sunlight a few times a week is often sufficient for the skin to make enough, or close to enough, vitamin D.</p>
<p>B vitamins work with vitamin D to enhance cognitive performance. Folate (vitamin B9) plays a role in the production of several neurotransmitters that affect mood, sleep, alertness, and <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/motivation">motivation</a>. Folate also plays a role in the regeneration and repair of brain tissue. In addition, folate improves the number and function of brain mitochondria, which improves energy levels.</p>
<p>Folate supplementation might improve cognitive function and reduce inflammation. You can find folate in spinach, Swiss chard, kale, broccoli, Brussels sprouts, romaine lettuce, lentils, chickpeas, and avocados. Excess <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/alcohol">alcohol</a> intake and the use of stomach-acid blockers can cause folate deficiency. </p>
<p>Magnesium helps regulate mood, and supplementation might reduce anxiety, fatigue, and sleep. Magnesium sources include leafy greens, black beans, almonds, and avocados, </p>
<p>Omega-3 fatty acids are key to brain health. They can reduce inflammation, <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/antioxidant">oxidative stress</a>, anxiety, and depression. They might also improve sleep. Low levels are associated with mental disorders. These fatty acids can be found in wild-caught salmon, sardines, walnuts, extra-virgin olive oil, and <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/omega-3">fish oil</a> supplements. If taking supplements, look for a total of approximately 1,000 mg of EPA and DHA fatty acids. In animal research, omega-3 supplementation maintained memory under <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/stress">stress</a> and maintained the microbiome balance associated with less depression.</p>
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
<p>Clearly, healthy <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/basics/diet">nutrition</a> is vital for a healthy brain. Enhancing neuroplasticity through nutrition will also facilitate the laying down of constructive new neural pathways later on. You’ll want to coordinate planned changes in your nutrition patterns with your health care provider. Discuss supplementation and any medical conditions that might signal the need for caution.</p>
 </div><div>
 <p>References</p>
 <div>
 <p>Schiraldi, G. R. (2021). <em>The Adverse Childhood Experiences Recovery Workbook.</em> Oakland, CA: New Harbinger.</p>
 </div>
 </div></div></body></html>
Source: Alexandr Podvalny/Pexels
Most of us don’t fully appreciate how much the brain’s physical condition affects mood, thinking, and, eventually, our ability to rewire distressing neural pathways imprinted by adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). The brain’s physical condition is profoundly affected by our nutritional choices. And simple nutritional adjustments can fairly quickly improve the brain’s health and functioning. This post post explores five nutritional guidelines for building stronger brains.
1. Follow a Mediterranean-style diet.
Numerous studies attest to the brain benefits of this eating style. The Mediterranean diet is rich in:
 Plant foods, such as fruits, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, seeds, legumes (beans, lentils, peas), herbs, and spices. Plant foods of all colors (including white) are rich sources of antioxidants and anti-inflammatory agents, which protect the neurons of the brain. Note that ACEs can increase brain-damaging inflammation in adults. The new U.S. Dietary Guidelines recommend that most adults consume about 4 ½ total cups of fruits and vegetables per day—more vegetables than fruits.
Healthy fats, like extra-virgin olive oil.
Fish. The fatty acids in fish have anti-inflammatory properties and improve mood and sleep. Aim for at least two servings a week. Sometimes chicken or eggs may substitute for fish in the Mediterranean diet.
Yogurt, cheese in moderation, and other fermented foods.
The Mediterranean diet limits:
 Processed foods, including processed meats (like hot dogs), refined grains, commercial baked goods, and other processed foods with added sugar and salt.
Red meats, butter, and cream.
Studies have found that even small increases in the number of plant foods consumed greatly improve cognitive abilities while protecting against dementia and weight gain. A large Swedish study found that the Mediterranean-style diet is associated with a longer lifespan, even if people don’t lose weight when following it. Go here to see how closely your eating patterns match the Mediterranean-style goals.
2. Mind your gut. 
The gut microbiome consists of trillions of microbes. Harmful shifts in the balance of good to bad microbes increase the risk for depression, anxiety, cognitive dysfunction, and neurodegenerative disorders, such as Alzheimer’s disease. 
The gut microbiome affects the brain in various ways. Good microbes:
 Produce molecules such as tryptophan that reach the brain through circulation and promote sleep. The vagus nerve also connects the gut to the brain; there is more messaging from the gut to the brain than vice versa.
Produce other substances that favorably affect neurogenesis, neuroplasticity, and the ability of the blood-brain barrier to block inflammatory agents and proteins linked to Alzheimer’s disease from reaching the brain.
Microbe imbalance in the gut can be quickly caused by antibiotics and by consuming processed, fatty, or sugary foods, which make it harder for good microbes to survive. Microbe balance can be restored by consuming foods rich in fiber (which feeds good microbes), limiting over-processed and fat-rich foods, and limiting animal protein. In other words, follow a Mediterranean-style diet, which also reduces inflammation. 
Probiotics also restore balance to the microbiome. Probiotics are friendly microbes found in fermented foods, such as yogurt, some cheeses, sauerkraut, kefir, kombucha, pickles, and chocolate. Probiotic supplements might also improve the microbiome balance, but it is as yet uncertain as to which microbes are best to take or in what amounts.
 
 
 
 What Are Adverse Childhood Experiences?
 
 
 
 Find counselling near me
 
 
3. Hydrate. 
Even mild dehydration impairs memory and other brain functions. Most experts still recommend at least eight cups of liquid per day, depending on factors such as your size, activity levels, and sex. German researchers found that increasing cold water intake by 2 cups daily would result in the loss of five pounds of weight in a year. 
4. Limit caffeine. 
Coffee is a mixed bag. Coffee appears to inhibit the buildup of harmful proteins in the brain, while its antioxidants protect against cellular damage. However, European researchers found that more than six cups of coffee per day decreases brain volume while increasing the risk of stroke and dementia. They suggest that coffee drinkers reduce intake to 1-2 cups of coffee in the morning, then switch to water. Army research found that caffeinated energy drinks result in effects opposite to those desired (such as more fatigue, depression, and sleep problems).
 
 Adverse Childhood Experiences Essential Reads
 
 
5. Are supplements helpful? Maybe.
As a general rule, seek needed nutrients from healthy food. However, supplementation might sometimes be necessary. Vitamin D is key to multiple brain functions—promoting neuroplasticity, protecting neurons from inflammation, facilitating memory consolidation, protecting against cognitive decline, and improving mood and sleep. Deficiencies are associated with autoimmunity and less healthy microbiomes.
More than 40 percent of Americans are deficient in vitamin D. While the recommended daily allowance is 600 IU (800 IU for those over 70), some researchers feel that 2,000 IU daily is safe and beneficial for most people. There are a few good food sources of vitamin D (such as salmon and sardines). Most vitamin D is produced when sunlight reaches the skin. Have your blood levels checked to see if you need a supplement. About 20 minutes of sunlight a few times a week is often sufficient for the skin to make enough, or close to enough, vitamin D.
B vitamins work with vitamin D to enhance cognitive performance. Folate (vitamin B9) plays a role in the production of several neurotransmitters that affect mood, sleep, alertness, and motivation. Folate also plays a role in the regeneration and repair of brain tissue. In addition, folate improves the number and function of brain mitochondria, which improves energy levels.
Folate supplementation might improve cognitive function and reduce inflammation. You can find folate in spinach, Swiss chard, kale, broccoli, Brussels sprouts, romaine lettuce, lentils, chickpeas, and avocados. Excess alcohol intake and the use of stomach-acid blockers can cause folate deficiency. 
Magnesium helps regulate mood, and supplementation might reduce anxiety, fatigue, and sleep. Magnesium sources include leafy greens, black beans, almonds, and avocados, 
Omega-3 fatty acids are key to brain health. They can reduce inflammation, oxidative stress, anxiety, and depression. They might also improve sleep. Low levels are associated with mental disorders. These fatty acids can be found in wild-caught salmon, sardines, walnuts, extra-virgin olive oil, and fish oil supplements. If taking supplements, look for a total of approximately 1,000 mg of EPA and DHA fatty acids. In animal research, omega-3 supplementation maintained memory under stress and maintained the microbiome balance associated with less depression.
Conclusion
Clearly, healthy nutrition is vital for a healthy brain. Enhancing neuroplasticity through nutrition will also facilitate the laying down of constructive new neural pathways later on. You’ll want to coordinate planned changes in your nutrition patterns with your health care provider. Discuss supplementation and any medical conditions that might signal the need for caution.
  
 References
 
 Schiraldi, G. R. (2021). The Adverse Childhood Experiences Recovery Workbook. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger.
The right mix of nutrients revitalizes the brain.
https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/blog/hidden-wounds/202112/nourishing-the-brain-wounded-childhood-adversity
https://mindblog.dericbownds.net/2021/12/the-science-of-hugs.html
The Science of Hugs?
2021-12-01
Deric Bownds
<div><div>
<p><a href="https://www.science.org/content/article/how-hug-according-science">Schultz describes</a> an entertaining bit of work pursuing the obvious done by <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0001691821001918?via%3Dihub#!">Düren et.al.</a> Guys hugging each other use their arms differently than women do, more 
frequently doing a crisscross hug (on the left) than a neck-waist hug 
(on the right), most likely because the neck-waist hug feels a bit more 
intimate.</p><p><a href="http://dericbownds.net/uploaded_images/gmh.png"></a></p>
<blockquote>Without prompting the students on how to hug, the researchers found the 
crisscross style was more common, accounting for 66 out of 100 hugs. The
 preference for crisscross was especially prevalent in pairs of men, 
with 82% of 28 observed pairs opting for the style. Neither emotional 
closeness nor height had significant effects on the style of hugging; 
however, the researchers note that most participants were relatively 
close in height, and they guess that neck-waist might be more common 
when heights differ more drastically.</blockquote>
</div></div>||||I|||| Deric's MindBlog

 This blog reports new ideas and work on mind, brain, behavior, psychology, and politics - as well as random curious stuff. (Try the Dynamic Views at top of right column.)

 Wednesday, December 01, 2021

 The Science of Hugs?

 Schultz describes an entertaining bit of work pursuing the obvious done by Düren et.al. Guys hugging each other use their arms differently than women do, more frequently doing a crisscross hug (on the left) than a neck-waist hug (on the right), most likely because the neck-waist hug feels a bit more intimate.

 Without prompting the students on how to hug, the researchers found the crisscross style was more common, accounting for 66 out of 100 hugs. The preference for crisscross was especially prevalent in pairs of men, with 82% of 28 observed pairs opting for the style. Neither emotional closeness nor height had significant effects on the style of hugging; however, the researchers note that most participants were relatively close in height, and they guess that neck-waist might be more common when heights differ more drastically.
 Posted by Deric Bownds at 12:00 AM
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Schultz describes an entertaining bit of work pursuing the obvious done by Düren et.al. Guys hugging each other use their arms differently than women do, more 
frequently doing a crisscross hug (on the left) than a neck-waist hug 
(on the right), most likely because the neck-waist hug feels a bit more 
intimate.    
Without prompting the students on how to hug, the researchers found the 
crisscross style was more common, accounting for 66 out of 100 hugs. The
 preference for crisscross was especially prevalent in pairs of men, 
with 82% of 28 observed pairs opting for the style. Neither emotional 
closeness nor height had significant effects on the style of hugging; 
however, the researchers note that most participants were relatively 
close in height, and they guess that neck-waist might be more common 
when heights differ more drastically.
The Science of Hugs?
https://mindblog.dericbownds.net/2021/12/the-science-of-hugs.html
https://mindblog.dericbownds.net/2021/11/volatile-hexadecanal-emitted-by-babies.html
Volatile hexadecanal emitted by babies could make men more docile and women more aggressive
2021-11-24
Deric Bownds
<div><div><p>
Interesting observations <a href="https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.abg1530">from Mishor et al.</a>:
</p><blockquote>In terrestrial mammals, body volatiles can effectively trigger or block conspecific aggression. Here, we tested whether hexadecanal (HEX), a human body volatile implicated as a mammalian-wide social chemosignal, affects human aggression. </blockquote><blockquote><p><a href="http://dericbownds.net/uploaded_images/hxdl.png"></a></p><br/>Using validated behavioral paradigms, we observed a marked dissociation: Sniffing HEX blocked aggression in men but triggered aggression in women. Next, using functional brain imaging, we uncovered a pattern of brain activity mirroring behavior: In both men and women, HEX increased activity in the left angular gyrus, an area implicated in perception of social cues. HEX then modulated functional connectivity between the angular gyrus and a brain network implicated in social appraisal (temporal pole) and aggressive execution (amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex) in a sex-dependent manner consistent with behavior: increasing connectivity in men but decreasing connectivity in women. These findings implicate sex-specific social chemosignaling at the mechanistic heart of human aggressive behavior.
</blockquote><p>
From the author's discussion:
</p><blockquote>....what behavioral setting could underlie selection for a body volatile that increases aggression in women but decreases it in men? Or in other words, what could be the ecological relevance of these results? In this respect, we call attention to the setting of infant rearing. Parents across cultures are encouraged to sniff their babies, an action that activates brain reward circuits in women. Our results imply that sniffing babies may increase aggression in mothers but decrease aggression in fathers. Whereas maternal aggression has a direct positive impact on offspring survival in the animal world, paternal aggression has a negative impact on offspring survival. This is because maternal aggression (also termed maternal defense behavior) is typically directed at intruders, yet paternal aggression, and more so nonpaternal male aggression, is often directed at the offspring themselves. If babies had a mechanism at their disposal that increased aggression in women but decreased it in men, this would likely increase their survival. With the hypothesis in mind that HEX provides babies with exactly such a mechanism, we first note that infant rearing is the one social setting where humans have extensive exposure to conspecific feces, a rich source of HEX. We also turned to a recently published analysis of baby-head volatiles, yet in contrast to our hypothesis, this report did not mention HEX. We turned to the authors of that report, who explained that the published analysis was not tuned to the near semivolatile range of HEX. With our question in mind, they (now coauthors T.U. and M.O.) sampled an additional 19 babies, using gas chromatography (GC) × GC–mass spectrometry, and observed that HEX is one of the most abundant baby-head volatiles...</blockquote>
</div></div>||||I|||| Deric's MindBlog

 This blog reports new ideas and work on mind, brain, behavior, psychology, and politics - as well as random curious stuff. (Try the Dynamic Views at top of right column.)

 Wednesday, November 24, 2021

 Volatile hexadecanal emitted by babies could make men more docile and women more aggressive

 Interesting observations from Mishor et al.:
 In terrestrial mammals, body volatiles can effectively trigger or block conspecific aggression. Here, we tested whether hexadecanal (HEX), a human body volatile implicated as a mammalian-wide social chemosignal, affects human aggression.

 Using validated behavioral paradigms, we observed a marked dissociation: Sniffing HEX blocked aggression in men but triggered aggression in women. Next, using functional brain imaging, we uncovered a pattern of brain activity mirroring behavior: In both men and women, HEX increased activity in the left angular gyrus, an area implicated in perception of social cues. HEX then modulated functional connectivity between the angular gyrus and a brain network implicated in social appraisal (temporal pole) and aggressive execution (amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex) in a sex-dependent manner consistent with behavior: increasing connectivity in men but decreasing connectivity in women. These findings implicate sex-specific social chemosignaling at the mechanistic heart of human aggressive behavior.
 From the author's discussion:
 ....what behavioral setting could underlie selection for a body volatile that increases aggression in women but decreases it in men? Or in other words, what could be the ecological relevance of these results? In this respect, we call attention to the setting of infant rearing. Parents across cultures are encouraged to sniff their babies, an action that activates brain reward circuits in women. Our results imply that sniffing babies may increase aggression in mothers but decrease aggression in fathers. Whereas maternal aggression has a direct positive impact on offspring survival in the animal world, paternal aggression has a negative impact on offspring survival. This is because maternal aggression (also termed maternal defense behavior) is typically directed at intruders, yet paternal aggression, and more so nonpaternal male aggression, is often directed at the offspring themselves. If babies had a mechanism at their disposal that increased aggression in women but decreased it in men, this would likely increase their survival. With the hypothesis in mind that HEX provides babies with exactly such a mechanism, we first note that infant rearing is the one social setting where humans have extensive exposure to conspecific feces, a rich source of HEX. We also turned to a recently published analysis of baby-head volatiles, yet in contrast to our hypothesis, this report did not mention HEX. We turned to the authors of that report, who explained that the published analysis was not tuned to the near semivolatile range of HEX. With our question in mind, they (now coauthors T.U. and M.O.) sampled an additional 19 babies, using gas chromatography (GC) × GC–mass spectrometry, and observed that HEX is one of the most abundant baby-head volatiles...
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Interesting observations from Mishor et al.:
 In terrestrial mammals, body volatiles can effectively trigger or block conspecific aggression. Here, we tested whether hexadecanal (HEX), a human body volatile implicated as a mammalian-wide social chemosignal, affects human aggression.       Using validated behavioral paradigms, we observed a marked dissociation: Sniffing HEX blocked aggression in men but triggered aggression in women. Next, using functional brain imaging, we uncovered a pattern of brain activity mirroring behavior: In both men and women, HEX increased activity in the left angular gyrus, an area implicated in perception of social cues. HEX then modulated functional connectivity between the angular gyrus and a brain network implicated in social appraisal (temporal pole) and aggressive execution (amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex) in a sex-dependent manner consistent with behavior: increasing connectivity in men but decreasing connectivity in women. These findings implicate sex-specific social chemosignaling at the mechanistic heart of human aggressive behavior.
 
From the author's discussion:
 ....what behavioral setting could underlie selection for a body volatile that increases aggression in women but decreases it in men? Or in other words, what could be the ecological relevance of these results? In this respect, we call attention to the setting of infant rearing. Parents across cultures are encouraged to sniff their babies, an action that activates brain reward circuits in women. Our results imply that sniffing babies may increase aggression in mothers but decrease aggression in fathers. Whereas maternal aggression has a direct positive impact on offspring survival in the animal world, paternal aggression has a negative impact on offspring survival. This is because maternal aggression (also termed maternal defense behavior) is typically directed at intruders, yet paternal aggression, and more so nonpaternal male aggression, is often directed at the offspring themselves. If babies had a mechanism at their disposal that increased aggression in women but decreased it in men, this would likely increase their survival. With the hypothesis in mind that HEX provides babies with exactly such a mechanism, we first note that infant rearing is the one social setting where humans have extensive exposure to conspecific feces, a rich source of HEX. We also turned to a recently published analysis of baby-head volatiles, yet in contrast to our hypothesis, this report did not mention HEX. We turned to the authors of that report, who explained that the published analysis was not tuned to the near semivolatile range of HEX. With our question in mind, they (now coauthors T.U. and M.O.) sampled an additional 19 babies, using gas chromatography (GC) × GC–mass spectrometry, and observed that HEX is one of the most abundant baby-head volatiles...
Volatile hexadecanal emitted by babies could make men more docile and women more aggressive
https://mindblog.dericbownds.net/2021/11/volatile-hexadecanal-emitted-by-babies.html
https://www.leidenpsychologyblog.nl/articles/language-the-hardest-problem-of-science-easy-peasy-for-any-child
Language: the Hardest Problem of Science - Easy Peasy for any Child
2021-11-15
Fenna Poletiek Assistant Professor
<div><p>One of the most difficult problems of science is where language comes from. Language ontogeny – how children can learn it? – and phylogeny – how did it emerge in evolution? – are still largely unsolved mysteries today. In a recent study, we attacked the issue in the lab, with surprising results.</p><div>
<p><em>Also published in Dutch: <a href="https://taalenhersenen.wordpress.com/2022/02/14/taal-het-moeilijkste-probleem-van-de-wetenschap-een-makkie-voor-elk-kind/">Het Talige Brein</a></em></p>
<h3><strong>The origins of language in mankind and a child.</strong></h3>
<p>Where does language come from? This is probably one of the most difficult problems of science. And it comes with many collateral mysteries: How does the emergence of language relate to the emergence of consciousness; and did language come first or second? What exactly was language meant for? How did language benefit the evolution of mankind? The standard straightforward answer to that last question is ‘for communication’. Surprisingly Chomsky, still a –or <em>the</em> - world leading scientist on language, believes that language is not for communication, but for ‘complex thinking’. Complexity, he further argues, is embodied in grammars: extremely sophisticated pieces of software that no robot is capable of running. Yet, every child in the world learns it. Indeed, children make no mistake in understanding the multileveled recursively structured sentence <em>Who do you think gave Auntie Jane that doggy?</em> Computers do. </p>
<p>The problem has grown out of scientific control, since thinkers have separated grammar (syntax) from meaning (semantics). A sentence can be grammatical yet meaningless (<em>the red sky is flickering under the blue tomatoes</em>) or making sense and grammatically incorrect (<em>the tomato red is under flickering sky blue</em>). So, for language to emerge in a developing child and in evolution <em>meaning</em> <u>must</u> be learned separately from word <em>order</em>. That is, dependencies between word <u>categories</u> (like ‘adjectives ’ and ‘nouns’ must be learned; not the dependencies between specific words like ‘<em>red</em>’ and tomato’.<strong><br/></strong></p>
<h3><strong>Computers can’t learn it</strong></h3>
<p>But how could a child derive this from her experiences with language when her mother gives positive feedback to incorrect sentences <em>(“Tomato the red, Mommy ..” “Sure, yes, the tomato is red, Cathy</em>”) and negative responses to correct sentences (“<em>This tomato is blue, Mommy!” “No, no, that tomato is red, Cathy”</em>). </p>
<figure>
</figure>
<p>How can language rules be learned if we cannot rely on how language appears to us: as a vehicle of <em>meaning</em>? One theory assumes a bootstrapping mechanism; an idea that nicely expresses the impossibility of language learning: pulling oneself up by one's bootstraps. Another seminal answer is: Indeed, we don’t<em> learn </em>grammar. Instead, we `<em>acquire</em>’ it thanks to a uniquely human predisposition, a ‘<em>language readiness’</em>. In other words, language is already in our brain at birth. A somewhat unsatisfying solution to many down-to-earth cognitive scientists. </p>
<h3><strong>Bringing the issue to the lab</strong></h3>
<p>In our lab, we study the issue by simulating language learning in computer tasks. In the time course of one lab session, sitting behind a computer screen, participants learn an artificial language (made of sentences of nonsense words) that mimics natural grammar. We might expect that learning a grammar without being bothered by meaning, helps. But people turn out very bad at learning the rules of even very simple meaningless languages, as multiple studies, including ours, have shown. In a <a href="https://catalogue.leidenuniv.nl/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=TN_cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_2586453705&amp;vid=UBL_V1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;context=PC">recent series of experiments</a>, we (a team of Dutch and English colleagues) added ‘meaning’ to the mock grammar. Our miniature language had a tiny vocabulary (like <em>pu, ko, gi</em> etc….), with some words for colors and some that meant shapes. When a color word was correctly paired to a shape word, in a parse, they described objects in the visual world (e.g. green circle). The grammatical rules would determine what objects a sentence talked about, by positioning color and shape words in ‘grammatical’ positions. Now, our participants could ‘see’ what words were to bind together to ‘make ’the object. They could ‘see’ the grammar. </p>
<figure>
</figure>
<h3><strong>Do not try hard; do not try at all. </strong></h3>
<p>After having been shown a number of these sentences and their corresponding pictures, participants were given new sentences. They had to tell what these new sentences ‘mean’. Now, participants had no difficulty: they easily used the grammar to understand the meaning of new sentences they had never seen before. Moreover, participants seemed to extract grammar knowledge effortless, not by trying hard, but rather by neglecting grammar at all. Grammar knowledge manifested itself through its use for understanding, but did not enter awareness. It just was there, ready to be <u>used</u> for making sense of any new sentence encountered. Not to be <u>known</u>. </p>
<p>Our studies clarify one piece of the mysterious puzzle of language learning. Something like: <em>Just forget about grammar, and look in the world for meaning. You will get the grammar for free….</em> <strong><br/></strong></p>
<p>Blog written by Fenna Poletiek as a result of <a href="https://catalogue.leidenuniv.nl/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=TN_cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_2586453705&amp;vid=UBL_V1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;context=PC">Poletiek, F. H., Monaghan, P., van de Velde, M., &amp; Bocanegra, B. (2021). The Semantics-Syntax Interface: Learning Grammatical Categories and Hierarchical Syntactic Structure through Semantics. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 47 (7) 1141-1155</a></p>
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 Fenna Poletiek

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 Language: the Hardest Problem of Science - Easy Peasy for any Child

 November 15, 2021 • 3 min read

 One of the most difficult problems of science is where language comes from. Language ontogeny – how children can learn it? – and phylogeny – how did it emerge in evolution? – are still largely unsolved mysteries today. In a recent study, we attacked the issue in the lab, with surprising results.

 Also published in Dutch: Het Talige Brein

 The origins of language in mankind and a child.

 Where does language come from? This is probably one of the most difficult problems of science. And it comes with many collateral mysteries: How does the emergence of language relate to the emergence of consciousness; and did language come first or second? What exactly was language meant for? How did language benefit the evolution of mankind? The standard straightforward answer to that last question is ‘for communication’. Surprisingly Chomsky, still a –or the - world leading scientist on language, believes that language is not for communication, but for ‘complex thinking’. Complexity, he further argues, is embodied in grammars: extremely sophisticated pieces of software that no robot is capable of running. Yet, every child in the world learns it. Indeed, children make no mistake in understanding the multileveled recursively structured sentence Who do you think gave Auntie Jane that doggy? Computers do.

 The problem has grown out of scientific control, since thinkers have separated grammar (syntax) from meaning (semantics). A sentence can be grammatical yet meaningless (the red sky is flickering under the blue tomatoes) or making sense and grammatically incorrect (the tomato red is under flickering sky blue). So, for language to emerge in a developing child and in evolution meaning must be learned separately from word order. That is, dependencies between word categories (like ‘adjectives ’ and ‘nouns’ must be learned; not the dependencies between specific words like ‘red’ and tomato’.

 Computers can’t learn it

 But how could a child derive this from her experiences with language when her mother gives positive feedback to incorrect sentences (“Tomato the red, Mommy ..” “Sure, yes, the tomato is red, Cathy”) and negative responses to correct sentences (“This tomato is blue, Mommy!” “No, no, that tomato is red, Cathy”).

 How can language rules be learned if we cannot rely on how language appears to us: as a vehicle of meaning? One theory assumes a bootstrapping mechanism; an idea that nicely expresses the impossibility of language learning: pulling oneself up by one's bootstraps. Another seminal answer is: Indeed, we don’t learn grammar. Instead, we `acquire’ it thanks to a uniquely human predisposition, a ‘language readiness’. In other words, language is already in our brain at birth. A somewhat unsatisfying solution to many down-to-earth cognitive scientists.

 Bringing the issue to the lab

 In our lab, we study the issue by simulating language learning in computer tasks. In the time course of one lab session, sitting behind a computer screen, participants learn an artificial language (made of sentences of nonsense words) that mimics natural grammar. We might expect that learning a grammar without being bothered by meaning, helps. But people turn out very bad at learning the rules of even very simple meaningless languages, as multiple studies, including ours, have shown. In a recent series of experiments, we (a team of Dutch and English colleagues) added ‘meaning’ to the mock grammar. Our miniature language had a tiny vocabulary (like pu, ko, gi etc….), with some words for colors and some that meant shapes. When a color word was correctly paired to a shape word, in a parse, they described objects in the visual world (e.g. green circle). The grammatical rules would determine what objects a sentence talked about, by positioning color and shape words in ‘grammatical’ positions. Now, our participants could ‘see’ what words were to bind together to ‘make ’the object. They could ‘see’ the grammar.

 Do not try hard; do not try at all.

 After having been shown a number of these sentences and their corresponding pictures, participants were given new sentences. They had to tell what these new sentences ‘mean’. Now, participants had no difficulty: they easily used the grammar to understand the meaning of new sentences they had never seen before. Moreover, participants seemed to extract grammar knowledge effortless, not by trying hard, but rather by neglecting grammar at all. Grammar knowledge manifested itself through its use for understanding, but did not enter awareness. It just was there, ready to be used for making sense of any new sentence encountered. Not to be known.

 Our studies clarify one piece of the mysterious puzzle of language learning. Something like: Just forget about grammar, and look in the world for meaning. You will get the grammar for free….

 Blog written by Fenna Poletiek as a result of Poletiek, F. H., Monaghan, P., van de Velde, M., & Bocanegra, B. (2021). The Semantics-Syntax Interface: Learning Grammatical Categories and Hierarchical Syntactic Structure through Semantics. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 47 (7) 1141-1155

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One of the most difficult problems of science is where language comes from. Language ontogeny – how children can learn it? – and phylogeny – how did it emerge in evolution? – are still largely unsolved mysteries today. In a recent study, we attacked the issue in the lab, with surprising results. 
 Also published in Dutch: Het Talige Brein  
 The origins of language in mankind and a child. 
Where does language come from? This is probably one of the most difficult problems of science. And it comes with many collateral mysteries: How does the emergence of language relate to the emergence of consciousness; and did language come first or second? What exactly was language meant for? How did language benefit the evolution of mankind? The standard straightforward answer to that last question is ‘for communication’. Surprisingly Chomsky, still a –or the - world leading scientist on language, believes that language is not for communication, but for ‘complex thinking’. Complexity, he further argues, is embodied in grammars: extremely sophisticated pieces of software that no robot is capable of running. Yet, every child in the world learns it. Indeed, children make no mistake in understanding the multileveled recursively structured sentence Who do you think gave Auntie Jane that doggy? Computers do. 
The problem has grown out of scientific control, since thinkers have separated grammar (syntax) from meaning (semantics). A sentence can be grammatical yet meaningless (the red sky is flickering under the blue tomatoes) or making sense and grammatically incorrect (the tomato red is under flickering sky blue). So, for language to emerge in a developing child and in evolution meaning must be learned separately from word order. That is, dependencies between word categories (like ‘adjectives ’ and ‘nouns’ must be learned; not the dependencies between specific words like ‘red’ and tomato’.   
 Computers can’t learn it 
But how could a child derive this from her experiences with language when her mother gives positive feedback to incorrect sentences (“Tomato the red, Mommy ..” “Sure, yes, the tomato is red, Cathy”) and negative responses to correct sentences (“This tomato is blue, Mommy!” “No, no, that tomato is red, Cathy”). 
How can language rules be learned if we cannot rely on how language appears to us: as a vehicle of meaning? One theory assumes a bootstrapping mechanism; an idea that nicely expresses the impossibility of language learning: pulling oneself up by one's bootstraps. Another seminal answer is: Indeed, we don’t learn grammar. Instead, we `acquire’ it thanks to a uniquely human predisposition, a ‘language readiness’. In other words, language is already in our brain at birth. A somewhat unsatisfying solution to many down-to-earth cognitive scientists. 
 Bringing the issue to the lab 
In our lab, we study the issue by simulating language learning in computer tasks. In the time course of one lab session, sitting behind a computer screen, participants learn an artificial language (made of sentences of nonsense words) that mimics natural grammar. We might expect that learning a grammar without being bothered by meaning, helps. But people turn out very bad at learning the rules of even very simple meaningless languages, as multiple studies, including ours, have shown. In a recent series of experiments, we (a team of Dutch and English colleagues) added ‘meaning’ to the mock grammar. Our miniature language had a tiny vocabulary (like pu, ko, gi etc….), with some words for colors and some that meant shapes. When a color word was correctly paired to a shape word, in a parse, they described objects in the visual world (e.g. green circle). The grammatical rules would determine what objects a sentence talked about, by positioning color and shape words in ‘grammatical’ positions. Now, our participants could ‘see’ what words were to bind together to ‘make ’the object. They could ‘see’ the grammar. 
 Do not try hard; do not try at all.  
After having been shown a number of these sentences and their corresponding pictures, participants were given new sentences. They had to tell what these new sentences ‘mean’. Now, participants had no difficulty: they easily used the grammar to understand the meaning of new sentences they had never seen before. Moreover, participants seemed to extract grammar knowledge effortless, not by trying hard, but rather by neglecting grammar at all. Grammar knowledge manifested itself through its use for understanding, but did not enter awareness. It just was there, ready to be used for making sense of any new sentence encountered. Not to be known. 
Our studies clarify one piece of the mysterious puzzle of language learning. Something like: Just forget about grammar, and look in the world for meaning. You will get the grammar for free….    
Blog written by Fenna Poletiek as a result of Poletiek, F. H., Monaghan, P., van de Velde, M., &amp; Bocanegra, B. (2021). The Semantics-Syntax Interface: Learning Grammatical Categories and Hierarchical Syntactic Structure through Semantics. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 47 (7) 1141-1155
Language: the Hardest Problem of Science - Easy Peasy for any Child
https://www.leidenpsychologyblog.nl/articles/language-the-hardest-problem-of-science-easy-peasy-for-any-child
http://psychsciencenotes.blogspot.com/
Notes from Two Scientific Psychologists
2023-01-06
Andrew
<div><div>
<p>There are two basic ways perception might work to let us experience the world in behaviourally relevant ways. Direct perception is the idea that perception only requires two components; the environment and the organism. Indirect perception is the idea that perception requires at least three components; the environment, the organism, and at least one other component that mediates between the organism and the environment. Over the last few posts, I've been working through the specifics of the ecological approach to making direct perception plausible, because this is a question I often get (usually in the form of 'I don't see how this could work in this case'). Regardless of whether or not it's correct, we can show that we have all the pieces needed to make direct perception work in principle, and the empirical programme is about seeing if it works in practice. What about indirect perception?</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/PsychScientists/status/1460575103872376838?s=20">I asked this question on Twitter</a>, and one interesting thing I noticed was just how little sense the question seems to make to people these days. Responses fell into roughly two categories: 'I don't see how we can do with it in this case', and 'brains do stuff, so...', neither of which answer the question. Even if some form of indirect perception is required in those cases (which is, of course, still up for grabs) we're still owed an account of how this might work, at least in principle and then later in practice. </p><p>People used to know this. The most recent indirect perception hypothesis is that the key mediator is a mental representation, understood as a computational, information processing system implementing some form of inference that combines sensory data and information stored in memory to create a model of the world that represents the system's best guess about what is out there and how to behave successfully with respect to what's out there. This hypothesis didn't come out of nowhere; the development of the computer and the theory of information that allows them to work turned out to provide the pieces required to create a formal account of representations that stood a chance of living up to the challenge of explaining perception. Cognitive scientists therefore leaned heavily into the details of these pieces as they worked very hard, from the late 1950s on, to make indirect perception implemented this way plausible. </p><p>The exact details of the process have, of course, changed and evolved with empirical data and developments in computational theory. For example, while all the accounts have to do inference that combine sources of information into a best guess, there are a variety of ways of doing inference, some better than others. Probably the best way to do inference is via Bayesian methods, and so most modern theories propose that indirect perception combines sources of information this way so as to be optimal. </p><p>Before these inferential methods can even be brought into play, however, there remain two related and big unanswered challenges that need to be addressed. The first one is the grounding problem; how do representations get the content they need so as to combine sources of information in a way that works? It's all very well describing the inferential process of the fully formed system, but how do you build one in the first place? The second is the 'which representation?' problem; of all the different sources of information the system has to combine, how does it know which information to bring together for a given task? These reflect a circular problem indirect theories create for themselves. If perception is not good enough to be direct, and thus requires representational support, where do those representations come from? In order for a theory of indirect perception to be plausible, these must be addressed (analogous to how in order for a theory of direct perception to be plausible, questions like <a href="http://psychsciencenotes.blogspot.com/2021/10/are-affordances-plausible-updating-some.html">'can the physical world present itself in behaviourally relevant ways?'</a> had to be addressed). </p><p>I am not going to address these challenges to indirect theories, because it isn't my job. But they are legitimate questions that people have mostly stopped asking. Debates about the form and content of representations were prominent and explicit right up until the end of the 1990s, and then it all just seemed to stop. Interface theory, for all it's problems, at least got back into the fight and tackled the grounding problem (<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09515089.2021.1937592">unsuccessfully, I've argued</a>, but it was a solid swing and at least Hoffman recognised he owed us an account). Mark Bickhard's work is probably the only currently active research programme explicitly working out the details, but I don't know many scientists who even know who he is, and a lot of his work is about mapping out the rules of living up to the challenge, versus actually solving the problem. </p><p>Until these foundational issues are addressed and answered, whether indirect perception is plausible remains unclear, and no matter how sophisticated your inferential machinery is (looking at you, free energy principle) it can't help until you explain how it came to be organised that way in the first place. Even if the ecological theory of direct perception doesn't hold up, representational theories of indirect perception are not viable options if they cannot be shown to be plausible. </p>
</div>||||I|||| Notes from Two Scientific Psychologists

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 Friday, 6 January 2023

 Lecture 9: The Space Enigmas II: Kant, the Nature of Geometry, and the Geometry of Nature (Turvey, 2019, Lectures on Perception)

 The first space enigma was the fact that vision lives in the two dimensions of Flatland, but produces an experience of three dimensional Spaceland. You can't logic or experience your way from Flatland to Spaceland (as described in the famous book ). Berkeley tried to solve this problem by providing a guide, in the form of the Spaceland-dwelling body, but this fell apart and the only remaining suggestion was an unrepayable loan of intelligence from God.

 Another way to consider this problem that leads to another proposal is what Turvey calls 'the outness problem'. This is the annoying fact that sensations on the retina are experienced as things out there, in the world. This makes space a necessary precursor to perceptual experience: however the outness problem is solved, a notion of space is required to drive the search for a solution. Kant is the main person who worked to establish how space might be baked into perception; 'Space, therefore, is not an object of perception...but something very different, namely, a mode of perceiving objects' (Turvey, 2019, pg 124). Spoiler alert: it doesn't work, for interesting reasons that feed into the development of the ecological analysis.

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 Labels: geometry , Kant , Lectures on Perception , space perception , Turvey (2019)

 Tuesday, 13 December 2022

 Trip Report from the Uncontrolled Manifold

 I've spent the past few months getting a new paper to the 'complete first draft' stage ( you can find a copy here in the meantime ; it's still got some work to do though). It's about affordances, using targeted long-distance throwing as the task, and it's my first dip into the world of the uncontrolled manifold. I collected this data over five years ago, and it's been deeply satisfying to actually use it after all this time.

 Part of what's taken so long is that I've had to learn the details of the uncontrolled manifold analysis. I blogged some about it here and here but this was the year I finally had the time and data to actually get into the maths. I still really like it as an approach to analysing human movement, but learning the details and trying to figure out how to get affordances into it has raised a lot of interesting questions about how it gets used right now and what this all implies for how we think movement is controlled. I'm raising a bunch of these issues in the paper but I wanted to sketch some out here for comment.

 Broadly (and this shouldn't be a surprise to anyone really) I've realised that UCM is only a method, not a theory, and it's therefore not able to serve as a 'guide to discovery' about movement control. However, it's being used as if it can, and to be honest I was quite shocked at how carelessly it's being used in the literature.

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 Labels: affordances , methods , motor abundance hypothesis , UCM

 Tuesday, 27 September 2022

 Are Illusions Even a Thing?

 Traditional vision science is very excited about illusions. These are cases when perception seems to break down; there is a mismatch between what is out there and what we experience, and traditional approaches consider these breakdowns as clues to how vision has to work, given what it is working with.

 Ecological psychologists don’t like illusions. Typically, they occur when information is either made ambiguous or faked, and in general we think these are the wrong situations to study perception in. We sometimes engage with the literature on these effects, but usually to show how the trick is the result of not thinking ecologically.

 Rogers (2022) has taken this basic analysis but gone one interesting step further. He’s argued that the notion of ‘visual illusion’ is simply not a clear category; it’s not a useful way to describe any of the effects people study. He argues that there simply is no sufficient definition of what an illusion is that works, and that what we call illusions are just either tricks (as above) or inevitable consequences of how the visual system works.

 I am broadly on board with this additional step, and it’s made me think hard about what illusions are and how best to respond when people use them against direct perception.

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 Labels: Ames Room , illusions , perceptual errors , Rogers (2022) , runeson

 Thursday, 30 June 2022

 Lecture 8: The Space Enigmas I: Berkeley (Turvey, 2019, Lectures on Perception)

 One of the big problems that emerges from all the proceeding discussions of perception is how we are able to perceive space . Space has been considered as a mathematical concept (in terms of Euclidean geometry), as a psychological concept (a construction of the mind) but never really as a biological, ecological concept. This first chapter about space perception is focused on one mathematical conception, some of it's implications, and one specific attempt to deal with those implications ( Berkeley's New Theory of Vision ).

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 Labels: Berkeley , Lectures on Perception , space perception , Turvey (2019)

 Tuesday, 7 December 2021

 The medium for direct perception (Notes on Van Dijk & Kiverstein, 2020)

 The ecological approach has hit a point in its history where it has become interested in expanding its scope, to go beyond the real time coordination and control of action. There are many challenges from non-ecological cognitive science about how to tackle representation-hungry problems, and how to conceptualise things like language, social behaviour, and what the brain is up to. I am all on board with this move - it was important we waited till we were ready, but since Gibson died in 1979, the empirical programme on the basics has matured into a solid foundation and we have a lot of developed or adopted a lot of things that will come in useful.

 However, if we are going to do it, I want us to do it with rigour and care and with reference to all our hard-won successes. My current view is that our best path lies in looking at the ways we are able to use ecological information, and grounding our explanations and hypotheses at this scale. Sabrina first developed this idea in a paper about how to think about what language is ( Golonka, 2015 ). The big take-home from that paper is the analytic distinction between law-based use and convention-based use of information, and the first draft of the consequences of this distinction. We built on this when we started thinking about brains ( Golonka & Wilson, 2019 ), and I'm currently thinking about the next step along this path.

 I'm pretty sure that a big chunk of the work I need to do is explicitly connecting this distinction up to work on the skilled intentionality framework, and the notion of our variable levels of grip on the field of affordances. This work is wrong about affordances (they aren't relations) but other than that, there's a ton of really great work about how intentionality isn't an all-or-nothing thing, and a lot of really useful vocabulary and framing development that I think will be useful for articulating these ideas. I don't like re-inventing wheels, so I'm skilling up on this literature as I develop ideas for a paper.

 This post is about a recent paper ( Van Dijk & Kiverstein, 2020 ) that is explicitly about developing a usage-based notion of information. To unbury the lede, I think this is a robust piece of work with solid internal logic, but I think like all this enactivist style work, it ends up in a place that cannot support a how-actually explanation of behaviour - this particular usage-based theory of information and the things that come with it aren't the framework that will let the ecological approach expand its scope. This is ok, at one level, because I don't think mechanisms are the goal of enactivist analyses. But it's a worry at another level, because I want an ecological theory of direct perception that can actually explain behaviours and this isn't going to cut it.
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 Labels: enactivism , specification , Usage-based accounts of information

 Thursday, 18 November 2021

 Is Indirect Perception Plausible?

 There are two basic ways perception might work to let us experience the world in behaviourally relevant ways. Direct perception is the idea that perception only requires two components; the environment and the organism. Indirect perception is the idea that perception requires at least three components; the environment, the organism, and at least one other component that mediates between the organism and the environment. Over the last few posts, I've been working through the specifics of the ecological approach to making direct perception plausible, because this is a question I often get (usually in the form of 'I don't see how this could work in this case'). Regardless of whether or not it's correct, we can show that we have all the pieces needed to make direct perception work in principle, and the empirical programme is about seeing if it works in practice. What about indirect perception?

 I asked this question on Twitter , and one interesting thing I noticed was just how little sense the question seems to make to people these days. Responses fell into roughly two categories: 'I don't see how we can do with it in this case', and 'brains do stuff, so...', neither of which answer the question. Even if some form of indirect perception is required in those cases (which is, of course, still up for grabs) we're still owed an account of how this might work, at least in principle and then later in practice.

 People used to know this. The most recent indirect perception hypothesis is that the key mediator is a mental representation, understood as a computational, information processing system implementing some form of inference that combines sensory data and information stored in memory to create a model of the world that represents the system's best guess about what is out there and how to behave successfully with respect to what's out there. This hypothesis didn't come out of nowhere; the development of the computer and the theory of information that allows them to work turned out to provide the pieces required to create a formal account of representations that stood a chance of living up to the challenge of explaining perception. Cognitive scientists therefore leaned heavily into the details of these pieces as they worked very hard, from the late 1950s on, to make indirect perception implemented this way plausible.

 The exact details of the process have, of course, changed and evolved with empirical data and developments in computational theory. For example, while all the accounts have to do inference that combine sources of information into a best guess, there are a variety of ways of doing inference, some better than others. Probably the best way to do inference is via Bayesian methods, and so most modern theories propose that indirect perception combines sources of information this way so as to be optimal.

 Before these inferential methods can even be brought into play, however, there remain two related and big unanswered challenges that need to be addressed. The first one is the grounding problem; how do representations get the content they need so as to combine sources of information in a way that works? It's all very well describing the inferential process of the fully formed system, but how do you build one in the first place? The second is the 'which representation?' problem; of all the different sources of information the system has to combine, how does it know which information to bring together for a given task? These reflect a circular problem indirect theories create for themselves. If perception is not good enough to be direct, and thus requires representational support, where do those representations come from? In order for a theory of indirect perception to be plausible, these must be addressed (analogous to how in order for a theory of direct perception to be plausible, questions like 'can the physical world present itself in behaviourally relevant ways?' had to be addressed).

 I am not going to address these challenges to indirect theories, because it isn't my job. But they are legitimate questions that people have mostly stopped asking. Debates about the form and content of representations were prominent and explicit right up until the end of the 1990s, and then it all just seemed to stop. Interface theory, for all it's problems, at least got back into the fight and tackled the grounding problem ( unsuccessfully, I've argued , but it was a solid swing and at least Hoffman recognised he owed us an account). Mark Bickhard's work is probably the only currently active research programme explicitly working out the details, but I don't know many scientists who even know who he is, and a lot of his work is about mapping out the rules of living up to the challenge, versus actually solving the problem.

 Until these foundational issues are addressed and answered, whether indirect perception is plausible remains unclear, and no matter how sophisticated your inferential machinery is (looking at you, free energy principle) it can't help until you explain how it came to be organised that way in the first place. Even if the ecological theory of direct perception doesn't hold up, representational theories of indirect perception are not viable options if they cannot be shown to be plausible.

 Posted by Andrew at 14:33 1 comments
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 Labels: Bickhard , indirect perception , inference , interface theory , is it plausible , representation , symbol grounding problem

 Wednesday, 3 November 2021

 Is Direct Perception Plausible? Ecological Information

 We're in the home stretch of working through how direct perception is, at least, an option, and how the ecological approach in particular attempts to make it work. We've talked about what direct vs indirect means , the kinds of properties direct perception needs to be out there in order to work , and affordances/effectivities-as-dispositions as the specific properties ecological psychology claims are out there and fit the bill .

 I ended that last post by highlighting ecological psychology had one last thing to do in order to be plausible, and that is to have a way to bring affordances and effectivities together into a kind of contact that allows them to work together. That contact can't be mechanical, or simply physical proximity, because almost all of the things we perceive and act with respect to are not in that kind of contact. The ecological solution is informational contact , and so this post will build on the pieces I've assembled to identify what kind of thing ecological information has to be in order to work.

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 Posted by Andrew at 16:49 2 comments
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 Labels: affordances , effectivities , entailments , information , specification
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There are two basic ways perception might work to let us experience the world in behaviourally relevant ways. Direct perception is the idea that perception only requires two components; the environment and the organism. Indirect perception is the idea that perception requires at least three components; the environment, the organism, and at least one other component that mediates between the organism and the environment. Over the last few posts, I've been working through the specifics of the ecological approach to making direct perception plausible, because this is a question I often get (usually in the form of 'I don't see how this could work in this case'). Regardless of whether or not it's correct, we can show that we have all the pieces needed to make direct perception work in principle, and the empirical programme is about seeing if it works in practice. What about indirect perception?  I asked this question on Twitter, and one interesting thing I noticed was just how little sense the question seems to make to people these days. Responses fell into roughly two categories: 'I don't see how we can do with it in this case', and 'brains do stuff, so...', neither of which answer the question. Even if some form of indirect perception is required in those cases (which is, of course, still up for grabs) we're still owed an account of how this might work, at least in principle and then later in practice.  People used to know this. The most recent indirect perception hypothesis is that the key mediator is a mental representation, understood as a computational, information processing system implementing some form of inference that combines sensory data and information stored in memory to create a model of the world that represents the system's best guess about what is out there and how to behave successfully with respect to what's out there. This hypothesis didn't come out of nowhere; the development of the computer and the theory of information that allows them to work turned out to provide the pieces required to create a formal account of representations that stood a chance of living up to the challenge of explaining perception. Cognitive scientists therefore leaned heavily into the details of these pieces as they worked very hard, from the late 1950s on, to make indirect perception implemented this way plausible.  The exact details of the process have, of course, changed and evolved with empirical data and developments in computational theory. For example, while all the accounts have to do inference that combine sources of information into a best guess, there are a variety of ways of doing inference, some better than others. Probably the best way to do inference is via Bayesian methods, and so most modern theories propose that indirect perception combines sources of information this way so as to be optimal.  Before these inferential methods can even be brought into play, however, there remain two related and big unanswered challenges that need to be addressed. The first one is the grounding problem; how do representations get the content they need so as to combine sources of information in a way that works? It's all very well describing the inferential process of the fully formed system, but how do you build one in the first place? The second is the 'which representation?' problem; of all the different sources of information the system has to combine, how does it know which information to bring together for a given task? These reflect a circular problem indirect theories create for themselves. If perception is not good enough to be direct, and thus requires representational support, where do those representations come from? In order for a theory of indirect perception to be plausible, these must be addressed (analogous to how in order for a theory of direct perception to be plausible, questions like 'can the physical world present itself in behaviourally relevant ways?' had to be addressed).  I am not going to address these challenges to indirect theories, because it isn't my job. But they are legitimate questions that people have mostly stopped asking. Debates about the form and content of representations were prominent and explicit right up until the end of the 1990s, and then it all just seemed to stop. Interface theory, for all it's problems, at least got back into the fight and tackled the grounding problem (unsuccessfully, I've argued, but it was a solid swing and at least Hoffman recognised he owed us an account). Mark Bickhard's work is probably the only currently active research programme explicitly working out the details, but I don't know many scientists who even know who he is, and a lot of his work is about mapping out the rules of living up to the challenge, versus actually solving the problem.  Until these foundational issues are addressed and answered, whether indirect perception is plausible remains unclear, and no matter how sophisticated your inferential machinery is (looking at you, free energy principle) it can't help until you explain how it came to be organised that way in the first place. Even if the ecological theory of direct perception doesn't hold up, representational theories of indirect perception are not viable options if they cannot be shown to be plausible.
Notes from Two Scientific Psychologists
http://psychsciencenotes.blogspot.com/
https://princiya.com/blog/dream-bucket-list/
My dream bucket list
2021-12-04
None
<div><div><p></p><div><p>Personal blog by <a href="https://princiya.com">Princiya Sequeira</a>.</p><p>I blog about my journey into a technical leadership role.</p><p>I am a skilled programmer with strong communication skills and 12+ years of experience building full-stack web &amp; mobile apps, implementing CI/CD solutions and supporting infrastructures, including 3+ years of experience leading technical teams at scale.</p><p><a href="https://princiya.com/blog/tags">See all blog categories</a></p></div></div><div><main><article><header><p>December 4, 2021 • ☕️ 1 min read</p></header><div><p>I do various things based on my mood. Sometimes I binge watch for hours, sometimes I am extremely productive. Offcourse I am talking about my free time.</p>
<ul>
<li>Get a PhD</li>
<li>Write a book</li>
</ul></div></article></main></div></div>||||I|||| P`s Blog

 Princiya




 Personal blog by Princiya Sequeira.

 I blog about my journey into a technical leadership role.

 I am a skilled programmer with strong communication skills and 12+ years of experience building full-stack web & mobile apps, implementing CI/CD solutions and supporting infrastructures, including 3+ years of experience leading technical teams at scale.

 See all blog categories
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 My dream bucket list

 December 4, 2021 • ☕️ 1 min read


 dreamdraft
 This is a draft post and will be completed soon. The thoughts on this post are my raw brain dump. Read all completed posts here.

 I do various things based on my mood. Sometimes I binge watch for hours, sometimes I am extremely productive. Offcourse I am talking about my free time.

 * Get a PhD
 * Write a book
 * ← Thankful and grateful
 * How to learn →




 Personal blog by Princiya Sequeira.

 I blog about my journey into a technical leadership role.

 I am a skilled programmer with strong communication skills and 12+ years of experience building full-stack web & mobile apps, implementing CI/CD solutions and supporting infrastructures, including 3+ years of experience leading technical teams at scale.

 See all blog categories
 twitter • github • rss




Personal blog by Princiya Sequeira. I blog about my journey into a technical leadership role. I am a skilled programmer with strong communication skills and 12+ years of experience building full-stack web &amp; mobile apps, implementing CI/CD solutions and supporting infrastructures, including 3+ years of experience leading technical teams at scale.  See all blog categories        December 4, 2021 • ☕️ 1 min read   I do various things based on my mood. Sometimes I binge watch for hours, sometimes I am extremely productive. Offcourse I am talking about my free time.
Get a PhD
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My dream bucket list
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https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/masks-and-emasculation-why-some-men-refuse-to-take-safety-precautions/
Masks and Emasculation: Why Some Men Refuse to Take Safety Precautions
2020-04-30
Peter Glick
<div><div><p>They think it makes them look weak, and avoiding that is evidently more important to them than demonstrating responsible behavior</p></div><section><figure><div></div><figcaption>Vice President Mike Pence declines to follow protocol during a visit to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, MN. on April 28, 2020. Credit: <a href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/Virus-Outbreak-Pence-Mask/b9e2461e29034b1ebc461dd6e403e54b/9/0">Jim Mone <em>AP Photo</em></a></figcaption></figure><div><p>On April 28, Vice President Mike Pence visited the Mayo Clinic, but <a href="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2020/04/against-mayo-clinic-policy-mike-pence-visits-without-a-mask.html">could not bring himself to comply with their safety protocols and don a mask</a>. His behavior mimics President Donald Trump’s prior <a href="https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2020/04/03/reporter_to_trump_why_wont_you_wear_a_mask_it_would_set_an_example.html">refusal to wear a mask even as he urged Americans to do so</a>. Pence said he wanted to be able to look health care workers in the eye, and Trump simply said, “I'm choosing not to do it.”</p>
<p>Why the reluctance to model safe behavior? My <a href="https://hbr.org/2018/11/how-masculinity-contests-undermine-organizations-and-what-to-do-about-it">research with Jennifer Berdahl and others</a> suggest one critical reason, which is that appearing to play it safe contradicts a core principle of masculinity: <a href="https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/josi.12280?casa_token=bbqvyp1yig8AAAAA%3AL37WyebvyaSuaNmzp6otb_SOBZpwgWmeVD0rlq_VYnSqQwEPPYfYg6SO8QRAU_lWjpRaDcYf8c_6hT0h"><em>show no weakness</em></a><em>.</em> In short, wearing a mask emasculates.</p>
<p>The refusal to wear a mask undermines the message that the rest of us should take safety precautions. But that’s the least of the problem. Leaders who are more concerned with preserving a macho public image put our lives at risk as they prove their manhood by showing resistance to experts’ opinions, hypersensitivity to criticism and constant feuding with anyone who seems to disagree with them.</p>
<p>In our research, the show-no-weakness principle manifests by acting like you always know the answer. Admitting uncertainty or that you rely on anyone else’s opinion seems “weak.” Trump’s resistance to experts’ advice stems from a constant need to demonstrate that “I alone can fix it.”</p>
<p>Further, showing no weakness goes hand in hand with another masculinity norm: everything is a dog-eat-dog competition. For leaders like Trump, each situation is a personal masculinity contest that he “wins” and others must “lose.” Admitting a past mistake or receiving criticism are intolerable. Scores must be settled with anyone who fails to pump up the leader’s ego. For example, in the current crisis critical supplies are more likely to be delivered to states where governors fawn over rather than criticize Trump.</p>
<p>In addition to poor decision-making, our research shows that masculinity-obsessed leaders create dysfunctional organizations that fall apart when times get tough. The leader’s need to seem infallible and defensiveness create a <em>Game of Thrones</em> environment where subordinates constantly compete to curry the leaders’ favor. When everyone is looking out for number one, it becomes unlikely that they will all pull together effectively when a crisis hits.</p>
<p>The coronavirus has laid bare just how strongly some male leaders value projecting a tough, macho image, even at the risk of contracting or spreading coronavirus. President Trump, a germaphobe known to hate shaking hands even in the best of times, ostentatiously <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2020/03/18/coronavirus-gave-trump-the-handshake-free-world-he-always-wanted-134467">continued to press the flesh well into March</a>. Why? It’s the same reason that Trump, in 2017, courted danger from a different corona, making a show of <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2017/08/21/politics/trump-solar-eclipse/index.html">staring at the sun during an eclipse</a>. Defying experts’ warnings about personal danger signals “I’m a tough guy, bring it on.”</p>
<p></p>
<p>British Prime Minister Boris Johnson similarly made such a point of handshakes and backslapping even as coronavirus spread that, even before he ended up infected and hospitalized <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2020/mar/03/boris-fails-to-convince-with-sanitised-take-on-coronavirus">the <em>Guardian</em> labeled him a “super-spreader</a>.” Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, who <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/03/25/brazils-bolsonaro-says-athletic-past-would-protect-coronavirus/">bragged that his athleticism would prevent him from getting the virus</a>, continues to wade into crowds, shake hands and hug supporters.</p>
<p>All three—Trump, Johnson and Bolsonaro—not only publicly minimized the risks posed by coronavirus to prove their masculine credentials, but delayed or failed to implement safety measures that could have spared unnecessary deaths. By contrast, female leaders were more likely to listen to the experts, taking immediate preventative action. For example, New Zealand, led by Prime Minister Jacinda Arden, has minimized the death toll and all but quashed the virus.</p>
<p>Not all male leaders are more concerned with projecting a macho image than with saving lives. Captain Brett Crozier, who commanded the aircraft carrier <em>Theodore Roosevelt,</em> prioritized his sailors’ well-being when coronavirus broke out. He persisted in seeking necessary help after dismissive superiors suggested he and his crew tough it out. Similarly, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo has focused on achieving a communal goal, minimizing the number of COVID-19 deaths, doing whatever it takes to accomplish the mission.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, for leaders like Trump the need to exhibit masculine bravado is so deeply baked into their character that they really can’t help themselves from constantly trying to prove their toughness. In 2017, when Trump stared at the sun, he only stood to harm himself. In the current corona crisis, his continuing need to deny the experts and the danger to prove that he’s a tough guy harms us all.</p></div><section><p>The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American. </p></section><section><h3>ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)</h3><section><p></p><div><ul></ul><p>Peter Glick is Henry Merritt Wriston Professor of the Social Sciences at Lawrence University and a senior scientist at the NeuroLeadership Institute. Credit: Nick Higgins</p></div></section></section></section>||||I||||Skip to main content
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 Observations

 Masks and Emasculation: Why Some Men Refuse to Take Safety Precautions

 They think it makes them look weak, and avoiding that is evidently more important to them than demonstrating responsible behavior

 * By Peter Glick on April 30, 2020
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 Vice President Mike Pence declines to follow protocol during a visit to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, MN. on April 28, 2020. Credit: Jim Mone AP Photo

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 On April 28, Vice President Mike Pence visited the Mayo Clinic, but could not bring himself to comply with their safety protocols and don a mask. His behavior mimics President Donald Trump’s prior refusal to wear a mask even as he urged Americans to do so. Pence said he wanted to be able to look health care workers in the eye, and Trump simply said, “I'm choosing not to do it.”

 Why the reluctance to model safe behavior? My research with Jennifer Berdahl and others suggest one critical reason, which is that appearing to play it safe contradicts a core principle of masculinity: show no weakness. In short, wearing a mask emasculates.

 The refusal to wear a mask undermines the message that the rest of us should take safety precautions. But that’s the least of the problem. Leaders who are more concerned with preserving a macho public image put our lives at risk as they prove their manhood by showing resistance to experts’ opinions, hypersensitivity to criticism and constant feuding with anyone who seems to disagree with them.

 In our research, the show-no-weakness principle manifests by acting like you always know the answer. Admitting uncertainty or that you rely on anyone else’s opinion seems “weak.” Trump’s resistance to experts’ advice stems from a constant need to demonstrate that “I alone can fix it.”

 Further, showing no weakness goes hand in hand with another masculinity norm: everything is a dog-eat-dog competition. For leaders like Trump, each situation is a personal masculinity contest that he “wins” and others must “lose.” Admitting a past mistake or receiving criticism are intolerable. Scores must be settled with anyone who fails to pump up the leader’s ego. For example, in the current crisis critical supplies are more likely to be delivered to states where governors fawn over rather than criticize Trump.

 In addition to poor decision-making, our research shows that masculinity-obsessed leaders create dysfunctional organizations that fall apart when times get tough. The leader’s need to seem infallible and defensiveness create a Game of Thrones environment where subordinates constantly compete to curry the leaders’ favor. When everyone is looking out for number one, it becomes unlikely that they will all pull together effectively when a crisis hits.

 The coronavirus has laid bare just how strongly some male leaders value projecting a tough, macho image, even at the risk of contracting or spreading coronavirus. President Trump, a germaphobe known to hate shaking hands even in the best of times, ostentatiously continued to press the flesh well into March. Why? It’s the same reason that Trump, in 2017, courted danger from a different corona, making a show of staring at the sun during an eclipse. Defying experts’ warnings about personal danger signals “I’m a tough guy, bring it on.”

 British Prime Minister Boris Johnson similarly made such a point of handshakes and backslapping even as coronavirus spread that, even before he ended up infected and hospitalized the Guardian labeled him a “super-spreader.” Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, who bragged that his athleticism would prevent him from getting the virus, continues to wade into crowds, shake hands and hug supporters.

 All three—Trump, Johnson and Bolsonaro—not only publicly minimized the risks posed by coronavirus to prove their masculine credentials, but delayed or failed to implement safety measures that could have spared unnecessary deaths. By contrast, female leaders were more likely to listen to the experts, taking immediate preventative action. For example, New Zealand, led by Prime Minister Jacinda Arden, has minimized the death toll and all but quashed the virus.

 Not all male leaders are more concerned with projecting a macho image than with saving lives. Captain Brett Crozier, who commanded the aircraft carrier Theodore Roosevelt, prioritized his sailors’ well-being when coronavirus broke out. He persisted in seeking necessary help after dismissive superiors suggested he and his crew tough it out. Similarly, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo has focused on achieving a communal goal, minimizing the number of COVID-19 deaths, doing whatever it takes to accomplish the mission.

 Unfortunately, for leaders like Trump the need to exhibit masculine bravado is so deeply baked into their character that they really can’t help themselves from constantly trying to prove their toughness. In 2017, when Trump stared at the sun, he only stood to harm himself. In the current corona crisis, his continuing need to deny the experts and the danger to prove that he’s a tough guy harms us all.

 The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.

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 ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

 Peter Glick is Henry Merritt Wriston Professor of the Social Sciences at Lawrence University and a senior scientist at the NeuroLeadership Institute. Credit: Nick Higgins

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They think it makes them look weak, and avoiding that is evidently more important to them than demonstrating responsible behavior      Vice President Mike Pence declines to follow protocol during a visit to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, MN. on April 28, 2020. Credit: Jim Mone AP Photo     On April 28, Vice President Mike Pence visited the Mayo Clinic, but could not bring himself to comply with their safety protocols and don a mask. His behavior mimics President Donald Trump’s prior refusal to wear a mask even as he urged Americans to do so. Pence said he wanted to be able to look health care workers in the eye, and Trump simply said, “I'm choosing not to do it.”
Why the reluctance to model safe behavior? My research with Jennifer Berdahl and others suggest one critical reason, which is that appearing to play it safe contradicts a core principle of masculinity:  show no weakness  . In short, wearing a mask emasculates.
The refusal to wear a mask undermines the message that the rest of us should take safety precautions. But that’s the least of the problem. Leaders who are more concerned with preserving a macho public image put our lives at risk as they prove their manhood by showing resistance to experts’ opinions, hypersensitivity to criticism and constant feuding with anyone who seems to disagree with them.
In our research, the show-no-weakness principle manifests by acting like you always know the answer. Admitting uncertainty or that you rely on anyone else’s opinion seems “weak.” Trump’s resistance to experts’ advice stems from a constant need to demonstrate that “I alone can fix it.”
Further, showing no weakness goes hand in hand with another masculinity norm: everything is a dog-eat-dog competition. For leaders like Trump, each situation is a personal masculinity contest that he “wins” and others must “lose.” Admitting a past mistake or receiving criticism are intolerable. Scores must be settled with anyone who fails to pump up the leader’s ego. For example, in the current crisis critical supplies are more likely to be delivered to states where governors fawn over rather than criticize Trump.
In addition to poor decision-making, our research shows that masculinity-obsessed leaders create dysfunctional organizations that fall apart when times get tough. The leader’s need to seem infallible and defensiveness create a Game of Thrones environment where subordinates constantly compete to curry the leaders’ favor. When everyone is looking out for number one, it becomes unlikely that they will all pull together effectively when a crisis hits.
The coronavirus has laid bare just how strongly some male leaders value projecting a tough, macho image, even at the risk of contracting or spreading coronavirus. President Trump, a germaphobe known to hate shaking hands even in the best of times, ostentatiously continued to press the flesh well into March. Why? It’s the same reason that Trump, in 2017, courted danger from a different corona, making a show of staring at the sun during an eclipse. Defying experts’ warnings about personal danger signals “I’m a tough guy, bring it on.”
 
British Prime Minister Boris Johnson similarly made such a point of handshakes and backslapping even as coronavirus spread that, even before he ended up infected and hospitalized the Guardian labeled him a “super-spreader.” Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, who bragged that his athleticism would prevent him from getting the virus, continues to wade into crowds, shake hands and hug supporters.
All three—Trump, Johnson and Bolsonaro—not only publicly minimized the risks posed by coronavirus to prove their masculine credentials, but delayed or failed to implement safety measures that could have spared unnecessary deaths. By contrast, female leaders were more likely to listen to the experts, taking immediate preventative action. For example, New Zealand, led by Prime Minister Jacinda Arden, has minimized the death toll and all but quashed the virus.
Not all male leaders are more concerned with projecting a macho image than with saving lives. Captain Brett Crozier, who commanded the aircraft carrier Theodore Roosevelt, prioritized his sailors’ well-being when coronavirus broke out. He persisted in seeking necessary help after dismissive superiors suggested he and his crew tough it out. Similarly, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo has focused on achieving a communal goal, minimizing the number of COVID-19 deaths, doing whatever it takes to accomplish the mission.
Unfortunately, for leaders like Trump the need to exhibit masculine bravado is so deeply baked into their character that they really can’t help themselves from constantly trying to prove their toughness. In 2017, when Trump stared at the sun, he only stood to harm himself. In the current corona crisis, his continuing need to deny the experts and the danger to prove that he’s a tough guy harms us all.   The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.    ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)       Peter Glick is Henry Merritt Wriston Professor of the Social Sciences at Lawrence University and a senior scientist at the NeuroLeadership Institute. Credit: Nick Higgins
Masks and Emasculation: Why Some Men Refuse to Take Safety Precautions
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/masks-and-emasculation-why-some-men-refuse-to-take-safety-precautions/
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/thanksgiving-and-the-myth-of-native-american-savages/
Thanksgiving and the Myth of Native American ‘Savages’
2016-11-21
John Horgan
<div><section><figure><div></div><figcaption>Native Americans, accused of Hobbesian savagery by modern scientists, treated Europeans kindly in early encounters. This painting shows the legendary Thanksgiving feast between Pilgrims and the Wampanoag, who helped the newcomers survive and were eventually driven from their land. Credit: <a href="http://www.loc.gov/pictures/resource/cph.3g04961/">Jean Leon Gerome Ferris 1863-1930, U.S. Library of Congress</a></figcaption></figure><div><p><em>Note: This post first appeared on November 21, 2016. It's still relevant, of course.</em></p>
<p>The approach of Thanksgiving, that quintessential American holiday, has me brooding once again over scientists’ slanderous portrayals of Native Americans as bellicose brutes.</p>
<p>When I was in grade school, my classmates and I wore paper Indian headdresses and Pilgrim hats and reenacted the “first Thanksgiving,” in which supposedly friendly Native Americans joined Pilgrims for a fall feast of turkey, venison, squash and corn. This episode seemed to support the view—often <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noble_savage#Erroneous_identification_of_Rousseau_with_the_noble_savage">(apparently erroneously)</a> attributed to the 18th-century philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau—of Native Americans and other pre-state people as peaceful, “noble savages.”</p>
<p>Prominent scientists now deride depictions of pre-state people as peaceful. “Contra leftist anthropologists who celebrate the noble savage,” psychologist <a href="http://www.edge.org/3rd_culture/pinker07/pinker07_index.html">Steven Pinker wrote in 2007</a>, “quantitative body counts—such as the proportion of prehistoric skeletons with ax marks and embedded arrowheads or the proportion of men in a contemporary foraging tribe who die at the hands of other men—suggest that pre-state societies were far more violent than our own.” According to Pinker, the 17th-century philosopher Thomas Hobbes “got it right” when he called pre-state life a “war of all against all.”</p>
<p>Pinker expanded on this claim in his 2011 book <em>The Better Angels of Our Nature</em>. The Hobbesian thesis has been advanced in other influential books, notably <em>War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage</em>, by anthropologist Lawrence Keeley; <em>Constant Battles: The Myth of the Peaceful, Noble Savage</em>, by archaeologist Steven LeBlanc; <em>War in Human Civilization</em>, by political scientist Azar Gat; <a href="http://discovermagazine.com/2012/jun/02-no-war-is-not-inevitable#.UefeMRZ8LlI"><em>The Social Conquest of Earth</em></a>, by biologist Edward Wilson; and <a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/jared-diamond-please-stop-propagating-the-myth-of-the-savage-savage/"><em>The World Until Yesterday</em></a>, by geographer Jared Diamond.</p>
<p>Referring specifically to the pre-Colombian New World, Keeley asserted, “The dogs of war were seldom on a leash.” Popular culture has amplified these scientific claims. In the 2007 HBO docudrama <a href="http://www.hbo.com/movies/bury-my-heart-at-wounded-knee/synopsis.html"><em>Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee</em>,</a> Chief Sitting Bull complains to a U.S. Army colonel about whites’ violent treatment of the Indians. The colonel retorts, “You were killing each other for hundreds of moons before the first white stepped foot on this continent.”</p>
<p>Yes, Native Americans waged war before Europeans showed up. The evidence is especially strong in the American Southwest, where archaeologists have found numerous skeletons with projectile points embedded in them and other marks of violence; war seems to have surged during periods of drought. But as I have asserted in my book <em>The End of War</em> <a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2013/07/18/new-study-of-foragers-undermines-claim-that-war-has-deep-evolutionary-roots/">and on this site</a>, Pinker and other Hobbesians have <a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/was-civilization-the-cure-for-primordial-human-violence/">exaggerated warfare among early humans</a>. These scientists have replaced the myth of the noble savage with the myth of the savage savage.</p>
<p>In two momentous early encounters, Native Americans greeted Europeans with kindness. Here is how Christopher Columbus described the Arawak, tribal people living in the Bahamas when he landed there in 1492: “They…brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they exchanged for the glass beads and hawks’ bells. They willingly traded everything they owned…. They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance…. With 50 men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.”</p>
<p>How that passage—which I found in historian Howard Zinn's 1980 classic <em>A People’s History of the United States</em>—captures the whole sordid history of colonialism! Columbus was as good as his word. Within decades the Spaniards had slaughtered almost all the Arawaks and other natives of the New Indies and enslaved the few survivors. “The cruel policy initiated by Columbus and pursued by his successors resulted in complete genocide,” wrote the historian Samuel Morison (who <em>admired</em> Columbus).</p>
<p>A similar pattern unfolded in New England in the early 17th century. After the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth in 1620 on the Mayflower, they almost starved to death. Members of a local tribe, the Wampanoag, helped the newcomers, showing them how to plant corn and other local foods. In the fall of 1621 the Pilgrims celebrated their first successful harvest with a three-day feast with the Wampanoag. The event my classmates and I reenacted in grade school really happened!</p>
<p>The friendliness of the Wampanoag was extraordinary, because they had recently been ravaged by diseases caught from previous European explorers. Europeans had also killed, kidnapped and enslaved Native Americans in the region. The Plymouth settlers, during their desperate first year, had even stolen grain and other goods from the Wampanoag, according to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plymouth_Colony">Wikipedia’s entry on Plymouth Colony</a>.</p>
<p>The good vibes of that 1621 feast soon dissipated. As more English settlers arrived in New England, they seized more and more land from the Wampanoag and other tribes, who eventually resisted with violence—in vain. We all know how this story ended. “The Indian population of 10 million that lived north of Mexico when Columbus came would ultimately be reduced to less than a million,” Zinn wrote.</p>
<p>In “<a href="http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2016/11/24/indians-slaves-and-mass-murder-the-hidden-history/">Indians, Slaves, and Mass Murder: The Hidden History</a>,” a recent essay in <em>The New York Review of Books</em>, anthropologist Peter Nabokov notes that colonizers reduced California’s native population from 350,000 at first contact to under 17,000 by 1900. State laws allowed and even encouraged the slaughter of Native Americans. “Extermination,” Nabokov comments, was “considered no great tragedy for an entire people who were uniformly and irredeemably defined as savage and inhuman.”</p>
<p>Centuries earlier, the Arawak and Wampanoag were kind to us—and by us I mean white people of European descent. We showed our thanks by sickening, subjugating and slaughtering them and other indigenous people. And we have the gall to call them more savage than us.</p>
<p>Please ponder this dark irony as you celebrate Thanksgiving.</p>
<p><em>Addendum</em>: U.S. government maltreatment of Native Americans continues. <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20868&amp;LangID=E">A United Nations human-rights official</a> accuses “law enforcement officials, private security firms and the North Dakota National Guard” of using “excessive force” against Native Americans and others protesting an oil pipeline that “runs through land sacred to indigenous people.” </p>
<p><em>Further Reading</em>:</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/was-civilization-the-cure-for-primordial-human-violence/">Was Civilization the Cure for Primordial Human Violence</a>?</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/10-000-year-old-massacre-does-not-bolster-claim-that-war-is-innate/">10,000-Year-Old Massacre Does Not Bolster Claim That War Is Innate</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2010/06/29/quitting-the-hominid-fight-club-the-evidence-is-flimsy-for-innate-chimpanzee-let-alone-human-warfare/">Quitting the hominid fight club: The evidence is flimsy for innate chimpanzee–let alone human–warfare</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2013/07/18/new-study-of-foragers-undermines-claim-that-war-has-deep-evolutionary-roots/">New Study of Foragers Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2013/07/24/new-study-of-prehistoric-skeletons-undermines-claim-that-war-has-deep-evolutionary-roots/">New Study of Prehistoric Skeletons Undermines Claim that War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2013/08/02/survey-of-earliest-human-settlements-undermines-claim-that-war-has-deep-evolutionary-roots/">Survey of Earliest Human Settlements Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/chimp-violence-fails-to-support-deep-roots-theory-of-war/">Chimp Violence Fails to Support Deep-Roots Theory of War</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2010/11/08/margaret-meads-war-theory-kicks-butt-of-neo-darwinian-and-malthusian-models/">Margaret Mead’s War Theory Kicks Butt of Neo-Darwinian and Malthusian Models</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2012/08/04/rip-military-historian-john-keegan-who-saw-war-as-product-of-culture-rather-than-biology/">RIP Military Historian John Keegan, Who Saw War As Product of Culture Rather than Biology</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/war-scholar-critiques-new-study-of-roots-of-violence/">War Scholar Critiques New Study of Roots of Violence</a></p>
<p><a href="https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/war-is-our-most-urgent-problem-let-s-solve-it/">War Is Our Most Urgent Problem; Let's Solve It</a>.</p>
<p><em>*Self-plagiarism alert: This is an updated version of a column posted on previous Thanksgivings.</em></p></div><section><p>The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American. </p></section><section><h3>ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)</h3><div><ul></ul><p><strong>John Horgan</strong> directs the Center for Science Writings at the Stevens Institute of Technology. His books include <em>The End of Science, The End of War and Mind-Body Problems,</em> available for free at mindbodyproblems.com. For many years he wrote the popular blog Cross Check for <em>Scientific American.</em></p></div></section></section></div>||||I||||Skip to main content
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 Cross-Check | Opinion

 Thanksgiving and the Myth of Native American ‘Savages’

 Prominent scientists exaggerate the violence of Native Americans, whom European invaders ravaged

 * By John Horgan on November 21, 2016
 * 9
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 Native Americans, accused of Hobbesian savagery by modern scientists, treated Europeans kindly in early encounters. This painting shows the legendary Thanksgiving feast between Pilgrims and the Wampanoag, who helped the newcomers survive and were eventually driven from their land. Credit: Jean Leon Gerome Ferris 1863-1930, U.S. Library of Congress

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 Note: This post first appeared on November 21, 2016. It's still relevant, of course.

 The approach of Thanksgiving, that quintessential American holiday, has me brooding once again over scientists’ slanderous portrayals of Native Americans as bellicose brutes.

 When I was in grade school, my classmates and I wore paper Indian headdresses and Pilgrim hats and reenacted the “first Thanksgiving,” in which supposedly friendly Native Americans joined Pilgrims for a fall feast of turkey, venison, squash and corn. This episode seemed to support the view—often (apparently erroneously) attributed to the 18th-century philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau—of Native Americans and other pre-state people as peaceful, “noble savages.”

 Prominent scientists now deride depictions of pre-state people as peaceful. “Contra leftist anthropologists who celebrate the noble savage,” psychologist Steven Pinker wrote in 2007, “quantitative body counts—such as the proportion of prehistoric skeletons with ax marks and embedded arrowheads or the proportion of men in a contemporary foraging tribe who die at the hands of other men—suggest that pre-state societies were far more violent than our own.” According to Pinker, the 17th-century philosopher Thomas Hobbes “got it right” when he called pre-state life a “war of all against all.”

 Pinker expanded on this claim in his 2011 book The Better Angels of Our Nature. The Hobbesian thesis has been advanced in other influential books, notably War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage, by anthropologist Lawrence Keeley; Constant Battles: The Myth of the Peaceful, Noble Savage, by archaeologist Steven LeBlanc; War in Human Civilization, by political scientist Azar Gat; The Social Conquest of Earth, by biologist Edward Wilson; and The World Until Yesterday, by geographer Jared Diamond.

 Referring specifically to the pre-Colombian New World, Keeley asserted, “The dogs of war were seldom on a leash.” Popular culture has amplified these scientific claims. In the 2007 HBO docudrama Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, Chief Sitting Bull complains to a U.S. Army colonel about whites’ violent treatment of the Indians. The colonel retorts, “You were killing each other for hundreds of moons before the first white stepped foot on this continent.”

 Yes, Native Americans waged war before Europeans showed up. The evidence is especially strong in the American Southwest, where archaeologists have found numerous skeletons with projectile points embedded in them and other marks of violence; war seems to have surged during periods of drought. But as I have asserted in my book The End of War and on this site, Pinker and other Hobbesians have exaggerated warfare among early humans. These scientists have replaced the myth of the noble savage with the myth of the savage savage.

 In two momentous early encounters, Native Americans greeted Europeans with kindness. Here is how Christopher Columbus described the Arawak, tribal people living in the Bahamas when he landed there in 1492: “They…brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they exchanged for the glass beads and hawks’ bells. They willingly traded everything they owned…. They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance…. With 50 men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.”

 How that passage—which I found in historian Howard Zinn's 1980 classic A People’s History of the United States—captures the whole sordid history of colonialism! Columbus was as good as his word. Within decades the Spaniards had slaughtered almost all the Arawaks and other natives of the New Indies and enslaved the few survivors. “The cruel policy initiated by Columbus and pursued by his successors resulted in complete genocide,” wrote the historian Samuel Morison (who admired Columbus).

 A similar pattern unfolded in New England in the early 17th century. After the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth in 1620 on the Mayflower, they almost starved to death. Members of a local tribe, the Wampanoag, helped the newcomers, showing them how to plant corn and other local foods. In the fall of 1621 the Pilgrims celebrated their first successful harvest with a three-day feast with the Wampanoag. The event my classmates and I reenacted in grade school really happened!

 The friendliness of the Wampanoag was extraordinary, because they had recently been ravaged by diseases caught from previous European explorers. Europeans had also killed, kidnapped and enslaved Native Americans in the region. The Plymouth settlers, during their desperate first year, had even stolen grain and other goods from the Wampanoag, according to Wikipedia’s entry on Plymouth Colony.

 The good vibes of that 1621 feast soon dissipated. As more English settlers arrived in New England, they seized more and more land from the Wampanoag and other tribes, who eventually resisted with violence—in vain. We all know how this story ended. “The Indian population of 10 million that lived north of Mexico when Columbus came would ultimately be reduced to less than a million,” Zinn wrote.

 In “Indians, Slaves, and Mass Murder: The Hidden History,” a recent essay in The New York Review of Books, anthropologist Peter Nabokov notes that colonizers reduced California’s native population from 350,000 at first contact to under 17,000 by 1900. State laws allowed and even encouraged the slaughter of Native Americans. “Extermination,” Nabokov comments, was “considered no great tragedy for an entire people who were uniformly and irredeemably defined as savage and inhuman.”

 Centuries earlier, the Arawak and Wampanoag were kind to us—and by us I mean white people of European descent. We showed our thanks by sickening, subjugating and slaughtering them and other indigenous people. And we have the gall to call them more savage than us.

 Please ponder this dark irony as you celebrate Thanksgiving.

 Addendum: U.S. government maltreatment of Native Americans continues. A United Nations human-rights official accuses “law enforcement officials, private security firms and the North Dakota National Guard” of using “excessive force” against Native Americans and others protesting an oil pipeline that “runs through land sacred to indigenous people.”

 Further Reading:

 Was Civilization the Cure for Primordial Human Violence?

 10,000-Year-Old Massacre Does Not Bolster Claim That War Is Innate.

 Quitting the hominid fight club: The evidence is flimsy for innate chimpanzee–let alone human–warfare.

 New Study of Foragers Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.

 New Study of Prehistoric Skeletons Undermines Claim that War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.

 Survey of Earliest Human Settlements Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.

 Chimp Violence Fails to Support Deep-Roots Theory of War.

 Margaret Mead’s War Theory Kicks Butt of Neo-Darwinian and Malthusian Models.

 RIP Military Historian John Keegan, Who Saw War As Product of Culture Rather than Biology.

 War Scholar Critiques New Study of Roots of Violence

 War Is Our Most Urgent Problem; Let's Solve It.

 *Self-plagiarism alert: This is an updated version of a column posted on previous Thanksgivings.

 The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.

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 ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

 John Horgan directs the Center for Science Writings at the Stevens Institute of Technology. His books include The End of Science, The End of War and Mind-Body Problems, available for free at mindbodyproblems.com. For many years he wrote the popular blog Cross Check for Scientific American.

 Recent Articles by John Horgan

 * My Quantum Experiment
 * The Problem with Protesting Violence with Violence
 * Exposing the World's Biggest Carbon Emitters
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Native Americans, accused of Hobbesian savagery by modern scientists, treated Europeans kindly in early encounters. This painting shows the legendary Thanksgiving feast between Pilgrims and the Wampanoag, who helped the newcomers survive and were eventually driven from their land. Credit: Jean Leon Gerome Ferris 1863-1930, U.S. Library of Congress     Note: This post first appeared on November 21, 2016. It's still relevant, of course. 
The approach of Thanksgiving, that quintessential American holiday, has me brooding once again over scientists’ slanderous portrayals of Native Americans as bellicose brutes.
When I was in grade school, my classmates and I wore paper Indian headdresses and Pilgrim hats and reenacted the “first Thanksgiving,” in which supposedly friendly Native Americans joined Pilgrims for a fall feast of turkey, venison, squash and corn. This episode seemed to support the view—often (apparently erroneously) attributed to the 18th-century philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau—of Native Americans and other pre-state people as peaceful, “noble savages.”
Prominent scientists now deride depictions of pre-state people as peaceful. “Contra leftist anthropologists who celebrate the noble savage,” psychologist Steven Pinker wrote in 2007, “quantitative body counts—such as the proportion of prehistoric skeletons with ax marks and embedded arrowheads or the proportion of men in a contemporary foraging tribe who die at the hands of other men—suggest that pre-state societies were far more violent than our own.” According to Pinker, the 17th-century philosopher Thomas Hobbes “got it right” when he called pre-state life a “war of all against all.”
Pinker expanded on this claim in his 2011 book The Better Angels of Our Nature. The Hobbesian thesis has been advanced in other influential books, notably War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage, by anthropologist Lawrence Keeley; Constant Battles: The Myth of the Peaceful, Noble Savage, by archaeologist Steven LeBlanc; War in Human Civilization, by political scientist Azar Gat;  The Social Conquest of Earth , by biologist Edward Wilson; and  The World Until Yesterday , by geographer Jared Diamond.
Referring specifically to the pre-Colombian New World, Keeley asserted, “The dogs of war were seldom on a leash.” Popular culture has amplified these scientific claims. In the 2007 HBO docudrama  Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, Chief Sitting Bull complains to a U.S. Army colonel about whites’ violent treatment of the Indians. The colonel retorts, “You were killing each other for hundreds of moons before the first white stepped foot on this continent.”
Yes, Native Americans waged war before Europeans showed up. The evidence is especially strong in the American Southwest, where archaeologists have found numerous skeletons with projectile points embedded in them and other marks of violence; war seems to have surged during periods of drought. But as I have asserted in my book The End of War and on this site, Pinker and other Hobbesians have exaggerated warfare among early humans. These scientists have replaced the myth of the noble savage with the myth of the savage savage.
In two momentous early encounters, Native Americans greeted Europeans with kindness. Here is how Christopher Columbus described the Arawak, tribal people living in the Bahamas when he landed there in 1492: “They…brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they exchanged for the glass beads and hawks’ bells. They willingly traded everything they owned…. They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance…. With 50 men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.”
How that passage—which I found in historian Howard Zinn's 1980 classic A People’s History of the United States—captures the whole sordid history of colonialism! Columbus was as good as his word. Within decades the Spaniards had slaughtered almost all the Arawaks and other natives of the New Indies and enslaved the few survivors. “The cruel policy initiated by Columbus and pursued by his successors resulted in complete genocide,” wrote the historian Samuel Morison (who admired Columbus).
A similar pattern unfolded in New England in the early 17th century. After the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth in 1620 on the Mayflower, they almost starved to death. Members of a local tribe, the Wampanoag, helped the newcomers, showing them how to plant corn and other local foods. In the fall of 1621 the Pilgrims celebrated their first successful harvest with a three-day feast with the Wampanoag. The event my classmates and I reenacted in grade school really happened!
The friendliness of the Wampanoag was extraordinary, because they had recently been ravaged by diseases caught from previous European explorers. Europeans had also killed, kidnapped and enslaved Native Americans in the region. The Plymouth settlers, during their desperate first year, had even stolen grain and other goods from the Wampanoag, according to Wikipedia’s entry on Plymouth Colony.
The good vibes of that 1621 feast soon dissipated. As more English settlers arrived in New England, they seized more and more land from the Wampanoag and other tribes, who eventually resisted with violence—in vain. We all know how this story ended. “The Indian population of 10 million that lived north of Mexico when Columbus came would ultimately be reduced to less than a million,” Zinn wrote.
In “Indians, Slaves, and Mass Murder: The Hidden History,” a recent essay in The New York Review of Books, anthropologist Peter Nabokov notes that colonizers reduced California’s native population from 350,000 at first contact to under 17,000 by 1900. State laws allowed and even encouraged the slaughter of Native Americans. “Extermination,” Nabokov comments, was “considered no great tragedy for an entire people who were uniformly and irredeemably defined as savage and inhuman.”
Centuries earlier, the Arawak and Wampanoag were kind to us—and by us I mean white people of European descent. We showed our thanks by sickening, subjugating and slaughtering them and other indigenous people. And we have the gall to call them more savage than us.
Please ponder this dark irony as you celebrate Thanksgiving.
 Addendum: U.S. government maltreatment of Native Americans continues. A United Nations human-rights official accuses “law enforcement officials, private security firms and the North Dakota National Guard” of using “excessive force” against Native Americans and others protesting an oil pipeline that “runs through land sacred to indigenous people.” 
 Further Reading:
 Was Civilization the Cure for Primordial Human Violence?
 10,000-Year-Old Massacre Does Not Bolster Claim That War Is Innate.
 Quitting the hominid fight club: The evidence is flimsy for innate chimpanzee–let alone human–warfare.
 New Study of Foragers Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.
 New Study of Prehistoric Skeletons Undermines Claim that War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.
 Survey of Earliest Human Settlements Undermines Claim That War Has Deep Evolutionary Roots.
 Chimp Violence Fails to Support Deep-Roots Theory of War.
 Margaret Mead’s War Theory Kicks Butt of Neo-Darwinian and Malthusian Models.
 RIP Military Historian John Keegan, Who Saw War As Product of Culture Rather than Biology.
 War Scholar Critiques New Study of Roots of Violence 
 War Is Our Most Urgent Problem; Let's Solve It.
 *Self-plagiarism alert: This is an updated version of a column posted on previous Thanksgivings.    The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.    ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)     John Horgan directs the Center for Science Writings at the Stevens Institute of Technology. His books include The End of Science, The End of War and Mind-Body Problems, available for free at mindbodyproblems.com. For many years he wrote the popular blog Cross Check for Scientific American.
Thanksgiving and the Myth of Native American ‘Savages’
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/thanksgiving-and-the-myth-of-native-american-savages/
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/hot-planet/a-thanksgiving-meditation-in-the-face-of-a-changing-climate/
A Thanksgiving Meditation in the Face of a Changing Climate
2018-11-21
Kate Marvel
<div><div><p>I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have</p></div><section><figure><div></div><figcaption> Credit: <a href="https://www.nasa.gov/centers/ames/news/2013/M13-39-nasa-west-summit.html">NASA, NOAA, GSFC, Suomi NPP, VIIRS and Norman Kuring</a></figcaption></figure><div><p>The Universe is not perfect, and that’s why you exist. There were tiny wrinkles at the beginning of space and time, and these led to tiny imperfections in the smooth face of the early Universe. In some regions, there was a bit more matter, in others a bit less. This slight difference multiplied as the gravity of the rich regions pulled in the matter from the poorer regions. As in real life, the rich got richer. But this is why the cosmos is dotted with stars and galaxies. Every single speck of light you’ve ever seen in the nighttime sky is evidence of the Universe’s flaws.</p>
<p>In one small gravity well, dust and gas collapsed and piled on top itself to create a ball, and then a larger ball, and eventually a star. This is our star, and there is nothing special about it. But its ordinariness is the fuel for all the life we’ve ever known. In the sun’s hot center, protons are flung around so violently by the heat that they overcome their natural electrical repulsion. When they come together, they make something less than the sum of their parts. The difference is translated into energy, some of which comes to you. You are fortunate to benefit from an enormous nuclear reactor in the sky. If the sun were made of coal, it would have burned out sixty-five thousand years after it formed. Everything you’ve ever eaten or drunk, every move you’ve ever made, every beautiful thing you’ve ever seen is because of a mediocre star in an unexceptional galaxy.</p>
<p>You live on a small rock not too close and not too far from the Sun. You go around it once per year in an almost perfect circle, the year marked in seasons caused by axial tilt. Your planet can and does wobble in its orbit over tens or hundreds of thousands of years, with the circle becoming an ellipse, the tilt becoming larger or smaller, and the North Star alternating between Polaris and Vega.  Any small shift in the orbital parameters can lead to massive climatic shifts, blanketing the planet in glaciers. You are lucky to live in an interglacial, a respite from the Ice Age that has lasted longer than human civilization, and may outlast us, too.</p>
<p>On this planet, everything is unequal but intertwined. In the tropics, hot air moves skyward, shedding water on the rainforests below as it rises and cools. The air flows toward the colder poles like a flock of birds returning home for the summer. Eventually, it cools and begins to sink, pushing away the air underneath. The sinking air is dry and cloudless, and underneath are the Sahara, the Empty Quarter, and the Kalahari. The deserts are a gift from the tropics. But the deserts give, too. Dust kicked up from the Sahara is carried by air currents across the globe, where it fertilizes the lush forests of the Amazon.</p>
<p>The air you breathe contains oxygen put there by land plants and phytoplankton, which use the carbon dioxide you exhale to turn light into sugar. There is enough land to live and farm on, and enough ocean to provide food and transportation and mystery. Millions of years of evolution has produced a staggering array of animals and plants, and all of your friends and family, too.</p>
<p>Dig deep into the land, and the layers of rocks reveal a history punctuated by mass death. There have been five mass extinctions. You are living through the sixth. You helped cause it, which means you have the power to stop it. You are not an asteroid or a volcano.</p>
<p>The civilization you live in that creates the books you read, the movies you enjoy, the technology that allows you to stay in touch with distant family and friends- this has developed during the Holocene, a period of remarkably stable climate. Arguably, we don’t know how to think about climate <em>change</em> because we’ve never really had to think about <em>climate</em>. It’s always been a hum in the background, small variations around a mean that we take for granted. Now, that background note is growing louder and higher.</p>
<p>Our climate is changing because of our actions. We can already see the impacts: changes in the range and behavior of animal species, coastal cities smashed by hurricanes and inundated by floodwaters, a haze of unseasonal wildfire smoke. Science says nothing about how to feel about these changes. I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope, and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have. We live on a medium-sized rock that goes around a garden-variety star in a galaxy that exists only because of a flaw in the smooth perfection of the early cosmos.</p>
<p>Science says there is nothing special about our place in the Universe. I have to disagree.</p>
</div><section><p>The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American. </p></section><section><h3>ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)</h3><section><p></p><div><ul></ul><p>Kate Marvel is a climate scientist at Columbia University and NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies. She received a Ph.D. in theoretical physics from the University of Cambridge and has worked at Stanford University, the Carnegie Institution and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Her writing has appeared in <em>Scientific American</em>, the On Being podcast and <em>Nautilus</em> magazine. Marvel has given talks in places as diverse as comedy clubs, prisons and the TED main stage. <a href="https://twitter.com/@DrKateMarvel">Follow Kate Marvel on Twitter</a> Credit: Nick Higgins</p></div></section></section></section>||||I||||Skip to main content
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 Hot Planet | Opinion

 A Thanksgiving Meditation in the Face of a Changing Climate

 I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have

 * By Kate Marvel on November 21, 2018
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 Credit: NASA, NOAA, GSFC, Suomi NPP, VIIRS and Norman Kuring

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 The Universe is not perfect, and that’s why you exist. There were tiny wrinkles at the beginning of space and time, and these led to tiny imperfections in the smooth face of the early Universe. In some regions, there was a bit more matter, in others a bit less. This slight difference multiplied as the gravity of the rich regions pulled in the matter from the poorer regions. As in real life, the rich got richer. But this is why the cosmos is dotted with stars and galaxies. Every single speck of light you’ve ever seen in the nighttime sky is evidence of the Universe’s flaws.

 In one small gravity well, dust and gas collapsed and piled on top itself to create a ball, and then a larger ball, and eventually a star. This is our star, and there is nothing special about it. But its ordinariness is the fuel for all the life we’ve ever known. In the sun’s hot center, protons are flung around so violently by the heat that they overcome their natural electrical repulsion. When they come together, they make something less than the sum of their parts. The difference is translated into energy, some of which comes to you. You are fortunate to benefit from an enormous nuclear reactor in the sky. If the sun were made of coal, it would have burned out sixty-five thousand years after it formed. Everything you’ve ever eaten or drunk, every move you’ve ever made, every beautiful thing you’ve ever seen is because of a mediocre star in an unexceptional galaxy.

 You live on a small rock not too close and not too far from the Sun. You go around it once per year in an almost perfect circle, the year marked in seasons caused by axial tilt. Your planet can and does wobble in its orbit over tens or hundreds of thousands of years, with the circle becoming an ellipse, the tilt becoming larger or smaller, and the North Star alternating between Polaris and Vega. Any small shift in the orbital parameters can lead to massive climatic shifts, blanketing the planet in glaciers. You are lucky to live in an interglacial, a respite from the Ice Age that has lasted longer than human civilization, and may outlast us, too.

 On this planet, everything is unequal but intertwined. In the tropics, hot air moves skyward, shedding water on the rainforests below as it rises and cools. The air flows toward the colder poles like a flock of birds returning home for the summer. Eventually, it cools and begins to sink, pushing away the air underneath. The sinking air is dry and cloudless, and underneath are the Sahara, the Empty Quarter, and the Kalahari. The deserts are a gift from the tropics. But the deserts give, too. Dust kicked up from the Sahara is carried by air currents across the globe, where it fertilizes the lush forests of the Amazon.

 The air you breathe contains oxygen put there by land plants and phytoplankton, which use the carbon dioxide you exhale to turn light into sugar. There is enough land to live and farm on, and enough ocean to provide food and transportation and mystery. Millions of years of evolution has produced a staggering array of animals and plants, and all of your friends and family, too.

 Dig deep into the land, and the layers of rocks reveal a history punctuated by mass death. There have been five mass extinctions. You are living through the sixth. You helped cause it, which means you have the power to stop it. You are not an asteroid or a volcano.

 The civilization you live in that creates the books you read, the movies you enjoy, the technology that allows you to stay in touch with distant family and friends- this has developed during the Holocene, a period of remarkably stable climate. Arguably, we don’t know how to think about climate change because we’ve never really had to think about climate. It’s always been a hum in the background, small variations around a mean that we take for granted. Now, that background note is growing louder and higher.

 Our climate is changing because of our actions. We can already see the impacts: changes in the range and behavior of animal species, coastal cities smashed by hurricanes and inundated by floodwaters, a haze of unseasonal wildfire smoke. Science says nothing about how to feel about these changes. I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope, and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have. We live on a medium-sized rock that goes around a garden-variety star in a galaxy that exists only because of a flaw in the smooth perfection of the early cosmos.

 Science says there is nothing special about our place in the Universe. I have to disagree.

 The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.

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 ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

 Kate Marvel is a climate scientist at Columbia University and NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies. She received a Ph.D. in theoretical physics from the University of Cambridge and has worked at Stanford University, the Carnegie Institution and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Her writing has appeared in Scientific American, the On Being podcast and Nautilus magazine. Marvel has given talks in places as diverse as comedy clubs, prisons and the TED main stage. Follow Kate Marvel on Twitter Credit: Nick Higgins

 Recent Articles by Kate Marvel

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 * Shut Up, Franzen
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I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have       Credit: NASA, NOAA, GSFC, Suomi NPP, VIIRS and Norman Kuring    The Universe is not perfect, and that’s why you exist. There were tiny wrinkles at the beginning of space and time, and these led to tiny imperfections in the smooth face of the early Universe. In some regions, there was a bit more matter, in others a bit less. This slight difference multiplied as the gravity of the rich regions pulled in the matter from the poorer regions. As in real life, the rich got richer. But this is why the cosmos is dotted with stars and galaxies. Every single speck of light you’ve ever seen in the nighttime sky is evidence of the Universe’s flaws.
In one small gravity well, dust and gas collapsed and piled on top itself to create a ball, and then a larger ball, and eventually a star. This is our star, and there is nothing special about it. But its ordinariness is the fuel for all the life we’ve ever known. In the sun’s hot center, protons are flung around so violently by the heat that they overcome their natural electrical repulsion. When they come together, they make something less than the sum of their parts. The difference is translated into energy, some of which comes to you. You are fortunate to benefit from an enormous nuclear reactor in the sky. If the sun were made of coal, it would have burned out sixty-five thousand years after it formed. Everything you’ve ever eaten or drunk, every move you’ve ever made, every beautiful thing you’ve ever seen is because of a mediocre star in an unexceptional galaxy.
You live on a small rock not too close and not too far from the Sun. You go around it once per year in an almost perfect circle, the year marked in seasons caused by axial tilt. Your planet can and does wobble in its orbit over tens or hundreds of thousands of years, with the circle becoming an ellipse, the tilt becoming larger or smaller, and the North Star alternating between Polaris and Vega.  Any small shift in the orbital parameters can lead to massive climatic shifts, blanketing the planet in glaciers. You are lucky to live in an interglacial, a respite from the Ice Age that has lasted longer than human civilization, and may outlast us, too.
On this planet, everything is unequal but intertwined. In the tropics, hot air moves skyward, shedding water on the rainforests below as it rises and cools. The air flows toward the colder poles like a flock of birds returning home for the summer. Eventually, it cools and begins to sink, pushing away the air underneath. The sinking air is dry and cloudless, and underneath are the Sahara, the Empty Quarter, and the Kalahari. The deserts are a gift from the tropics. But the deserts give, too. Dust kicked up from the Sahara is carried by air currents across the globe, where it fertilizes the lush forests of the Amazon.
The air you breathe contains oxygen put there by land plants and phytoplankton, which use the carbon dioxide you exhale to turn light into sugar. There is enough land to live and farm on, and enough ocean to provide food and transportation and mystery. Millions of years of evolution has produced a staggering array of animals and plants, and all of your friends and family, too.
Dig deep into the land, and the layers of rocks reveal a history punctuated by mass death. There have been five mass extinctions. You are living through the sixth. You helped cause it, which means you have the power to stop it. You are not an asteroid or a volcano.
The civilization you live in that creates the books you read, the movies you enjoy, the technology that allows you to stay in touch with distant family and friends- this has developed during the Holocene, a period of remarkably stable climate. Arguably, we don’t know how to think about climate change because we’ve never really had to think about climate. It’s always been a hum in the background, small variations around a mean that we take for granted. Now, that background note is growing louder and higher.
Our climate is changing because of our actions. We can already see the impacts: changes in the range and behavior of animal species, coastal cities smashed by hurricanes and inundated by floodwaters, a haze of unseasonal wildfire smoke. Science says nothing about how to feel about these changes. I feel grief, guilt, anger, determination, hope, and sadness all at the same time. But what I feel more than anything is gratitude for what we have. We live on a medium-sized rock that goes around a garden-variety star in a galaxy that exists only because of a flaw in the smooth perfection of the early cosmos.
Science says there is nothing special about our place in the Universe. I have to disagree.
  The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.    ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)       Kate Marvel is a climate scientist at Columbia University and NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies. She received a Ph.D. in theoretical physics from the University of Cambridge and has worked at Stanford University, the Carnegie Institution and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Her writing has appeared in Scientific American, the On Being podcast and Nautilus magazine. Marvel has given talks in places as diverse as comedy clubs, prisons and the TED main stage. Follow Kate Marvel on Twitter Credit: Nick Higgins
A Thanksgiving Meditation in the Face of a Changing Climate
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/hot-planet/a-thanksgiving-meditation-in-the-face-of-a-changing-climate/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychoanalysis
Psychoanalysis - Wikipedia
2001-07-24
Authority control National libraries Spain France Germany Israel United States Latvia Czech Republic
<div><div>
<p>This article is about a set of theories of mind originating from the work of Sigmund Freud. For modern methods of psychological assessment, see <a href="/wiki/Psychological_testing">psychological testing</a>.</p>
<table><tbody><tr><th>Psychoanalysis</th></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/ICD-9-CM_Volume_3">ICD-9-CM</a></th><td><a href="http://icd9cm.chrisendres.com/index.php?srchtype=procs&amp;srchtext=94.31&amp;Submit=Search&amp;action=search">94.31</a></td></tr><tr><th><a href="/wiki/Medical_Subject_Headings">MeSH</a></th><td><a href="https://www.nlm.nih.gov/cgi/mesh/2016/MB_cgi?field=uid&amp;term=D011572">D011572</a></td></tr><tr><td><div><p>[<a href="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q41630">edit on Wikidata</a>]</p></div></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p><b>Psychoanalysis</b><sup><a href="#cite_note-1">[i]</a></sup> is a set of <a href="/wiki/Theory">theories</a> and <a href="/wiki/Therapy">therapeutic</a> techniques<sup><a href="#cite_note-2">[ii]</a></sup> that deal in part with the <a href="/wiki/Unconscious_mind">unconscious mind</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-3">[iii]</a></sup> and which together form a method of treatment for <a href="/wiki/Mental_disorder">mental disorders</a>. The discipline was established in the early 1890s by Austrian <a href="/wiki/Neurology">neurologist</a> <a href="/wiki/Sigmund_Freud">Sigmund Freud</a>, who developed the practice from his theoretical model of personality organization and development, <a href="/wiki/Psychoanalytic_theory">psychoanalytic theory</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Mitchell,_Juliet_2000-4">[1]</a></sup> Freud's work stems partly from the clinical work of <a href="/wiki/Josef_Breuer">Josef Breuer</a> and others. Psychoanalysis was later developed in different directions, mostly by students of Freud, such as <a href="/wiki/Alfred_Adler">Alfred Adler</a> and his collaborator, <a href="/wiki/Carl_Jung">Carl Gustav Jung</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:0-5">[iv]</a></sup> as well as by <a href="/wiki/Neo-Freudianism">neo-Freudian</a> thinkers, such as <a href="/wiki/Erich_Fromm">Erich Fromm</a>, <a href="/wiki/Karen_Horney">Karen Horney</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Harry_Stack_Sullivan">Harry Stack Sullivan</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Birnbach,_Martin_1961-6">[2]</a></sup>
</p><p>Freud distinguished between a conscious and unconscious mind, arguing that the unconscious mind largely determines <a href="/wiki/Human_behavior">behaviour</a> and <a href="/wiki/Cognition">cognition</a> owing to instinctual unconscious drives. Freud observed that attempts to bring such drives into awareness triggers <a href="/wiki/Resistance_(psychoanalysis)">resistance</a> in the form of <a href="/wiki/Defence_mechanism">defense mechanisms</a>, particularly <a href="/wiki/Repression_(psychoanalysis)">repression</a>, and that conflicts between conscious and unconscious material can result in <a href="/wiki/Mental_disorder">mental disturbances</a>. He also postulated that unconscious material can be found in <a href="/wiki/Dream_interpretation#Freud">dreams</a> and <a href="/wiki/Freudian_slip">unintentional acts</a>, including mannerisms and <a href="/wiki/Freudian_slip">Freudian slips</a>. Psychoanalytic therapy developed as a means to improve mental health by bringing unconscious material into consciousness. Psychoanalysts place a large emphasis on <a href="/wiki/Early_childhood">early childhood</a> in an individual's development. During therapy, a psychoanalyst aims to induce <a href="/wiki/Transference">transference</a>, whereby patients relive their infantile conflicts by <a href="/wiki/Psychological_projection">projecting</a> onto the analyst feelings of love, dependence and anger.<sup><a href="#cite_note-7">[3]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-8">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>During psychoanalytic sessions a patient traditionally lies on a couch, and an analyst sits just behind and out of sight. The patient expresses their thoughts, including <a href="/wiki/Free_association_(psychology)">free associations</a>, <a href="/wiki/Fantasy_(psychology)">fantasies</a>, and dreams, from which the analyst infers the unconscious conflicts causing the patient's symptoms and character problems. Through the analysis of these conflicts, which includes interpreting the transference and <a href="/wiki/Countertransference">countertransference</a> (the analyst's feelings for the patient), the analyst confronts the patient's pathological <a href="/wiki/Defence_mechanism">defence mechanisms</a> to help the patient understand themselves better.<sup><a href="#cite_note-9">[5]</a></sup>
</p><p>Psychoanalysis is a controversial discipline, and its effectiveness as a treatment has been contested, although it retains influence within <a href="/wiki/Psychiatry">psychiatry</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-10">[v]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-11">[vi]</a></sup> Psychoanalytic concepts are also widely used outside the therapeutic arena, in areas such as <a href="/wiki/Psychoanalytic_literary_criticism">psychoanalytic literary criticism</a>, as well as in the analysis of film, fairy tales, philosophical perspectives as <a href="/wiki/Freudo-Marxism">Freudo-Marxism</a> and other cultural phenomena.
</p>
<h2>History[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>1890s[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The idea of psychoanalysis (<a href="/wiki/German_language">German</a>: <i>Psychoanalyse</i>) first began to receive serious attention under <a href="/wiki/Sigmund_Freud">Sigmund Freud</a>, who formulated his own theory of psychoanalysis in <a href="/wiki/Vienna">Vienna</a> in the 1890s. Freud was a <a href="/wiki/Neurology">neurologist</a> trying to find an effective treatment for patients with <a href="/wiki/Neurosis">neurotic</a> or <a href="/wiki/Hysteria">hysterical</a> symptoms. Freud realised that there were mental processes that were not conscious whilst he was employed as a neurological consultant at the Children's Hospital, where he noticed that many <a href="/wiki/Aphasia">aphasic</a> children had no apparent organic cause for their symptoms. He then wrote a <a href="/wiki/Monograph">monograph</a> about this subject.<sup><a href="#cite_note-12">[6]</a></sup> In 1885, Freud obtained a grant to study with <a href="/wiki/Jean-Martin_Charcot">Jean-Martin Charcot</a>, a famed neurologist, at the <a href="/wiki/Piti%C3%A9-Salp%C3%AAtri%C3%A8re_Hospital">Salpêtrière</a> in Paris, where he followed the clinical presentations of Charcot, particularly in the areas of hysteria, paralyses and the anaesthesias. Charcot had introduced hypnotism as an experimental research tool and developed photographic representation of clinical symptoms.
</p><p>Freud's first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was presented in <i><a href="/wiki/Studies_on_Hysteria">Studies on Hysteria</a></i> (1895; <i>Studien über Hysterie</i>), co-authored with his mentor the distinguished physician <a href="/wiki/Josef_Breuer">Josef Breuer</a>, which was generally seen as the birth of psychoanalysis.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:2-13">[7]</a></sup> The work was based on Breuer's treatment of <a href="/wiki/Bertha_Pappenheim">Bertha Pappenheim</a>, referred to in case studies by the <a href="/wiki/Pseudonym">pseudonym</a> "<a href="/wiki/Anna_O.">Anna O.</a>", treatment which Pappenheim herself had dubbed the "<a href="/wiki/Talking_cure">talking cure</a>". Breuer wrote that many factors could result in such symptoms, including various types of emotional trauma, and he also credited work by others such as <a href="/wiki/Pierre_Janet">Pierre Janet</a>; while Freud contended that at the root of hysterical symptoms were repressed memories of distressing occurrences, almost always having direct or indirect sexual associations.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:2-13">[7]</a></sup>
</p><p>Around the same time, Freud attempted to develop a neuro-physiological theory of unconscious mental mechanisms, which he soon gave up. It remained unpublished in his lifetime.<sup><a href="#cite_note-14">[8]</a></sup> The term 'psychoanalysis' (<i>psychoanalyse</i>) was first introduced by Freud in his essay titled "Heredity and etiology of neuroses" ("<i>L'hérédité et l'étiologie des névroses</i>"), written and published in French in 1896.<sup><a href="#cite_note-15">[9]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-16">[10]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 1896, Freud also published his <a href="/wiki/Freud%27s_seduction_theory"><i>seduction theory</i></a>, claiming to have uncovered repressed memories of incidents of sexual abuse for all his current patients, from which he proposed that the preconditions for <a href="/wiki/Hysteria">hysterical</a> symptoms are <a href="/wiki/Sexual_arousal">sexual excitations</a> in infancy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:3-17">[11]</a></sup> Though in 1896 he had reported that his patients "had no feeling of remembering the [infantile sexual] scenes", and assured him "emphatically of their unbelief",<sup><a href="#cite_note-:3-17">[11]</a></sup><sup>: 204 </sup> in later accounts he claimed that they had told him that they had been sexually abused in infancy. By 1898 he had privately acknowledged to his friend and colleague <a href="/wiki/Wilhelm_Fliess">Wilhelm Fliess</a> that he no longer believed in his theory, though he did not state this publicly until 1906.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:4-18">[12]</a></sup> 
</p><p>Building on his claims that the patients reported infantile sexual abuse experiences, Freud subsequently contended that his clinical findings in the mid-1890s provided evidence of the occurrence of unconscious fantasies, supposedly to cover up memories of <a href="/wiki/Infantile_masturbation">infantile masturbation</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:4-18">[12]</a></sup> Only much later did he claim the same findings as evidence for <a href="/wiki/Oedipus_complex">Oedipal</a> desires.<sup><a href="#cite_note-19">[13]</a></sup> In the latter part of the 20th century, several Freud scholars challenged Freud's perception of the patients who informed him of childhood sexual abuse, arguing that he had imposed his preconceived notions on his patients.<sup><a href="#cite_note-20">[14]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-21">[15]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-22">[16]</a></sup> 
</p><p>By 1899, Freud had theorised that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory—which hypotheses that the unconscious has or is a "primary process" consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a "secondary process" of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1899 book, <i><a href="/wiki/The_Interpretation_of_Dreams">The Interpretation of Dreams</a></i>, which Freud thought of as his most significant work<i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-23">[17]</a></sup></i><sup><a href="#cite_note-24">[18]</a></sup> Freud outlined a new <i>topographic theory</i>, which theorised that unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the "System Unconscious". These wishes were made unconscious due to society's condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. This "topographic theory" is still popular in much of Europe, although it has fallen out of favour in much of North America, where it has been largely supplanted by structural theory.<sup><a href="#cite_note-25">[19]</a></sup> In addition, <i>The Interpretation of Dreams</i> contained Freud's first conceptualisation of the <a href="/wiki/Oedipus_complex">Oedipal complex</a>, which asserted that young boys are sexually attracted to their mothers and envious of their fathers for being able to have sex with their mothers.
</p><p>Psychologist <a href="/wiki/Frank_Sulloway">Frank Sulloway</a> in his book <i>Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend</i> argues that Freud's biological theories like libido were rooted in the biological hypothesis that accompanied the work of <a href="/wiki/Charles_Darwin">Charles Darwin</a>, citing theories of <a href="/wiki/Richard_von_Krafft-Ebing">Krafft-Ebing</a>, Molland, <a href="/wiki/Havelock_Ellis">Havelock Ellis</a>, <a href="/wiki/Ernst_Haeckel">Haeckel</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wilhelm_Fliess">Wilhelm Fliess</a> as influencing Freud.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 30 </sup>
</p>
<h3>1900–1940s[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>In 1905, Freud published <i><a href="/wiki/Three_Essays_on_the_Theory_of_Sexuality">Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality</a></i> in which he laid out his discovery of the <a href="/wiki/Psychosexual_development"><i>psychosexual phases</i></a>, which categorised early childhood development into five stages depending on what sexual afinity a child possessed at the stage:<sup><a href="#cite_note-27">[21]</a></sup>
</p>
<ul><li>Oral (ages 0–2);</li>
<li>Anal (2–4);</li>
<li>Phallic-oedipal or First genital (3–6);</li>
<li>Latency (6–puberty); and</li>
<li>Mature genital (puberty–onward).</li></ul>
<p>His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be result in anxiety or physical symptoms. Early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and <a href="/wiki/Abreaction">abreaction</a>, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms. This method would later on be left aside by Freud, giving free association a bigger role.
</p><p>In <i><a href="/wiki/On_Narcissism">On Narcissism</a></i> (1915), Freud turned his attention to the titular subject of <a href="/wiki/Narcissism">narcissism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-28">[22]</a></sup> Freud characterized the difference between energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others using a system known as <i><a href="/wiki/Cathexis">cathexis</a></i>. By 1917, in "<a href="/wiki/Mourning_and_Melancholia">Mourning and Melancholia</a>", he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:5-29">[23]</a></sup> In 1919, through "A Child is Being Beaten", he began to address the problems of <a href="/wiki/Self-destructive_behavior">self-destructive behavior</a> and <a href="/wiki/Sadomasochism">sexual masochism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-30">[24]</a></sup> Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of <a href="/wiki/World_War_I">World War I</a>, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior in <i><a href="/wiki/Group_Psychology_and_the_Analysis_of_the_Ego">Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-31">[25]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-32">[26]</a></sup> In that same year, Freud suggested his <i>dual drive theory</i> of sexuality and aggression in <i><a href="/wiki/Beyond_the_Pleasure_Principle">Beyond the Pleasure Principle</a></i>, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness. Also, it was the first appearance of his "structural theory" consisting of three new concepts <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego_and_super-ego">id, ego, and superego</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-33">[27]</a></sup>
</p><p>Three years later, in 1923, he summarised the ideas of id, ego, and superego in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Ego_and_the_Id">The Ego and the Id</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:6-34">[28]</a></sup> In the book, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Hence, Freud characterised repression as both a cause and a result of anxiety. In 1926, in "Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety", Freud characterised how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego caused <a href="/wiki/Anxiety">anxiety</a>, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:7-35">[29]</a></sup> In 1924, <a href="/wiki/Otto_Rank">Otto Rank</a> published <a href="/wiki/The_Trauma_of_Birth">The Trauma of Birth</a>, which analysed culture and philosophy in relation to separation anxiety which occurred before the development of an <a href="/wiki/Oedipus_complex">Oedipal complex</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-36">[30]</a></sup> Freud's theories, however, characterized no such phase. According to Freud, the Oedipus complex was at the centre of neurosis, and was the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in <a href="/wiki/Inner_circle_(psychoanalysis)">Freud's inner circle</a> had characterised something other than the Oedipus complex as contributing to intrapsychic development, a notion that was rejected by Freud and his followers at the time.
</p><p>By 1936 the "Principle of Multiple Function" was clarified by <a href="/wiki/Robert_Waelder">Robert Waelder</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-37">[31]</a></sup> He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as <a href="/wiki/Phobia">phobias</a> and <a href="/wiki/Compulsive_behavior">compulsions</a>) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego, anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, <a href="/wiki/Anna_Freud">Anna Freud</a>, Sigmund's daughter, published her seminal book, <i>The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense</i>, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:8-38">[32]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>1940s–present[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>When <a href="/wiki/Adolf_Hitler">Hitler</a>'s power grew, the Freud family and many of their colleagues fled to London. Within a year, Sigmund Freud died.<sup><a href="#cite_note-39">[33]</a></sup> In the United States, also following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by <a href="/wiki/Heinz_Hartmann">Heinz Hartmann</a>, the group built upon understandings of the <i>synthetic</i> function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning, distinguishing such from <i>autonomous</i> ego functions (e.g. memory and intellect). These "ego psychologists" of the 1950s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts.
</p><p>In addition, there was growing interest in <a href="/wiki/Child_psychoanalysis">child psychoanalysis</a>. Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,<sup><a href="#cite_note-40">[vii]</a></sup> and is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Wallerstein_2000-41">[34]</a></sup> In the 1960s, Freud's early thoughts on the childhood development of <a href="/wiki/Female_sexuality">female sexuality</a> were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development,<sup><a href="#cite_note-42">[35]</a></sup> many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud's theories. Several researchers followed <a href="/wiki/Karen_Horney">Karen Horney</a>'s studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women.<sup><a href="#cite_note-43">[36]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the first decade of the 21st century, there were approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the <a href="/wiki/American_Psychoanalytic_Association">American Psychoanalytic Association</a> (APsaA), which is a component organization of the <a href="/wiki/International_Psychoanalytical_Association">International Psychoanalytical Association</a> (IPA), and there are over 3000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The IPA accredits psychoanalytic training centers through such "component organisations" throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland,<sup><a href="#cite_note-44">[37]</a></sup> and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the United States.
</p>
<h3>Psychoanalysis as a movement[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Freud founded the <i>Psychological Wednesday Society</i> in 1902, which <a href="/wiki/Edward_Shorter_(historian)">Edward Shorter</a> argues was the beginning of psychoanalysis as a movement. This society became the <a href="/wiki/Vienna_Psychoanalytic_Society">Vienna Psychoanalytic Society</a> in 1908 in the same year as the first international congress of psychoanalysis held in Salzburg, Austria.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:16-45">[38]</a></sup><sup>: 110 </sup> <a href="/wiki/Alfred_Adler">Alfred Adler</a> was one of the most active members in this society in its early years.<sup><a href="#cite_note-46">[39]</a></sup><sup>: 584 </sup>
</p><p>The second congress of psychoanalysis took place in Nuremberg, Germany in 1910.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:16-45">[38]</a></sup><sup>: 110 </sup> At this congress, <a href="/wiki/S%C3%A1ndor_Ferenczi">Ferenczi</a> called for the creation of an International Psychoanalytic Association with <a href="/wiki/Carl_Jung">Jung</a> as president for life.<sup><a href="#cite_note-47">[40]</a></sup><sup>: 15 </sup> A third congress was held in Weimar in 1911.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:16-45">[38]</a></sup><sup>: 110 </sup> The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded in 1913 by <a href="/wiki/Ernest_Jones">Ernest Jones</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-48">[41]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Developments of alternative forms of psychotherapy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6">edit</a>]</h3>
<h4>Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>In the 1950s, psychoanalysis was the main modality of <a href="/wiki/Psychotherapy">psychotherapy</a>. Behavioural models of psychotherapy started to assume a more central role in psychotherapy in the 1960s.<sup><a href="#cite_note-49">[viii]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-NorcrossVandenBos2011-50">[42]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Aaron_T._Beck">Aaron T. Beck</a>, a psychiatrist trained in a psychoanalytic tradition, set out to test the psychoanalytic models of depression empirically and found that conscious ruminations of loss and personal failing were correlated with depression. He suggested that distorted and biased beliefs were a causal factor of depression, publishing an influential paper in 1967 after a decade of research using the construct of <a href="/wiki/Schema_(psychology)">schemas</a> to explain the depression.<sup><a href="#cite_note-NorcrossVandenBos2011-50">[42]</a></sup><sup>: 221 </sup> Beck developed this empirically supported hypothesis for the cause of depression into a talking therapy called <a href="/wiki/Cognitive_behavioral_therapy">cognitive behavioral therapy</a> (CBT) in the early 1970s.
</p>
<h4>Attachment theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/Attachment_theory">Attachment theory</a> was developed theoretically by <a href="/wiki/John_Bowlby">John Bowlby</a> and formalized empirically by <a href="/wiki/Mary_Ainsworth">Mary Ainsworth</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-51">[43]</a></sup> Bowlby was trained psychoanalytically but was concerned about some properties of psychoanalysis;<sup><a href="#cite_note-:14-52">[44]</a></sup><sup>: 23 </sup> he was troubled by the dogmatism of psychoanalysis at the time, its arcane terminology, the lack of attention to environment in child behaviour, and the concepts derived from talking therapy to child behaviour.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:14-52">[44]</a></sup><sup>: 23 </sup> In response, he developed an alternative conceptualization of child behaviour based on principles on <a href="/wiki/Ethology">ethology</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:14-52">[44]</a></sup><sup>: 24 </sup> Bowlby's theory of attachment rejects Freud's model of <a href="/wiki/Psychosexual_development">psychosexual development</a> based on the Oedipal model.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:14-52">[44]</a></sup><sup>: 25 </sup> For his work, Bowlby was shunned from psychoanalytical circles who did not accept his theories. Nonetheless, his conceptualization was adopted widely by mother-infant research in the 1970s.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:14-52">[44]</a></sup><sup>: 26 </sup>
</p>
<h2>Theories[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be organised into several theoretical schools. Although these perspectives differ, most of them emphasize the influence of unconscious elements on the conscious. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theories.<sup><a href="#cite_note-53">[45]</a></sup>
</p><p>There are some persistent conflicts among psychoanalysts regarding specific causes of certain syndromes, and some disputes regarding the ideal treatment techniques. In the 21st century, psychoanalytic ideas have found influence in fields such as <a href="/wiki/Childcare">childcare</a>, <a href="/wiki/Education">education</a>, <a href="/wiki/Literary_criticism">literary criticism</a>, <a href="/wiki/Cultural_studies">cultural studies</a>, <a href="/wiki/Mental_health">mental health</a>, and particularly <a href="/wiki/Psychotherapy">psychotherapy</a>. Though most mainstream psychoanalysts subscribe to modern strains of psychaoanalytical thought, there are groups who follow the precepts of a single psychoanalyst and their school of thought. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as <a href="/wiki/Archetypal_literary_criticism">archetypal literary criticism</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-54">[46]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Topographic theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10">edit</a>]</h3>
<p><i>Topographic theory</i> was named and first described by <a href="/wiki/Sigmund_Freud">Sigmund Freud</a> in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Interpretation_of_Dreams">The Interpretation of Dreams</a></i> (1899).<sup><a href="#cite_note-55">[47]</a></sup> The theory hypothesizes that the mental apparatus can be divided into the systems <a href="/wiki/Consciousness">Conscious</a>, <a href="/wiki/Preconscious">Preconscious</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Unconscious_mind">Unconscious</a>. These systems are not <a href="/wiki/Anatomy">anatomical</a> structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the <i>structural theory</i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Langs_R_2010-56">[48]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Structural theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Structural theory divides the psyche into the <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego,_and_super-ego">id</a>, the <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego_and_super-ego">ego</a>, and the <a href="/wiki/Super-ego">super-ego</a>. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called "<i>Triebe</i>" ("drives"). Unorganized and unconscious, it operates merely on the 'pleasure principle', without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urging of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the 'reality principle'. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, <a href="/wiki/Self-criticism">self-criticism</a> and other reflective and judgmental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Langs_R_2010-56">[48]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Theoretical and clinical approaches[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>During the twentieth century, many different clinical and theoretical models of psychoanalysis emerged.
</p>
<h4>Ego psychology[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=13">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/Ego_psychology">Ego psychology</a> was initially suggested by Freud in <i>Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety</i> (1926),<sup><a href="#cite_note-:7-35">[29]</a></sup> while major steps forward would be made through <a href="/wiki/Anna_Freud">Anna Freud</a>'s work on <a href="/wiki/Defense_mechanisms">defense mechanisms</a>, first published in her book <i>The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence</i> (1936).<sup><a href="#cite_note-:8-38">[32]</a></sup>
</p><p>The theory was refined by <a href="/wiki/Heinz_Hartmann">Hartmann</a>, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-57">[49]</a></sup>
</p><p>Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it.<sup><a href="#cite_note-58">[50]</a></sup>
</p><p>According to ego psychology, ego strengths, later described by <a href="/wiki/Otto_F._Kernberg">Otto F. Kernberg</a> (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-59">[51]</a></sup> Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflict processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).
</p><p>Taken together, the above theories present a group of <a href="/wiki/Metapsychology">metapsychological</a> assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mental processes. There are six "points of view", five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view:<sup><a href="#cite_note-60">[52]</a></sup>
</p>
<ol><li>Topographic</li>
<li>Dynamic (the theory of conflict)</li>
<li>Economic (the theory of energy flow)</li>
<li>Structural</li>
<li>Genetic (i.e. propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions)</li>
<li>Adaptational (i.e. psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world)</li></ol>
<h4>Modern conflict theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=14">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><i>Modern conflict theory</i>, a variation of <a href="/wiki/Ego_psychology">ego psychology</a>, is a revised version of structural theory, most notably different by altering concepts related to where repressed thoughts were stored.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:6-34">[28]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-:7-35">[29]</a></sup> Modern conflict theory addresses emotional symptoms and character traits as complex solutions to mental conflict.<sup><a href="#cite_note-61">[53]</a></sup> It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego_and_superego">id, ego and superego</a>, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.
</p><p>A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called "compromise formations") conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians who follow the work of <a href="/wiki/Charles_Brenner_(psychiatrist)">Charles Brenner</a>, especially <i>The Mind in Conflict</i> (1982), include Sandor Abend,<sup><a href="#cite_note-62">[54]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Jacob_Arlow">Jacob Arlow</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-63">[55]</a></sup> and Jerome Blackman.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:9-64">[56]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Object relations theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=15">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><i><a href="/wiki/Object_relations_theory">Object relations theory</a></i> attempts to explain human relationships through a study of how mental representations of the self and others are organized.<sup><a href="#cite_note-65">[57]</a></sup> The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual's capacity to feel: warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with significant others.
</p><p>Klein discusses the concept of <a href="/wiki/Introjection">introjection</a>, creating a mental representation of external objects; and <a href="/wiki/Psychological_projection">projection</a>, applying this mental representation to reality.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:15-66">[58]</a></sup><sup>: 24 </sup> <a href="/wiki/Wilfred_Bion">Wilfred Bion</a> introduced the concept of <i>containment</i> of projections in the mother-child relationship where a mother understands an infants projections, modifies them and returns them to the child.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:15-66">[58]</a></sup><sup>: 27 </sup>
</p><p>Concepts regarding internal representation (aka 'introspect', 'self and object representation', or 'internalization of self and other'), although often attributed to <a href="/wiki/Melanie_Klein">Melanie Klein</a>, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (<i><a href="/wiki/Three_Essays_on_the_Theory_of_Sexuality">Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality</a></i>, 1905). Freud's 1917 paper "<a href="/wiki/Mourning_and_Melancholia">Mourning and Melancholia</a>", for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor's internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex <a href="/wiki/Self-image">self-image</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:5-29">[23]</a></sup>
</p><p>Melanie Klein's hypotheses regarding internalization during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by <a href="/wiki/Ren%C3%A9_Spitz">René Spitz</a> (e.g., <i>The First Year of Life</i>, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. <a href="/wiki/Margaret_Mahler">Mahler</a>, Fine, and Bergman (1975) describe distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to "separation-individuation" during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures in the face of the child's destructive aggression, internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy <a href="/wiki/Autonomy">autonomy</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-67">[59]</a></sup>
</p><p>During adolescence, <a href="/wiki/Erik_Erikson">Erik Erikson</a> (1950–1960s) described the 'identity crisis', that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience "Warm-ETHICS: (warmth, Empathy, Trust, <a href="/wiki/Donald_Winnicott">Holding environment</a>, Identity, Closeness, and Stability) in relationships, the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:9-64">[56]</a></sup>
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<h4>Self psychology[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=16">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><i><a href="/wiki/Self_psychology">Self psychology</a></i> emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated <a href="/wiki/Self_(psychology)">sense of self</a> through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as '<a href="/wiki/Self-objectification">selfobjects</a>'. <i>Selfobjects</i> meet the developing self's needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through "transmuting internalizations" in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist.
</p><p>Self psychology was proposed originally by <a href="/wiki/Heinz_Kohut">Heinz Kohut</a>, and has been further developed by <a href="/wiki/Arnold_Goldberg">Arnold Goldberg</a>, Frank Lachmann, <a href="/wiki/Paul_Ornstein">Paul</a> and <a href="/wiki/Anna_Ornstein">Anna Ornstein</a>, Marian Tolpin, and others.
</p>
<h4>Lacanian psychoanalysis[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=17">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><a href="/wiki/Lacanianism">Lacanian psychoanalysis</a>, which integrates psychoanalysis with <a href="/wiki/Structural_linguistics">structural linguistics</a> and <a href="/wiki/Hegel">Hegelian</a> philosophy, is especially popular in France and parts of Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis. <a href="/wiki/Jacques_Lacan">Jacques Lacan</a> frequently used the phrase "retourner à Freud" ("return to Freud") in his seminars and writings, as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud's own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, <a href="/wiki/Object_relations">object relations</a> and "self" theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud's complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan's concepts concern the "<a href="/wiki/Mirror_stage">mirror stage</a>", <a href="/wiki/The_Real">the "Real"</a>, <a href="/wiki/The_Imaginary_(psychoanalysis)">the "Imaginary"</a>, and <a href="/wiki/The_Symbolic">the "Symbolic"</a>, and the claim that "the unconscious is structured as a language."<sup><a href="#cite_note-68">[60]</a></sup>
</p><p>Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have taken longer to be translated into English and he has thus had a lesser impact on psychoanalysis and psychotherapy in the English-speaking world. In the United Kingdom and the United States, his ideas are most widely used to analyze texts in <a href="/wiki/Literary_theory">literary theory</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-69">[61]</a></sup> Due to his increasingly critical stance towards the deviation from Freud's thought, often singling out particular texts and readings from his colleagues, Lacan was excluded from acting as a training analyst in the IPA, thus leading him to create his own school in order to maintain an <a href="/wiki/Lacanian_movement">institutional structure</a> for the many candidates who desired to continue their analysis with him.<sup><a href="#cite_note-70">[62]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Adaptive paradigm[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=18">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>The <i>adaptive paradigm</i> of psychotherapy develops out of the work of <a href="/wiki/Robert_Langs">Robert Langs</a>. The <i>adaptive paradigm</i> interprets psychic conflict primarily in terms of conscious and unconscious adaptation to reality. Langs' recent work in some measure returns to the earlier Freud, in that Langs prefers a modified version of the <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego,_and_super-ego">topographic model</a> of the mind (conscious, preconscious, and unconscious) over the <a href="/wiki/Id,_ego,_and_super-ego">structural model</a> (id, ego, and super-ego), including the former's emphasis on trauma (though Langs looks to death-related traumas rather than sexual traumas).<sup><a href="#cite_note-Langs_R_2010-56">[48]</a></sup> At the same time, Langs' model of the mind differs from Freud's in that it understands the mind in terms of evolutionary biological principles.<sup><a href="#cite_note-71">[63]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Relational psychoanalysis[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=19">edit</a>]</h4>
<p><i><a href="/wiki/Relational_psychoanalysis">Relational psychoanalysis</a></i> combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health. It was introduced by <a href="/wiki/Stephen_A._Mitchell_(psychologist)">Stephen Mitchell</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-72">[64]</a></sup> Relational psychoanalysis stresses how the individual's personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Relational psychoanalysts have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for "mentalization" associated with thinking about relationships and themselves. 
</p>
<h2>Psychopathology (mental disturbances)[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=20">edit</a>]</h2>
<h3>Childhood origins[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=21">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Freudian theories hold that <a href="/wiki/Adult">adult</a> problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and <a href="/wiki/Adolescence">adolescence</a>, caused by fantasy, stemming from their own drives. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (i.e. <i><a href="/wiki/Seduction_theory">seduction theory</a></i>). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, neurotic symptoms were not associated with this. He believed that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the "first genital stage") to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Arguments were quickly generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children, i.e. <a href="/wiki/Child_sexual_abuse">child sexual abuse</a>, was the basis of neurotic illness. There still is no complete agreement, although nowadays professionals recognize the negative effects of child sexual abuse on mental health.<sup><a href="#cite_note-73">[65]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Oedipal conflicts[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=22">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the <a href="/wiki/Oedipus_complex">Oedipus complex</a>, based on the play by <a href="/wiki/Sophocles">Sophocles</a>, <i><a href="/wiki/Oedipus_Rex">Oedipus Rex</a></i>, in which the protagonist unwittingly kills his father and marries his mother. The validity of the <i>Oedipus complex</i> is now widely disputed and rejected.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Miller,_Alice_1984,_pp._105-74">[66]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Kupfersmid,_Joel-75">[67]</a></sup>
</p><p>The shorthand term, <i>oedipal</i>—later explicated by <a href="/wiki/Joseph_J._Sandler">Joseph J. Sandler</a> in "On the Concept Superego" (1960)<sup><a href="#cite_note-76">[68]</a></sup> and modified by <a href="/wiki/Charles_Brenner_(psychiatrist)">Charles Brenner</a> in <i>The Mind in Conflict</i> (1982)—refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>"Positive" and "negative" oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child's concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term <i>superego</i>. Besides superego development, children "resolve" their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of ("sublimation") and the development, during the school-age years ("latency") of age-appropriate <a href="/wiki/Obsessive-compulsive">obsessive-compulsive</a> defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h2>Treatment[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=23">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Using the various analytic and psychological techniques to <a href="/wiki/Psychological_Evaluation">assess</a> mental problems, some believe<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style/Words_to_watch#Unsupported_attributions">by whom?</a></i>]</sup> that there are particular constellations of problems that are especially suited for analytic treatment (see below) whereas other problems might respond better to medicines and other interpersonal interventions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-INSERM-77">[69]</a></sup> To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have or develop trust and insight within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model, which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular; however, adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis or mental disorder. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty-minute break in the middle. There are numerous modifications in technique under the heading of psychoanalysis due to the individualistic nature of personality in both analyst and patient.
</p><p>The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: <a href="/wiki/Phobia">phobias</a>, <a href="/wiki/Conversion_syndrome">conversions</a>, <a href="/wiki/Compulsive_behavior">compulsions</a>, <a href="/wiki/Fixation_(psychology)">obsessions</a>, <a href="/wiki/Anxiety_attacks">anxiety attacks</a>, <a href="/wiki/Depression_(mood)">depressions</a>, <a href="/wiki/Sexual_dysfunction">sexual dysfunctions</a>, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.
</p><p>Analytical organizations such as the IPA, APsaA and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the "fit" between analyst and patient. A person's suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness.
</p><p>An evaluation may include one or more other analysts' independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient's financial situation and insurances.
</p>
<h3>Techniques[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=24">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient's unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">Strachey</a> (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten.<sup><a href="#cite_note-78">[ix]</a></sup> In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what <a href="/wiki/Robert_Langs">Robert Langs</a> later called the "frame" of the therapy<sup><a href="#cite_note-79">[70]</a></sup>—the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious "resistances" to the flow of thoughts (aka <a href="/wiki/Free_association_(psychology)">free association</a>).
</p><p>When the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more experiences, more resistance and transference, and is able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of <a href="/wiki/Dream">dreams</a>, masturbation fantasies<sup><a href="#cite_note-80">[x]</a></sup> are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies.<sup><a href="#cite_note-81">[71]</a></sup> Various memories of early life are generally distorted—what Freud called <a href="/wiki/Screen_Memories_(Freud)"><i>screen memories</i></a>—and in any case, very early experiences (before age two)—cannot be remembered.<sup><a href="#cite_note-82">[xi]</a></sup>
</p>
<h4>Variations in technique[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=25">edit</a>]</h4>
<p>There is what is known among psychoanalysts as <i>classical technique</i>, although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient.
</p><p><i>Classical technique</i> was summarized by Allan Compton as comprising:<sup><a href="#cite_note-83">[72]</a></sup>
</p>
<ul><li>instructions: telling the patient to try to say what's on their mind, including interferences;</li>
<li>exploration: asking questions; and</li>
<li>clarification: rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing.</li></ul>
<p>As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient's attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as:<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<ul><li>Dynamic interpretation: explaining how being too nice guards against guilt (e.g. defense vs. affect);</li>
<li>Genetic interpretation: explaining how a past event is influencing the present;</li>
<li>Resistance interpretation: showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems;</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Transference">Transference</a> interpretation: showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst; or</li>
<li>Dream interpretation: obtaining the patient's thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems.</li></ul>
<p>Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue. These techniques are primarily based on <a href="/wiki/Conflict_theories"><i>conflict theory</i></a> (see above). As <i>object relations theory</i> evolved, supplemented by the work of <a href="/wiki/John_Bowlby">John Bowlby</a> and <a href="/wiki/Mary_Ainsworth">Mary Ainsworth</a>, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (<a href="/wiki/Erik_Erikson">Erikson</a>, 1950) and a history of <a href="/wiki/Maternal_deprivation">maternal deprivation</a> (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. <a href="/wiki/Robert_Stolorow">Stolorow</a>), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst's personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I. H. Paul, <i>Letters to Simon</i>); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, "Psychosis and Near-psychosis") patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The notion of the "silent analyst" has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow's approach as set out in "The Genesis of Interpretation", using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (see also the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik). "<a href="/wiki/Neutrality_(psychoanalysis)">Analytic neutrality</a>" is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst's position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.<sup><a href="#cite_note-84">[73]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-85">[74]</a></sup>
</p><p>Interpersonal–relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. <a href="/wiki/Harry_Stack_Sullivan">Sullivan</a> introduced the term <i><a href="/wiki/Participant_observation">participant-observer</a></i> to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.<sup><a href="#cite_note-86">[75]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Group therapy and play therapy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=26">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by <a href="/wiki/Trigant_Burrow">Trigant Burrow</a>, Joseph Pratt, <a href="/wiki/Paul_Ferdinand_Schilder">Paul F. Schilder</a>, <a href="/wiki/Samuel_Slavson">Samuel R. Slavson</a>, <a href="/wiki/Harry_Stack_Sullivan">Harry Stack Sullivan</a>, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by <a href="/wiki/Irwin_Marcus">Irwin Marcus</a>, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander. Techniques and tools developed in the first decade of the 21st century have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.<sup><a href="#cite_note-87">[76]</a></sup>
</p><p>Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as <a href="/wiki/Play_therapy">play therapy</a>, <a href="/wiki/Art_therapy">art therapy</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Storytelling">storytelling</a>. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, <a href="/wiki/Anna_Freud">Anna Freud</a> adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent.<sup><a href="#cite_note-88">[xii]</a></sup> Using toys and games, children are able to symbolically demonstrate their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children's conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h3>Cultural variations[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=27">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different <a href="/wiki/Cultures">cultures</a>, as long as the therapist or counselor understands the client's culture.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 <a href="/wiki/Thai_people">Thais</a>. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example, Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of <a href="/wiki/Buddhism">Buddhist</a> beliefs), so they were low on <a href="/wiki/Regressive_emotionality">regressive emotionality</a>. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association—where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:1-89">[77]</a></sup> In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a <a href="/wiki/Cultural_identity">cultural identity</a> as well as an ego identity.
</p>
<h3>Psychodynamic therapy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=28">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Psychodynamic therapies refer therapies that draw from psychoanalytic approaches but are designed to be shorter in duration or less intensive.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:15-66">[58]</a></sup><sup>: 1 </sup>
</p>
<h3>Cost and length of treatment[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=29">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst's training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include psychodynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy,<sup><a href="#cite_note-90">[xiii]</a></sup> are carried out on a less frequent basis—usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist. As a result of the <a href="/wiki/Defense_mechanism">defense mechanisms</a> and the lack of access to the unfathomable elements of the unconscious, psychoanalysis can be an expansive process that involves 2 to 5 sessions per week for several years. This type of therapy relies on the belief that reducing the symptoms will not actually help with the root causes or irrational drives. The analyst typically is a 'blank screen', disclosing very little about themselves in order that the client can use the space in the relationship to work on their unconscious without interference from outside.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The psychoanalyst uses various methods to help the patient to become more self-aware and to develop insights into their behavior and into the meanings of symptoms. First and foremost, the psychoanalyst attempts to develop a confidential atmosphere in which the patient can feel safe reporting his feelings, thoughts and fantasies. Analysands (as people in analysis are called) are asked to report whatever comes to mind without fear of reprisal. Freud called this the "fundamental rule". Analysands are asked to talk about their lives, including their early life, current life and hopes and aspirations for the future. They are encouraged to report their fantasies, "flash thoughts" and dreams. In fact, Freud believed that dreams were, "the royal road to the unconscious"; he devoted an entire volume to the interpretation of dreams. Freud had his patients lay on a couch in a dimly lit room and would sit out of sight, usually directly behind them, as to not influence the patients thoughts by his gestures or expressions.<sup><a href="#cite_note-91">[78]</a></sup>
</p><p>The psychoanalyst's task, in collaboration with the analysand, is to help deepen the analysand's understanding of those factors, outside of his awareness, that drive his behaviors. In the safe environment of the psychoanalytic setting, the analysand becomes attached to the analyst and pretty soon he begins to experience the same conflicts with his analyst that he experiences with key figures in his life such as his parents, his boss, his significant other, etc. It is the psychoanalyst's role to point out these conflicts and to interpret them. The transferring of these internal conflicts onto the analyst is called "transference".<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Many studies have also been done on briefer "dynamic" treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20–30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>, but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Identifying_reliable_sources_(medicine)">medical citation needed</a></i>]</sup> Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p>
<h2>Training and research[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=30">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Psychoanalysis continues to be practiced by psychiatrists, social workers, and other mental health professionals; however, its practice has declined.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Science-92">[79]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-93">[80]</a></sup> It has been largely replaced by the similar but broader <a href="/wiki/Psychodynamic_psychotherapy">psychodynamic psychotherapy</a> in the mid-20th century.<sup><a href="#cite_note-encMH-94">[81]</a></sup> Psychoanalytic approaches continue to be listed by the UK <a href="/wiki/National_Health_Service">National Health Service</a> as possibly helpful for depression.<sup><a href="#cite_note-95">[82]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>United States[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=31">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Psychoanalytic training in the United States involves a personal psychoanalysis for the trainee, approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four or five-year period.
</p><p>Typically, this psychoanalysis must be conducted by a Supervising and Training Analyst. Most institutes (but not all) within the American Psychoanalytic Association, require that Supervising and Training Analysts become certified by the American Board of Psychoanalysts. Certification entails a blind review in which the psychoanalyst's work is vetted by psychoanalysts outside of their local community. After earning certification, these psychoanalysts undergo another hurdle in which they are specially vetted by senior members of their own institute. Supervising and Training analysts are held to the highest clinical and ethical standards. Moreover, they are required to have extensive experience conducting psychoanalyses.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Similarly, class instruction for psychoanalytic candidates is rigorous. Typically classes meet several hours a week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Candidates generally have an hour of supervision each week, with a Supervising and Training Analyst, on each psychoanalytic case. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor's office, where the trainee presents material from the psychoanalytic work that week. In supervision, the patient's unconscious conflicts are explored, also, transference-countertransference constellations are examined. Also, clinical technique is taught.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Many psychoanalytic training centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the APsaA or the IPA. Because of theoretical differences, there are independent institutes, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the APsaA. Currently there are between 75 and 100 independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the <a href="/wiki/American_Academy_of_Psychoanalysis_and_Dynamic_Psychiatry">American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry</a>, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or <a href="/wiki/Psy.D.">Psy.D.</a> in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree. The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the analyst Theodor Reik. The Contemporary Freudian (originally the New York Freudian Society) an offshoot of the National Psychological Association has a branch in Washington, DC. It is a component society/institute or the IPA.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with medical school psychiatry residency programs.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The IPA is the world's primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigor and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes and associations, which are spread across the states. APsaA has 38 affiliated societies which have 10 or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of APsaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the United States. A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the IPA, followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the <a href="/wiki/American_Psychological_Association">American Psychological Association</a> (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately 30 local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings or conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the organization which consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002, there were approximately 3,900 individual members in 22 countries, speaking 18 different languages. There are also 25 psychoanalytic societies.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW) was established by Crayton Rowe in 1980 as a division of the Federation of Clinical Societies of Social Work and became an independent entity in 1990. Until 2007 it was known as the National Membership Committee on Psychoanalysis. The organization was founded because although social workers represented the larger number of people who were training to be psychoanalysts, they were underrepresented as supervisors and teachers at the institutes they attended. AAPCSW now has over 1000 members and has over 20 chapters. It holds a bi-annual national conference and numerous annual local conferences.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of <a href="/wiki/Empirical_research">empirical research</a> are now more integrated in the <a href="/wiki/Psychoanalytic_theory">psychoanalytic theory</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-NPI-96">[83]</a></sup>
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<h3>United Kingdom[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=32">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by <a href="/wiki/Ernest_Jones">Ernest Jones</a> on 30 October 1913.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> After <a href="/wiki/World_War_I">World War I</a> with the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom, the Society was reconstituted and named the <a href="/wiki/British_Psychoanalytical_Society">British Psychoanalytical Society</a> in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society's activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes <i><a href="/wiki/The_International_Journal_of_Psychoanalysis">The International Journal of Psychoanalysis</a></i>, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The society, the institute and the clinic are all located at <i>Byron House</i> in <a href="/wiki/West_London">West London</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>The Society is a constituent society of the <a href="/wiki/International_Psychoanalytical_Association">International Psychoanalytical Association</a> (IPA) a body with members on all five continents which safeguards professional and ethical practice.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytic Council are required to undertake <a href="/wiki/Continuing_professional_development">continuing professional development</a>, CPD. Members of the Society teach and hold posts on other approved psychoanalytic courses, e.g.: <a href="/wiki/British_Psychotherapy_Foundation">British Psychotherapy Foundation</a> and in academic departments, e.g.<a href="/wiki/University_College_London">University College London</a>.
</p><p>Members of the Society have included: <a href="/wiki/Michael_Balint">Michael Balint</a>, <a href="/wiki/Wilfred_Bion">Wilfred Bion</a>, <a href="/wiki/John_Bowlby">John Bowlby</a>, <a href="/wiki/Ronald_Fairbairn">Ronald Fairbairn</a>, <a href="/wiki/Anna_Freud">Anna Freud</a>, <a href="/wiki/Harry_Guntrip">Harry Guntrip</a>, <a href="/wiki/Melanie_Klein">Melanie Klein</a>, <a href="/wiki/Donald_Meltzer">Donald Meltzer</a>, <a href="/wiki/Joseph_J._Sandler">Joseph J. Sandler</a>, <a href="/wiki/Hanna_Segal">Hanna Segal</a>, <a href="/wiki/J._D._Sutherland">J. D. Sutherland</a> and <a href="/wiki/Donald_Winnicott">Donald Winnicott</a>.
</p><p>The <a href="/wiki/British_Psychoanalytical_Society">Institute of Psychoanalysis</a> is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume <i>Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud</i> was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with <a href="/wiki/Random_House">Random House</a>, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With the New Library of Psychoanalysis the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. <i>The International Journal of Psychoanalysis</i> is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulations of any psychoanalytic journal.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>
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<h3>Psychoanalytic psychotherapy[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=33">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>There are different forms of psychoanalysis and <a href="/wiki/Psychotherapies">psychotherapies</a> in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy, a therapeutic approach which widens "the accessibility of psychoanalytic theory and clinical practices that had evolved over 100 plus years to a larger number of individuals."<sup><a href="#cite_note-97">[84]</a></sup> Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are <a href="/wiki/Mentalization-based_treatment">mentalization-based treatment</a> (MBT), and <a href="/wiki/Transference_focused_psychotherapy">transference focused psychotherapy</a> (TFP).<sup><a href="#cite_note-NPI-96">[83]</a></sup> There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in mental health care.<sup><a href="#cite_note-98">[85]</a></sup>
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<h3>Research[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=34">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal <i>Modern Psychoanalysis</i>, the <i><a href="/wiki/Psychoanalytic_Quarterly">Psychoanalytic Quarterly</a></i>, the <i>International Journal of Psychoanalysis</i> and the <i><a href="/wiki/Journal_of_the_American_Psychoanalytic_Association">Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association</a></i> have analyzed the efficacy of analysis in cases of <a href="/wiki/Neurosis">neurosis</a> and character or <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/personality">personality</a> problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.
</p><p>Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with <a href="/wiki/Otto_Rank">Otto Rank</a> and <a href="/wiki/Alfred_Adler">Alfred Adler</a> (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. <a href="/wiki/Joseph_Wolpe">Wolpe</a>) into the 1940s and '50s, and have persisted (e.g. <a href="/wiki/Alice_Miller_(psychologist)">Miller</a>). Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the idea of "infantile sexuality" (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of <a href="/wiki/Ronald_Fairbairn">Ronald Fairbairn</a>, <a href="/wiki/Michael_Balint">Michael Balint</a>, and <a href="/wiki/John_Bowlby">John Bowlby</a>. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification.<sup><a href="#cite_note-99">[86]</a></sup>
</p><p>Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal <i>The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child</i>), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Wallerstein_2000-41">[34]</a></sup> In the 1960s, Freud's early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of <a href="/wiki/Human_female_sexuality">female sexuality</a> were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud's concepts.<sup><a href="#cite_note-100">[87]</a></sup> Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, <a href="/wiki/Nancy_Chodorow">Nancy Chodorow</a>, <a href="/wiki/Karen_Horney">Karen Horney</a>, <a href="/wiki/Fran%C3%A7oise_Dolto">Françoise Dolto</a>, <a href="/wiki/Melanie_Klein">Melanie Klein</a>, <a href="/wiki/Selma_Fraiberg">Selma Fraiberg</a>, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, <a href="/wiki/Susan_Coates">Susan Coates</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Daniel_Schechter">Daniel Schechter</a> have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children's mental representations of self and others.<sup><a href="#cite_note-101">[88]</a></sup>
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<h2>Effectiveness[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=35">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>The psychoanalytic profession has been resistant to researching efficacy.<sup><a href="#cite_note-businessinsider.com.au-102">[89]</a></sup> Evaluations of effectiveness based on the interpretation of the therapist alone cannot be proven.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Psychology:_Tenth_edition_in_modules-103">[90]</a></sup>
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<h3>Research results[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=36">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Numerous studies have shown that the efficacy of therapy is primarily related to the quality of the therapist, rather than to the school or technique or training.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Horvath_A_2001_365–372-104">[91]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Meta-analysis">Meta-analyses</a> in 2012 and 2013 found support or evidence for the efficacy of psychoanalytic therapy, but further research is needed.<sup><a href="#cite_note-105">[92]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-:0-106">[93]</a></sup> Other meta-analyses published in recent years showed psychoanalysis and <a href="/wiki/Psychodynamic_psychotherapy">psychodynamic therapy</a> to be effective, with outcomes comparable to or greater than other kinds of <a href="/wiki/Psychotherapy">psychotherapy</a> or <a href="/wiki/Antidepressant_drugs">antidepressant drugs</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-107">[94]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-108">[95]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-109">[96]</a></sup> but these meta-analyses have been subjected to various criticisms.<sup><a href="#cite_note-110">[97]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-111">[98]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-112">[99]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-113">[100]</a></sup> In particular, the inclusion of pre/post studies rather than randomized controlled trials, and the absence of adequate comparisons with control treatments, is a serious limitation in interpreting the results.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:0-106">[93]</a></sup> A French 2004 report from <a href="/wiki/INSERM">INSERM</a> concluded that psychoanalytic therapy is less effective than other psychotherapies (including <a href="/wiki/Cognitive_behavioral_therapy">cognitive behavioral therapy</a>) for certain diseases.<sup><a href="#cite_note-INSERM-77">[69]</a></sup>
</p><p>In 2011, the <a href="/wiki/American_Psychological_Association">American Psychological Association</a> made 103 comparisons between psychodynamic treatment and a non-dynamic competitor and found that 6 were superior, 5 were inferior, 28 showed no difference, and 63 were adequate. The study found that this could be used as a basis "to make psychodynamic psychotherapy an 'empirically validated' treatment."<sup><a href="#cite_note-Gerber-114">[101]</a></sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Please_clarify">further explanation needed</a></i>]</sup>
</p><p>Meta-analyses of Short Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy (STPP) have found <a href="/wiki/Effect_size">effect sizes</a> (<a href="/wiki/Effect_size#Cohen's_d">Cohen's d</a>) ranging from 0.34 to 0.71 compared to no treatment and was found to be slightly better than other therapies in follow up.<sup><a href="#cite_note-115">[102]</a></sup> Other reviews have found an effect size of 0.78 to 0.91 for <a href="/wiki/Somatoform_disorder">somatic disorders</a> compared to no treatment<sup><a href="#cite_note-116">[103]</a></sup> and 0.69 for treating depression.<sup><a href="#cite_note-117">[104]</a></sup> A 2012 <i><a href="/wiki/Harvard_Review_of_Psychiatry">Harvard Review of Psychiatry</a></i> meta-analysis of Intensive Short-Term Dynamic Psychotherapy (ISTDP) found effect sizes ranging from 0.84 for interpersonal problems to 1.51 for depression. Overall ISTDP had an effect size of 1.18 compared to no treatment.<sup><a href="#cite_note-118">[105]</a></sup>
</p><p>A meta-analysis of Long Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy in 2012 found an overall effect size of 0.33, which is modest. This study concluded the recovery rate following LTPP was equal to control treatments, including treatment as usual, and found the evidence for the effectiveness of LTPP to be limited and at best conflicting.<sup><a href="#cite_note-ReferenceA-119">[106]</a></sup> Others have found effect sizes of 0.44–0.68.<sup><a href="#cite_note-120">[107]</a></sup>
</p><p>According to a 2004 French review conducted by <a href="/wiki/Inserm">INSERM</a>, psychoanalysis was presumed or proven effective at treating <a href="/wiki/Panic_disorder">panic disorder</a>, <a href="/wiki/Post-traumatic_stress">post-traumatic stress</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Personality_disorders">personality disorders</a>, but did not find evidence of its effectiveness in treating <a href="/wiki/Schizophrenia">schizophrenia</a>, <a href="/wiki/Obsessive_compulsive_disorder">obsessive compulsive disorder</a>, <a href="/wiki/Specific_phobia">specific phobia</a>, <a href="/wiki/Bulimia">bulimia</a> and <a href="/wiki/Anorexia">anorexia</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-INSERM-77">[69]</a></sup>
</p><p>A 2001 systematic review of the medical literature by the <a href="/wiki/Cochrane_Collaboration">Cochrane Collaboration</a> concluded that no data exist demonstrating that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia and severe mental illness, and cautioned that medication should always be used alongside any type of <a href="/wiki/Psychotherapy">talk therapy</a> in schizophrenia cases.<sup><a href="#cite_note-pmid11686988-121">[108]</a></sup> A French review from 2004 found the same.<sup><a href="#cite_note-INSERM-77">[69]</a></sup> The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team advises against the use of <a href="/wiki/Psychodynamic_psychotherapy">psychodynamic therapy</a> in cases of schizophrenia, arguing that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness.<sup><a href="#cite_note-122">[109]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-123">[110]</a></sup>
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<h2>Criticism[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=37">edit</a>]</h2>
<p>Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in extreme terms.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Brunner-124">[111]</a></sup> Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the <b>Freud Wars</b>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-125">[112]</a></sup> Linguist <a href="/wiki/Noam_Chomsky">Noam Chomsky</a> has criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.<sup><a href="#cite_note-126">[113]</a></sup> Evolutionary biologist <a href="/wiki/Stephen_Jay_Gould">Stephen Jay Gould</a> considered psychoanalysis influenced by pseudoscientific theories such as <a href="/wiki/Recapitulation_theory">recapitulation theory</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-127">[114]</a></sup> Psychologists <a href="/wiki/Hans_Eysenck">Hans Eysenck</a>, <a href="/wiki/John_Kihlstrom">John F. Kihlstrom</a> and others have also criticized the field as pseudoscience.<sup><a href="#cite_note-128">[115]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-129">[116]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Popper1981-130">[117]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Georgiev2017-131">[118]</a></sup>
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<h3>Debate over status as scientific[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=38">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>The theoretical foundations of psychoanalysis lie in the same philosophical currents that lead to interpretive <a href="/wiki/Phenomenology_(psychology)">phenomenology</a> rather than in those that lead to <a href="/wiki/Science">scientific</a> <a href="/wiki/Positivism">positivism</a>, making the theory largely incompatible with positivist approaches to the study of the mind.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:11-132">[119]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Popper-133">[120]</a></sup><sup><a href="#cite_note-Webster,_Richard_1995-134">[121]</a></sup>
</p><p>Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and <a href="/wiki/Experimental_research">experimental research</a>, and too much on the clinical case study method.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup> Philosopher <a href="/wiki/Frank_Cioffi">Frank Cioffi</a> cites false claims of a sound scientific verification of the theory and its elements as the strongest basis for classifying the work of Freud and his school as pseudoscience.<sup><a href="#cite_note-135">[122]</a></sup>
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<p><a href="/wiki/Karl_Popper">Karl Popper</a> argued that psychoanalysis is a <a href="/wiki/Pseudoscience">pseudoscience</a> because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not <a href="/wiki/Falsifiable">falsifiable</a>:<sup><a href="#cite_note-Popper-133">[120]</a></sup></p><blockquote><p>....those "clinical observations" which analysts naively believe confirm their theory cannot do this any more than the daily confirmations which astrologers find in their practice. And as for Freud's epic of the Ego, the Super-ego, and the Id, no substantially stronger claim to scientific status can be made for it than for Homer's collected stories from the Olympus.</p></blockquote><p>In addition, <a href="/wiki/Imre_Lakatos">Imre Lakatos</a> wrote that "Freudians have been nonplussed by Popper's basic challenge concerning scientific honesty. Indeed, they have refused to specify experimental conditions under which they would give up their basic assumptions."<sup><a href="#cite_note-136">[123]</a></sup> In <i>Sexual Desire</i> (1986), philosopher <a href="/wiki/Roger_Scruton">Roger Scruton</a> rejects Popper's arguments pointing to the theory of repression as an example of a Freudian theory that does have testable consequences. Scruton nevertheless concluded that psychoanalysis is not genuinely scientific, on the grounds that it involves an unacceptable dependence on metaphor.<sup><a href="#cite_note-137">[124]</a></sup> The philosopher and physicist <a href="/wiki/Mario_Bunge">Mario Bunge</a> argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because it violates the <a href="/wiki/Ontology">ontology</a> and <a href="/wiki/Scientific_method">methodology</a> inherent to science.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Bunge-138">[125]</a></sup> According to Bunge, most psychoanalytic theories are either untestable or unsupported by evidence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Bunge2-139">[126]</a></sup>
<a href="/wiki/Cognitive_science">Cognitive scientists</a>, in particular, have also weighed in. <a href="/wiki/Martin_Seligman">Martin Seligman</a>, a prominent academic in <a href="/wiki/Positive_psychology">positive psychology</a>, wrote that:<sup><a href="#cite_note-140">[127]</a></sup></p><blockquote><p>Thirty years ago, the cognitive revolution in psychology overthrew both Freud and the behaviorists, at least in academia.… The imperialistic Freudian view claims that emotion always drives thought, while the imperialistic cognitive view claims that thought always drives emotion. The evidence, however, is that each drives the other at times.</p></blockquote><p><a href="/wiki/Adolf_Gr%C3%BCnbaum">Adolf Grünbaum</a> argues in <i>Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis</i> (1993) that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:13-141">[128]</a></sup>
</p><p>Historian <a href="/wiki/Henri_Ellenberger">Henri Ellenberger</a>, who researched the history of Freud, Jung, Adler, and Janet,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 20 </sup> while writing his book <i>The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry</i>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 17 </sup> argued that psychoanalysis was not scientific on the grounds of both its methodology and social structure:<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 21 </sup>
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<blockquote><p>Psychoanalysis, is it a science? It does not meet the criteria (unified science, defined domain and methodology). It corresponds to the traits of a philosophical sect (closed organisation, highly personal initiation, a doctrine which is changeable but defined by its official adoption, cult and legend of the founder).</p><p>— <cite>Henri Ellenberger</cite></p></blockquote>
<h3>Freud[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=39">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Some have accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of <a href="/wiki/Anna_O.">Anna O</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-142">[129]</a></sup> Others have speculated that patients had conditions that are now easily identifiable and unrelated to psychoanalysis; for instance, Anna O. is thought to have had an organic impairment such as <a href="/wiki/Tuberculous_meningitis">tuberculous meningitis</a> or <a href="/wiki/Temporal_lobe_epilepsy">temporal lobe epilepsy</a>, rather than Freud's diagnosis of hysteria.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Webster,_Richard_1996-143">[130]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Henri_Ellenberger">Henri Ellenberger</a> and <a href="/wiki/Frank_Sulloway">Frank Sulloway</a> argue that Freud and his followers created an inaccurate legend of Freud to popularize psychoanalysis.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 12 </sup> Borch-Jacobson and Shamdasani argue that this legend has been adapted to different times and situations.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 13 </sup> <a href="/wiki/Isabelle_Stengers">Isabelle Stengers</a> states that psychoanalytic circles have tried to stop historians from accessing documents about the life of Freud.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:10-26">[20]</a></sup><sup>: 32 </sup>
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<h3>Witch doctors[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=40">edit</a>]</h3>
<p><a href="/wiki/Richard_Feynman">Richard Feynman</a> wrote off psychoanalysts as mere "witch doctors":<sup><a href="#cite_note-144">[131]</a></sup>
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<blockquote><p> If you look at all of the complicated ideas that they have developed in an infinitesimal amount of time, if you compare to any other of the sciences how long it takes to get one idea after the other, if you consider all the structures and inventions and complicated things, the ids and the egos, the tensions and the forces, and the pushes and the pulls, I tell you they can't all be there. It's too much for one brain or a few brains to have cooked up in such a short time.<sup><a href="#cite_note-145">[xiv]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Likewise, psychiatrist <a href="/wiki/E._Fuller_Torrey">E. Fuller Torrey</a>, in <i>Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists</i> (1986), agreed that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, "witchdoctors" or modern "cult" alternatives such as <a href="/wiki/Erhard_Seminars_Training">EST</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-:11-132">[119]</a></sup> Psychologist <a href="/wiki/Alice_Miller_(psychologist)">Alice Miller</a> charged psychoanalysis with being similar to the <a href="/wiki/Poisonous_pedagogy">poisonous pedagogies</a>, which she described in her book <i>For Your Own Good</i>. She scrutinized and rejected the validity of Freud's <a href="/wiki/Drive_theory_(psychoanalysis)">drive theory</a>, including the Oedipus complex, which, according to her and <a href="/wiki/Jeffrey_Masson">Jeffrey Masson</a>, blames the child for the abusive sexual behavior of adults.<sup><a href="#cite_note-146">[132]</a></sup> Psychologist Joel Kupfersmid investigated the validity of the Oedipus complex, examining its nature and origins. He concluded that there is little evidence to support the existence of the Oedipus complex.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Kupfersmid,_Joel-75">[67]</a></sup>
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<h3>Critical perspectives[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=41">edit</a>]</h3>
<p>Contemporary French philosophers <a href="/wiki/Michel_Foucault">Michel Foucault</a> and <a href="/wiki/Gilles_Deleuze">Gilles Deleuze</a> asserted that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a <a href="/wiki/Power_(social_and_political)">center of power</a>, and that its <a href="/wiki/Confession">confessional techniques</a> resemble <a href="/wiki/Confession_(religion)">those included and utilized</a> within the <a href="/wiki/Christianity">Christian religion</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-147">[133]</a></sup> French psychoanalyst <a href="/wiki/Jacques_Lacan">Jacques Lacan</a> criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary "causes" for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.<sup><a href="#cite_note-148">[134]</a></sup> Together with Deleuze, the French psychoanalyst and psychiatrist <a href="/wiki/F%C3%A9lix_Guattari">Félix Guattari</a> criticized the Oedipal and schizophrenic power structure of psychoanalysis and its connivance with <a href="/wiki/Capitalism">capitalism</a> in <i><a href="/wiki/Anti-Oedipus">Anti-Oedipus</a></i> (1972)<sup><a href="#cite_note-149">[135]</a></sup> and <i><a href="/wiki/A_Thousand_Plateaus">A Thousand Plateaus</a></i> (1980), the two volumes of their theoretical work <i><a href="/wiki/Capitalism_and_Schizophrenia">Capitalism and Schizophrenia</a></i>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-Lecercle_2012-150">[136]</a></sup> Belgian psycholinguist and psychoanalyst <a href="/wiki/Luce_Irigaray">Luce Irigaray</a> also criticized psychoanalysis, employing <a href="/wiki/Jacques_Derrida">Jacques Derrida</a>'s concept of <a href="/wiki/Phallogocentrism">phallogocentrism</a> to describe the exclusion of the woman both from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.<sup><a href="#cite_note-151">[137]</a></sup> Deleuze and Guattari in <i>Anti-Oedipus</i> take the cases of <a href="/wiki/G%C3%A9rard_Mendel">Gérard Mendel</a>, <a href="/wiki/Bela_Grunberger">Bela Grunberger</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Janine_Chasseguet-Smirgel">Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel</a>, prominent members of the most respected psychoanalytical associations (including the <a href="/wiki/International_Psychoanalytical_Association">IPA</a>), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis had always enthusiastically enjoyed and embraced a <a href="/wiki/Police_state">police state</a> throughout its history.<sup><a href="#cite_note-152">[138]</a></sup>
</p>
<h3>Freudian theory[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=42">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<blockquote>
<p>Many aspects of Freudian theory are indeed out of date, and they should be: Freud died in 1939, and he has been slow to undertake further revisions. His critics, however, are equally behind the times, attacking Freudian views of the 1920s as if they continue to have some currency in their original form. Psychodynamic theory and therapy have evolved considerably since 1939 when Freud's bearded countenance was last sighted in earnest. Contemporary psychoanalysts and psychodynamic therapists no longer write much about ids and egos, nor do they conceive of treatment for psychological disorders as an archaeological expedition in search of lost memories.
</p>
</blockquote>
<p><cite>—<a href="/wiki/Drew_Westen">Drew Westen</a>, 1998<sup><a href="#cite_note-153">[139]</a></sup></cite>
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<p>A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud's oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences.<sup><a href="#cite_note-154">[140]</a></sup> However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.<sup><a href="#cite_note-155">[141]</a></sup>
</p><p>The idea of "unconscious" is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, <a href="/wiki/FMRI">fMRI</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Positron_emission_tomography">PET scans</a>, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of <a href="/wiki/Cognitive_psychology">cognitive psychology</a> and social psychology,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:12-156">[142]</a></sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources#What_information_to_include">full citation needed</a></i>]</sup> though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., <a href="/wiki/Neuropsychoanalysis">neuropsychoanalysis</a>,<sup><a href="#cite_note-:12-156">[142]</a></sup> while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Shlomo_Kalo">Shlomo Kalo</a> explains that the <a href="/wiki/Scientific_materialism">scientific materialism</a> that flourished in the 19th century severely harmed religion and rejected whatever called spiritual. The institution of the <a href="/wiki/Confession_(religion)">confession</a> priest in particular was badly damaged. The empty void that this institution left behind was swiftly occupied by the newborn psychoanalysis. In his writings, Kalo claims that psychoanalysis basic approach is erroneous. It represents the mainline wrong assumptions that happiness is unreachable and that the natural desire of a human being is to exploit his fellow men for his own pleasure and benefit.<sup><a href="#cite_note-157">[143]</a></sup>
</p><p><a href="/wiki/Jacques_Derrida">Jacques Derrida</a> incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into his theory of <a href="/wiki/Deconstruction">deconstruction</a> in order to question what he called the '<a href="/wiki/Metaphysics_of_presence">metaphysics of presence</a>'. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida (<a href="/wiki/The_Post_Card">1987</a>) insists that the prominence of the father in Freud's own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since <a href="/wiki/Plato">Plato</a>.<sup><a href="#cite_note-158">[144]</a></sup><sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup>
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<h2>See also[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=43">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Analytical_psychology">Analytical psychology</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Glossary_of_psychoanalysis">Glossary of psychoanalysis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_schools_of_psychoanalysis">List of schools of psychoanalysis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Psychoanalytic_sociology">Psychoanalytic sociology</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Psychoanalysis_and_music">Psychoanalysis and music</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Training_analysis">Training analysis</a></li></ul>
<h2>Notes[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=44">edit</a>]</h2>
<div>
<ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b> From <a href="/wiki/Greek_language">Greek</a>: <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/psycho-#English">ψυχή</a>, <i>psykhḗ</i>, 'soul' + <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/analysis#English">ἀνάλυσις</a>, <i>análysis</i>, 'investigate'.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b> "What is psychoanalysis? Of course, one is supposed to answer that it is many things — a theory, a research method, a therapy, a body of knowledge. In what might be considered an unfortunately abbreviated description, Freud said that anyone who recognizes transference and resistance is a psychoanalyst, even if he comes to conclusions other than his own.… I prefer to think of the analytic situation more broadly, as one in which someone seeking help tries to speak as freely as he can to someone who listens as carefully as he can with the aim of articulating what is going on between them and why. <a href="/wiki/David_Rapaport">David Rapaport</a> (1967a) once defined the analytic situation as carrying the method of interpersonal relationship to its last consequences." Gill, Merton M. 1999. "<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090610013708/http://americanmentalhealthfoundation.org/a.php?id=38">Psychoanalysis, Part 1: Proposals for the Future</a>." <i>The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/American_Mental_Health_Foundation">American Mental Health Foundation</a>. Archived 10 June 2009.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a></b> "All psychoanalytic theories include the idea that unconscious thoughts and feelings are central in mental functioning." Milton, Jane, Caroline Polmear, and Julia Fabricius. 2011. <i>A Short Introduction to Psychoanalysis</i>. <a href="/wiki/Sage_Group">SAGE</a>. p. 27.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-:0_5-0">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Alfred_Adler">Alfred Adler</a> developed the school of thought known as <a href="/wiki/Individual_psychology">individual psychology</a>, while <a href="/wiki/Carl_Jung">Carl Jung</a> established <a href="/wiki/Analytical_psychology">analytical psychology</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a></b> "Psychoanalysis has existed before the turn of the 20th century and, in that span of years, has established itself as one of the fundamental disciplines within psychiatry. The science of psychoanalysis is the bedrock of psychodynamic understanding and forms the fundamental theoretical frame of reference for a variety of forms of therapeutic intervention, embracing not only psychoanalysis itself but also various forms of psychoanalytically oriented psychotherapy and related forms of therapy using psychodynamic concepts." Sadock, Benjamin J., and Virginia A. Sadock. 2007. <i>Kaplan and Sadock's Synopsis of Psychiatry</i> (10th ed.). <a href="/wiki/Lippincott_Williams_%26_Wilkins">Lippincott Williams &amp; Wilkins</a>. p. 190.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-11">^</a></b> "Psychoanalysis continues to be an important paradigm organizing the way many psychiatrists think about patients and treatment. However, its limitations are more widely recognized and it is assumed that many important advances in the future will come from other areas, particularly biologic psychiatry. As yet unresolved is the appropriate role of psychoanalytic thinking in organizing the treatment of patients and the training of psychiatrists after that biologic revolution has born fruit. Will treatments aimed at biologic defects or abnormalities become technical steps in a program organized in a psychoanalytic framework? Will psychoanalysis serve to explain and guide supportive intervention for individuals whose lives are deformed by biologic defect and therapeutic interventions, much as it now does for patients with chronic physical illness, with the psychoanalyst on the psychiatric dialysis program? Or will we look back on the role of psychoanalysis in the treatment of the seriously mentally ill as the last and most scientifically enlightened phase of the humanistic tradition in psychiatry, a tradition that became extinct when advances in biology allowed us to cure those we had so long only comforted?" <a href="/wiki/Robert_Michels_(physician)">Michels, Robert</a>. 1999. "<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20090606094737/http://americanmentalhealthfoundation.org/a.php?id=24">Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry: A Changing Relationship</a>." <i>The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/American_Mental_Health_Foundation">American Mental Health Foundation</a>. Archived 6 June 2009.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-40">^</a></b> cf. <i><a href="/wiki/The_Psychoanalytic_Study_of_the_Child">The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child</a></i>, academic journal
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-49">^</a></b> "By the 1960s it would assume a more central place in the psychotherapy arena"
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-78">^</a></b> also see Freud's paper "Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through"
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-80">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Cf.">cf.</a> Marcus, I. and J. Francis. 1975. <i>Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence</i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-82">^</a></b> see the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on "evocative memory"
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-88">^</a></b> see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-90">^</a></b> cf. Slavson, S. R., <i>A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy</i>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-145">^</a></b> Feynman was also speaking here of psychiatrists.
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>References[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=45">edit</a>]</h2>
<div>
<ol>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Mitchell,_Juliet_2000_4-0">^</a></b> Mitchell, Juliet. 2000. <i>Psychoanalysis and Feminism: A Radical Reassessment of Freudian Psychoanalysis</i>. London: <a href="/wiki/Penguin_Books">Penguin Books</a>. p. 341.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Birnbach,_Martin_1961_6-0">^</a></b> Birnbach, Martin. 1961. <i>Neo-Freudian Social Philosophy</i>. Stanford: <a href="/wiki/Stanford_University_Press">Stanford University Press</a>. p. 3.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-7">^</a></b> Chessick, Richard D. 2007. <i>The Future of Psychoanalysis</i>. Albany: <a href="/wiki/State_University_of_New_York">State University of New York Press</a>. p. 125.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-8">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Erich_Fromm">Fromm, Erich</a>. 1992. <i>The Revision of Psychoanalysis</i>. New York: Open Road. pp. 12–13. (points 1 to 6).
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-9">^</a></b> <a href="/w/index.php?title=Alberto_Stefana&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Stefana, Alberto</a>. 2017. <i>History of Countertransference: From Freud to the British Object Relations School</i>. London: <a href="/wiki/Routledge">Routledge</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1138214613">978-1138214613</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-12">^</a></b> Stengel, E. 1953. <i>Sigmund Freud on Aphasia</i> <i>(1891)</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/International_Universities_Press">International Universities Press</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:2_13-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:2_13-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Freud, Sigmund, and <a href="/wiki/Josef_Breuer">Josef Breuer</a>. 1955 [1895]. <i><a href="/wiki/Studies_on_Hysteria">Studies on Hysteria</a></i>, <i><a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud">Standard Editions</a></i> 2, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-14">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1966 [1895]. "<a href="http://users.clas.ufl.edu/burt/freud%20fleiss%20letters/200711781-013.pdf">Project for a Scientific Psychology</a>." Pp. 347–445 in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud">Standard Editions</a></i> 3, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-15">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1896. "<a href="http://psychanalyse-paris.com/1275-L-Heredite-et-l-etiologie-des.html">L'hérédité et l’étiologie des névroses</a>" [Heredity and the etiology of neuroses]. <i><a href="/wiki/Revue_neurologique">Revue neurologique</a></i> 4(6):161–69. via Psychanalyste Paris.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-16">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/%C3%89lisabeth_Roudinesco">Roudinesco, Élisabeth</a>, and Michel Plon. 2011 [1997]. <i>Dictionnaire de la psychanalyse</i>. Paris: <a href="/wiki/Fayard">Fayard</a>. p. 1216.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:3_17-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:3_17-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Freud, Sigmund. 1953 [1896]. "<a href="/wiki/The_Aetiology_of_Hysteria">The Aetiology of Hysteria</a>." Pp. 191–221 in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud">The Standard Edition</a></i> 3, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>. <a href="http://courses.washington.edu/freudlit/Hysteria.Notes.html">Lay summary</a> via <a href="/wiki/University_of_Washington">University of Washington</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:4_18-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:4_18-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Freud, Sigmund. 1953 [1906]. "My Views on the Part Played by Sexuality in the Aetiology of the Neuroses." Pp. 269–79 in <i><a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud">The Standard Edition</a></i> 7, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-19">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1959 [1925]. "<a href="https://www.sas.upenn.edu/~cavitch/pdf-library/Freud_Autobiographical_Study.pdf">An Autobiographical Study</a>." Pp. 7–74 in <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 20, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>. – via <a href="/wiki/University_of_Pennsylvania">University of Pennsylvania</a>.
<a href="http://www.mhweb.org/mpc_course/freud.pdf">Transcribed version</a> via Michigan Mental Health Networker.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-20">^</a></b> Cioffi, F. 1998 [1973]. "Was Freud a Liar?" Pp. 199–204 in <i>Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience</i>. <a href="/wiki/Open_Court_Publishing_Company">Open Court</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-21">^</a></b> Schimek, J. G. 1987. "Fact and Fantasy in the Seduction Theory: a Historical Review." <i><a href="/wiki/Journal_of_the_American_Psychoanalytic_Association">Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association</a></i> 35:937–65.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-22">^</a></b> Esterson, Allen. 1998. "Jeffrey Masson and Freud's seduction theory: A new fable based on old myths (synopsis in Human Nature Review)." <i><a href="/wiki/History_of_the_Human_Sciences">History of the Human Sciences</a></i> 11(1):1–21. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F095269519801100101">10.1177/095269519801100101</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-23">^</a></b> Gay, Peter. 1988. <i>Freud: A Life for Our Time</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/W._W._Norton_%26_Company">W. W. Norton</a>. pp. 3–4, 103.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-24">^</a></b> Freud, Signmund. 1913 [1899]. <i><a href="/wiki/The_Interpretation_of_Dreams">The Interpretation of Dreams</a></i>. <a href="/wiki/Macmillan_Publishers">Macmillan</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-25">^</a></b> Arlow, Brenner. 1964. <i>Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/International_Universities_Press">International Universities Press</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-3"><sup><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-4"><sup><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-5"><sup><i><b>f</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:10_26-6"><sup><i><b>g</b></i></sup></a> <cite>Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel; Shamdasani, Sonu (2012). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ifXXnQEACAAJ"><i>The Freud Files: An Inquiry into the History of Psychoanalysis</i></a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-72978-9"><bdi>978-0-521-72978-9</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-27">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1905]. "<a href="/wiki/Three_Essays_on_the_Theory_of_Sexuality">Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality</a>." <i><a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud">Standard Editions</a></i> 7, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-28">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1915]. "<a href="https://www.sas.upenn.edu/~cavitch/pdf-library/Freud_SE_On_Narcissism_complete.pdf">On Narcissism</a>." Pp. 73–102 in <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 14, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>. – via <a href="/wiki/University_of_Pennsylvania">University of Pennsylvania</a>.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:5_29-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:5_29-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1917]. "<a href="http://www.english.upenn.edu/~cavitch/pdf-library/Freud_MourningAndMelancholia.pdf">Mourning and Melancholia</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150501002425/http://www.english.upenn.edu/~cavitch/pdf-library/Freud_MourningAndMelancholia.pdf">Archived</a> 2015-05-01 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a>." Pp. 243–58 in <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 17, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>. – via <a href="/wiki/University_of_Pennsylvania">University of Pennsylvania</a>.
Also available via <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150501002425/http://www.english.upenn.edu/~cavitch/pdf-library/Freud_MourningAndMelancholia.pdf">Internet Archive</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-30">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1919]. "<a href="https://icpla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Freud-S.-Child-is-Being-Beaten%E2%80%99-A-Contribution-to-the-Study-of-the-Origin-of-Sexual-Perversions.pdf">A Child is Being Beaten</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20200806220225/https://icpla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Freud-S.-Child-is-Being-Beaten%E2%80%99-A-Contribution-to-the-Study-of-the-Origin-of-Sexual-Perversions.pdf">Archived</a> 2020-08-06 at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine">Wayback Machine</a>." Pp. 175–204 in <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 17, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>. – via The Institute of Contemporary Psychoanalysis.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-31">^</a></b> Freud, Sigmund. 1922 [1920]. "Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego," translated by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. New York: <a href="/wiki/Boni_%26_Liveright">Boni &amp; Liveright</a>. <a href="/wiki/Hdl_(identifier)">hdl</a>:<a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027%2Fmdp.39015003802348">2027/mdp.39015003802348</a>.
— 1955 [1920]. "<a href="http://freudians.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Freud_Group_Psychology.pdf">Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego</a>." Pp. 65–144 in <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 18, translated by J. Strachey. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-32">^</a></b> "Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego" (review). <i><a href="/wiki/Nature_(journal)">Nature</a></i> 3(2784):321. <a href="/wiki/Nature_Research">Nature Publishing Group</a> 1923. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038%2F111321d0">10.1038/111321d0</a>. <a href="/wiki/Bibcode_(identifier)">Bibcode</a>:<a href="https://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1923Natur.111T.321./abstract">1923Natur.111T.321.</a>.
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— 1955 [1920]. "<a href="/wiki/Beyond_the_Pleasure_Principle">Beyond the Pleasure Principle</a>." In <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 18, translated by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
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<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:6_34-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:6_34-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1923]. "<a href="/wiki/The_Ego_and_the_Id">The Ego and the Id</a>." In <a href="/wiki/The_Standard_Edition_of_the_Complete_Psychological_Works_of_Sigmund_Freud"><i>Standard Edition</i></a> 19, edited by <a href="/wiki/James_Strachey">J. Strachey</a>. London: <a href="/wiki/Hogarth_Press">Hogarth Press</a>.
Lay summaries via <a href="https://www.simplypsychology.org/psyche.html">Simply Psychology</a> and <a href="https://daily.jstor.org/virtual-roundtable-on-the-ego-and-the-id/">JSTOR Daily Roundtable</a>. <a href="https://www3.nd.edu/~dlapsle1/Lab/Articles%20&amp;%20Chapters_files/Entry%20for%20Encyclopedia%20of%20Human%20Behavior%28finalized4%20Formatted%29.pdf">Glossary</a> via University of Notre Dame.
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<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-125">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/dispatchesfromthefreudwars.htm">"washingtonpost.com: Dispatches from the Freud Wars: Psychoanalysis and Its Passions"</a>. <i><a href="/wiki/The_Washington_Post">The Washington Post</a></i>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-126">^</a></b> <cite><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150923203132/http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20031102.htm">"The Professorial Provocateur, Noam Chomsky interviewed by Deborah Solomon"</a>. Archived from <a href="http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20031102.htm">the original</a> on 2015-09-23. Retrieved 2010-06-19.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-127">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Stephen_Jay_Gould">Gould, Stephen Jay</a> (1977). <a href="https://archive.org/details/ontogenyphylogen00goul"><i>Ontogeny and Phylogeny</i></a>. <a href="/wiki/Harvard_University_Press">Harvard University Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780674639409"><bdi>9780674639409</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-128">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Hans_Eysenck">Eysneck, Hans</a>. 1985. <i><a href="/wiki/Decline_and_Fall_of_the_Freudian_Empire">Decline and Fall of the Freudian Empire</a></i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-129">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/John_Kihlstrom">Kihlstrom, John F.</a> 2012 [2000]. "<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20130510073935/http://ist-socrates.berkeley.edu/~kihlstrm/freuddead.htm">Is Freud Still Alive? No, Not Really</a>" (updated ed.). <i>John F. Kihlstrom</i>. Berkley: <a href="/wiki/University_of_California,_Berkeley">University of California, Berkeley</a>. Archived from the <a href="http://ist-socrates.berkeley.edu/~kihlstrm/freuddead.htm">original</a> 10 May 2013.
— 2000/2003/2009. "Is Freud Still Alive? No, Not Really." <i><a href="/wiki/Atkinson_%26_Hilgard%27s_Introduction_to_Psychology">Hilgard's Introduction to Psychology</a></i> (13/14/15th ed.), edited by R. Atkinson, R. C. Atkinson, E. E. Smith, D. J. Bem, and S. Nolen-Hoeksema. New York: <a href="/wiki/Harcourt_(publisher)">Harcourt Brace Jovanovich</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Popper1981_130-0">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Karl_Popper">Popper, Karl Raimund</a> (1981). <a href="https://www.routledge.com/9780415285940"><i>Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge</i></a> (4th ed.). London: Routledge. p. 38. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780415285940"><bdi>9780415285940</bdi></a>. <q>And as for Freud's epic of the Ego, the Super-ego, and the Id, no substantially stronger claim to scientific status can be made for it than for Homer's collected stories from Olympus.</q></cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Georgiev2017_131-0">^</a></b> <cite>Georgiev, Danko D. (2017-12-06). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=OtRBDwAAQBAJ"><i>Quantum Information and Consciousness: A Gentle Introduction</i></a> (1st ed.). Boca Raton: CRC Press. p. 4. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1201%2F9780203732519">10.1201/9780203732519</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9781138104488"><bdi>9781138104488</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/oclc/1003273264">1003273264</a>. <a href="/wiki/Zbl_(identifier)">Zbl</a> <a href="//zbmath.org/?format=complete&amp;q=an:1390.81001">1390.81001</a>. <q>Terms such as <i>subconsciousness</i> or <i>superego</i> that are frequently used in <i>psychoanalysis</i> originated by Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) are relegated to the realm of pseudoscience where most of Freud's work justifiably belongs.</q></cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:11_132-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:11_132-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="/wiki/E._Fuller_Torrey">Torrey, E. Fuller</a>. 1986. <i>Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists</i>. p. 76.
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-Popper_133-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Popper_133-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="/wiki/Karl_Popper">Popper, Karl R</a>. 1990. "Science: Conjectures and Refutations." Pp. 104–10 in <i>Philosophy of Science and the Occult</i>, edited by P. Grim. Albany, p. 109, <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=5VewAkDw8h0C&amp;pg=PA80&amp;dq=Philosophy+of+Science+and+the+Occult,+edited+by+P.+Grim.+Albany&amp;hl=de&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiA64fH9-HsAhWNsKQKHUllDVwQ6AEwAHoECAIQAg#v=onepage&amp;q=Freud&amp;f=false">Preview Google Books</a> See also <i><a href="/wiki/Conjectures_and_Refutations">Conjectures and Refutations</a></i>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Webster,_Richard_1995_134-0">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Richard_Webster_(British_author)">Webster, Richard</a>. 1995. <i>Why Freud was Wrong: Sin, Science, and Psychoanalysis</i>. London: Harper Collins.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-135">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Frank_Cioffi">Cioffi, Frank</a>. 2005. "<a href="http://www.butterfliesandwheels.org/2005/was-freud-a-pseudoscientist/">Was Freud a Pseudoscientist?</a>" <i>Butterflies &amp; Wheels</i>.
Translated and published in <i><a href="http://www.psychaanalyse.com/pdf/LE%20LIVRE%20NOIR%20DE%20LA%20PSYCHANALYSE%20%28833%20Pages%20-%2018.8%20Mo%29.pdf">Le livre noir de la psychoanalyse: Vivre, penser et aller mieux sans Freud</a></i>, edited by C. Meyer, with M. Borch-Jacobsen, J. Cottraux, D. Pleux, and J. Van Rillaer. Paris: les arènes (2005). Retrieved 8 May 2020.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-136">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Imre_Lakatos">Lakatos, Imre</a>. 1978. "The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes." <i>Philosophical Papers</i> 1, edited by I. Lakatos, <a href="/wiki/John_Worrall_(philosopher)">J. Worrall</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Gregory_Currie">G. Currie</a>. Cambridge: <a href="/wiki/Cambridge_University_Press">Cambridge University Press</a>. p. <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=RRniFBI8Gi4C&amp;pg=PA146">146</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-137">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Roger_Scruton">Scruton, Roger</a> (1994). <i>Sexual Desire: A Philosophical Investigation</i>. Phoenix Books. p. 201. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-85799-100-0"><bdi>978-1-85799-100-0</bdi></a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Bunge_138-0">^</a></b> <cite>Bunge, Mario (1984). "What is pseudoscience?". Vol. 9. The Skeptical Inquirer. pp. 36–46.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Bunge2_139-0">^</a></b> <cite>Bunge, Mario (2001). "Philosophy in Crisis: The Need for Reconstruction". Prometheus Lectures. pp. 229–235.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-140">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Martin_Seligman">Seligman, Martin</a>, <i>Authentic Happiness</i> (The Free Press, Simon &amp; Schuster, 2002), pp. 64–65.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-:13_141-0">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Adolf_Gr%C3%BCnbaum">Grünbaum, Adolf</a>. 1993. <i>Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis: A Study in the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis</i>. Madison, CT: <a href="/wiki/International_Universities_Press">International Universities Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8236-6722-2">978-0-8236-6722-2</a>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/26895337">26895337</a>.<sup>[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources">page needed</a></i>]</sup>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-142">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Mikkel_Borch-Jacobsen">Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel</a>. 1996. <i>Remembering Anna O: A Century of Mystification.</i> London: Routledge. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-415-91777-8">0-415-91777-8</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Webster,_Richard_1996_143-0">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Richard_Webster_(British_author)">Webster, Richard</a>. 1996. <i>Why Freud was Wrong. Sin, Science and Psychoanalysis</i>. London: Harper Collins.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-144">^</a></b> <cite><a href="/wiki/Richard_Feynman">Feynman, Richard</a> (2007) [1998]. <i>The Meaning of It All: Thoughts of a Citizen-Scientist</i>. London: Penguin. pp. 114–5.</cite> Feynman was also speaking here of psychiatrists.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-146">^</a></b> <cite>Miller, Alice (1984). <i></i>Thou shalt not be aware: society's betrayal of the child<i></i>. NY: Meridan Printing.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-147">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Jeffrey_Weeks_(sociologist)">Weeks, Jeffrey</a>. 1989. <i>Sexuality and its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities</i>. New York: Routledge. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-415-04503-2">978-0-415-04503-2</a>. p. 176.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-148">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Jacques_Lacan">Lacan, Jacques</a>. 1977. <i>Ecrits: A Selection and The Seminars</i>, translated by <a href="/wiki/Alan_Sheridan">Alan Sheridan</a>. London: Tavistock.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-149">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Gilles_Deleuze">Deleuze, Gilles</a>, and <a href="/wiki/F%C3%A9lix_Guattari">Félix Guattari</a>. 1984 [1972]. <i><a href="/wiki/Anti-Oedipus">Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia</a></i>. London: Athlone. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-485-30018-5">978-0-485-30018-5</a>.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-Lecercle_2012_150-0">^</a></b> <cite>Lecercle, Jean-Jacques (October 2012). Ducange, Jean-Numa; Sibertin-Blanc, Guillaume (eds.). <a href="https://www.cairn-int.info/journal-actuel-marx-2012-2-page-108.htm?contenu=article">"Deleuzo-Guattarian Machinations"</a>. <i>Actuel Marx</i>. <a href="/wiki/Paris">Paris</a>: P.U.F. <b>52</b> (2): 108–120. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.3917%2Famx.052.0108">10.3917/amx.052.0108</a>. <a href="/wiki/EISSN_(identifier)">eISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/1969-6728">1969-6728</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-2-13-059331-7"><bdi>978-2-13-059331-7</bdi></a>. <a href="/wiki/ISSN_(identifier)">ISSN</a> <a href="//www.worldcat.org/issn/0994-4524">0994-4524</a> – via <a href="/wiki/Cairn.info">Cairn.info</a>.</cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-151">^</a></b> <cite>Irigaray L (1974), <i>Speculum</i>, Paris: Minuit, <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-2-7073-0024-9"><bdi>978-2-7073-0024-9</bdi></a></cite>
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-152">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Gilles_Deleuze">Deleuze, Gilles</a>, and <a href="/wiki/F%C3%A9lix_Guattari">Félix Guattari</a>. 1984 [1972]. "The Disjunctive Synthesis of Recording." Section 2.4 in <a href="/wiki/Anti-Oedipus"><i>Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia</i></a>. London: Athlone. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-485-30018-5">978-0-485-30018-5</a>. p. 89.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-153">^</a></b> Drew Westen, "The Scientific Legacy of Sigmund Freud Toward a Psychodynamically Informed Psychological Science". November 1998 Vol. 124, No. 3, 333–371
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-154">^</a></b> Fisher, Seymour, and Roger P. Greenberg. 1977. <i>The Scientific Credibility of Freud's Theories and Therapy</i>. New York: <a href="/wiki/Basic_Books">Basic Books</a>. p. 399.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-155">^</a></b> <cite>Milton, Jane. (2000). <i>Psychoanalysis and Cognitive Behaviour Therapy</i>. p. 440.</cite>
</li>
<li>^ <a href="#cite_ref-:12_156-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-:12_156-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> Westen and Gabbard, 2002
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-157">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Shlomo_Kalo">Kalo, Shlomo</a>. 1997. "Powerlessness as a Parable." <i>The Trousers – Parables for the 21st Century</i>. UK: D.A.T. Publications. pp. 16, back cover.
</li>
<li><b><a href="#cite_ref-158">^</a></b> <a href="/wiki/Jacques_Derrida">Derrida, Jacques</a>, and Bass, Alan. 1987. <i><a href="/wiki/The_Post_Card">The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond</a></i>. Chicago: <a href="/wiki/University_of_Chicago">University of Chicago</a>.
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2>Further reading[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=46">edit</a>]</h2>
<div>
<h3>Introductions[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=47">edit</a>]</h3>
<ul><li>Brenner, Charles (1954). <i>An Elementary Textbook of Psychoanalysis</i>.</li>
<li>Elliott, Anthony (2002). <i>Psychoanalytic Theory: An Introduction</i> (2nd ed.). <a href="/wiki/Duke_University_Press">Duke University Press</a>. --<br />An introduction that explains psychoanalytic theory with interpretations of major theorists.</li>
<li>Fine, Reuben (1990). <i>The History of Psychoanalysis.</i> (expanded ed.). Northvale: Jason Aronson.<a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8264-0452-9">0-8264-0452-9</a></li>
<li>Samuel, Lawrence R. (2013). <i>Shrink: A Cultural History of Psychoanalysis in America</i>. University of Nebraska Press. 253 pp.</li>
<li>Freud, Sigmund (2014) [1926]. "<a href="http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sigmund-Freud-on-psychoanalysis-1983319">Psychoanalysis</a>." <i><a href="/wiki/Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica">Encyclopædia Britannica</a></i>.</li></ul>
<h4>Reference works[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=48">edit</a>]</h4>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Alain_de_Mijolla">de Mijolla, Alain</a>, ed. (2005). <i>International dictionary of psychoanalysis</i> [enhanced American version] 1,2,&amp;3. Detroit: Thomson/Gale.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jean_Laplanche">Laplanche, Jean</a>, and J. B. Pontalis (1974). "The Language of Psycho-Analysis". W. W. Norton &amp; Company. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-393-01105-4">0-393-01105-4</a></li>
<li>Freud, Sigmund (1940). <i>An Outline of Psychoanalysis</i>. ePenguin.;General <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0393001518">978-0393001518</a></li>
<li>Edelson, Marshall (1984). <i>Hypothesis and Evidence in Psychoanalysis</i>. Chicago: Chicago University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-226-18432-3">0-226-18432-3</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Horacio_Etchegoyen">Etchegoyen, Horacio</a> (2005). <i>The Fundamentals of Psychoanalytic Technique</i> (new ed.). Karnac Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-85575-455-X">1-85575-455-X</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ernest_Gellner">Gellner, Ernest</a>. <i>The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason</i>, . A critical view of Freudian theory. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8101-1370-8">0-8101-1370-8</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andr%C3%A9_Green_(psychoanalyst)">Green, André</a> (2005). "Psychoanalysis: A Paradigm For Clinical Thinking". <a href="/wiki/Free_Association_Books">Free Association Books</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-85343-773-5">1-85343-773-5</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Luce_Irigaray">Irigaray, Luce</a> (2004). <i>Key Writings</i>. Continuum. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8264-6940-X">0-8264-6940-X</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Edith_Jacobson">Jacobson, Edith</a> (1976). <i>Depression; Comparative Studies of Normal, Neurotic, and Psychotic Conditions</i>. <a href="/wiki/International_Universities_Press">International Universities Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8236-1195-7">0-8236-1195-7</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Otto_Kernberg">Kernberg, Otto</a> (1993). <i>Severe Personality Disorders: Psychotherapeutic Strategies</i>. Yale University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-300-05349-5">0-300-05349-5</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Heinz_Kohut">Kohut, Heinz</a> (2000). <i>Analysis of the Self: Systematic Approach to Treatment of Narcissistic Personality Disorders</i>. <a href="/wiki/International_Universities_Press">International Universities Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8236-8002-9">0-8236-8002-9</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Filip_Kovacevic">Kovacevic, Filip</a> (2007). <i>Liberating Oedipus? Psychoanalysis as Critical Theory</i>. Lexington Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-7391-1148-5">0-7391-1148-5</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Julia_Kristeva">Kristeva, Julia</a> (1986). <i>The Kristeva Reader</i>, edited by T. Moi. Columbia University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-231-06325-3">0-231-06325-3</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Donald_Meltzer">Meltzer, Donald</a> (1983). <i>Dream-Life: A Re-Examination of the Psycho-Analytical Theory and Technique</i>. Karnac Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-902965-17-4">0-902965-17-4</a></li>
<li>— (1998). <i>The Kleinian Development</i> (new ed.). Karnac Books; reprint: <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-85575-194-1">1-85575-194-1</a></li>
<li>Mitchell, S. A., and M. J. Black (1995). <i>Freud and beyond: a history of modern psychoanalytic thought.</i> New York: Basic Books. pp. xviii–xx.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Griselda_Pollock">Pollock, Griselda</a> (2006). "Beyond Oedipus. Feminist Thought, Psychoanalysis, and Mythical Figurations of the Feminine." In <i>Laughing with Medusa</i>, edited by V. Zajko and M. Leonard. Oxford: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-927438-X">0-19-927438-X</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sabina_Spielrein">Spielrein, Sabina</a> (1993). <i>Destruction as cause of becoming</i>. <a href="/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)">OCLC</a> <a href="https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/44450080">44450080</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Robert_Stoller">Stoller, Robert</a> (1993). <i>Presentations of Gender</i>. Yale University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-300-05474-2">0-300-05474-2</a></li>
<li>Stolorow, Robert, George Atwood, and Donna Orange (2002). <i>Worlds of Experience: Interweaving Philosophical and Clinical Dimensions in Psychoanalysis</i>. New York: Basic Books.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ren%C3%A9_Spitz">Spitz, René</a> (2006). <i>The First Year of Life: Psychoanalytic Study of Normal and Deviant Development of Object Relations</i>. International Universities Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8236-8056-8">0-8236-8056-8</a></li>
<li>Tähkä, Veikko (1993). <i>Mind and Its Treatment: A Psychoanalytic Approach.</i> Madison, CT: International Universities Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8236-3367-5">0-8236-3367-5</a></li></ul>
</div>
<h3>Book series[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=49">edit</a>]</h3>
<ul><li><i><a href="/w/index.php?title=Contemporary_Psychoanalytic_Studies&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1">Contemporary Psychoanalytic Studies</a></i>. Amsterdam &amp; New York: <a href="/wiki/Rodopi_(publisher)">Rodopi</a>.</li></ul>
<h3>Analyses, discussions and critiques[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=50">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ul><li>Aziz, Robert (2007). <i>The Syndetic Paradigm: The Untrodden Path Beyond Freud and Jung</i>, Albany: <a href="/wiki/State_University_of_New_York_Press">State University of New York Press</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-7914-6982-8">978-0-7914-6982-8</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mikkel_Borch-Jacobsen">Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel</a> (1991). <i>Lacan: The Absolute Master</i>, Stanford: Stanford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8047-1556-4">0-8047-1556-4</a></li>
<li>Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1996). <i>Remembering Anna O: A Century of Mystification</i>, London: Routledge. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-415-91777-8">0-415-91777-8</a></li>
<li>Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel and <a href="/wiki/Sonu_Shamdasani">Shamdasani, Sonu</a> (2012). <i>The Freud Files: An Inquiry into the History of Psychoanalysis</i>, Cambridge University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-72978-9">978-0-521-72978-9</a>.</li>
<li><cite>Brockmeier Jens (1997). "Autobiography, narrative and the Freudian conception of life history". <i>Philosophy, Psychiatry, &amp; Psychology</i>. <b>4</b>: 175–200.</cite></li>
<li>Burnham, John, ed. (2012). <i>After Freud Left: A Century of Psychoanalysis in America</i>, University of Chicago Press.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Frank_Cioffi">Cioffi, Frank</a>. (1998). <i>Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience</i>, Open Court Publishing Company. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8126-9385-X">0-8126-9385-X</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Frederick_Crews">Crews, Frederick</a> (1986). <i>Skeptical Engagements</i>, New York: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-503950-5">0-19-503950-5</a>. Part I of this volume, entitled "The Freudian Temptation," includes five essays critical of psychoanalysis written between 1975 and 1986.</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Frederick_Crews">Crews, Frederick</a> (1995). <i>The Memory Wars: Freud's Legacy in Dispute</i>, New York: New York Review of Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-86207-010-5">1-86207-010-5</a></li>
<li>Crews, Frederick, ed. (1998). <i>Unauthorized Freud: Doubters Confront a Legend</i>, New York: Viking. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-14-028017-0">0-14-028017-0</a></li>
<li>Crews, Frederick (2017). <i>Freud: The Making of an Illusion</i>, Metropolitan Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9781627797177">9781627797177</a></li>
<li>Dufresne, Todd (2000). <i>Tales From the Freudian Crypt: The Death Drive in Text and Context</i>, Stanford: Stanford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8047-3885-8">0-8047-3885-8</a></li>
<li>— (2007). <i>Against Freud: Critics Talk Back</i>, Stanford: Stanford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8047-5548-5">0-8047-5548-5</a></li>
<li>Erwin, Edward (1996), <i>A Final Accounting: Philosophical and Empirical Issues in Freudian Psychology</i>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-262-05050-1">0-262-05050-1</a></li>
<li>Esterson, Allen (1993). <i>Seductive Mirage: An Exploration of the Work of Sigmund Freud.</i> Chicago: Open Court. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8126-9230-6">0-8126-9230-6</a></li>
<li>Fisher, Seymour, and Roger P. Greenberg (1977). <i>The Scientific Credibility of Freud's Theories and Therapy</i>. New York: Basic Books.</li>
<li>— (1996). <i>Freud Scientifically Reappraised: Testing the Theories and Therapy</i>. New York: John Wiley.</li>
<li>Gellner, Ernest (1993), <i>The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason</i>. A critical view of Freudian theory. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8101-1370-8">0-8101-1370-8</a></li>
<li><cite>Grünbaum Adolf (1979). "Is Freudian Psychoanalytic Theory Pseudo-Scientific by Karl Popper's Criterion of Demarcation?". <i>American Philosophical Quarterly</i>. <b>16</b>: 131–141.</cite></li>
<li>— (1985). <i>The Foundations of Psychoanalysis: A Philosophical Critique</i>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-520-05017-7">0-520-05017-7</a></li>
<li>Macmillan, Malcolm (1997), <i>Freud Evaluated: The Completed Arc</i>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-262-63171-7">0-262-63171-7</a></li>
<li><cite>Morley S, Eccleston C, Williams A (1999). "Systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials of cognitive behaviour therapy and behaviour therapy for chronic pain in adults, excluding headache". <i>Pain</i>. <b>80</b> (1–2): 1–13. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fs0304-3959%2898%2900255-3">10.1016/s0304-3959(98)00255-3</a>. <a href="/wiki/PMID_(identifier)">PMID</a> <a href="//pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/10204712">10204712</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)">S2CID</a> <a href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:21572242">21572242</a>.</cite></li>
<li>Roustang, Francois (1982). <i>Dire Mastery: Discipleship from Freud to Lacan</i>. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-88048-259-1">0-88048-259-1</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Richard_Webster_(British_author)">Webster, Richard</a>. (1995). <i>Why Freud Was Wrong: Sin, Science, and Psychoanalysis</i>, New York: Basic Books, Harper Collins. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-465-09128-8">0-465-09128-8</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Richard_Wollheim">Wollheim, Richard</a>, editor. (1974). <i>Freud: A Collection of Critical Essays.</i> New York: Anchor Books. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-385-07970-2">0-385-07970-2</a></li></ul>
</div>
<h3>Responses to critiques[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=51">edit</a>]</h3>
<div>
<ul><li>Köhler, Thomas 1996: <i>Anti-Freud-Literatur von ihren Anfängen bis heute. Zur wissenschaftlichen Fundierung von Psychoanalyse-Kritik.</i> Stuttgart: <a href="/wiki/Kohlhammer_Verlag">Kohlhammer Verlag</a>. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/3-17-014207-0">3-17-014207-0</a></li>
<li>Ollinheimo, Ari — Vuorinen, Risto (1999): Metapsychology and the Suggestion Argument: A Reply to Grünbaum's Critique of Psychoanalysis. <i>Commentationes Scientiarum Socialium</i>, 53. Helsinki: Finnish Academy of Science and Letters. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/951-653-297-7">951-653-297-7</a></li>
<li>Robinson, Paul (1993). <i>Freud and his Critics.</i> Berkeley &amp; Los Angeles: University of California Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-520-08029-7">0-520-08029-7</a></li>
<li>Gomez, Lavinia: <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=ZLaflqbuI-IC&amp;printsec=frontcover&amp;hl=en&amp;source=gbs_ge_summary_r&amp;cad=0#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false"><i>The Freud Wars: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis</i></a>. Routledge, 2005. <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/247519230_The_Freud_wars_an_introduction_to_the_philosophy_of_psychoanalysis">Review</a>: <i>Psychodynamic Practice</i> 14(1):108–111. Feb., 2008. </li></ul>
</div>
<h2>External links[<a href="/w/index.php?title=Psychoanalysis&amp;action=edit&amp;section=52">edit</a>]</h2>
<ul><li><a href="https://web.archive.org/web/19980118035119/http://www.ipa.org.uk/">International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA)</a> – world's primary regulatory body for psychoanalysis, founded by Sigmund Freud</li>
<li><a href="https://www.apa.org/about/division/div39">Psychoanalysis – Division 39 – American Psychological Association (APA)</a></li></ul>
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 Contents

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 * (Top)
 * 1 History
 + 1.1 1890s
 + 1.2 1900–1940s
 + 1.3 1940s–present
 + 1.4 Psychoanalysis as a movement
 + 1.5 Developments of alternative forms of psychotherapy
 o 1.5.1 Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)
 o 1.5.2 Attachment theory
 * 2 Theories
 + 2.1 Topographic theory
 + 2.2 Structural theory
 + 2.3 Theoretical and clinical approaches
 o 2.3.1 Ego psychology
 o 2.3.2 Modern conflict theory
 o 2.3.3 Object relations theory
 o 2.3.4 Self psychology
 o 2.3.5 Lacanian psychoanalysis
 o 2.3.6 Adaptive paradigm
 o 2.3.7 Relational psychoanalysis
 * 3 Psychopathology (mental disturbances)
 + 3.1 Childhood origins
 o 3.1.1 Oedipal conflicts
 * 4 Treatment
 + 4.1 Techniques
 o 4.1.1 Variations in technique
 + 4.2 Group therapy and play therapy
 + 4.3 Cultural variations
 + 4.4 Psychodynamic therapy
 + 4.5 Cost and length of treatment
 * 5 Training and research
 + 5.1 United States
 + 5.2 United Kingdom
 + 5.3 Psychoanalytic psychotherapy
 + 5.4 Research
 * 6 Effectiveness
 + 6.1 Research results
 * 7 Criticism
 + 7.1 Debate over status as scientific
 + 7.2 Freud
 + 7.3 Witch doctors
 + 7.4 Critical perspectives
 + 7.5 Freudian theory
 * 8 See also
 * 9 Notes
 * 10 References
 * 11 Further reading
 + 11.1 Introductions
 o 11.1.1 Reference works
 + 11.2 Book series
 + 11.3 Analyses, discussions and critiques
 + 11.4 Responses to critiques
 * 12 External links
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 Psychoanalysis

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 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 This article is about a set of theories of mind originating from the work of Sigmund Freud. For modern methods of psychological assessment, see psychological testing.
 It has been suggested that Psychoanalytic theory be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since December 2022.
 
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 Part of a series of articles on 
 Psychoanalysis 
  
 Concepts 
 * Psychosexual development 
 * Psychosocial development (Erikson) 
 * Unconscious 
 * Preconscious 
 * Consciousness 
 * Psychic apparatus 
 * Id, ego and super-ego 
 * Ego defenses 
 * Projection 
 * Introjection 
 * Libido 
 * Drive 
 * Transference 
 * Countertransference 
 * Resistance 
 * Denial 
 * Dreamwork 
 * Cathexis 
 Important figures 
 * Karl Abraham 
 * Alfred Adler 
 * Michael Balint 
 * Wilfred Bion 
 * Josef Breuer 
 * Nancy Chodorow 
 * Max Eitingon 
 * Erik Erikson 
 * Ronald Fairbairn 
 * Paul Federn 
 * Otto Fenichel 
 * Sándor Ferenczi 
 * Anna Freud 
 * Sigmund Freud 
 * Erich Fromm 
 * Harry Guntrip 
 * Karen Horney 
 * Edith Jacobson 
 * Ernest Jones 
 * Carl Jung 
 * Abram Kardiner 
 * Heinz Kohut 
 * Melanie Klein 
 * Julia Kristeva 
 * Jacques Lacan 
 * Ronald Laing 
 * Jean Laplanche 
 * Margaret Mahler 
 * Jacques-Alain Miller 
 * Sandor Rado 
 * Otto Rank 
 * Wilhelm Reich 
 * Joan Riviere 
 * Isidor Sadger 
 * Ernst Simmel 
 * Sabina Spielrein 
 * Wilhelm Stekel 
 * James Strachey 
 * Harry Stack Sullivan 
 * Susan Sutherland Isaacs 
 * Donald Winnicott 
 * Slavoj Žižek 
 Important works 
 * The Interpretation of Dreams (1899) 
 * The Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1901)
 * Three Essays on the Theory 
 of Sexuality (1905) 
 * Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920) 
 * The Ego and the Id (1923) 
 Schools of thought 
 * Adlerian 
 * Ego psychology 
 * Jungian 
 * Lacanian 
 * Interpersonal 
 * Intersubjective 
 * Marxist 
 * Object relations 
 * Reichian 
 * Relational 
 * Self psychology 
 Training 
 * Boston Graduate School of 
 Psychoanalysis 
 * British Psychoanalytic Council 
 * British Psychoanalytical Society 
 * Columbia University Center for 
 Psychoanalytic Training and Research 
 * International Psychoanalytical Association 
 * World Association of Psychoanalysis 
 * List of schools of psychoanalysis 
 See also 
 * Child psychoanalysis 
 * Depth psychology 
 * Psychodynamics 
 * Psychoanalytic theory 
 * Psychology portal 
 * v 
 * t 
 * e 
 
 Psychoanalysis 
 ICD-9-CM 94.31 
 MeSH D011572
 [edit on Wikidata]
 

 Psychoanalysis[i] is a set of theories and therapeutic techniques[ii] that deal in part with the unconscious mind,[iii] and which together form a method of treatment for mental disorders. The discipline was established in the early 1890s by Austrian neurologist Sigmund Freud, who developed the practice from his theoretical model of personality organization and development, psychoanalytic theory.[1] Freud's work stems partly from the clinical work of Josef Breuer and others. Psychoanalysis was later developed in different directions, mostly by students of Freud, such as Alfred Adler and his collaborator, Carl Gustav Jung,[iv] as well as by neo-Freudian thinkers, such as Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, and Harry Stack Sullivan.[2]

 Freud distinguished between a conscious and unconscious mind, arguing that the unconscious mind largely determines behaviour and cognition owing to instinctual unconscious drives. Freud observed that attempts to bring such drives into awareness triggers resistance in the form of defense mechanisms, particularly repression, and that conflicts between conscious and unconscious material can result in mental disturbances. He also postulated that unconscious material can be found in dreams and unintentional acts, including mannerisms and Freudian slips. Psychoanalytic therapy developed as a means to improve mental health by bringing unconscious material into consciousness. Psychoanalysts place a large emphasis on early childhood in an individual's development. During therapy, a psychoanalyst aims to induce transference, whereby patients relive their infantile conflicts by projecting onto the analyst feelings of love, dependence and anger.[3][4]

 During psychoanalytic sessions a patient traditionally lies on a couch, and an analyst sits just behind and out of sight. The patient expresses their thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst infers the unconscious conflicts causing the patient's symptoms and character problems. Through the analysis of these conflicts, which includes interpreting the transference and countertransference (the analyst's feelings for the patient), the analyst confronts the patient's pathological defence mechanisms to help the patient understand themselves better.[5]

 Psychoanalysis is a controversial discipline, and its effectiveness as a treatment has been contested, although it retains influence within psychiatry.[v][vi] Psychoanalytic concepts are also widely used outside the therapeutic arena, in areas such as psychoanalytic literary criticism, as well as in the analysis of film, fairy tales, philosophical perspectives as Freudo-Marxism and other cultural phenomena.

 History [ edit ]

 1890s [ edit ]

 The idea of psychoanalysis (German: Psychoanalyse) first began to receive serious attention under Sigmund Freud, who formulated his own theory of psychoanalysis in Vienna in the 1890s. Freud was a neurologist trying to find an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud realised that there were mental processes that were not conscious whilst he was employed as a neurological consultant at the Children's Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no apparent organic cause for their symptoms. He then wrote a monograph about this subject.[6] In 1885, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, a famed neurologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris, where he followed the clinical presentations of Charcot, particularly in the areas of hysteria, paralyses and the anaesthesias. Charcot had introduced hypnotism as an experimental research tool and developed photographic representation of clinical symptoms.

 Freud's first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was presented in Studies on Hysteria (1895; Studien über Hysterie), co-authored with his mentor the distinguished physician Josef Breuer, which was generally seen as the birth of psychoanalysis.[7] The work was based on Breuer's treatment of Bertha Pappenheim, referred to in case studies by the pseudonym "Anna O.", treatment which Pappenheim herself had dubbed the "talking cure". Breuer wrote that many factors could result in such symptoms, including various types of emotional trauma, and he also credited work by others such as Pierre Janet; while Freud contended that at the root of hysterical symptoms were repressed memories of distressing occurrences, almost always having direct or indirect sexual associations.[7]

 Around the same time, Freud attempted to develop a neuro-physiological theory of unconscious mental mechanisms, which he soon gave up. It remained unpublished in his lifetime.[8] The term 'psychoanalysis' (psychoanalyse) was first introduced by Freud in his essay titled "Heredity and etiology of neuroses" ("L'hérédité et l'étiologie des névroses"), written and published in French in 1896.[9][10]

 In 1896, Freud also published his seduction theory, claiming to have uncovered repressed memories of incidents of sexual abuse for all his current patients, from which he proposed that the preconditions for hysterical symptoms are sexual excitations in infancy.[11] Though in 1896 he had reported that his patients "had no feeling of remembering the [infantile sexual] scenes", and assured him "emphatically of their unbelief",[11] : 204 in later accounts he claimed that they had told him that they had been sexually abused in infancy. By 1898 he had privately acknowledged to his friend and colleague Wilhelm Fliess that he no longer believed in his theory, though he did not state this publicly until 1906.[12]

 Building on his claims that the patients reported infantile sexual abuse experiences, Freud subsequently contended that his clinical findings in the mid-1890s provided evidence of the occurrence of unconscious fantasies, supposedly to cover up memories of infantile masturbation.[12] Only much later did he claim the same findings as evidence for Oedipal desires.[13] In the latter part of the 20th century, several Freud scholars challenged Freud's perception of the patients who informed him of childhood sexual abuse, arguing that he had imposed his preconceived notions on his patients.[14][15][16]

 By 1899, Freud had theorised that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory—which hypotheses that the unconscious has or is a "primary process" consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a "secondary process" of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1899 book, The Interpretation of Dreams, which Freud thought of as his most significant work.[17][18] Freud outlined a new topographic theory, which theorised that unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the "System Unconscious". These wishes were made unconscious due to society's condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. This "topographic theory" is still popular in much of Europe, although it has fallen out of favour in much of North America, where it has been largely supplanted by structural theory.[19] In addition, The Interpretation of Dreams contained Freud's first conceptualisation of the Oedipal complex, which asserted that young boys are sexually attracted to their mothers and envious of their fathers for being able to have sex with their mothers.

 Psychologist Frank Sulloway in his book Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend argues that Freud's biological theories like libido were rooted in the biological hypothesis that accompanied the work of Charles Darwin, citing theories of Krafft-Ebing, Molland, Havelock Ellis, Haeckel, Wilhelm Fliess as influencing Freud.[20] : 30

 1900–1940s [ edit ]

 In 1905, Freud published Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality in which he laid out his discovery of the psychosexual phases, which categorised early childhood development into five stages depending on what sexual afinity a child possessed at the stage:[21]

 * Oral (ages 0–2);
 * Anal (2–4);
 * Phallic-oedipal or First genital (3–6);
 * Latency (6–puberty); and
 * Mature genital (puberty–onward).

 His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be result in anxiety or physical symptoms. Early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms. This method would later on be left aside by Freud, giving free association a bigger role.

 In On Narcissism (1915), Freud turned his attention to the titular subject of narcissism.[22] Freud characterized the difference between energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others using a system known as cathexis. By 1917, in "Mourning and Melancholia", he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.[23] In 1919, through "A Child is Being Beaten", he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior and sexual masochism.[24] Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of World War I, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego.[25][26] In that same year, Freud suggested his dual drive theory of sexuality and aggression in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness. Also, it was the first appearance of his "structural theory" consisting of three new concepts id, ego, and superego.[27]

 Three years later, in 1923, he summarised the ideas of id, ego, and superego in The Ego and the Id.[28] In the book, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Hence, Freud characterised repression as both a cause and a result of anxiety. In 1926, in "Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety", Freud characterised how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.[29] In 1924, Otto Rank published The Trauma of Birth, which analysed culture and philosophy in relation to separation anxiety which occurred before the development of an Oedipal complex.[30] Freud's theories, however, characterized no such phase. According to Freud, the Oedipus complex was at the centre of neurosis, and was the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in Freud's inner circle had characterised something other than the Oedipus complex as contributing to intrapsychic development, a notion that was rejected by Freud and his followers at the time.

 By 1936 the "Principle of Multiple Function" was clarified by Robert Waelder.[31] He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego, anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund's daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.[32]

 1940s–present [ edit ]

 When Hitler's power grew, the Freud family and many of their colleagues fled to London. Within a year, Sigmund Freud died.[33] In the United States, also following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Heinz Hartmann, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning, distinguishing such from autonomous ego functions (e.g. memory and intellect). These "ego psychologists" of the 1950s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts.

 In addition, there was growing interest in child psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,[vii] and is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.[34] In the 1960s, Freud's early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development,[35] many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud's theories. Several researchers followed Karen Horney's studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women.[36]

 In the first decade of the 21st century, there were approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association (APsaA), which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA), and there are over 3000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The IPA accredits psychoanalytic training centers through such "component organisations" throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland,[37] and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the United States.

 Psychoanalysis as a movement [ edit ]

 Freud founded the Psychological Wednesday Society in 1902, which Edward Shorter argues was the beginning of psychoanalysis as a movement. This society became the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society in 1908 in the same year as the first international congress of psychoanalysis held in Salzburg, Austria.[38] : 110 Alfred Adler was one of the most active members in this society in its early years.[39] : 584

 The second congress of psychoanalysis took place in Nuremberg, Germany in 1910.[38] : 110 At this congress, Ferenczi called for the creation of an International Psychoanalytic Association with Jung as president for life.[40] : 15 A third congress was held in Weimar in 1911.[38] : 110 The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded in 1913 by Ernest Jones.[41]

 Developments of alternative forms of psychotherapy [ edit ]

 Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) [ edit ]

 In the 1950s, psychoanalysis was the main modality of psychotherapy. Behavioural models of psychotherapy started to assume a more central role in psychotherapy in the 1960s.[viii][42] Aaron T. Beck, a psychiatrist trained in a psychoanalytic tradition, set out to test the psychoanalytic models of depression empirically and found that conscious ruminations of loss and personal failing were correlated with depression. He suggested that distorted and biased beliefs were a causal factor of depression, publishing an influential paper in 1967 after a decade of research using the construct of schemas to explain the depression.[42] : 221 Beck developed this empirically supported hypothesis for the cause of depression into a talking therapy called cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) in the early 1970s.

 Attachment theory [ edit ]

 See also: Attachment theory § Psychoanalysis

 Attachment theory was developed theoretically by John Bowlby and formalized empirically by Mary Ainsworth.[43] Bowlby was trained psychoanalytically but was concerned about some properties of psychoanalysis;[44] : 23 he was troubled by the dogmatism of psychoanalysis at the time, its arcane terminology, the lack of attention to environment in child behaviour, and the concepts derived from talking therapy to child behaviour.[44] : 23 In response, he developed an alternative conceptualization of child behaviour based on principles on ethology.[44] : 24 Bowlby's theory of attachment rejects Freud's model of psychosexual development based on the Oedipal model.[44] : 25 For his work, Bowlby was shunned from psychoanalytical circles who did not accept his theories. Nonetheless, his conceptualization was adopted widely by mother-infant research in the 1970s.[44] : 26

 Theories [ edit ]

 The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be organised into several theoretical schools. Although these perspectives differ, most of them emphasize the influence of unconscious elements on the conscious. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theories.[45]

 There are some persistent conflicts among psychoanalysts regarding specific causes of certain syndromes, and some disputes regarding the ideal treatment techniques. In the 21st century, psychoanalytic ideas have found influence in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, mental health, and particularly psychotherapy. Though most mainstream psychoanalysts subscribe to modern strains of psychaoanalytical thought, there are groups who follow the precepts of a single psychoanalyst and their school of thought. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as archetypal literary criticism.[46]

 Topographic theory [ edit ]

 Topographic theory was named and first described by Sigmund Freud in The Interpretation of Dreams (1899).[47] The theory hypothesizes that the mental apparatus can be divided into the systems Conscious, Preconscious, and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the structural theory.[48]

 Structural theory [ edit ]

 Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called "Triebe" ("drives"). Unorganized and unconscious, it operates merely on the 'pleasure principle', without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urging of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the 'reality principle'. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgmental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.[48]

 Theoretical and clinical approaches [ edit ]

 During the twentieth century, many different clinical and theoretical models of psychoanalysis emerged.

 Ego psychology [ edit ]

 Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926),[29] while major steps forward would be made through Anna Freud's work on defense mechanisms, first published in her book The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936).[32]

 The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.[49]

 Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it.[50]

 According to ego psychology, ego strengths, later described by Otto F. Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy.[51] Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflict processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict.[ citation needed ] For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).

 Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mental processes. There are six "points of view", five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view:[52]

 1. Topographic
 2. Dynamic (the theory of conflict)
 3. Economic (the theory of energy flow)
 4. Structural
 5. Genetic (i.e. propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions)
 6. Adaptational (i.e. psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world)

 Modern conflict theory [ edit ]

 Modern conflict theory, a variation of ego psychology, is a revised version of structural theory, most notably different by altering concepts related to where repressed thoughts were stored.[28][29] Modern conflict theory addresses emotional symptoms and character traits as complex solutions to mental conflict.[53] It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.

 A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called "compromise formations") conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians who follow the work of Charles Brenner, especially The Mind in Conflict (1982), include Sandor Abend,[54] Jacob Arlow,[55] and Jerome Blackman.[56]

 Object relations theory [ edit ]

 Object relations theory attempts to explain human relationships through a study of how mental representations of the self and others are organized.[57] The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual's capacity to feel: warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with significant others.

 Klein discusses the concept of introjection, creating a mental representation of external objects; and projection, applying this mental representation to reality.[58] : 24 Wilfred Bion introduced the concept of containment of projections in the mother-child relationship where a mother understands an infants projections, modifies them and returns them to the child.[58] : 27

 Concepts regarding internal representation (aka 'introspect', 'self and object representation', or 'internalization of self and other'), although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, 1905). Freud's 1917 paper "Mourning and Melancholia", for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor's internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self-image.[23]

 Melanie Klein's hypotheses regarding internalization during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by René Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975) describe distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to "separation-individuation" during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures in the face of the child's destructive aggression, internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy.[59]

 During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the 'identity crisis', that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience "Warm-ETHICS: (warmth, Empathy, Trust, Holding environment, Identity, Closeness, and Stability) in relationships, the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.[56]

 Self psychology [ edit ]

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 Self psychology emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as 'selfobjects'. Selfobjects meet the developing self's needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through "transmuting internalizations" in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist.

 Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.

 Lacanian psychoanalysis [ edit ]

 Lacanian psychoanalysis, which integrates psychoanalysis with structural linguistics and Hegelian philosophy, is especially popular in France and parts of Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis. Jacques Lacan frequently used the phrase "retourner à Freud" ("return to Freud") in his seminars and writings, as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud's own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and "self" theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud's complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan's concepts concern the "mirror stage", the "Real", the "Imaginary", and the "Symbolic", and the claim that "the unconscious is structured as a language."[60]

 Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have taken longer to be translated into English and he has thus had a lesser impact on psychoanalysis and psychotherapy in the English-speaking world. In the United Kingdom and the United States, his ideas are most widely used to analyze texts in literary theory.[61] Due to his increasingly critical stance towards the deviation from Freud's thought, often singling out particular texts and readings from his colleagues, Lacan was excluded from acting as a training analyst in the IPA, thus leading him to create his own school in order to maintain an institutional structure for the many candidates who desired to continue their analysis with him.[62]

 Adaptive paradigm [ edit ]

 Main article: Robert Langs

 The adaptive paradigm of psychotherapy develops out of the work of Robert Langs. The adaptive paradigm interprets psychic conflict primarily in terms of conscious and unconscious adaptation to reality. Langs' recent work in some measure returns to the earlier Freud, in that Langs prefers a modified version of the topographic model of the mind (conscious, preconscious, and unconscious) over the structural model (id, ego, and super-ego), including the former's emphasis on trauma (though Langs looks to death-related traumas rather than sexual traumas).[48] At the same time, Langs' model of the mind differs from Freud's in that it understands the mind in terms of evolutionary biological principles.[63]

 Relational psychoanalysis [ edit ]

 Relational psychoanalysis combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health. It was introduced by Stephen Mitchell.[64] Relational psychoanalysis stresses how the individual's personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Relational psychoanalysts have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for "mentalization" associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

 Psychopathology (mental disturbances) [ edit ]

 Childhood origins [ edit ]

 Freudian theories hold that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence, caused by fantasy, stemming from their own drives. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (i.e. seduction theory). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, neurotic symptoms were not associated with this. He believed that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the "first genital stage") to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Arguments were quickly generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children, i.e. child sexual abuse, was the basis of neurotic illness. There still is no complete agreement, although nowadays professionals recognize the negative effects of child sexual abuse on mental health.[65]

 Oedipal conflicts [ edit ]

 Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex, based on the play by Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, in which the protagonist unwittingly kills his father and marries his mother. The validity of the Oedipus complex is now widely disputed and rejected.[66][67]

 The shorthand term, oedipal—later explicated by Joseph J. Sandler in "On the Concept Superego" (1960)[68] and modified by Charles Brenner in The Mind in Conflict (1982)—refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.[ citation needed ]

 "Positive" and "negative" oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child's concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term superego. Besides superego development, children "resolve" their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of ("sublimation") and the development, during the school-age years ("latency") of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).[ citation needed ]

 Treatment [ edit ]

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 Using the various analytic and psychological techniques to assess mental problems, some believe[ by whom? ] that there are particular constellations of problems that are especially suited for analytic treatment (see below) whereas other problems might respond better to medicines and other interpersonal interventions.[69] To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have or develop trust and insight within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model, which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular; however, adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis or mental disorder. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty-minute break in the middle. There are numerous modifications in technique under the heading of psychoanalysis due to the individualistic nature of personality in both analyst and patient.

 The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

 Analytical organizations such as the IPA, APsaA and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the "fit" between analyst and patient. A person's suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness.

 An evaluation may include one or more other analysts' independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient's financial situation and insurances.

 Techniques [ edit ]

 The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient's unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten.[ix] In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the "frame" of the therapy[70]—the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious "resistances" to the flow of thoughts (aka free association).

 When the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more experiences, more resistance and transference, and is able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies[x] are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies.[71] Various memories of early life are generally distorted—what Freud called screen memories—and in any case, very early experiences (before age two)—cannot be remembered.[xi]

 Variations in technique [ edit ]

 There is what is known among psychoanalysts as classical technique, although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient.

 Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton as comprising:[72]

 * instructions: telling the patient to try to say what's on their mind, including interferences;
 * exploration: asking questions; and
 * clarification: rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing.

 As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient's attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as:[ citation needed ]

 * Dynamic interpretation: explaining how being too nice guards against guilt (e.g. defense vs. affect);
 * Genetic interpretation: explaining how a past event is influencing the present;
 * Resistance interpretation: showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems;
 * Transference interpretation: showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst; or
 * Dream interpretation: obtaining the patient's thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems.

 Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue. These techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, supplemented by the work of John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst's personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I. H. Paul, Letters to Simon); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives.[ citation needed ]

 Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, "Psychosis and Near-psychosis") patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).[ citation needed ]

 The notion of the "silent analyst" has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow's approach as set out in "The Genesis of Interpretation", using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (see also the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik). "Analytic neutrality" is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst's position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.[73][74]

 Interpersonal–relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term participant-observer to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.[75]

 Group therapy and play therapy [ edit ]

 Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander. Techniques and tools developed in the first decade of the 21st century have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.[76]

 Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent.[xii] Using toys and games, children are able to symbolically demonstrate their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children's conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.[ citation needed ]

 Cultural variations [ edit ]

 Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counselor understands the client's culture.[ citation needed ] For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example, Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association—where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy.[77] In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.

 Psychodynamic therapy [ edit ]

 Psychodynamic therapies refer therapies that draw from psychoanalytic approaches but are designed to be shorter in duration or less intensive.[58] : 1

 Cost and length of treatment [ edit ]

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 The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners.[ citation needed ] Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst's training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include psychodynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy,[xiii] are carried out on a less frequent basis—usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist. As a result of the defense mechanisms and the lack of access to the unfathomable elements of the unconscious, psychoanalysis can be an expansive process that involves 2 to 5 sessions per week for several years. This type of therapy relies on the belief that reducing the symptoms will not actually help with the root causes or irrational drives. The analyst typically is a 'blank screen', disclosing very little about themselves in order that the client can use the space in the relationship to work on their unconscious without interference from outside.[ citation needed ]

 The psychoanalyst uses various methods to help the patient to become more self-aware and to develop insights into their behavior and into the meanings of symptoms. First and foremost, the psychoanalyst attempts to develop a confidential atmosphere in which the patient can feel safe reporting his feelings, thoughts and fantasies. Analysands (as people in analysis are called) are asked to report whatever comes to mind without fear of reprisal. Freud called this the "fundamental rule". Analysands are asked to talk about their lives, including their early life, current life and hopes and aspirations for the future. They are encouraged to report their fantasies, "flash thoughts" and dreams. In fact, Freud believed that dreams were, "the royal road to the unconscious"; he devoted an entire volume to the interpretation of dreams. Freud had his patients lay on a couch in a dimly lit room and would sit out of sight, usually directly behind them, as to not influence the patients thoughts by his gestures or expressions.[78]

 The psychoanalyst's task, in collaboration with the analysand, is to help deepen the analysand's understanding of those factors, outside of his awareness, that drive his behaviors. In the safe environment of the psychoanalytic setting, the analysand becomes attached to the analyst and pretty soon he begins to experience the same conflicts with his analyst that he experiences with key figures in his life such as his parents, his boss, his significant other, etc. It is the psychoanalyst's role to point out these conflicts and to interpret them. The transferring of these internal conflicts onto the analyst is called "transference".[ citation needed ]

 Many studies have also been done on briefer "dynamic" treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20–30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years[ citation needed ], but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time.[ medical citation needed ] Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology.[ citation needed ]

 Training and research [ edit ]

 Psychoanalysis continues to be practiced by psychiatrists, social workers, and other mental health professionals; however, its practice has declined.[79][80] It has been largely replaced by the similar but broader psychodynamic psychotherapy in the mid-20th century.[81] Psychoanalytic approaches continue to be listed by the UK National Health Service as possibly helpful for depression.[82]

 United States [ edit ]

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 Psychoanalytic training in the United States involves a personal psychoanalysis for the trainee, approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four or five-year period.

 Typically, this psychoanalysis must be conducted by a Supervising and Training Analyst. Most institutes (but not all) within the American Psychoanalytic Association, require that Supervising and Training Analysts become certified by the American Board of Psychoanalysts. Certification entails a blind review in which the psychoanalyst's work is vetted by psychoanalysts outside of their local community. After earning certification, these psychoanalysts undergo another hurdle in which they are specially vetted by senior members of their own institute. Supervising and Training analysts are held to the highest clinical and ethical standards. Moreover, they are required to have extensive experience conducting psychoanalyses.[ citation needed ]

 Similarly, class instruction for psychoanalytic candidates is rigorous. Typically classes meet several hours a week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute.[ citation needed ]

 Candidates generally have an hour of supervision each week, with a Supervising and Training Analyst, on each psychoanalytic case. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor's office, where the trainee presents material from the psychoanalytic work that week. In supervision, the patient's unconscious conflicts are explored, also, transference-countertransference constellations are examined. Also, clinical technique is taught.[ citation needed ]

 Many psychoanalytic training centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the APsaA or the IPA. Because of theoretical differences, there are independent institutes, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the APsaA. Currently there are between 75 and 100 independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree. The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the analyst Theodor Reik. The Contemporary Freudian (originally the New York Freudian Society) an offshoot of the National Psychological Association has a branch in Washington, DC. It is a component society/institute or the IPA.[ citation needed ]

 Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with medical school psychiatry residency programs.[ citation needed ]

 The IPA is the world's primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigor and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes and associations, which are spread across the states. APsaA has 38 affiliated societies which have 10 or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of APsaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the United States. A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the IPA, followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.[ citation needed ]

 The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately 30 local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings or conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the organization which consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002, there were approximately 3,900 individual members in 22 countries, speaking 18 different languages. There are also 25 psychoanalytic societies.[ citation needed ]

 The American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW) was established by Crayton Rowe in 1980 as a division of the Federation of Clinical Societies of Social Work and became an independent entity in 1990. Until 2007 it was known as the National Membership Committee on Psychoanalysis. The organization was founded because although social workers represented the larger number of people who were training to be psychoanalysts, they were underrepresented as supervisors and teachers at the institutes they attended. AAPCSW now has over 1000 members and has over 20 chapters. It holds a bi-annual national conference and numerous annual local conferences.[ citation needed ]

 Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory.[83]

 United Kingdom [ edit ]

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 The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913.[ citation needed ] After World War I with the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom, the Society was reconstituted and named the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society's activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The society, the institute and the clinic are all located at Byron House in West London.[ citation needed ]

 The Society is a constituent society of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) a body with members on all five continents which safeguards professional and ethical practice.[ citation needed ] The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytic Council are required to undertake continuing professional development, CPD. Members of the Society teach and hold posts on other approved psychoanalytic courses, e.g.: British Psychotherapy Foundation and in academic departments, e.g.University College London.

 Members of the Society have included: Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Ronald Fairbairn, Anna Freud, Harry Guntrip, Melanie Klein, Donald Meltzer, Joseph J. Sandler, Hanna Segal, J. D. Sutherland and Donald Winnicott.

 The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With the New Library of Psychoanalysis the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulations of any psychoanalytic journal.[ citation needed ]

 Psychoanalytic psychotherapy [ edit ]

 There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy, a therapeutic approach which widens "the accessibility of psychoanalytic theory and clinical practices that had evolved over 100 plus years to a larger number of individuals."[84] Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are mentalization-based treatment (MBT), and transference focused psychotherapy (TFP).[83] There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in mental health care.[85]

 Research [ edit ]

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 Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association have analyzed the efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

 Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Alfred Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and '50s, and have persisted (e.g. Miller). Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the idea of "infantile sexuality" (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Ronald Fairbairn, Michael Balint, and John Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification.[86]

 Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.[34] In the 1960s, Freud's early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud's concepts.[87] Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Françoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children's mental representations of self and others.[88]

 Effectiveness [ edit ]

 The psychoanalytic profession has been resistant to researching efficacy.[89] Evaluations of effectiveness based on the interpretation of the therapist alone cannot be proven.[90]

 Research results [ edit ]

 Numerous studies have shown that the efficacy of therapy is primarily related to the quality of the therapist, rather than to the school or technique or training.[91]

 Meta-analyses in 2012 and 2013 found support or evidence for the efficacy of psychoanalytic therapy, but further research is needed.[92][93] Other meta-analyses published in recent years showed psychoanalysis and psychodynamic therapy to be effective, with outcomes comparable to or greater than other kinds of psychotherapy or antidepressant drugs,[94][95][96] but these meta-analyses have been subjected to various criticisms.[97][98][99][100] In particular, the inclusion of pre/post studies rather than randomized controlled trials, and the absence of adequate comparisons with control treatments, is a serious limitation in interpreting the results.[93] A French 2004 report from INSERM concluded that psychoanalytic therapy is less effective than other psychotherapies (including cognitive behavioral therapy) for certain diseases.[69]

 In 2011, the American Psychological Association made 103 comparisons between psychodynamic treatment and a non-dynamic competitor and found that 6 were superior, 5 were inferior, 28 showed no difference, and 63 were adequate. The study found that this could be used as a basis "to make psychodynamic psychotherapy an 'empirically validated' treatment."[101][ further explanation needed ]

 Meta-analyses of Short Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy (STPP) have found effect sizes (Cohen's d) ranging from 0.34 to 0.71 compared to no treatment and was found to be slightly better than other therapies in follow up.[102] Other reviews have found an effect size of 0.78 to 0.91 for somatic disorders compared to no treatment[103] and 0.69 for treating depression.[104] A 2012 Harvard Review of Psychiatry meta-analysis of Intensive Short-Term Dynamic Psychotherapy (ISTDP) found effect sizes ranging from 0.84 for interpersonal problems to 1.51 for depression. Overall ISTDP had an effect size of 1.18 compared to no treatment.[105]

 A meta-analysis of Long Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy in 2012 found an overall effect size of 0.33, which is modest. This study concluded the recovery rate following LTPP was equal to control treatments, including treatment as usual, and found the evidence for the effectiveness of LTPP to be limited and at best conflicting.[106] Others have found effect sizes of 0.44–0.68.[107]

 According to a 2004 French review conducted by INSERM, psychoanalysis was presumed or proven effective at treating panic disorder, post-traumatic stress, and personality disorders, but did not find evidence of its effectiveness in treating schizophrenia, obsessive compulsive disorder, specific phobia, bulimia and anorexia.[69]

 A 2001 systematic review of the medical literature by the Cochrane Collaboration concluded that no data exist demonstrating that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia and severe mental illness, and cautioned that medication should always be used alongside any type of talk therapy in schizophrenia cases.[108] A French review from 2004 found the same.[69] The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team advises against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, arguing that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness.[109][110]

 Criticism [ edit ]

 See also: Science wars and Theory wars
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 Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in extreme terms.[111] Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars.[112] Linguist Noam Chomsky has criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.[113] Evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould considered psychoanalysis influenced by pseudoscientific theories such as recapitulation theory.[114] Psychologists Hans Eysenck, John F. Kihlstrom and others have also criticized the field as pseudoscience.[115][116][117][118]

 Debate over status as scientific [ edit ]

 The theoretical foundations of psychoanalysis lie in the same philosophical currents that lead to interpretive phenomenology rather than in those that lead to scientific positivism, making the theory largely incompatible with positivist approaches to the study of the mind.[119][120][121]

 Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method.[ citation needed ] Philosopher Frank Cioffi cites false claims of a sound scientific verification of the theory and its elements as the strongest basis for classifying the work of Freud and his school as pseudoscience.[122]

 Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable:[120]

 ....those "clinical observations" which analysts naively believe confirm their theory cannot do this any more than the daily confirmations which astrologers find in their practice. And as for Freud's epic of the Ego, the Super-ego, and the Id, no substantially stronger claim to scientific status can be made for it than for Homer's collected stories from the Olympus.

 In addition, Imre Lakatos wrote that "Freudians have been nonplussed by Popper's basic challenge concerning scientific honesty. Indeed, they have refused to specify experimental conditions under which they would give up their basic assumptions."[123] In Sexual Desire (1986), philosopher Roger Scruton rejects Popper's arguments pointing to the theory of repression as an example of a Freudian theory that does have testable consequences. Scruton nevertheless concluded that psychoanalysis is not genuinely scientific, on the grounds that it involves an unacceptable dependence on metaphor.[124] The philosopher and physicist Mario Bunge argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because it violates the ontology and methodology inherent to science.[125] According to Bunge, most psychoanalytic theories are either untestable or unsupported by evidence.[126] Cognitive scientists, in particular, have also weighed in. Martin Seligman, a prominent academic in positive psychology, wrote that:[127]

 Thirty years ago, the cognitive revolution in psychology overthrew both Freud and the behaviorists, at least in academia.… The imperialistic Freudian view claims that emotion always drives thought, while the imperialistic cognitive view claims that thought always drives emotion. The evidence, however, is that each drives the other at times.

 Adolf Grünbaum argues in Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis (1993) that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence.[128]

 Historian Henri Ellenberger, who researched the history of Freud, Jung, Adler, and Janet,[20] : 20 while writing his book The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry,[20] : 17 argued that psychoanalysis was not scientific on the grounds of both its methodology and social structure:[20] : 21

 Psychoanalysis, is it a science? It does not meet the criteria (unified science, defined domain and methodology). It corresponds to the traits of a philosophical sect (closed organisation, highly personal initiation, a doctrine which is changeable but defined by its official adoption, cult and legend of the founder).

 — Henri Ellenberger

 Freud [ edit ]

 Some have accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O.[129] Others have speculated that patients had conditions that are now easily identifiable and unrelated to psychoanalysis; for instance, Anna O. is thought to have had an organic impairment such as tuberculous meningitis or temporal lobe epilepsy, rather than Freud's diagnosis of hysteria.[130]

 Henri Ellenberger and Frank Sulloway argue that Freud and his followers created an inaccurate legend of Freud to popularize psychoanalysis.[20] : 12 Borch-Jacobson and Shamdasani argue that this legend has been adapted to different times and situations.[20] : 13 Isabelle Stengers states that psychoanalytic circles have tried to stop historians from accessing documents about the life of Freud.[20] : 32

 Witch doctors [ edit ]

 Richard Feynman wrote off psychoanalysts as mere "witch doctors":[131]

 If you look at all of the complicated ideas that they have developed in an infinitesimal amount of time, if you compare to any other of the sciences how long it takes to get one idea after the other, if you consider all the structures and inventions and complicated things, the ids and the egos, the tensions and the forces, and the pushes and the pulls, I tell you they can't all be there. It's too much for one brain or a few brains to have cooked up in such a short time.[xiv]

 Likewise, psychiatrist E. Fuller Torrey, in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), agreed that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, "witchdoctors" or modern "cult" alternatives such as EST.[119] Psychologist Alice Miller charged psychoanalysis with being similar to the poisonous pedagogies, which she described in her book For Your Own Good. She scrutinized and rejected the validity of Freud's drive theory, including the Oedipus complex, which, according to her and Jeffrey Masson, blames the child for the abusive sexual behavior of adults.[132] Psychologist Joel Kupfersmid investigated the validity of the Oedipus complex, examining its nature and origins. He concluded that there is little evidence to support the existence of the Oedipus complex.[67]

 Critical perspectives [ edit ]

 Further information: Anti-psychiatry and Deinstitutionalisation

 Contemporary French philosophers Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze asserted that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power, and that its confessional techniques resemble those included and utilized within the Christian religion.[133] French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary "causes" for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.[134] Together with Deleuze, the French psychoanalyst and psychiatrist Félix Guattari criticized the Oedipal and schizophrenic power structure of psychoanalysis and its connivance with capitalism in Anti-Oedipus (1972)[135] and A Thousand Plateaus (1980), the two volumes of their theoretical work Capitalism and Schizophrenia.[136] Belgian psycholinguist and psychoanalyst Luce Irigaray also criticized psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida's concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman both from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.[137] Deleuze and Guattari in Anti-Oedipus take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger, and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected psychoanalytical associations (including the IPA), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis had always enthusiastically enjoyed and embraced a police state throughout its history.[138]

 Freudian theory [ edit ]

 Many aspects of Freudian theory are indeed out of date, and they should be: Freud died in 1939, and he has been slow to undertake further revisions. His critics, however, are equally behind the times, attacking Freudian views of the 1920s as if they continue to have some currency in their original form. Psychodynamic theory and therapy have evolved considerably since 1939 when Freud's bearded countenance was last sighted in earnest. Contemporary psychoanalysts and psychodynamic therapists no longer write much about ids and egos, nor do they conceive of treatment for psychological disorders as an archaeological expedition in search of lost memories.

 —Drew Westen, 1998[139]

 A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud's oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences.[140] However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.[141]

 The idea of "unconscious" is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology,[142][ full citation needed ] though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis,[142] while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

 Shlomo Kalo explains that the scientific materialism that flourished in the 19th century severely harmed religion and rejected whatever called spiritual. The institution of the confession priest in particular was badly damaged. The empty void that this institution left behind was swiftly occupied by the newborn psychoanalysis. In his writings, Kalo claims that psychoanalysis basic approach is erroneous. It represents the mainline wrong assumptions that happiness is unreachable and that the natural desire of a human being is to exploit his fellow men for his own pleasure and benefit.[143]

 Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into his theory of deconstruction in order to question what he called the 'metaphysics of presence'. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida (1987) insists that the prominence of the father in Freud's own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato.[144][ page needed ]

 See also [ edit ]

 * Analytical psychology
 * Glossary of psychoanalysis
 * List of schools of psychoanalysis
 * Psychoanalytic sociology
 * Psychoanalysis and music
 * Training analysis

 Notes [ edit ]

 1. ^ From Greek : ψυχή , psykhḗ , 'soul' + ἀνάλυσις , análysis , 'investigate'.
 2. ^ "What is psychoanalysis? Of course, one is supposed to answer that it is many things — a theory, a research method, a therapy, a body of knowledge. In what might be considered an unfortunately abbreviated description, Freud said that anyone who recognizes transference and resistance is a psychoanalyst, even if he comes to conclusions other than his own.… I prefer to think of the analytic situation more broadly, as one in which someone seeking help tries to speak as freely as he can to someone who listens as carefully as he can with the aim of articulating what is going on between them and why. David Rapaport (1967a) once defined the analytic situation as carrying the method of interpersonal relationship to its last consequences." Gill, Merton M. 1999. " Psychoanalysis, Part 1: Proposals for the Future ." The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future . New York: American Mental Health Foundation . Archived 10 June 2009.
 3. ^ "All psychoanalytic theories include the idea that unconscious thoughts and feelings are central in mental functioning." Milton, Jane, Caroline Polmear, and Julia Fabricius. 2011. A Short Introduction to Psychoanalysis . SAGE . p. 27.
 4. ^ Alfred Adler developed the school of thought known as individual psychology , while Carl Jung established analytical psychology .
 5. ^ "Psychoanalysis has existed before the turn of the 20th century and, in that span of years, has established itself as one of the fundamental disciplines within psychiatry. The science of psychoanalysis is the bedrock of psychodynamic understanding and forms the fundamental theoretical frame of reference for a variety of forms of therapeutic intervention, embracing not only psychoanalysis itself but also various forms of psychoanalytically oriented psychotherapy and related forms of therapy using psychodynamic concepts." Sadock, Benjamin J., and Virginia A. Sadock. 2007. Kaplan and Sadock's Synopsis of Psychiatry (10th ed.). Lippincott Williams & Wilkins . p. 190.
 6. ^ "Psychoanalysis continues to be an important paradigm organizing the way many psychiatrists think about patients and treatment. However, its limitations are more widely recognized and it is assumed that many important advances in the future will come from other areas, particularly biologic psychiatry. As yet unresolved is the appropriate role of psychoanalytic thinking in organizing the treatment of patients and the training of psychiatrists after that biologic revolution has born fruit. Will treatments aimed at biologic defects or abnormalities become technical steps in a program organized in a psychoanalytic framework? Will psychoanalysis serve to explain and guide supportive intervention for individuals whose lives are deformed by biologic defect and therapeutic interventions, much as it now does for patients with chronic physical illness, with the psychoanalyst on the psychiatric dialysis program? Or will we look back on the role of psychoanalysis in the treatment of the seriously mentally ill as the last and most scientifically enlightened phase of the humanistic tradition in psychiatry, a tradition that became extinct when advances in biology allowed us to cure those we had so long only comforted?" Michels, Robert . 1999. " Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry: A Changing Relationship ." The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future . New York: American Mental Health Foundation . Archived 6 June 2009.
 7. ^ cf. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child , academic journal
 8. ^ "By the 1960s it would assume a more central place in the psychotherapy arena"
 9. ^ also see Freud's paper "Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through"
 10. ^ cf. Marcus, I. and J. Francis. 1975. Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence .
 11. ^ see the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on "evocative memory"
 12. ^ see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children
 13. ^ cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy
 14. ^ Feynman was also speaking here of psychiatrists.

 References [ edit ]

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 3. ^ Chessick, Richard D. 2007. The Future of Psychoanalysis . Albany: State University of New York Press . p. 125.
 4. ^ Fromm, Erich . 1992. The Revision of Psychoanalysis . New York: Open Road. pp. 12–13. (points 1 to 6).
 5. ^ Stefana, Alberto . 2017. History of Countertransference: From Freud to the British Object Relations School . London: Routledge . ISBN 978-1138214613 .
 6. ^ Stengel, E. 1953. Sigmund Freud on Aphasia (1891) . New York: International Universities Press .
 7. ^ a b Freud, Sigmund, and Josef Breuer . 1955 [1895]. Studies on Hysteria , Standard Editions 2, edited by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press .
 8. ^ Freud, Sigmund. 1966 [1895]. " Project for a Scientific Psychology ." Pp. 347–445 in Standard Editions 3, edited by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press .
 9. ^ Freud, Sigmund. 1896. " L'hérédité et l’étiologie des névroses " [Heredity and the etiology of neuroses]. Revue neurologique 4(6):161–69. via Psychanalyste Paris.
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 22. ^ Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1915]. " On Narcissism ." Pp. 73–102 in Standard Edition 14, edited by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press . – via University of Pennsylvania .
 23. ^ a b Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1917]. " Mourning and Melancholia Archived 2015-05-01 at the Wayback Machine ." Pp. 243–58 in Standard Edition 17, edited by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press . – via University of Pennsylvania . Also available via Internet Archive .
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 25. ^ Freud, Sigmund. 1922 [1920]. "Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego," translated by J. Strachey . New York: Boni & Liveright . hdl : 2027/mdp.39015003802348 . — 1955 [1920]. " Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego ." Pp. 65–144 in Standard Edition 18, translated by J. Strachey. London: Hogarth Press .
 26. ^ "Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego" (review). Nature 3(2784):321. Nature Publishing Group 1923. doi : 10.1038/111321d0 . Bibcode : 1923Natur.111T.321. .
 27. ^ Freud, Sigmund. 1920. " Beyond the Pleasure Principle ," translated by C. J. M. Hubback. International Psycho-Analytic Library 4, edited by E. Jones . London: International Psycho-Analytic Press. – via Library of Social Science. — 1955 [1920]. " Beyond the Pleasure Principle ." In Standard Edition 18, translated by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press .
 28. ^ a b Freud, Sigmund. 1955 [1923]. " The Ego and the Id ." In Standard Edition 19, edited by J. Strachey . London: Hogarth Press . Lay summaries via Simply Psychology and JSTOR Daily Roundtable . Glossary via University of Notre Dame.
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 32. ^ a b Freud, Anna . 1968 [1937]. The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (revised ed.). London: Hogarth Press .
 33. ^ Kuriloff, Emily A. (2013). Contemporary Psychoanalysis and the Legacy of the Third Reich. Routledge. p. 45. ISBN 978-1136930416.
 34. ^ a b Wallerstein. 2000. Forty-Two Lives in Treatment: A Study of Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy .
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 Further reading [ edit ]

 Introductions [ edit ]

 * Brenner, Charles (1954). An Elementary Textbook of Psychoanalysis.
 * Elliott, Anthony (2002). Psychoanalytic Theory: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Duke University Press. --
 An introduction that explains psychoanalytic theory with interpretations of major theorists.
 * Fine, Reuben (1990). The History of Psychoanalysis. (expanded ed.). Northvale: Jason Aronson.ISBN 0-8264-0452-9
 * Samuel, Lawrence R. (2013). Shrink: A Cultural History of Psychoanalysis in America. University of Nebraska Press. 253 pp.
 * Freud, Sigmund (2014) [1926]. "Psychoanalysis." Encyclopædia Britannica.

 Reference works [ edit ]

 * de Mijolla, Alain, ed. (2005). International dictionary of psychoanalysis [enhanced American version] 1,2,&3. Detroit: Thomson/Gale.
 * Laplanche, Jean, and J. B. Pontalis (1974). "The Language of Psycho-Analysis". W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-01105-4
 * Freud, Sigmund (1940). An Outline of Psychoanalysis. ePenguin.;General ISBN 978-0393001518
 * Edelson, Marshall (1984). Hypothesis and Evidence in Psychoanalysis. Chicago: Chicago University Press. ISBN 0-226-18432-3
 * Etchegoyen, Horacio (2005). The Fundamentals of Psychoanalytic Technique (new ed.). Karnac Books. ISBN 1-85575-455-X
 * Gellner, Ernest. The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason, . A critical view of Freudian theory. ISBN 0-8101-1370-8
 * Green, André (2005). "Psychoanalysis: A Paradigm For Clinical Thinking". Free Association Books. ISBN 1-85343-773-5
 * Irigaray, Luce (2004). Key Writings. Continuum. ISBN 0-8264-6940-X
 * Jacobson, Edith (1976). Depression; Comparative Studies of Normal, Neurotic, and Psychotic Conditions. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-1195-7
 * Kernberg, Otto (1993). Severe Personality Disorders: Psychotherapeutic Strategies. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-05349-5
 * Kohut, Heinz (2000). Analysis of the Self: Systematic Approach to Treatment of Narcissistic Personality Disorders. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-8002-9
 * Kovacevic, Filip (2007). Liberating Oedipus? Psychoanalysis as Critical Theory. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-1148-5
 * Kristeva, Julia (1986). The Kristeva Reader, edited by T. Moi. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06325-3
 * Meltzer, Donald (1983). Dream-Life: A Re-Examination of the Psycho-Analytical Theory and Technique. Karnac Books. ISBN 0-902965-17-4
 * — (1998). The Kleinian Development (new ed.). Karnac Books; reprint: ISBN 1-85575-194-1
 * Mitchell, S. A., and M. J. Black (1995). Freud and beyond: a history of modern psychoanalytic thought. New York: Basic Books. pp. xviii–xx.
 * Pollock, Griselda (2006). "Beyond Oedipus. Feminist Thought, Psychoanalysis, and Mythical Figurations of the Feminine." In Laughing with Medusa, edited by V. Zajko and M. Leonard. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-927438-X
 * Spielrein, Sabina (1993). Destruction as cause of becoming. OCLC 44450080
 * Stoller, Robert (1993). Presentations of Gender. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-05474-2
 * Stolorow, Robert, George Atwood, and Donna Orange (2002). Worlds of Experience: Interweaving Philosophical and Clinical Dimensions in Psychoanalysis. New York: Basic Books.
 * Spitz, René (2006). The First Year of Life: Psychoanalytic Study of Normal and Deviant Development of Object Relations. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-8056-8
 * Tähkä, Veikko (1993). Mind and Its Treatment: A Psychoanalytic Approach. Madison, CT: International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-3367-5

 Book series [ edit ]

 * Contemporary Psychoanalytic Studies. Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi.

 Analyses, discussions and critiques [ edit ]

 * Aziz, Robert (2007). The Syndetic Paradigm: The Untrodden Path Beyond Freud and Jung, Albany: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-6982-8
 * Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1991). Lacan: The Absolute Master, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-1556-4
 * Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1996). Remembering Anna O: A Century of Mystification, London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-91777-8
 * Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel and Shamdasani, Sonu (2012). The Freud Files: An Inquiry into the History of Psychoanalysis, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-72978-9.
 * Brockmeier Jens (1997). "Autobiography, narrative and the Freudian conception of life history". Philosophy, Psychiatry, & Psychology. 4: 175–200.
 * Burnham, John, ed. (2012). After Freud Left: A Century of Psychoanalysis in America, University of Chicago Press.
 * Cioffi, Frank. (1998). Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience, Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN 0-8126-9385-X
 * Crews, Frederick (1986). Skeptical Engagements, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-503950-5. Part I of this volume, entitled "The Freudian Temptation," includes five essays critical of psychoanalysis written between 1975 and 1986.
 * Crews, Frederick (1995). The Memory Wars: Freud's Legacy in Dispute, New York: New York Review of Books. ISBN 1-86207-010-5
 * Crews, Frederick, ed. (1998). Unauthorized Freud: Doubters Confront a Legend, New York: Viking. ISBN 0-14-028017-0
 * Crews, Frederick (2017). Freud: The Making of an Illusion, Metropolitan Books. ISBN 9781627797177
 * Dufresne, Todd (2000). Tales From the Freudian Crypt: The Death Drive in Text and Context, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-3885-8
 * — (2007). Against Freud: Critics Talk Back, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-5548-5
 * Erwin, Edward (1996), A Final Accounting: Philosophical and Empirical Issues in Freudian Psychology. ISBN 0-262-05050-1
 * Esterson, Allen (1993). Seductive Mirage: An Exploration of the Work of Sigmund Freud. Chicago: Open Court. ISBN 0-8126-9230-6
 * Fisher, Seymour, and Roger P. Greenberg (1977). The Scientific Credibility of Freud's Theories and Therapy. New York: Basic Books.
 * — (1996). Freud Scientifically Reappraised: Testing the Theories and Therapy. New York: John Wiley.
 * Gellner, Ernest (1993), The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason. A critical view of Freudian theory. ISBN 0-8101-1370-8
 * Grünbaum Adolf (1979). "Is Freudian Psychoanalytic Theory Pseudo-Scientific by Karl Popper's Criterion of Demarcation?". American Philosophical Quarterly. 16: 131–141.
 * — (1985). The Foundations of Psychoanalysis: A Philosophical Critique. ISBN 0-520-05017-7
 * Macmillan, Malcolm (1997), Freud Evaluated: The Completed Arc. ISBN 0-262-63171-7
 * Morley S, Eccleston C, Williams A (1999). "Systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials of cognitive behaviour therapy and behaviour therapy for chronic pain in adults, excluding headache". Pain. 80 (1–2): 1–13. doi:10.1016/s0304-3959(98)00255-3. PMID 10204712. S2CID 21572242.
 * Roustang, Francois (1982). Dire Mastery: Discipleship from Freud to Lacan. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-88048-259-1
 * Webster, Richard. (1995). Why Freud Was Wrong: Sin, Science, and Psychoanalysis, New York: Basic Books, Harper Collins. ISBN 0-465-09128-8
 * Wollheim, Richard, editor. (1974). Freud: A Collection of Critical Essays. New York: Anchor Books. ISBN 0-385-07970-2

 Responses to critiques [ edit ]

 * Köhler, Thomas 1996: Anti-Freud-Literatur von ihren Anfängen bis heute. Zur wissenschaftlichen Fundierung von Psychoanalyse-Kritik. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Verlag. ISBN 3-17-014207-0
 * Ollinheimo, Ari — Vuorinen, Risto (1999): Metapsychology and the Suggestion Argument: A Reply to Grünbaum's Critique of Psychoanalysis. Commentationes Scientiarum Socialium, 53. Helsinki: Finnish Academy of Science and Letters. ISBN 951-653-297-7
 * Robinson, Paul (1993). Freud and his Critics. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08029-7
 * Gomez, Lavinia: The Freud Wars: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis. Routledge, 2005. Review: Psychodynamic Practice 14(1):108–111. Feb., 2008.

 External links [ edit ]

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 Look up psychoanalysis in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
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This article is about a set of theories of mind originating from the work of Sigmund Freud. For modern methods of psychological assessment, see psychological testing.
   Psychoanalysis    ICD-9-CM   94.31     MeSH   D011572      [edit on Wikidata]     
 Psychoanalysis  [i]  is a set of theories and therapeutic techniques [ii]  that deal in part with the unconscious mind, [iii]  and which together form a method of treatment for mental disorders. The discipline was established in the early 1890s by Austrian neurologist Sigmund Freud, who developed the practice from his theoretical model of personality organization and development, psychoanalytic theory. [1]  Freud's work stems partly from the clinical work of Josef Breuer and others. Psychoanalysis was later developed in different directions, mostly by students of Freud, such as Alfred Adler and his collaborator, Carl Gustav Jung, [iv]  as well as by neo-Freudian thinkers, such as Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, and Harry Stack Sullivan. [2] 
 Freud distinguished between a conscious and unconscious mind, arguing that the unconscious mind largely determines behaviour and cognition owing to instinctual unconscious drives. Freud observed that attempts to bring such drives into awareness triggers resistance in the form of defense mechanisms, particularly repression, and that conflicts between conscious and unconscious material can result in mental disturbances. He also postulated that unconscious material can be found in dreams and unintentional acts, including mannerisms and Freudian slips. Psychoanalytic therapy developed as a means to improve mental health by bringing unconscious material into consciousness. Psychoanalysts place a large emphasis on early childhood in an individual's development. During therapy, a psychoanalyst aims to induce transference, whereby patients relive their infantile conflicts by projecting onto the analyst feelings of love, dependence and anger. [3]   [4] 
 During psychoanalytic sessions a patient traditionally lies on a couch, and an analyst sits just behind and out of sight. The patient expresses their thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst infers the unconscious conflicts causing the patient's symptoms and character problems. Through the analysis of these conflicts, which includes interpreting the transference and countertransference (the analyst's feelings for the patient), the analyst confronts the patient's pathological defence mechanisms to help the patient understand themselves better. [5] 
 Psychoanalysis is a controversial discipline, and its effectiveness as a treatment has been contested, although it retains influence within psychiatry. [v]   [vi]  Psychoanalytic concepts are also widely used outside the therapeutic arena, in areas such as psychoanalytic literary criticism, as well as in the analysis of film, fairy tales, philosophical perspectives as Freudo-Marxism and other cultural phenomena.
History[edit]
1890s[edit]
The idea of psychoanalysis (German: Psychoanalyse) first began to receive serious attention under Sigmund Freud, who formulated his own theory of psychoanalysis in Vienna in the 1890s. Freud was a neurologist trying to find an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud realised that there were mental processes that were not conscious whilst he was employed as a neurological consultant at the Children's Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no apparent organic cause for their symptoms. He then wrote a monograph about this subject. [6]  In 1885, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, a famed neurologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris, where he followed the clinical presentations of Charcot, particularly in the areas of hysteria, paralyses and the anaesthesias. Charcot had introduced hypnotism as an experimental research tool and developed photographic representation of clinical symptoms.
 Freud's first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was presented in  Studies on Hysteria  (1895; Studien über Hysterie), co-authored with his mentor the distinguished physician Josef Breuer, which was generally seen as the birth of psychoanalysis. [7]  The work was based on Breuer's treatment of Bertha Pappenheim, referred to in case studies by the pseudonym "Anna O.", treatment which Pappenheim herself had dubbed the "talking cure". Breuer wrote that many factors could result in such symptoms, including various types of emotional trauma, and he also credited work by others such as Pierre Janet; while Freud contended that at the root of hysterical symptoms were repressed memories of distressing occurrences, almost always having direct or indirect sexual associations. [7] 
 Around the same time, Freud attempted to develop a neuro-physiological theory of unconscious mental mechanisms, which he soon gave up. It remained unpublished in his lifetime. [8]  The term 'psychoanalysis' (psychoanalyse) was first introduced by Freud in his essay titled "Heredity and etiology of neuroses" ("L'hérédité et l'étiologie des névroses"), written and published in French in 1896. [9]   [10] 
 In 1896, Freud also published his  seduction theory , claiming to have uncovered repressed memories of incidents of sexual abuse for all his current patients, from which he proposed that the preconditions for hysterical symptoms are sexual excitations in infancy. [11]  Though in 1896 he had reported that his patients "had no feeling of remembering the [infantile sexual] scenes", and assured him "emphatically of their unbelief", [11]  : 204  in later accounts he claimed that they had told him that they had been sexually abused in infancy. By 1898 he had privately acknowledged to his friend and colleague Wilhelm Fliess that he no longer believed in his theory, though he did not state this publicly until 1906. [12]  
 Building on his claims that the patients reported infantile sexual abuse experiences, Freud subsequently contended that his clinical findings in the mid-1890s provided evidence of the occurrence of unconscious fantasies, supposedly to cover up memories of infantile masturbation. [12]  Only much later did he claim the same findings as evidence for Oedipal desires. [13]  In the latter part of the 20th century, several Freud scholars challenged Freud's perception of the patients who informed him of childhood sexual abuse, arguing that he had imposed his preconceived notions on his patients. [14]   [15]   [16]  
 By 1899, Freud had theorised that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory—which hypotheses that the unconscious has or is a "primary process" consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a "secondary process" of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1899 book,  The Interpretation of Dreams , which Freud thought of as his most significant work. [17]    [18]  Freud outlined a new topographic theory, which theorised that unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the "System Unconscious". These wishes were made unconscious due to society's condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. This "topographic theory" is still popular in much of Europe, although it has fallen out of favour in much of North America, where it has been largely supplanted by structural theory. [19]  In addition, The Interpretation of Dreams contained Freud's first conceptualisation of the Oedipal complex, which asserted that young boys are sexually attracted to their mothers and envious of their fathers for being able to have sex with their mothers.
 Psychologist Frank Sulloway in his book Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend argues that Freud's biological theories like libido were rooted in the biological hypothesis that accompanied the work of Charles Darwin, citing theories of Krafft-Ebing, Molland, Havelock Ellis, Haeckel, Wilhelm Fliess as influencing Freud. [20]  : 30 
1900–1940s[edit]
In 1905, Freud published  Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality  in which he laid out his discovery of the  psychosexual phases , which categorised early childhood development into five stages depending on what sexual afinity a child possessed at the stage: [21] 
 Oral (ages 0–2);
Anal (2–4);
Phallic-oedipal or First genital (3–6);
Latency (6–puberty); and
Mature genital (puberty–onward). 
His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be result in anxiety or physical symptoms. Early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms. This method would later on be left aside by Freud, giving free association a bigger role.
 In  On Narcissism  (1915), Freud turned his attention to the titular subject of narcissism. [22]  Freud characterized the difference between energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others using a system known as  cathexis . By 1917, in "Mourning and Melancholia", he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self. [23]  In 1919, through "A Child is Being Beaten", he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior and sexual masochism. [24]  Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of World War I, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior in  Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego . [25]   [26]  In that same year, Freud suggested his dual drive theory of sexuality and aggression in  Beyond the Pleasure Principle , to try to begin to explain human destructiveness. Also, it was the first appearance of his "structural theory" consisting of three new concepts id, ego, and superego. [27] 
 Three years later, in 1923, he summarised the ideas of id, ego, and superego in  The Ego and the Id . [28]  In the book, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Hence, Freud characterised repression as both a cause and a result of anxiety. In 1926, in "Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety", Freud characterised how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech. [29]  In 1924, Otto Rank published The Trauma of Birth, which analysed culture and philosophy in relation to separation anxiety which occurred before the development of an Oedipal complex. [30]  Freud's theories, however, characterized no such phase. According to Freud, the Oedipus complex was at the centre of neurosis, and was the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in Freud's inner circle had characterised something other than the Oedipus complex as contributing to intrapsychic development, a notion that was rejected by Freud and his followers at the time.
 By 1936 the "Principle of Multiple Function" was clarified by Robert Waelder. [31]  He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego, anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund's daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness. [32] 
1940s–present[edit]
When Hitler's power grew, the Freud family and many of their colleagues fled to London. Within a year, Sigmund Freud died. [33]  In the United States, also following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Heinz Hartmann, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning, distinguishing such from autonomous ego functions (e.g. memory and intellect). These "ego psychologists" of the 1950s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts.
 In addition, there was growing interest in child psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development, [vii]  and is still used to treat certain mental disturbances. [34]  In the 1960s, Freud's early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development, [35]  many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud's theories. Several researchers followed Karen Horney's studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women. [36] 
 In the first decade of the 21st century, there were approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association (APsaA), which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA), and there are over 3000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The IPA accredits psychoanalytic training centers through such "component organisations" throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, [37]  and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the United States.
Psychoanalysis as a movement[edit]
Freud founded the Psychological Wednesday Society in 1902, which Edward Shorter argues was the beginning of psychoanalysis as a movement. This society became the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society in 1908 in the same year as the first international congress of psychoanalysis held in Salzburg, Austria. [38]  : 110  Alfred Adler was one of the most active members in this society in its early years. [39]  : 584 
 The second congress of psychoanalysis took place in Nuremberg, Germany in 1910. [38]  : 110  At this congress, Ferenczi called for the creation of an International Psychoanalytic Association with Jung as president for life. [40]  : 15  A third congress was held in Weimar in 1911. [38]  : 110  The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded in 1913 by Ernest Jones. [41] 
Developments of alternative forms of psychotherapy[edit]
Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)[edit]
In the 1950s, psychoanalysis was the main modality of psychotherapy. Behavioural models of psychotherapy started to assume a more central role in psychotherapy in the 1960s. [viii]   [42]  Aaron T. Beck, a psychiatrist trained in a psychoanalytic tradition, set out to test the psychoanalytic models of depression empirically and found that conscious ruminations of loss and personal failing were correlated with depression. He suggested that distorted and biased beliefs were a causal factor of depression, publishing an influential paper in 1967 after a decade of research using the construct of schemas to explain the depression. [42]  : 221  Beck developed this empirically supported hypothesis for the cause of depression into a talking therapy called cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) in the early 1970s.
Attachment theory[edit]
 Attachment theory was developed theoretically by John Bowlby and formalized empirically by Mary Ainsworth. [43]  Bowlby was trained psychoanalytically but was concerned about some properties of psychoanalysis; [44]  : 23  he was troubled by the dogmatism of psychoanalysis at the time, its arcane terminology, the lack of attention to environment in child behaviour, and the concepts derived from talking therapy to child behaviour. [44]  : 23  In response, he developed an alternative conceptualization of child behaviour based on principles on ethology. [44]  : 24  Bowlby's theory of attachment rejects Freud's model of psychosexual development based on the Oedipal model. [44]  : 25  For his work, Bowlby was shunned from psychoanalytical circles who did not accept his theories. Nonetheless, his conceptualization was adopted widely by mother-infant research in the 1970s. [44]  : 26 
Theories[edit]
The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be organised into several theoretical schools. Although these perspectives differ, most of them emphasize the influence of unconscious elements on the conscious. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theories. [45] 
 There are some persistent conflicts among psychoanalysts regarding specific causes of certain syndromes, and some disputes regarding the ideal treatment techniques. In the 21st century, psychoanalytic ideas have found influence in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, mental health, and particularly psychotherapy. Though most mainstream psychoanalysts subscribe to modern strains of psychaoanalytical thought, there are groups who follow the precepts of a single psychoanalyst and their school of thought. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as archetypal literary criticism. [46] 
Topographic theory[edit]
 Topographic theory was named and first described by Sigmund Freud in  The Interpretation of Dreams  (1899). [47]  The theory hypothesizes that the mental apparatus can be divided into the systems Conscious, Preconscious, and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the structural theory. [48] 
Structural theory[edit]
Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called "Triebe" ("drives"). Unorganized and unconscious, it operates merely on the 'pleasure principle', without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urging of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the 'reality principle'. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgmental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious. [48] 
Theoretical and clinical approaches[edit]
During the twentieth century, many different clinical and theoretical models of psychoanalysis emerged.
Ego psychology[edit]
 Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926), [29]  while major steps forward would be made through Anna Freud's work on defense mechanisms, first published in her book The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936). [32] 
 The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions. [49] 
 Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. [50] 
 According to ego psychology, ego strengths, later described by Otto F. Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. [51]  Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflict processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict.[ citation needed ] For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).
 Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mental processes. There are six "points of view", five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view: [52] 
 Topographic
Dynamic (the theory of conflict)
Economic (the theory of energy flow)
Structural
Genetic (i.e. propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions)
Adaptational (i.e. psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world) 
Modern conflict theory[edit]
 Modern conflict theory, a variation of ego psychology, is a revised version of structural theory, most notably different by altering concepts related to where repressed thoughts were stored. [28]   [29]  Modern conflict theory addresses emotional symptoms and character traits as complex solutions to mental conflict. [53]  It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.
 A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called "compromise formations") conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians who follow the work of Charles Brenner, especially The Mind in Conflict (1982), include Sandor Abend, [54]  Jacob Arlow, [55]  and Jerome Blackman. [56] 
Object relations theory[edit]
  Object relations theory  attempts to explain human relationships through a study of how mental representations of the self and others are organized. [57]  The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual's capacity to feel: warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with significant others.
 Klein discusses the concept of introjection, creating a mental representation of external objects; and projection, applying this mental representation to reality. [58]  : 24  Wilfred Bion introduced the concept of containment of projections in the mother-child relationship where a mother understands an infants projections, modifies them and returns them to the child. [58]  : 27 
 Concepts regarding internal representation (aka 'introspect', 'self and object representation', or 'internalization of self and other'), although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory ( Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality , 1905). Freud's 1917 paper "Mourning and Melancholia", for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor's internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self-image. [23] 
 Melanie Klein's hypotheses regarding internalization during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by René Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975) describe distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to "separation-individuation" during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures in the face of the child's destructive aggression, internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy. [59] 
 During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the 'identity crisis', that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience "Warm-ETHICS: (warmth, Empathy, Trust, Holding environment, Identity, Closeness, and Stability) in relationships, the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy. [56] 
Self psychology[edit]
  Self psychology  emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as 'selfobjects'. Selfobjects meet the developing self's needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through "transmuting internalizations" in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist.
 Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.
Lacanian psychoanalysis[edit]
 Lacanian psychoanalysis, which integrates psychoanalysis with structural linguistics and Hegelian philosophy, is especially popular in France and parts of Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis. Jacques Lacan frequently used the phrase "retourner à Freud" ("return to Freud") in his seminars and writings, as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud's own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and "self" theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud's complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan's concepts concern the "mirror stage", the "Real", the "Imaginary", and the "Symbolic", and the claim that "the unconscious is structured as a language." [60] 
 Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have taken longer to be translated into English and he has thus had a lesser impact on psychoanalysis and psychotherapy in the English-speaking world. In the United Kingdom and the United States, his ideas are most widely used to analyze texts in literary theory. [61]  Due to his increasingly critical stance towards the deviation from Freud's thought, often singling out particular texts and readings from his colleagues, Lacan was excluded from acting as a training analyst in the IPA, thus leading him to create his own school in order to maintain an institutional structure for the many candidates who desired to continue their analysis with him. [62] 
Adaptive paradigm[edit]
The adaptive paradigm of psychotherapy develops out of the work of Robert Langs. The adaptive paradigm interprets psychic conflict primarily in terms of conscious and unconscious adaptation to reality. Langs' recent work in some measure returns to the earlier Freud, in that Langs prefers a modified version of the topographic model of the mind (conscious, preconscious, and unconscious) over the structural model (id, ego, and super-ego), including the former's emphasis on trauma (though Langs looks to death-related traumas rather than sexual traumas). [48]  At the same time, Langs' model of the mind differs from Freud's in that it understands the mind in terms of evolutionary biological principles. [63] 
Relational psychoanalysis[edit]
  Relational psychoanalysis  combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health. It was introduced by Stephen Mitchell. [64]  Relational psychoanalysis stresses how the individual's personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Relational psychoanalysts have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for "mentalization" associated with thinking about relationships and themselves. 
Psychopathology (mental disturbances)[edit]
Childhood origins[edit]
Freudian theories hold that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence, caused by fantasy, stemming from their own drives. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (i.e.  seduction theory ). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, neurotic symptoms were not associated with this. He believed that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the "first genital stage") to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Arguments were quickly generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children, i.e. child sexual abuse, was the basis of neurotic illness. There still is no complete agreement, although nowadays professionals recognize the negative effects of child sexual abuse on mental health. [65] 
Oedipal conflicts[edit]
Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex, based on the play by Sophocles,  Oedipus Rex , in which the protagonist unwittingly kills his father and marries his mother. The validity of the Oedipus complex is now widely disputed and rejected. [66]   [67] 
 The shorthand term, oedipal—later explicated by Joseph J. Sandler in "On the Concept Superego" (1960) [68]  and modified by Charles Brenner in The Mind in Conflict (1982)—refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.[ citation needed ]
 "Positive" and "negative" oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child's concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term superego. Besides superego development, children "resolve" their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of ("sublimation") and the development, during the school-age years ("latency") of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).[ citation needed ]
Treatment[edit]
Using the various analytic and psychological techniques to assess mental problems, some believe[ by whom? ] that there are particular constellations of problems that are especially suited for analytic treatment (see below) whereas other problems might respond better to medicines and other interpersonal interventions. [69]  To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have or develop trust and insight within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model, which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular; however, adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis or mental disorder. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty-minute break in the middle. There are numerous modifications in technique under the heading of psychoanalysis due to the individualistic nature of personality in both analyst and patient.
 The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.
 Analytical organizations such as the IPA, APsaA and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the "fit" between analyst and patient. A person's suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness.
 An evaluation may include one or more other analysts' independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient's financial situation and insurances.
Techniques[edit]
The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient's unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten. [ix]  In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the "frame" of the therapy [70] —the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious "resistances" to the flow of thoughts (aka free association).
 When the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more experiences, more resistance and transference, and is able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies [x]  are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies. [71]  Various memories of early life are generally distorted—what Freud called  screen memories —and in any case, very early experiences (before age two)—cannot be remembered. [xi] 
Variations in technique[edit]
There is what is known among psychoanalysts as classical technique, although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient.
  Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton as comprising: [72] 
 instructions: telling the patient to try to say what's on their mind, including interferences;
exploration: asking questions; and
clarification: rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing. 
As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient's attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as:[ citation needed ]
 Dynamic interpretation: explaining how being too nice guards against guilt (e.g. defense vs. affect);
Genetic interpretation: explaining how a past event is influencing the present;
Resistance interpretation: showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems;
 Transference interpretation: showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst; or
Dream interpretation: obtaining the patient's thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems. 
Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue. These techniques are primarily based on  conflict theory  (see above). As object relations theory evolved, supplemented by the work of John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst's personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I. H. Paul, Letters to Simon); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives.[ citation needed ]
 Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, "Psychosis and Near-psychosis") patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).[ citation needed ]
 The notion of the "silent analyst" has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow's approach as set out in "The Genesis of Interpretation", using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (see also the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik). "Analytic neutrality" is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst's position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt. [73]   [74] 
 Interpersonal–relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term  participant-observer  to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue. [75] 
Group therapy and play therapy[edit]
Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander. Techniques and tools developed in the first decade of the 21st century have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines. [76] 
 Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent. [xii]  Using toys and games, children are able to symbolically demonstrate their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children's conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.[ citation needed ]
Cultural variations[edit]
Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counselor understands the client's culture.[ citation needed ] For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example, Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association—where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy. [77]  In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.
Psychodynamic therapy[edit]
Psychodynamic therapies refer therapies that draw from psychoanalytic approaches but are designed to be shorter in duration or less intensive. [58]  : 1 
Cost and length of treatment[edit]
The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners.[ citation needed ] Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst's training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include psychodynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy, [xiii]  are carried out on a less frequent basis—usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist. As a result of the defense mechanisms and the lack of access to the unfathomable elements of the unconscious, psychoanalysis can be an expansive process that involves 2 to 5 sessions per week for several years. This type of therapy relies on the belief that reducing the symptoms will not actually help with the root causes or irrational drives. The analyst typically is a 'blank screen', disclosing very little about themselves in order that the client can use the space in the relationship to work on their unconscious without interference from outside.[ citation needed ]
 The psychoanalyst uses various methods to help the patient to become more self-aware and to develop insights into their behavior and into the meanings of symptoms. First and foremost, the psychoanalyst attempts to develop a confidential atmosphere in which the patient can feel safe reporting his feelings, thoughts and fantasies. Analysands (as people in analysis are called) are asked to report whatever comes to mind without fear of reprisal. Freud called this the "fundamental rule". Analysands are asked to talk about their lives, including their early life, current life and hopes and aspirations for the future. They are encouraged to report their fantasies, "flash thoughts" and dreams. In fact, Freud believed that dreams were, "the royal road to the unconscious"; he devoted an entire volume to the interpretation of dreams. Freud had his patients lay on a couch in a dimly lit room and would sit out of sight, usually directly behind them, as to not influence the patients thoughts by his gestures or expressions. [78] 
 The psychoanalyst's task, in collaboration with the analysand, is to help deepen the analysand's understanding of those factors, outside of his awareness, that drive his behaviors. In the safe environment of the psychoanalytic setting, the analysand becomes attached to the analyst and pretty soon he begins to experience the same conflicts with his analyst that he experiences with key figures in his life such as his parents, his boss, his significant other, etc. It is the psychoanalyst's role to point out these conflicts and to interpret them. The transferring of these internal conflicts onto the analyst is called "transference".[ citation needed ]
 Many studies have also been done on briefer "dynamic" treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20–30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years[ citation needed ], but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time.[ medical citation needed ] Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology.[ citation needed ]
Training and research[edit]
Psychoanalysis continues to be practiced by psychiatrists, social workers, and other mental health professionals; however, its practice has declined. [79]   [80]  It has been largely replaced by the similar but broader psychodynamic psychotherapy in the mid-20th century. [81]  Psychoanalytic approaches continue to be listed by the UK National Health Service as possibly helpful for depression. [82] 
United States[edit]
Psychoanalytic training in the United States involves a personal psychoanalysis for the trainee, approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four or five-year period.
 Typically, this psychoanalysis must be conducted by a Supervising and Training Analyst. Most institutes (but not all) within the American Psychoanalytic Association, require that Supervising and Training Analysts become certified by the American Board of Psychoanalysts. Certification entails a blind review in which the psychoanalyst's work is vetted by psychoanalysts outside of their local community. After earning certification, these psychoanalysts undergo another hurdle in which they are specially vetted by senior members of their own institute. Supervising and Training analysts are held to the highest clinical and ethical standards. Moreover, they are required to have extensive experience conducting psychoanalyses.[ citation needed ]
 Similarly, class instruction for psychoanalytic candidates is rigorous. Typically classes meet several hours a week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute.[ citation needed ]
 Candidates generally have an hour of supervision each week, with a Supervising and Training Analyst, on each psychoanalytic case. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor's office, where the trainee presents material from the psychoanalytic work that week. In supervision, the patient's unconscious conflicts are explored, also, transference-countertransference constellations are examined. Also, clinical technique is taught.[ citation needed ]
 Many psychoanalytic training centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the APsaA or the IPA. Because of theoretical differences, there are independent institutes, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the APsaA. Currently there are between 75 and 100 independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree. The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the analyst Theodor Reik. The Contemporary Freudian (originally the New York Freudian Society) an offshoot of the National Psychological Association has a branch in Washington, DC. It is a component society/institute or the IPA.[ citation needed ]
 Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with medical school psychiatry residency programs.[ citation needed ]
 The IPA is the world's primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigor and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes and associations, which are spread across the states. APsaA has 38 affiliated societies which have 10 or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of APsaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the United States. A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the IPA, followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.[ citation needed ]
 The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately 30 local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings or conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the organization which consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002, there were approximately 3,900 individual members in 22 countries, speaking 18 different languages. There are also 25 psychoanalytic societies.[ citation needed ]
 The American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW) was established by Crayton Rowe in 1980 as a division of the Federation of Clinical Societies of Social Work and became an independent entity in 1990. Until 2007 it was known as the National Membership Committee on Psychoanalysis. The organization was founded because although social workers represented the larger number of people who were training to be psychoanalysts, they were underrepresented as supervisors and teachers at the institutes they attended. AAPCSW now has over 1000 members and has over 20 chapters. It holds a bi-annual national conference and numerous annual local conferences.[ citation needed ]
 Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory. [83] 
United Kingdom[edit]
The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913.[ citation needed ] After World War I with the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom, the Society was reconstituted and named the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society's activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes  The International Journal of Psychoanalysis , maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The society, the institute and the clinic are all located at Byron House in West London.[ citation needed ]
 The Society is a constituent society of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) a body with members on all five continents which safeguards professional and ethical practice.[ citation needed ] The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytic Council are required to undertake continuing professional development, CPD. Members of the Society teach and hold posts on other approved psychoanalytic courses, e.g.: British Psychotherapy Foundation and in academic departments, e.g.University College London.
 Members of the Society have included: Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Ronald Fairbairn, Anna Freud, Harry Guntrip, Melanie Klein, Donald Meltzer, Joseph J. Sandler, Hanna Segal, J. D. Sutherland and Donald Winnicott.
 The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With the New Library of Psychoanalysis the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulations of any psychoanalytic journal.[ citation needed ]
Psychoanalytic psychotherapy[edit]
There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy, a therapeutic approach which widens "the accessibility of psychoanalytic theory and clinical practices that had evolved over 100 plus years to a larger number of individuals." [84]  Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are mentalization-based treatment (MBT), and transference focused psychotherapy (TFP). [83]  There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in mental health care. [85] 
Research[edit]
Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the  Psychoanalytic Quarterly , the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the  Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association  have analyzed the efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.
 Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Alfred Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and '50s, and have persisted (e.g. Miller). Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the idea of "infantile sexuality" (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Ronald Fairbairn, Michael Balint, and John Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification. [86] 
 Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances. [34]  In the 1960s, Freud's early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud's concepts. [87]  Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Françoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children's mental representations of self and others. [88] 
Effectiveness[edit]
The psychoanalytic profession has been resistant to researching efficacy. [89]  Evaluations of effectiveness based on the interpretation of the therapist alone cannot be proven. [90] 
Research results[edit]
Numerous studies have shown that the efficacy of therapy is primarily related to the quality of the therapist, rather than to the school or technique or training. [91] 
  Meta-analyses in 2012 and 2013 found support or evidence for the efficacy of psychoanalytic therapy, but further research is needed. [92]   [93]  Other meta-analyses published in recent years showed psychoanalysis and psychodynamic therapy to be effective, with outcomes comparable to or greater than other kinds of psychotherapy or antidepressant drugs, [94]   [95]   [96]  but these meta-analyses have been subjected to various criticisms. [97]   [98]   [99]   [100]  In particular, the inclusion of pre/post studies rather than randomized controlled trials, and the absence of adequate comparisons with control treatments, is a serious limitation in interpreting the results. [93]  A French 2004 report from INSERM concluded that psychoanalytic therapy is less effective than other psychotherapies (including cognitive behavioral therapy) for certain diseases. [69] 
 In 2011, the American Psychological Association made 103 comparisons between psychodynamic treatment and a non-dynamic competitor and found that 6 were superior, 5 were inferior, 28 showed no difference, and 63 were adequate. The study found that this could be used as a basis "to make psychodynamic psychotherapy an 'empirically validated' treatment." [101]  [ further explanation needed ]
 Meta-analyses of Short Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy (STPP) have found effect sizes (Cohen's d) ranging from 0.34 to 0.71 compared to no treatment and was found to be slightly better than other therapies in follow up. [102]  Other reviews have found an effect size of 0.78 to 0.91 for somatic disorders compared to no treatment [103]  and 0.69 for treating depression. [104]  A 2012  Harvard Review of Psychiatry  meta-analysis of Intensive Short-Term Dynamic Psychotherapy (ISTDP) found effect sizes ranging from 0.84 for interpersonal problems to 1.51 for depression. Overall ISTDP had an effect size of 1.18 compared to no treatment. [105] 
 A meta-analysis of Long Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy in 2012 found an overall effect size of 0.33, which is modest. This study concluded the recovery rate following LTPP was equal to control treatments, including treatment as usual, and found the evidence for the effectiveness of LTPP to be limited and at best conflicting. [106]  Others have found effect sizes of 0.44–0.68. [107] 
 According to a 2004 French review conducted by INSERM, psychoanalysis was presumed or proven effective at treating panic disorder, post-traumatic stress, and personality disorders, but did not find evidence of its effectiveness in treating schizophrenia, obsessive compulsive disorder, specific phobia, bulimia and anorexia. [69] 
 A 2001 systematic review of the medical literature by the Cochrane Collaboration concluded that no data exist demonstrating that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia and severe mental illness, and cautioned that medication should always be used alongside any type of talk therapy in schizophrenia cases. [108]  A French review from 2004 found the same. [69]  The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team advises against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, arguing that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. [109]   [110] 
Criticism[edit]
Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in extreme terms. [111]  Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars. [112]  Linguist Noam Chomsky has criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis. [113]  Evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould considered psychoanalysis influenced by pseudoscientific theories such as recapitulation theory. [114]  Psychologists Hans Eysenck, John F. Kihlstrom and others have also criticized the field as pseudoscience. [115]   [116]   [117]   [118] 
Debate over status as scientific[edit]
The theoretical foundations of psychoanalysis lie in the same philosophical currents that lead to interpretive phenomenology rather than in those that lead to scientific positivism, making the theory largely incompatible with positivist approaches to the study of the mind. [119]   [120]   [121] 
 Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method.[ citation needed ] Philosopher Frank Cioffi cites false claims of a sound scientific verification of the theory and its elements as the strongest basis for classifying the work of Freud and his school as pseudoscience. [122] 
 Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable: [120]    ....those "clinical observations" which analysts naively believe confirm their theory cannot do this any more than the daily confirmations which astrologers find in their practice. And as for Freud's epic of the Ego, the Super-ego, and the Id, no substantially stronger claim to scientific status can be made for it than for Homer's collected stories from the Olympus.  In addition, Imre Lakatos wrote that "Freudians have been nonplussed by Popper's basic challenge concerning scientific honesty. Indeed, they have refused to specify experimental conditions under which they would give up their basic assumptions." [123]  In Sexual Desire (1986), philosopher Roger Scruton rejects Popper's arguments pointing to the theory of repression as an example of a Freudian theory that does have testable consequences. Scruton nevertheless concluded that psychoanalysis is not genuinely scientific, on the grounds that it involves an unacceptable dependence on metaphor. [124]  The philosopher and physicist Mario Bunge argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because it violates the ontology and methodology inherent to science. [125]  According to Bunge, most psychoanalytic theories are either untestable or unsupported by evidence. [126] 
Cognitive scientists, in particular, have also weighed in. Martin Seligman, a prominent academic in positive psychology, wrote that: [127]    Thirty years ago, the cognitive revolution in psychology overthrew both Freud and the behaviorists, at least in academia.… The imperialistic Freudian view claims that emotion always drives thought, while the imperialistic cognitive view claims that thought always drives emotion. The evidence, however, is that each drives the other at times.   Adolf Grünbaum argues in Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis (1993) that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence. [128] 
 Historian Henri Ellenberger, who researched the history of Freud, Jung, Adler, and Janet, [20]  : 20  while writing his book The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry, [20]  : 17  argued that psychoanalysis was not scientific on the grounds of both its methodology and social structure: [20]  : 21 
 Psychoanalysis, is it a science? It does not meet the criteria (unified science, defined domain and methodology). It corresponds to the traits of a philosophical sect (closed organisation, highly personal initiation, a doctrine which is changeable but defined by its official adoption, cult and legend of the founder). — Henri Ellenberger  
Freud[edit]
Some have accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O. [129]  Others have speculated that patients had conditions that are now easily identifiable and unrelated to psychoanalysis; for instance, Anna O. is thought to have had an organic impairment such as tuberculous meningitis or temporal lobe epilepsy, rather than Freud's diagnosis of hysteria. [130] 
  Henri Ellenberger and Frank Sulloway argue that Freud and his followers created an inaccurate legend of Freud to popularize psychoanalysis. [20]  : 12  Borch-Jacobson and Shamdasani argue that this legend has been adapted to different times and situations. [20]  : 13  Isabelle Stengers states that psychoanalytic circles have tried to stop historians from accessing documents about the life of Freud. [20]  : 32 
Witch doctors[edit]
 Richard Feynman wrote off psychoanalysts as mere "witch doctors": [131] 
  If you look at all of the complicated ideas that they have developed in an infinitesimal amount of time, if you compare to any other of the sciences how long it takes to get one idea after the other, if you consider all the structures and inventions and complicated things, the ids and the egos, the tensions and the forces, and the pushes and the pulls, I tell you they can't all be there. It's too much for one brain or a few brains to have cooked up in such a short time. [xiv]   
Likewise, psychiatrist E. Fuller Torrey, in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), agreed that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, "witchdoctors" or modern "cult" alternatives such as EST. [119]  Psychologist Alice Miller charged psychoanalysis with being similar to the poisonous pedagogies, which she described in her book For Your Own Good. She scrutinized and rejected the validity of Freud's drive theory, including the Oedipus complex, which, according to her and Jeffrey Masson, blames the child for the abusive sexual behavior of adults. [132]  Psychologist Joel Kupfersmid investigated the validity of the Oedipus complex, examining its nature and origins. He concluded that there is little evidence to support the existence of the Oedipus complex. [67] 
Critical perspectives[edit]
Contemporary French philosophers Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze asserted that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power, and that its confessional techniques resemble those included and utilized within the Christian religion. [133]  French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary "causes" for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud. [134]  Together with Deleuze, the French psychoanalyst and psychiatrist Félix Guattari criticized the Oedipal and schizophrenic power structure of psychoanalysis and its connivance with capitalism in  Anti-Oedipus  (1972) [135]  and  A Thousand Plateaus  (1980), the two volumes of their theoretical work  Capitalism and Schizophrenia . [136]  Belgian psycholinguist and psychoanalyst Luce Irigaray also criticized psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida's concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman both from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories. [137]  Deleuze and Guattari in Anti-Oedipus take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger, and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected psychoanalytical associations (including the IPA), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis had always enthusiastically enjoyed and embraced a police state throughout its history. [138] 
Freudian theory[edit]
Many aspects of Freudian theory are indeed out of date, and they should be: Freud died in 1939, and he has been slow to undertake further revisions. His critics, however, are equally behind the times, attacking Freudian views of the 1920s as if they continue to have some currency in their original form. Psychodynamic theory and therapy have evolved considerably since 1939 when Freud's bearded countenance was last sighted in earnest. Contemporary psychoanalysts and psychodynamic therapists no longer write much about ids and egos, nor do they conceive of treatment for psychological disorders as an archaeological expedition in search of lost memories.
 —Drew Westen, 1998 [139]  
A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud's oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences. [140]  However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon. [141] 
 The idea of "unconscious" is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology, [142]  [ full citation needed ] though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis, [142]  while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.
  Shlomo Kalo explains that the scientific materialism that flourished in the 19th century severely harmed religion and rejected whatever called spiritual. The institution of the confession priest in particular was badly damaged. The empty void that this institution left behind was swiftly occupied by the newborn psychoanalysis. In his writings, Kalo claims that psychoanalysis basic approach is erroneous. It represents the mainline wrong assumptions that happiness is unreachable and that the natural desire of a human being is to exploit his fellow men for his own pleasure and benefit. [143] 
  Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into his theory of deconstruction in order to question what he called the 'metaphysics of presence'. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida (1987) insists that the prominence of the father in Freud's own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. [144]  [ page needed ]
See also[edit]
  Analytical psychology 
 Glossary of psychoanalysis 
 List of schools of psychoanalysis 
 Psychoanalytic sociology 
 Psychoanalysis and music 
 Training analysis  
Notes[edit]
  ^  From Greek: ψυχή, psykhḗ, 'soul' + ἀνάλυσις, análysis, 'investigate'.
  ^  "What is psychoanalysis? Of course, one is supposed to answer that it is many things — a theory, a research method, a therapy, a body of knowledge. In what might be considered an unfortunately abbreviated description, Freud said that anyone who recognizes transference and resistance is a psychoanalyst, even if he comes to conclusions other than his own.… I prefer to think of the analytic situation more broadly, as one in which someone seeking help tries to speak as freely as he can to someone who listens as carefully as he can with the aim of articulating what is going on between them and why. David Rapaport (1967a) once defined the analytic situation as carrying the method of interpersonal relationship to its last consequences." Gill, Merton M. 1999. "Psychoanalysis, Part 1: Proposals for the Future." The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future. New York: American Mental Health Foundation. Archived 10 June 2009.
  ^  "All psychoanalytic theories include the idea that unconscious thoughts and feelings are central in mental functioning." Milton, Jane, Caroline Polmear, and Julia Fabricius. 2011. A Short Introduction to Psychoanalysis. SAGE. p. 27.
  ^  Alfred Adler developed the school of thought known as individual psychology, while Carl Jung established analytical psychology.
  ^  "Psychoanalysis has existed before the turn of the 20th century and, in that span of years, has established itself as one of the fundamental disciplines within psychiatry. The science of psychoanalysis is the bedrock of psychodynamic understanding and forms the fundamental theoretical frame of reference for a variety of forms of therapeutic intervention, embracing not only psychoanalysis itself but also various forms of psychoanalytically oriented psychotherapy and related forms of therapy using psychodynamic concepts." Sadock, Benjamin J., and Virginia A. Sadock. 2007. Kaplan and Sadock's Synopsis of Psychiatry (10th ed.). Lippincott Williams &amp; Wilkins. p. 190.
  ^  "Psychoanalysis continues to be an important paradigm organizing the way many psychiatrists think about patients and treatment. However, its limitations are more widely recognized and it is assumed that many important advances in the future will come from other areas, particularly biologic psychiatry. As yet unresolved is the appropriate role of psychoanalytic thinking in organizing the treatment of patients and the training of psychiatrists after that biologic revolution has born fruit. Will treatments aimed at biologic defects or abnormalities become technical steps in a program organized in a psychoanalytic framework? Will psychoanalysis serve to explain and guide supportive intervention for individuals whose lives are deformed by biologic defect and therapeutic interventions, much as it now does for patients with chronic physical illness, with the psychoanalyst on the psychiatric dialysis program? Or will we look back on the role of psychoanalysis in the treatment of the seriously mentally ill as the last and most scientifically enlightened phase of the humanistic tradition in psychiatry, a tradition that became extinct when advances in biology allowed us to cure those we had so long only comforted?" Michels, Robert. 1999. "Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry: A Changing Relationship." The Challenge for Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy: Solutions for the Future. New York: American Mental Health Foundation. Archived 6 June 2009.
  ^  cf.  The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child , academic journal
  ^  "By the 1960s it would assume a more central place in the psychotherapy arena"
  ^  also see Freud's paper "Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through"
  ^  cf. Marcus, I. and J. Francis. 1975. Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence.
  ^  see the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on "evocative memory"
  ^  see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children
  ^  cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy
  ^  Feynman was also speaking here of psychiatrists.
 
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  ^  Tallis RC (1996), "Burying Freud", Lancet, 347 (9002): 669–671, doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(96)91210-6, PMID 8596386, S2CID 35537033 
  ^  Blum HP, ed. (1977), Female Psychology, New York: International Universities Press
  ^  Schechter DS; Zygmunt A; Coates SW; Davies M; Trabka KA; McCaw J; Kolodji A.; Robinson JL (2007). "Caregiver traumatization adversely impacts young children's mental representations of self and others". Attachment &amp; Human Development. 9 (3): 187–20. doi:10.1080/14616730701453762. PMC 2078523. PMID 18007959.
  ^  Vickers, Christine Brett (15 August 2016). "Here's what psychoanalysis really is, and what research says about its effectiveness".  Business Insider .
  ^  Myers, D. G. (2014). Psychology: Tenth edition in modules. New York: Worth Publishers.[ page needed ]
  ^  Horvath, A. 2001. "The Alliance."  Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training  38(4):365–72. doi:10.1037/0033-3204.38.4.365.
  ^  Leichsenring, Falk; Abbass, Allan; Luyten, Patrick; Hilsenroth, Mark; Rabung, Sven (2013). "The Emerging Evidence for Long-Term Psychodynamic Therapy" (PDF). Psychodynamic Psychiatry. Guilford Publications. 41 (3): 361–384. doi:10.1521/pdps.2013.41.3.361. ISSN 2162-2590. PMID 24001160. S2CID 10911045. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2019-02-26.
^    a       b    de Maat, Saskia; de Jonghe, Frans; de Kraker, Ruth; Leichsenring, Falk; Abbass, Allan; Luyten, Patrick; Barber, Jacques P.; Van, Rien; Dekker, Jack (2013). "The Current State of the Empirical Evidence for Psychoanalysis: A meta-analytic approach". Harvard Review of Psychiatry. Ovid Technologies (Wolters Kluwer Health). 21 (3): 107–137. doi:10.1097/hrp.0b013e318294f5fd. ISSN 1067-3229. PMID 23660968.
  ^  Shedler, Jonathan (2010), "The Efficacy of Psychodynamic Psychotherapy", American Psychologist, 65 (2): 98–109, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.607.2980, doi:10.1037/a0018378, PMID 20141265 
  ^  Leichsenring, F. (2005), "Are psychodynamic and psychoanalytic therapies effective" (PDF), International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 86 (3): 841–68, doi:10.1516/rfee-lkpn-b7tf-kpdu, PMID 16096078, S2CID 38880785 
  ^  Leichsenring, Falk, and Sven Rabung. 2011. "Long-term psychodynamic psychotherapy in complex mental disorders: update of a meta-analysis."  British Journal of Psychiatry  199(1):15–22. doi:10.1192/bjp.bp.110.082776. PMID 21719877 – via Cambridge University Press.
  ^  McKay, Dean. 2011. "Methods and mechanisms in the efficacy of psychodynamic psychotherapy  ."  American Psychologist  66(2):147–8. doi:10.1037/a0021195. PMID 21299262.
  ^  Thombs, Brett D., Lisa R. Jewett, and Marielle Bassel. 2011. "Is there room for criticism of studies of psychodynamic psychotherapy?"  American Psychologist  66(2):148–49. doi:10.1037/a0021248. PMID 21299263.
  ^  Anestis, Michael D., Joye C. Anestis, and Scott O. Lilienfeld. 2011. "When it comes to evaluating psychodynamic therapy, the devil is in the details."  American Psychologist  66(2):149–51. doi:10.1037/a0021190. PMID 21299264.
  ^  Tryon, Warren W., and Georgiana S. Tryon. 2011. "No ownership of common factors."  American Psychologist  66(2):151–52. doi:10.1037/a0021056. PMID 21299265.
  ^  Gerber, Andrew J; Kocsis, James H; Milrod, Barbara L; et al. (2011). "A Quality-Based Review of Randomized Controlled Trials of Psychodynamic Psychotherapy".  American Journal of Psychiatry . 168 (1): 19–28. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.2010.08060843. PMID 20843868.
  ^  Anderson, Edward M.; Lambert, Michael J. (1995). "Short-term dynamically oriented psychotherapy: A review and meta-analysis". Clinical Psychology Review. 15 (6): 503–514. doi:10.1016/0272-7358(95)00027-m.
  ^  Abbass, Allan; Kisely, Stephen; Kroenke, Kurt (2009). "Short-Term Psychodynamic Psychotherapy for Somatic Disorders. Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Clinical Trials". Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics. 78 (5): 265–74. doi:10.1159/000228247. hdl:10072/30557. PMID 19602915. S2CID 16419162.
  ^  Abass, Allen A.; et al. (2010). "The efficacy of short-term psychodynamic psychotherapy for depression: A meta-analysis". Clinical Psychology Review. 30 (1): 25–36. doi:10.1016/j.cpr.2009.08.010. PMID 19766369. S2CID 21768475.
  ^  Abbass, Allan; Town, Joel; Driessen, Ellen (2012). "Intensive Short-Term Dynamic Psychotherapy: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis of Outcome Research". Harvard Review of Psychiatry. 20 (2): 97–108. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.668.6311. doi:10.3109/10673229.2012.677347. PMID 22512743. S2CID 6432516.
  ^  Smit, Y.; Huibers, J.; Ioannidis, J.; van Dyck, R.; van Tilburg, W.; Arntz, A. (2012). "The effectiveness of long-term psychoanalytic psychotherapy — A meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials". Clinical Psychology Review. 32 (2): 81–92. doi:10.1016/j.cpr.2011.11.003. PMID 22227111.
  ^  Leichsenring, Falk; Rabung, Sven (2011). "Long-term psychodynamic psychotherapy in complex mental disorders: update of a meta-analysis". The British Journal of Psychiatry. 199 (1): 15–22. doi:10.1192/bjp.bp.110.082776. PMID 21719877.
  ^  Malmberg, Lena; Fenton, Mark; Rathbone, John (2001). "Individual psychodynamic psychotherapy and psychoanalysis for schizophrenia and severe mental illness". Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews. 2012 (3): CD001360. doi:10.1002/14651858.CD001360. PMC 4171459. PMID 11686988.
  ^  Kreyenbuhl, J.; Buchanan, R. W.; Dickerson, F. B.; Dixon, L. B.; Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) (2009). "The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT): Updated Treatment Recommendations 2009". Schizophrenia Bulletin. 36 (1): 94–103. doi:10.1093/schbul/sbp130. PMC 2800150. PMID 19955388.
  ^  Lehman, A. F.; Steinwachs, D. M. (1998). "Patterns of Usual Care for Schizophrenia: Initial Results from the Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) Client Survey". Schizophrenia Bulletin. 24 (1): 11–20. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.schbul.a033303. PMID 9502543.
  ^  Brunner, José (2001), Freud and the politics of psychoanalysis, Transaction, p. xxi, ISBN  978-0-7658-0672-7  
  ^   "washingtonpost.com: Dispatches from the Freud Wars: Psychoanalysis and Its Passions".  The Washington Post .
  ^   "The Professorial Provocateur, Noam Chomsky interviewed by Deborah Solomon". Archived from the original on 2015-09-23. Retrieved 2010-06-19.
  ^   Gould, Stephen Jay (1977).  Ontogeny and Phylogeny . Harvard University Press. ISBN  9780674639409 .
  ^  Eysneck, Hans. 1985.  Decline and Fall of the Freudian Empire .
  ^  Kihlstrom, John F. 2012 [2000]. "Is Freud Still Alive? No, Not Really" (updated ed.). John F. Kihlstrom. Berkley: University of California, Berkeley. Archived from the original 10 May 2013.
— 2000/2003/2009. "Is Freud Still Alive? No, Not Really."  Hilgard's Introduction to Psychology  (13/14/15th ed.), edited by R. Atkinson, R. C. Atkinson, E. E. Smith, D. J. Bem, and S. Nolen-Hoeksema. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
  ^   Popper, Karl Raimund (1981).  Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge  (4th ed.). London: Routledge. p. 38. ISBN  9780415285940 . And as for Freud's epic of the Ego, the Super-ego, and the Id, no substantially stronger claim to scientific status can be made for it than for Homer's collected stories from Olympus. 
  ^  Georgiev, Danko D. (2017-12-06).  Quantum Information and Consciousness: A Gentle Introduction  (1st ed.). Boca Raton: CRC Press. p. 4. doi:10.1201/9780203732519. ISBN  9781138104488 . OCLC 1003273264. Zbl 1390.81001. Terms such as subconsciousness or superego that are frequently used in psychoanalysis originated by Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) are relegated to the realm of pseudoscience where most of Freud's work justifiably belongs. 
^    a       b    Torrey, E. Fuller. 1986. Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists. p. 76.
^    a       b    Popper, Karl R. 1990. "Science: Conjectures and Refutations." Pp. 104–10 in Philosophy of Science and the Occult, edited by P. Grim. Albany, p. 109, Preview Google Books See also  Conjectures and Refutations .
  ^  Webster, Richard. 1995. Why Freud was Wrong: Sin, Science, and Psychoanalysis. London: Harper Collins.
  ^  Cioffi, Frank. 2005. "Was Freud a Pseudoscientist?" Butterflies &amp; Wheels.
Translated and published in  Le livre noir de la psychoanalyse: Vivre, penser et aller mieux sans Freud , edited by C. Meyer, with M. Borch-Jacobsen, J. Cottraux, D. Pleux, and J. Van Rillaer. Paris: les arènes (2005). Retrieved 8 May 2020.
  ^  Lakatos, Imre. 1978. "The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes." Philosophical Papers 1, edited by I. Lakatos, J. Worrall, and G. Currie. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 146.
  ^   Scruton, Roger (1994). Sexual Desire: A Philosophical Investigation. Phoenix Books. p. 201. ISBN  978-1-85799-100-0 .
  ^  Bunge, Mario (1984). "What is pseudoscience?". Vol. 9. The Skeptical Inquirer. pp. 36–46.
  ^  Bunge, Mario (2001). "Philosophy in Crisis: The Need for Reconstruction". Prometheus Lectures. pp. 229–235.
  ^  Seligman, Martin, Authentic Happiness (The Free Press, Simon &amp; Schuster, 2002), pp. 64–65.
  ^  Grünbaum, Adolf. 1993. Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis: A Study in the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis. Madison, CT: International Universities Press. ISBN 978-0-8236-6722-2. OCLC 26895337.[ page needed ]
  ^  Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel. 1996. Remembering Anna O: A Century of Mystification. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-91777-8.
  ^  Webster, Richard. 1996. Why Freud was Wrong. Sin, Science and Psychoanalysis. London: Harper Collins.
  ^   Feynman, Richard (2007) [1998]. The Meaning of It All: Thoughts of a Citizen-Scientist. London: Penguin. pp. 114–5. Feynman was also speaking here of psychiatrists.
  ^  Miller, Alice (1984).  Thou shalt not be aware: society's betrayal of the child . NY: Meridan Printing.
  ^  Weeks, Jeffrey. 1989. Sexuality and its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-04503-2. p. 176.
  ^  Lacan, Jacques. 1977. Ecrits: A Selection and The Seminars, translated by Alan Sheridan. London: Tavistock.
  ^  Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. 1984 [1972].  Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia . London: Athlone. ISBN 978-0-485-30018-5.
  ^  Lecercle, Jean-Jacques (October 2012). Ducange, Jean-Numa; Sibertin-Blanc, Guillaume (eds.). "Deleuzo-Guattarian Machinations". Actuel Marx. Paris: P.U.F. 52 (2): 108–120. doi:10.3917/amx.052.0108. eISSN 1969-6728. ISBN  978-2-13-059331-7 . ISSN 0994-4524 – via Cairn.info.
  ^  Irigaray L (1974), Speculum, Paris: Minuit, ISBN  978-2-7073-0024-9  
  ^  Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. 1984 [1972]. "The Disjunctive Synthesis of Recording." Section 2.4 in  Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia . London: Athlone. ISBN 978-0-485-30018-5. p. 89.
  ^  Drew Westen, "The Scientific Legacy of Sigmund Freud Toward a Psychodynamically Informed Psychological Science". November 1998 Vol. 124, No. 3, 333–371
  ^  Fisher, Seymour, and Roger P. Greenberg. 1977. The Scientific Credibility of Freud's Theories and Therapy. New York: Basic Books. p. 399.
  ^  Milton, Jane. (2000). Psychoanalysis and Cognitive Behaviour Therapy. p. 440.
^    a       b    Westen and Gabbard, 2002
  ^  Kalo, Shlomo. 1997. "Powerlessness as a Parable." The Trousers – Parables for the 21st Century. UK: D.A.T. Publications. pp. 16, back cover.
  ^  Derrida, Jacques, and Bass, Alan. 1987.  The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond . Chicago: University of Chicago.
 
Further reading[edit]
Introductions[edit]
 Brenner, Charles (1954). An Elementary Textbook of Psychoanalysis.
Elliott, Anthony (2002). Psychoanalytic Theory: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Duke University Press. --An introduction that explains psychoanalytic theory with interpretations of major theorists.
Fine, Reuben (1990). The History of Psychoanalysis. (expanded ed.). Northvale: Jason Aronson.ISBN 0-8264-0452-9 
Samuel, Lawrence R. (2013). Shrink: A Cultural History of Psychoanalysis in America. University of Nebraska Press. 253 pp.
Freud, Sigmund (2014) [1926]. "Psychoanalysis."  Encyclopædia Britannica . 
Reference works[edit]
  de Mijolla, Alain, ed. (2005). International dictionary of psychoanalysis [enhanced American version] 1,2,&amp;3. Detroit: Thomson/Gale.
 Laplanche, Jean, and J. B. Pontalis (1974). "The Language of Psycho-Analysis". W. W. Norton &amp; Company. ISBN 0-393-01105-4 
Freud, Sigmund (1940). An Outline of Psychoanalysis. ePenguin.;General ISBN 978-0393001518 
Edelson, Marshall (1984). Hypothesis and Evidence in Psychoanalysis. Chicago: Chicago University Press. ISBN 0-226-18432-3 
 Etchegoyen, Horacio (2005). The Fundamentals of Psychoanalytic Technique (new ed.). Karnac Books. ISBN 1-85575-455-X 
 Gellner, Ernest. The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason, . A critical view of Freudian theory. ISBN 0-8101-1370-8 
 Green, André (2005). "Psychoanalysis: A Paradigm For Clinical Thinking". Free Association Books. ISBN 1-85343-773-5 
 Irigaray, Luce (2004). Key Writings. Continuum. ISBN 0-8264-6940-X 
 Jacobson, Edith (1976). Depression; Comparative Studies of Normal, Neurotic, and Psychotic Conditions. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-1195-7 
 Kernberg, Otto (1993). Severe Personality Disorders: Psychotherapeutic Strategies. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-05349-5 
 Kohut, Heinz (2000). Analysis of the Self: Systematic Approach to Treatment of Narcissistic Personality Disorders. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-8002-9 
 Kovacevic, Filip (2007). Liberating Oedipus? Psychoanalysis as Critical Theory. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-1148-5 
 Kristeva, Julia (1986). The Kristeva Reader, edited by T. Moi. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06325-3 
 Meltzer, Donald (1983). Dream-Life: A Re-Examination of the Psycho-Analytical Theory and Technique. Karnac Books. ISBN 0-902965-17-4 
— (1998). The Kleinian Development (new ed.). Karnac Books; reprint: ISBN 1-85575-194-1 
Mitchell, S. A., and M. J. Black (1995). Freud and beyond: a history of modern psychoanalytic thought. New York: Basic Books. pp. xviii–xx.
 Pollock, Griselda (2006). "Beyond Oedipus. Feminist Thought, Psychoanalysis, and Mythical Figurations of the Feminine." In Laughing with Medusa, edited by V. Zajko and M. Leonard. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-927438-X 
 Spielrein, Sabina (1993). Destruction as cause of becoming. OCLC 44450080 
 Stoller, Robert (1993). Presentations of Gender. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-05474-2 
Stolorow, Robert, George Atwood, and Donna Orange (2002). Worlds of Experience: Interweaving Philosophical and Clinical Dimensions in Psychoanalysis. New York: Basic Books.
 Spitz, René (2006). The First Year of Life: Psychoanalytic Study of Normal and Deviant Development of Object Relations. International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-8056-8 
Tähkä, Veikko (1993). Mind and Its Treatment: A Psychoanalytic Approach. Madison, CT: International Universities Press. ISBN 0-8236-3367-5  
Book series[edit]
   Contemporary Psychoanalytic Studies . Amsterdam &amp; New York: Rodopi. 
Analyses, discussions and critiques[edit]
 Aziz, Robert (2007). The Syndetic Paradigm: The Untrodden Path Beyond Freud and Jung, Albany: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-6982-8 
 Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1991). Lacan: The Absolute Master, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-1556-4 
Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel (1996). Remembering Anna O: A Century of Mystification, London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-91777-8 
Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel and Shamdasani, Sonu (2012). The Freud Files: An Inquiry into the History of Psychoanalysis, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-72978-9.
 Brockmeier Jens (1997). "Autobiography, narrative and the Freudian conception of life history". Philosophy, Psychiatry, &amp; Psychology. 4: 175–200. 
Burnham, John, ed. (2012). After Freud Left: A Century of Psychoanalysis in America, University of Chicago Press.
 Cioffi, Frank. (1998). Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience, Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN 0-8126-9385-X 
 Crews, Frederick (1986). Skeptical Engagements, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-503950-5. Part I of this volume, entitled "The Freudian Temptation," includes five essays critical of psychoanalysis written between 1975 and 1986.
 Crews, Frederick (1995). The Memory Wars: Freud's Legacy in Dispute, New York: New York Review of Books. ISBN 1-86207-010-5 
Crews, Frederick, ed. (1998). Unauthorized Freud: Doubters Confront a Legend, New York: Viking. ISBN 0-14-028017-0 
Crews, Frederick (2017). Freud: The Making of an Illusion, Metropolitan Books. ISBN 9781627797177 
Dufresne, Todd (2000). Tales From the Freudian Crypt: The Death Drive in Text and Context, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-3885-8 
— (2007). Against Freud: Critics Talk Back, Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-5548-5 
Erwin, Edward (1996), A Final Accounting: Philosophical and Empirical Issues in Freudian Psychology. ISBN 0-262-05050-1 
Esterson, Allen (1993). Seductive Mirage: An Exploration of the Work of Sigmund Freud. Chicago: Open Court. ISBN 0-8126-9230-6 
Fisher, Seymour, and Roger P. Greenberg (1977). The Scientific Credibility of Freud's Theories and Therapy. New York: Basic Books.
— (1996). Freud Scientifically Reappraised: Testing the Theories and Therapy. New York: John Wiley.
Gellner, Ernest (1993), The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason. A critical view of Freudian theory. ISBN 0-8101-1370-8 
 Grünbaum Adolf (1979). "Is Freudian Psychoanalytic Theory Pseudo-Scientific by Karl Popper's Criterion of Demarcation?". American Philosophical Quarterly. 16: 131–141. 
— (1985). The Foundations of Psychoanalysis: A Philosophical Critique. ISBN 0-520-05017-7 
Macmillan, Malcolm (1997), Freud Evaluated: The Completed Arc. ISBN 0-262-63171-7 
 Morley S, Eccleston C, Williams A (1999). "Systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials of cognitive behaviour therapy and behaviour therapy for chronic pain in adults, excluding headache". Pain. 80 (1–2): 1–13. doi:10.1016/s0304-3959(98)00255-3. PMID 10204712. S2CID 21572242. 
Roustang, Francois (1982). Dire Mastery: Discipleship from Freud to Lacan. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-88048-259-1 
 Webster, Richard. (1995). Why Freud Was Wrong: Sin, Science, and Psychoanalysis, New York: Basic Books, Harper Collins. ISBN 0-465-09128-8 
 Wollheim, Richard, editor. (1974). Freud: A Collection of Critical Essays. New York: Anchor Books. ISBN 0-385-07970-2  
Responses to critiques[edit]
 Köhler, Thomas 1996: Anti-Freud-Literatur von ihren Anfängen bis heute. Zur wissenschaftlichen Fundierung von Psychoanalyse-Kritik. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Verlag. ISBN 3-17-014207-0 
Ollinheimo, Ari — Vuorinen, Risto (1999): Metapsychology and the Suggestion Argument: A Reply to Grünbaum's Critique of Psychoanalysis. Commentationes Scientiarum Socialium, 53. Helsinki: Finnish Academy of Science and Letters. ISBN 951-653-297-7 
Robinson, Paul (1993). Freud and his Critics. Berkeley &amp; Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08029-7 
Gomez, Lavinia:  The Freud Wars: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis . Routledge, 2005. Review: Psychodynamic Practice 14(1):108–111. Feb., 2008.  
External links[edit]
  International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) – world's primary regulatory body for psychoanalysis, founded by Sigmund Freud
 Psychoanalysis – Division 39 – American Psychological Association (APA)
Psychoanalysis - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychoanalysis
https://www.freud.org.uk/education/resources/what-is-psychoanalysis-part-1-is-it-weird/
What is Psychoanalysis? - Is it Weird? - Freud Museum London
2018-01-25
None
<div><div>
	<div>
	<p></p>
<p>These films are intended to facilitate first encounters with Freud’s thought.</p>
<p>If you’re studying the psychodynamic approach, this resource is for you!</p>
<h2>In this episode:</h2>
<ul>
<li><em>Is psychoanalysis weird?</em></li>
<li><em>A talking cure</em></li>
<li><em>The unconscious</em></li>
<li><em>The ego is not master in its own house</em></li>
<li><em>Psychoanalysis and the ‘cognitive approach’</em></li>
</ul>
<p>A <a href="https://www.freud.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/What-is-Psychoanalysis.pdf">factsheet</a> (PDF) accompanies this series.</p>
	</div>	
	<div>
	<h2>More episodes</h2>
	<div>
	<p><a href="https://www.freud.org.uk/education/resources/what-is-psychoanalysis-part-4-the-ego-the-id-and-the-superego/"></a></p>
	</div>
	 
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 You are here: Home Education Learning Resources What is Psychoanalysis? – Is it Weird?

 What is Psychoanalysis? – Is it Weird?

 It's about the things we keep hidden from ourselves.

 * 1: Is it Weird?
 * 2: Sexuality
 * 3: The Oedipus Complex
 * 4: The Ego, Id and Superego

 These films are intended to facilitate first encounters with Freud’s thought.

 If you’re studying the psychodynamic approach, this resource is for you!

 In this episode:

 * Is psychoanalysis weird?
 * A talking cure
 * The unconscious
 * The ego is not master in its own house
 * Psychoanalysis and the ‘cognitive approach’

 A factsheet (PDF) accompanies this series.

 More episodes

 What is Psychoanalysis? – Sexuality

 Freud's account of sexuality was very different to mainstream ideas about it.

 Read More

 What is Psychoanalysis? – The Oedipus Complex

 The emotional world of little children is not a peaceful world!

 Read More

 What is Psychoanalysis? – The Ego, the Id and the Superego

 Freud discovered a mind at war with itself.

 Read More

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These films are intended to facilitate first encounters with Freud’s thought.
If you’re studying the psychodynamic approach, this resource is for you!
In this episode:
 Is psychoanalysis weird? 
 A talking cure 
 The unconscious 
 The ego is not master in its own house 
 Psychoanalysis and the ‘cognitive approach’ 
A factsheet (PDF) accompanies this series.
		
	
	More episodes
What is Psychoanalysis? - Is it Weird? - Freud Museum London
https://www.freud.org.uk/education/resources/what-is-psychoanalysis-part-1-is-it-weird/
https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/21521-psychosomatic-disorder
Psychosomatic Disorder: What Is It, Symptoms, Diagnosis & Treatment
2021-03-05
None
<div><div>
<div>
<h2>
Overview
</h2>
 <h3>What is a psychosomatic disorder?</h3>
<p>Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition involving the occurrence of physical symptoms, usually lacking a medical explanation. People with this condition may have excessive thoughts, feelings or concerns about the symptoms — which affects their ability to function well.</p>
<p>People with psychosomatic disorder usually don’t report overt symptoms of psychiatric distress. Instead, they believe their problems are caused by medical conditions. They tend to visit healthcare providers frequently to get tests and treatments, often not receiving a diagnosis, which may lead to frustration and distress. </p>
<p>Psychosomatic disorder is sometimes called somatic symptom disorder, somatic symptoms or somatic pain.</p>
<h3>How common is somatic symptom disorder?</h3>
<p>Somatic symptom disorder is common, occurring in about 5% to 7% of the general population. For reasons that are not understood, women have somatic pain about 10 times more often than men.</p>
<h3>Who might have somatic symptoms?</h3>
<p>Anyone can have somatic symptoms at any age. </p>
<p>Studies have found that certain things may make people more likely to have somatic symptoms:</p>
<ul>
<li>Chaotic lifestyle.</li>
<li>Difficulty recognizing and expressing emotions.</li>
<li>Childhood neglect.</li>
<li>History of sexual abuse.</li>
<li>Other psychological conditions, such as <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/9290-depression">depression</a> or <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/9636-personality-disorders-overview">personality disorders</a>.</li>
<li>Substance abuse (such as <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/3909-alcoholism">alcoholism</a> or <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/16652-drug-addiction">drug addiction</a>).</li>
<li>Unemployment.</li>
</ul>
<h3>How can psychosomatic disorder affect my body?</h3>
<p>Psychosomatic disorder can affect almost any part of the body. Common examples include:</p>
<ul>
<li>Fatigue</li>
<li>Insomnia</li>
<li>Aches and pains, such as <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/symptoms/17669-muscle-pain">muscle pain</a> or <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/16869-chronic-back-pain">back pain</a>.</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/4314-hypertension-high-blood-pressure">High blood pressure</a> (hypertension).</li>
<li>Trouble breathing (<a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/symptoms/16942-shortness-of-breath-dyspnea">dyspnea</a>, or shortness of breath).</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/symptoms/7316-indigestion-dyspepsia">Indigestion</a> (upset stomach).</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/9639-headaches">Headaches</a> and <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/5005-migraine-headaches">migraines</a>.</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/10035-erectile-dysfunction">Erectile dysfunction</a> (impotence).</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/6173-contact-dermatitis">Skin rash</a> (dermatitis).</li>
<li>Stomach ulcers (<a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/10350-peptic-ulcer-disease">peptic ulcer disease</a>).</li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
 Symptoms and Causes
</h2>
<h3>What causes psychosomatic symptoms?</h3>
<p>Scientists aren’t sure. Some believe that stress releases hormones and chemicals in the body that cause damage or dysfunction.</p>
<h3>What are the symptoms?</h3>
<p>In addition to the somatic symptom itself (for example, pain or upset stomach), people with psychosomatic disorder often: </p>
<ul>
<li>Become angry or irritable because they believe their medical needs aren’t being met.</li>
<li>Get depressed or anxious.</li>
<li>Visit healthcare providers frequently, often jumping from one physician to another. </li>
<li>Experience difficulties functioning at work, school or socially.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
Diagnosis and Tests
</h2>
<h3>How is psychosomatic disorder diagnosed?</h3>
<p>A healthcare provider can begin to diagnose psychosomatic disorder based on: </p>
<ul>
<li>History of visits to healthcare providers.</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diagnostics/17366-physical-examination">Physical exam</a>.</li>
<li>Series of negative results on tests.</li>
</ul>
<p>To be diagnosed with somatic symptom disorder, a person must have:</p>
<ul>
<li>One or more symptoms that are distressing or disruptive to daily life.</li>
<li>A history of those symptoms for at least six months.</li>
<li>Persistent thoughts, worries or anxiety about the symptoms.</li>
</ul>
<h3>What tests might I have for psychosomatic disorder?</h3>
<p>A healthcare provider might order some tests to rule out other medical conditions, such as blood tests or imaging. But when healthcare providers believe that symptoms are psychosomatic, they usually don’t order any tests. Instead, they try to protect their patients from the stress and expense of unnecessary tests and procedures.</p>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
Management and Treatment
</h2>
<h3>How are psychosomatic pain and other somatic symptoms treated?</h3>
<p>Several treatments can help people with somatic pain symptoms, including:</p>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/treatments/21208-cognitive-behavioral-therapy-cbt">Cognitive behavioral therapy</a>.</li>
<li>Medications, such as <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/treatments/6377-medications-for-the-treatment-of-depression">antidepressants</a>.</li>
<li>Mindfulness-based therapy.</li>
<li>Referral to a specialist in mental health (for example, a psychiatrist or psychologist).</li>
<li>Regular contact with your <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/16507-the-importance-of-having-a-primary-care-doctor">primary care provider</a>.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
Prevention
</h2>
<h3>How can I prevent psychosomatic disorder?</h3>
<p><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/8133-stress-10-ways-to-ease-stress">Strategies to reduce and manage stress</a> may help you prevent or lessen somatic symptoms. Examples include:</p>
<ul>
<li>Be realistic about what you can and can’t control.</li>
<li>Exercise regularly.</li>
<li>Get enough sleep.</li>
<li>Journal to increase awareness of your thoughts and feelings.</li>
<li>Limit alcohol and avoid smoking.</li>
<li>Maintain a healthy diet and weight.</li>
<li><a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/17906-meditation">Meditate</a> or practice progressive muscle relaxation. </li>
<li>Seek support from loved ones.</li>
<li>Set limits to reduce pressure on yourself.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
Outlook / Prognosis
</h2>
<h3>What is the outlook for people with psychosomatic disorder?</h3>
<p>Many people learn to control and lessen somatic pain symptoms over time. However, even with treatment, psychosomatic symptoms may come and go throughout life.</p>
</div>
<div>
<h2>
Living With
</h2>
<h3>What else should I ask my healthcare provider about psychosomatic symptoms?</h3>
<p>If you’ve been diagnosed with psychosomatic disorder, consider asking your healthcare provider:</p>
<ul>
<li>What’s causing these symptoms?</li>
<li>How can I relieve them?</li>
<li>Should I talk to a specialist in mental health?</li>
<li>When should I seek medical care?</li>
<li>How do I know if I’m having an emergency?</li>
<li>How often should I see my primary care provider?</li>
<li>How can my family and friends help me?</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>A note from Cleveland Clinic</strong></p>
<p>Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition. It leads to physical symptoms, usually without any other medical explanation or diagnosis. It can affect almost any part of the body. People with somatic symptoms often seek frequent medical attention for tests and treatments. They tend to become increasingly worried or anxious. It’s important to know that somatic symptom disorder is not the same as “faking it” or exaggerating symptoms. They're real and distressing symptoms — the origin just happens to be psychological instead of medical. If you have long-lasting, unexplained symptoms, talk to your healthcare provider. Behavioral therapies and lifestyle changes can help. They can also prevent unnecessary tests and treatments.</p>
</div>
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 Home / Health Library / Disease & Conditions

 Psychosomatic Disorder

 Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition that leads to physical symptoms, often without any medical explanation. It can affect almost any part of the body. People with the disorder tend to seek frequent medical attention, becoming frustrated with no diagnosis. Behavioral therapy and stress reduction may help.
 * Appointments 866.588.2264
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 * Overview
 * Symptoms and Causes
 * Diagnosis and Tests
 * Management and Treatment
 * Prevention
 * Outlook / Prognosis
 * Living With
 Psychosomatic Disorder
 * Overview
 * Symptoms and Causes
 * Diagnosis and Tests
 * Management and Treatment
 * Prevention
 * Outlook / Prognosis
 * Living With
 * Back To Top

 Overview

 What is a psychosomatic disorder?

 Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition involving the occurrence of physical symptoms, usually lacking a medical explanation. People with this condition may have excessive thoughts, feelings or concerns about the symptoms — which affects their ability to function well.

 People with psychosomatic disorder usually don’t report overt symptoms of psychiatric distress. Instead, they believe their problems are caused by medical conditions. They tend to visit healthcare providers frequently to get tests and treatments, often not receiving a diagnosis, which may lead to frustration and distress.

 Psychosomatic disorder is sometimes called somatic symptom disorder, somatic symptoms or somatic pain.

 How common is somatic symptom disorder?

 Somatic symptom disorder is common, occurring in about 5% to 7% of the general population. For reasons that are not understood, women have somatic pain about 10 times more often than men.

 Who might have somatic symptoms?

 Anyone can have somatic symptoms at any age.

 Studies have found that certain things may make people more likely to have somatic symptoms:

 * Chaotic lifestyle.
 * Difficulty recognizing and expressing emotions.
 * Childhood neglect.
 * History of sexual abuse.
 * Other psychological conditions, such as depression or personality disorders.
 * Substance abuse (such as alcoholism or drug addiction).
 * Unemployment.

 How can psychosomatic disorder affect my body?

 Psychosomatic disorder can affect almost any part of the body. Common examples include:

 * Fatigue
 * Insomnia
 * Aches and pains, such as muscle pain or back pain.
 * High blood pressure (hypertension).
 * Trouble breathing (dyspnea, or shortness of breath).
 * Indigestion (upset stomach).
 * Headaches and migraines.
 * Erectile dysfunction (impotence).
 * Skin rash (dermatitis).
 * Stomach ulcers (peptic ulcer disease).

 Symptoms and Causes

 What causes psychosomatic symptoms?

 Scientists aren’t sure. Some believe that stress releases hormones and chemicals in the body that cause damage or dysfunction.

 What are the symptoms?

 In addition to the somatic symptom itself (for example, pain or upset stomach), people with psychosomatic disorder often:

 * Become angry or irritable because they believe their medical needs aren’t being met.
 * Get depressed or anxious.
 * Visit healthcare providers frequently, often jumping from one physician to another.
 * Experience difficulties functioning at work, school or socially.

 Diagnosis and Tests

 How is psychosomatic disorder diagnosed?

 A healthcare provider can begin to diagnose psychosomatic disorder based on:

 * History of visits to healthcare providers.
 * Physical exam.
 * Series of negative results on tests.

 To be diagnosed with somatic symptom disorder, a person must have:

 * One or more symptoms that are distressing or disruptive to daily life.
 * A history of those symptoms for at least six months.
 * Persistent thoughts, worries or anxiety about the symptoms.

 What tests might I have for psychosomatic disorder?

 A healthcare provider might order some tests to rule out other medical conditions, such as blood tests or imaging. But when healthcare providers believe that symptoms are psychosomatic, they usually don’t order any tests. Instead, they try to protect their patients from the stress and expense of unnecessary tests and procedures.

 Management and Treatment

 How are psychosomatic pain and other somatic symptoms treated?

 Several treatments can help people with somatic pain symptoms, including:

 * Cognitive behavioral therapy.
 * Medications, such as antidepressants.
 * Mindfulness-based therapy.
 * Referral to a specialist in mental health (for example, a psychiatrist or psychologist).
 * Regular contact with your primary care provider.

 Prevention

 How can I prevent psychosomatic disorder?

 Strategies to reduce and manage stress may help you prevent or lessen somatic symptoms. Examples include:

 * Be realistic about what you can and can’t control.
 * Exercise regularly.
 * Get enough sleep.
 * Journal to increase awareness of your thoughts and feelings.
 * Limit alcohol and avoid smoking.
 * Maintain a healthy diet and weight.
 * Meditate or practice progressive muscle relaxation.
 * Seek support from loved ones.
 * Set limits to reduce pressure on yourself.

 Outlook / Prognosis

 What is the outlook for people with psychosomatic disorder?

 Many people learn to control and lessen somatic pain symptoms over time. However, even with treatment, psychosomatic symptoms may come and go throughout life.

 Living With

 What else should I ask my healthcare provider about psychosomatic symptoms?

 If you’ve been diagnosed with psychosomatic disorder, consider asking your healthcare provider:

 * What’s causing these symptoms?
 * How can I relieve them?
 * Should I talk to a specialist in mental health?
 * When should I seek medical care?
 * How do I know if I’m having an emergency?
 * How often should I see my primary care provider?
 * How can my family and friends help me?

 A note from Cleveland Clinic

 Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition. It leads to physical symptoms, usually without any other medical explanation or diagnosis. It can affect almost any part of the body. People with somatic symptoms often seek frequent medical attention for tests and treatments. They tend to become increasingly worried or anxious. It’s important to know that somatic symptom disorder is not the same as “faking it” or exaggerating symptoms. They're real and distressing symptoms — the origin just happens to be psychological instead of medical. If you have long-lasting, unexplained symptoms, talk to your healthcare provider. Behavioral therapies and lifestyle changes can help. They can also prevent unnecessary tests and treatments.

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 Last reviewed by a Cleveland Clinic medical professional on 04/30/2021.

 References

 * Kurlansik, SL, Maffei, ML. Somatic Symptom Disorder. (https://www.aafp.org/afp/2016/0101/p49.html) Am Fam Physician. 2016 Jan 1;93(1):49-54A. Accessed 5/3/2021.
 * American Psychiatric Association. DSM–5 Fact Sheets: Somatic Symptom Disorder. (https://www.psychiatry.org/psychiatrists/practice/dsm/educational-resources/dsm-5-fact-sheets) Accessed 5/3/2021.
 * Britannica. Psychosomatic Disorder. (https://www.britannica.com/science/psychosomatic-disorder) Accessed 5/3/2021.
 * Merck Manual. Somatic Symptom Disorder. (https://www.merckmanuals.com/professional/psychiatric-disorders/somatic-symptom-and-related-disorders/somatic-symptom-disorder) Accessed 5/3/2021.
 * Nakao M, Takeuchi T. Alexithymia and Somatosensory Amplification Link Perceived Psychosocial Stress and Somatic Symptoms in Outpatients with Psychosomatic Illness. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5977151/) Journal of Clinical Medicine. May 2018; 7(5): 112. Accessed 5/3/2021.
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Overview
 What is a psychosomatic disorder?
Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition involving the occurrence of physical symptoms, usually lacking a medical explanation. People with this condition may have excessive thoughts, feelings or concerns about the symptoms — which affects their ability to function well.
People with psychosomatic disorder usually don’t report overt symptoms of psychiatric distress. Instead, they believe their problems are caused by medical conditions. They tend to visit healthcare providers frequently to get tests and treatments, often not receiving a diagnosis, which may lead to frustration and distress. 
Psychosomatic disorder is sometimes called somatic symptom disorder, somatic symptoms or somatic pain.
How common is somatic symptom disorder?
Somatic symptom disorder is common, occurring in about 5% to 7% of the general population. For reasons that are not understood, women have somatic pain about 10 times more often than men.
Who might have somatic symptoms?
Anyone can have somatic symptoms at any age. 
Studies have found that certain things may make people more likely to have somatic symptoms:
Chaotic lifestyle.
Difficulty recognizing and expressing emotions.
Childhood neglect.
History of sexual abuse.
Other psychological conditions, such as depression or personality disorders.
Substance abuse (such as alcoholism or drug addiction).
Unemployment.
How can psychosomatic disorder affect my body?
Psychosomatic disorder can affect almost any part of the body. Common examples include:
Fatigue
Insomnia
Aches and pains, such as muscle pain or back pain.
 High blood pressure (hypertension).
Trouble breathing (dyspnea, or shortness of breath).
 Indigestion (upset stomach).
 Headaches and migraines.
 Erectile dysfunction (impotence).
 Skin rash (dermatitis).
Stomach ulcers (peptic ulcer disease).
 Symptoms and Causes
What causes psychosomatic symptoms?
Scientists aren’t sure. Some believe that stress releases hormones and chemicals in the body that cause damage or dysfunction.
What are the symptoms?
In addition to the somatic symptom itself (for example, pain or upset stomach), people with psychosomatic disorder often: 
Become angry or irritable because they believe their medical needs aren’t being met.
Get depressed or anxious.
Visit healthcare providers frequently, often jumping from one physician to another. 
Experience difficulties functioning at work, school or socially.
Diagnosis and Tests
How is psychosomatic disorder diagnosed?
A healthcare provider can begin to diagnose psychosomatic disorder based on: 
History of visits to healthcare providers.
 Physical exam.
Series of negative results on tests.
To be diagnosed with somatic symptom disorder, a person must have:
One or more symptoms that are distressing or disruptive to daily life.
A history of those symptoms for at least six months.
Persistent thoughts, worries or anxiety about the symptoms.
What tests might I have for psychosomatic disorder?
A healthcare provider might order some tests to rule out other medical conditions, such as blood tests or imaging. But when healthcare providers believe that symptoms are psychosomatic, they usually don’t order any tests. Instead, they try to protect their patients from the stress and expense of unnecessary tests and procedures.
Management and Treatment
How are psychosomatic pain and other somatic symptoms treated?
Several treatments can help people with somatic pain symptoms, including:
 Cognitive behavioral therapy.
Medications, such as antidepressants.
Mindfulness-based therapy.
Referral to a specialist in mental health (for example, a psychiatrist or psychologist).
Regular contact with your primary care provider.
Prevention
How can I prevent psychosomatic disorder?
 Strategies to reduce and manage stress may help you prevent or lessen somatic symptoms. Examples include:
Be realistic about what you can and can’t control.
Exercise regularly.
Get enough sleep.
Journal to increase awareness of your thoughts and feelings.
Limit alcohol and avoid smoking.
Maintain a healthy diet and weight.
 Meditate or practice progressive muscle relaxation. 
Seek support from loved ones.
Set limits to reduce pressure on yourself.
Outlook / Prognosis
What is the outlook for people with psychosomatic disorder?
Many people learn to control and lessen somatic pain symptoms over time. However, even with treatment, psychosomatic symptoms may come and go throughout life.
Living With
What else should I ask my healthcare provider about psychosomatic symptoms?
If you’ve been diagnosed with psychosomatic disorder, consider asking your healthcare provider:
What’s causing these symptoms?
How can I relieve them?
Should I talk to a specialist in mental health?
When should I seek medical care?
How do I know if I’m having an emergency?
How often should I see my primary care provider?
How can my family and friends help me?
 A note from Cleveland Clinic 
Psychosomatic disorder is a psychological condition. It leads to physical symptoms, usually without any other medical explanation or diagnosis. It can affect almost any part of the body. People with somatic symptoms often seek frequent medical attention for tests and treatments. They tend to become increasingly worried or anxious. It’s important to know that somatic symptom disorder is not the same as “faking it” or exaggerating symptoms. They're real and distressing symptoms — the origin just happens to be psychological instead of medical. If you have long-lasting, unexplained symptoms, talk to your healthcare provider. Behavioral therapies and lifestyle changes can help. They can also prevent unnecessary tests and treatments.
Psychosomatic Disorder: What Is It, Symptoms, Diagnosis & Treatment
https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/21521-psychosomatic-disorder