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Examining the most recent book by Samuel

Huntington, Who Are We?: The Challenges to
Americas National Identity, raises a question
that applies to similar publications, like The
Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in
American Life by Charles Murray: How
should such books be reviewed? Who Are
We? is one of a small number of volumes that
look like works of social science and have
the appearance of scholarship but actually
appeal to, reinforce, and help to legitimate
one form of prejudice or another. Some of
these works, we shall see, merely agitate
against democratic forms of government; oth-
ers reflect various anti-feelingsanti-Black,
Mexican (and more generally immigrants), or
Muslim (and more generally foreigners)just
as certain films seem at first glance to be
works of art but actually appeal to prurient
interests. Should one treat such works the
way one treats any other serious book?
Ignore them altogether, as one ought to treat
the ruminations of Holocaust deniers? Or
examine them mainly as ideological tracts?
David Brooks points out in his humorous
but insightful book Bobos in Paradise: The
New Upper Class and How They Got There that
one way to make it in our public intellectual
life is to be dead wrong. Then, he says, scores
of people will write essays and present lec-
tures explaining why you are in grievous
error. Your books will sell like hot cakes. And
your next one will be promoted with extra
diligence by a keen publisher. Above all, your
misbegotten message will receive extensive
public airing. This (Brooks does not note) is
especially true if the work plays to one or
more widely held prejudices, especially those
that people usually refrain from speaking
about. Such books are extra-popular because
they give license to the expression of silently
embraced prejudices by claiming that they
have a base in scholarship and even science.
However, if such works were roundly ignored
instead of dissected, would these prejudices
be held at bay? To respond to these questions,
an examination of Huntingtons work is useful
The theme that runs throughout various
works of Huntington is best characterized as
a theory of fear. His books typically identify
a mounting threat, such as Mexican immi-
grants, Islamic civilization, or democratic pro-
clivities, and then point to the need for
strong national-unity building measures and
mobilization of the people (including milita-
rization) in response to the barbarians at the
gates, if not already in the gates. Sometimes,
the argument is formulated in basically ana-
lytical terms: If the required vigorous
responses to the particular challenge at hand
are not forthcoming, various calamities will
ensue (e.g., the U.S. will lose a large part of
its territory to Mexico and its Anglo-
Protestant identity will be undermined) that
implicitly call for stronger countermeasures.
In other cases, an advocacy for powerful
antidotes is quite explicit. As Huntington puts
it in the Foreword to Who Are We?, he is writ-
ing as a patriot and a scholar, in that order.
Taken on its own, the threat-response the-
sis is unproblematica correlation the valid-
ity of which even people without social
training can readily discern, and one that has
often been repeated in the annals of social
analysis. When the Nazis were about to over-
run Britain, that country suspended habeas
corpus. And few, even among the strongest
supporters of Israel, would deny that while
continuous threats from armed neighbors
and terrorists and the various responses to
them have helped to keep the segments of
Israeli society together, they have also
involved a measure of militarization of the
nation and imposed limits on various civil
The key issue then is to determine
whether a nation truly faces particular threats
477 Contemporary Sociology 34, 5
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The Real Threat: An Essay on Samuel Huntington
The George Washington University
or whether such concerns are largely
drummed up if not totally manufactured
say, in order to keep a nation under the con-
trol of one power elite or another and to
make its citizens accept various governmen-
tal measures that they otherwise would not
tolerate. These measures might include the
curtailment of rights, economic belt-tighten-
ing, and discrimination against foreigners,
among others. It is a familiar issue, seen for
example in the debates over whether or not
Saddam actually possessed nuclear weapons
that could pose an imminent threat to the
United States. Even more recently, it has
been witnessed in the argument of whether
or not Social Security is indeed in crisis. We
must ask: If the various threats are real what
is their magnitude? And if the dangers are
vastly exaggerated, what purposes are served
by such a politics of fear?
In Who Are We?, Huntington argues that
immigrants, especially those from Mexico,
are undermining the Anglo-Protestant
creed, destroying the shared identity that
makes us Americans. These immigrants do so
by refusing to assimilate, to learn English,
and to become American citizens and by
maintaining a segregated society centered on
un-American values. According to
Huntington, it is not entirely the Mexicans
fault; it is also the doing of liberal policies.
He writes:
In the late twentieth century, develop-
ments occurred that, if continued, could
change America into a culturally bifurcat-
ed Anglo-Hispanic society with two
national languages. This trend was in part
the result of the popularity of the doc-
trines of multiculturalism and diversity
among intellectual and political elites,
and the government policies on bilingual
education and affirmative action that
those doctrines promoted and sanc-
tioned. The driving force behind the
trend toward cultural bifurcation, howev-
er, has been immigration from Latin
America and especially from Mexico.
(Huntington 2004: 221)
Huntington argues that if this develop-
ment is allowed to continue, it may lead to a
profound breakup of the nation, or as he
posits, The possibility of a de facto split
between a predominately Spanish-speaking
America and English-speaking America .|.|.
with .|.|. a major potential threat to the cul-
tural and possibly political integrity of the
United States (ibid. p. 243). However,
Huntingtons concerns go beyond the mere
threat of a linguistically, culturally, and polit-
ically fractured American society. He ulti-
mately fears that Mexicans might grab a large
part of the United States: No other immi-
grant group in American history has asserted
or has been able to assert a historical claim to
American territory. Mexicans and Mexican-
Americans can and do make that claim (ibid.
p. 229). He later writes, Mexican-Americans,
in turn, argue that the Southwest was taken
from them by military aggression in the
1840s, and that the time for la reconquista
has arrived. Demographically, socially, and
culturally that is well under way (ibid.
p. 246).
Huntington often resorts to the device not
of advocating a particular course of action
but of claiming to predict that it may take
place (or, is one of the major options that the
nation faces). This technique enables nativist
sentiments to be voiced and anti-immigrant
policies to be put forth, while the author can
maintain that he is merely reporting the pos-
sible or likely outcomes of ignoring the dan-
gerous threat posed by immigration. Thus,
Huntington writes:
[T]he various forces challenging the core
American culture and Creed could gener-
ate a move by native white Americans to
revive the discarded and discredited
racial and ethnic concepts of American
identity and to create an America that
would exclude, expel, or suppress peo-
ple of other racial, ethnic, and cultural
groups. Historical and contemporary
experience suggest that this is a highly
probable reaction from a once dominant
ethnic-racial group that feels threatened
by the rise of other groups. It could pro-
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Books by Samuel Huntington cited:
Samuel P. Huntington. 2004. Who Are We?: The
Challenges to Americas National Identity. New
York: Simon and Schuster.
. 1957. The Soldier and the State: The
Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations.
Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press.
duce a racially intolerant country with
high levels of intergroup conflict. (ibid. p.
Indeed, Huntington sees this as already
beginning to happen. Pointing to some local
meetings, op-eds, and other such sociological
trivia, Huntington concludes (without dis-
cernable regret), The makings of serious
white nativist movements and of intensified
racial conflict exist in America (ibid. p. 315).
The reader should pause here and reexamine
the last sentence because it is vintage
Huntington. He points to a threat that has not
developed in order to generate support for
what he holds ought to be done.
What course then does Huntington
believe ought to be followed in order to
avoid the nativist backlash that he envi-
sioned? Although he does not say so explic-
itly, Huntington insinuates that immigration
from Mexico should enda solution that he
seems to think could lead to the resolution of
many of Americas problems. Indeed, he con-
siders this possibility at some length, writing
that The possibility of a de facto split
between predominately Spanish-speaking
America and English-speaking America
would disappear, and with it a major poten-
tial threat to the cultural and possibly politi-
cal integrity of the United States (ibid. p.
243). Above all, Huntington posits, one and
should recommit themselves to the
Anglo-Protestant culture, traditions, and
values that for three and a half centuries
have been embraced by Americans of all
races, ethnicities, and religions and that
have been the source of their liberty, uni-
ty, power, prosperity, and moral leader-
ship as a force for good in the world.
(ibid. p. xvii)
Fostering unity and suppressing differences
would also be greatly helped by putting the
nation on war-footing. According to
Huntington, the collapse of the Soviet Union
removed an external threat through opposi-
tion to which America derived a major source
of identity: The end of the Cold War
deprived America of the evil empire against
which it could define itself (ibid. p. 11). Al
Qaeda, he writes, provides a new threat, fill-
ing a void and offering hope for a reinvigo-
rated American nation and Anglo-Protestant
creed. Huntington emphasizes that a return
to this creed is especially called for because
Al Qaeda targeted the United States as a
Christian nation.
The full importance of these observations
about the favorable effects of the militariza-
tion of society will become clear once they
are viewed through the prism of
Huntingtons earlier works, to which I turn
below. They also, as we shall see shortly,
greatly help to answer the question of how
one is to treat such tomes.
Is there a threat that Mexicans will dismem-
ber the United Statesthat immigrants, espe-
cially Latinos, will destroy its unity? And is
the American essence found in Anglo-
Protestantism? Huntington uses anecdotal
and statistical data to bolster his points, as do
other such authors. The Bell Curve, for exam-
ple, includes a very large body of statistical
tables and numerous correlations. There is
some merit in showing that the data selected
for use in these works and the ways in which
they are interpreted are grossly misleading
(the ability to demonstrate the true measure
of the threat is essential to the arguments of
both Huntington and his critics). However, a
warning is called for. If one goes too far
down this road, in effect one gets sucked into
the world as fashioned by authors like
Murray and Huntington. As anybody who has
participated in a debate or political campaign
knows, the battle is half won or lost accord-
ing to who chooses the issues on which to
focus and the terms through which these
issues will be sorted out. Thus, if one follows
Huntington, implicitly accepting that good
Americans are Anglo-Protestants and that
Mexican immigrants are or are not becoming
good Americans based on how Protestant
and Anglo they become, his thesis has
already won half of the debate. If instead one
asks what Mexican immigrants have con-
tributed to make American society better and
how many Mexican immigrants (citizens and
noncitizens) have died fighting for America
in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, one
reaches rather different conclusions. It could
be argued that one should use all social mea-
surements possible in responding to
Huntingtons assertions. But in pursuing this
course, one is left open to the suggestion that
still other angles exist that were overlooked,
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and questions arise as to whether all mea-
surements should be given equal weight.
Thus, to avoid such unfruitful discussion, I
will only briefly show that even if one
accepts Huntingtons particular selection of
measurements and their interpretations, one
still does not find the threats that he evokes.
I then turn to show that Huntingtons alarms
are based on a profound misunderstanding
of what keeps the American society united
and commands our mutual respect.
The Threat of Secession?
The threat of secession is fear mongering at
its extremist form. Few developments consti-
tute a more effective call to arms than the
notion that someone is in the process of tak-
ing their homes and homeland and annexing
them to a foreign nation. As Huntington
writes, History shows that serious potential
for conflict exists when people in one coun-
try start to refer to territory in a neighboring
country in proprietary terms and to assert
special rights and claims to that territory
(ibid. p. 230). But in a work that is elsewhere
heavily footnoted, here Huntington offers no
credible evidence that Mexicans seek to or
are about to break away from America and
either return territories to Mexico or form a
new state. As Enrique Krauze, editor of Letras
Libres, points out, The obvious question is:
who made this claim, and when? No serious
(or unserious) figure of the twentieth centu-
ry, political or intellectualat least none that
I know ofever proposed something so
Indeed, one of the only sources that
Huntington gives in support of the likelihood
of a Mexican reconquista is a radical pro-
fessor from the University of New Mexico,
merely proving that if you Google enough
you can find someone to say anythingnot
that the country is about to be divided, with
large chunks of it gobbled up by aliens.
There is evidence, which Huntington
flags, that the border between the United
States and Mexico is being blurred (although
it has become less so since 9/11), but it hard-
ly supports his alarmist conclusion. If any-
thing, this development indicates that the
northern states of Mexico are becoming more
gringo-ized, given the spread of American
habits and norms and American-owned and
managed factories and supermarkets. Thus,
no one is biting off large chunks of America,
but America is sinking its teeth into other
peoples turf.
No Acculturation?
Huntingtons other and related source of
alarm, the subversion of the American creed,
identity, and unity by non-acculturating
Mexicans, likewise finds little support in the
evidence. To reiterate, I have no intention of
playing Huntingtons game and getting mired
in he said; she said or this or that poll
shows. It suffices to cite but a few pieces of
data that demonstrate that the threats he
depicts are simply not in evidence.
No English?
One major measurement of acculturation is
the acquisition of the governing language.
Huntington does not claim that Mexican
immigrants fail on this count but merely voic-
es concern that they may here differ from
other ethnic groups or even from earlier
Mexican immigrants. However, this is simply
not the case. As Tamar Jacoby puts it, Study
after study shows that virtually everyone in
the second generation grows up proficient in
English, and by the third generation, two-
thirds speak only English.
And in response
to Huntingtons charge that Mexican-
Americans can share the American dream
only if they dream in English (ibid. p. 256),
Fuchs writes, Actually, most of the grand-
children of Latino immigrants could not
dream in Spanish even if they wanted to.
Indeed, at one point even Huntington him-
self notes that the evidence simply does not
bear out this worry: English language use
and fluency for first- and second-generation
Mexicans thus seem to follow the usual pat-
tern (Huntington 2004: 231).
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Enrique Krauze. 2004. Identity Fanaticism.
Review of Who Are We?: The Challenges to
Americas National Identity. New Republic, 21
June. p. 29.
Tamar Jacoby. 2004. Rainbows End. Review
of Who Are We?: The Challenges to Americas
National Identity. Washington Post, 16 May.
Lawrence H. Fuchs. 2004. Mr. Huntingtons
Nightmare. Review of Who Are We?: The
Challenges to Americas National Identity.
American Prospect, August. p. 71.
No Protestant ethics?
Huntington writes that Mexican immigrants
exhibit low levels of socioeconomic and edu-
cational achievement and that that they are
more likely .|.|. to be on welfare than most
other groups (ibid. p. 235). The reason,
Huntington thinks (drawing on a few lines by
a few Hispanic writers), is that the character
and values of Hispanics, and particularly
Mexicans, are intrinsically different from
Anglo-Protestant ones (ibid. p. 254). He
writes that Mexicans show lack of initiative,
self-reliance, and ambition and a low prior-
ity for education (ibid. p. 254). However,
similar claims have been made about many
immigrant groups, including Catholic immi-
grants. (Indeed, at one time it was thought
that Catholic immigrants religious beliefs
were incompatible with modern capitalist
values, as Max Weber noted in his renowned
study.) All of these groups, though, accepted
the work ethic (to the extent that they did not
already have it in the first place) and pros-
pered, enriching America in the process.
Regarding welfare, a 1994 study by
Pachon and DeSipio shows that the majority
of immigrants of Hispanic descent hold full-
time jobs, and most eschew any form of gov-
ernment aid.
As to education, 58 percent of
Latinos said that a politicians approach to
this issue would be one of the most impor-
tant factors in deciding whether or not he or
she would receive their vote.
But above all, one should not get sucked
into accepting Huntingtons main thesis.
Even if it were true that many Mexican immi-
grants are slower to embrace Protestant
ethics than other immigrants, there is no evi-
dence that such a development will break up
the nation or undermine its creed. Indeed,
the opposite may well be true. Given that
more and more of our values and social rela-
tions are undermined by longer working
hours, our 24/7 society would benefit from
immigrants who value family, community,
and social life more than do Anglo-
Thus, Mexican immigrants may
save America from becoming too Protestant.
No outmarriage?
Nowhere is Huntingtons biasing of the data
and the utterly unfounded conclusions that
he draws from them more evident than in his
treatment of outmarriage. Outmarriage is par-
ticularly important because there is no more
intimate and consequential way by which
immigrants can be integrated into a society
than for them and their children to marry
members of the society into which they are
supposed to acculturate. Huntington claims
that a major sign that Mexicans are refusing
to become part of the American society is
that they do not marry individuals outside of
their ethnic group. Although he initially
admits that, Mexican intermarriage rates may
not differ greatly from the Hispanic rates, but
they are probably lower, a few lines later he
states flatly, Mexicans marry Mexicans
(Huntington 2004: 240). For Huntington, this
is simply another indication of Mexican
immigrants inability to acculturate.
I have some very reliable information to
the contrary: Minerva Morales, born in
Mexico City to Mexican parents, did me the
honor of accepting my hand in marriage.
More broadly speaking, Huntington himself
cites data that show that the proportion of
Hispanics who outmarry is high, as great as
33.2 percent for all third-generation Hispanic
women. And it is important to note that these
statistics date to 1994. Later data show, as
Jacoby reports, that Among U.S.-born Asians
and Hispanics, between a third and a half
marry someone of a different ethnicity. By
the third generation, according to some
demographers, the rates reach over 50 per-
cent for both groups.
In short, Huntington does not even come
close to showing that either the integrity of
the American society or its creed is under
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Harry Pachon and Louis DeSipio. 1994. New
Americans by Choice: Political Perspectives of
Latino Immigrants. Boulder: Westview Press.
pp. 3334.
Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family
Foundation. 2002. National Survey of Latinos
Latino Electorate.
Please see Amitai Etzioni, The Dangerous
Hispanics (and Asians) Will Save America. This
article is not yet available, but a version of it
will appear in an upcoming volume to be edit-
ed by Carol Swain.
Tamar Jacoby. 2004. The New Immigrants: A
Progress Report. P. 25 in Reinventing the
Melting Pot: The New Immigrants and What It
Means to be American, edited by Tamar Jacoby.
New York: Basic Books.
attack. There is no threatno justification for
all the countermeasures Huntington sees as
forthcoming and indirectly advocates.
At the very core of Who Are We? lies
Huntingtons basic misleading conception as
to what makes America great. Throughout
American history, and again recently, alarms
have been sounded when immigrants did not
seem to assimilate (or did not do so quickly
enough) and appeared to maintain subcul-
tural distinctions. As a result, various coercive
measures have been advocated, both to stop
immigration and to deal with those immi-
grants already in the country.
However, I join with those who see no
compelling reasons, sociological or other, to
assimilate immigrants into one indistinguish-
able American blendto apply, as James
Bryce put it, the great American solvent to
remove all traces of previous color, stripping
Americans of their various ethnic or racial
There is no need for Greek-
Americans, Polish-Americans, Mexican-
Americans, or any other group to see
themselves as plain Americans without any
particular distinction, history, or subculture.
Similarly, Americans can maintain their sepa-
rate religions from Greek-Orthodox to
Buddhism and their distinct tastes in music,
dance, and cuisine without constituting a
threat to the American whole. Indeed, the
American culture is richer for having had an
introduction to jazz and classical music, the
jig and polka, Cajun and soul food, and so
A melting pot is what Huntington has in
mind. In contrast, the image of a mosaic, if
properly understood, depicts the way in
which American society actually functions in
these matters, and very well indeed.
mosaic is enriched by a variety of elements of
different shapes and colors, but it is held
together by a single framework. The mosaic
symbolizes a society in which various com-
munities maintain their cultural particulari-
ties, proud and knowledgeable about their
specific traditions, but they also recognize
that they are integral parts of a more encom-
passing whole. As Americans, we are aware
of our different origins but also united by a
joint future and fate.
Huntingtons profound misunderstanding
of, if not contempt for, the genius of
American society is revealed in his treatment
of language, often used throughout history
and in many societies both as a major factor
in assessing the integration of immigrants
into a society and as a metaphor for their
relationship to it. Huntington writes,
If the second generation does not reject
Spanish out of hand, the third genera-
tion is also likely to be bilingual, and
the maintenance and fluency in both
languages is likely to become institu-
tionalized in the Mexican-American
community. .|.|. (Huntington 2004:
That is, Huntington holds that if Mexican-
Americans learn English but maintain Spanish
as their second language, it is an indication
that they are refusing to become good
Americans. But there is nothing un-American
in maintaining a subculture and with it a
command of the homeland language. (I note
as an aside that regrettably many third-gener-
ation immigrants, Mexicans included, do not
maintain such a command of their native
Most important, the framework of the
mosaic can be, and has been throughout
American history, both reinforced and recast
by immigrants. This cannot be stressed
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James Bryce, The American Commonwealth,
Vol. II. London, 1888: 328, 709: quoted by
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of
America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society.
New York: Norton. 1992: 7.
Tamar Jacoby. 2004. What It Means to Be
American in the 21st Century. P. 306 in
Reinventing the Melting Pot.
or further discussion of the diversity within uni-
ty model, refer to: Amitai Etzioni. 1996. The
New Golden Rule: Community and Morality in
a Democratic Society. New York: Basic Books;
Amitai Etzioni. 2003. Diversity within Unity.
In 21st Century Opportunities and Challenges:
An Age of Destruction or an Age of
Transformation, edited by Howard F. Didsbury,
Jr. Bethesda, MD: World Future Society; Amitai
Etzioni, 2003. In Defense of Diversity Within
Unity, The Responsive Community 13, no. 2
(Spring 2003); www.communitariannetwork.
org for the Diversity Within Unity platform and
for a list of those who have endorsed it.
enough as often reference is made only to
the enrichment that the addition of pieces (or
immigrants) brings to the American mosaic
(or society) by providing greater diversity
through the incorporation of a growing range
of cuisine, music, and holidays. Certainly, the
mosaic has been made more varied. But of
equal importance are the changes made to
the framework of the mosaicto what unites
us and makes us Americans. These days you
can be a good American without being a
Protestant or even a Christian. I am.
According to Huntington, American iden-
tity was defined for 200 years by
Protestantsin opposition to Catholics.
Slowly, over the generations that followed,
Catholic immigrants acculturated and either
joined Protestant churches or changed their
faith to make it Protestant-like by developing
community services, adopting lay trustees,
and recasting the Church in an American,
national waya truly odd list. I fail to see
what is Protestant about community services;
lay trusteeism is a minor adaptation of the
kind that the Catholic Church (like other reli-
gious establishments, Protestant included)
made many over the centuries. But most
notably, American Catholics chose not to
break away from the global, hierarchical
Churcha course that has defined
Protestants. Instead, they merely increased
the local autonomy of the American chapter.
This is akin to increasing states rights, not to
seceding from a federation.
Most important, American societys core of
shared values (call them a creed if you must)
and the social institutions that embody them
have changed over the generations and now
accommodate different religions as well as
secular bodies of belief. Indeed, differences
on the key moral and spiritual issues of the
day are often between fundamentalist and
moderate Americans (found in all belief sys-
tems, Protestant included) rather than simply
between the practitioners of different belief
systems. It then follows that Huntingtons
concern that Mexicans are not
Protestantizing, is a problem not for America
but only for his assimilationist approach.
Huntingtons particular slant stands out more
clearly when his take on the threats that he
claims Anglo-Protestant America is facing is
viewed in the context of his previous works.
Among these, the best known is his 1996 The
Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of
World Order. It has become one of those
books that educated people feel they ought
to have read, and if they have not, pretend to
know its content. Many people outside of the
United States view the book as just one more
significant piece of evidence as to how hos-
tile the United States is to other belief sys-
tems and nations. (In 2002, I was a guest of
the reformers in Iran at a meeting that they
held at the new Center for the Dialogue of
Civilization. And practically all of those who
attended, from many different nations, railed
against this work of Huntingtons).
There is, hence, no need here to rehash
the books main thesis, but it is useful to
revisit its main take on the world, which is
surprisingly isometric to Huntingtons take on
the domestic fate of American societyas if
he applied the same pattern to both, only on
two different scales. In The Clash of
Civilizations, the role of the beleaguered and
threatened party is played not by the United
States but by the West, which is still power-
ful but, like other previously great civiliza-
tions, at its peak and unaware that it is about
to be overtakenunless it heeds
Huntingtons warnings. The role of the
threatening Mexican from Who Are We? is
played by Islam in The Clash of Civilizations,
and the roles played by other immigrants to
the United States are reserved for other civi-
lizations, especially that of the Chinese
(Sinic). The same fifth column that bores
from within the United States, helping the
enemies of the state and the creed in Who
Are We?, also exists in the West, this time as
liberals in general and multiculturalists in
Many scholars fell into the trap of treating
The Clash of Civilizations as if it were a stan-
dard, scholarly text, questioning Huntingtons
definition of civilization and arguing that
there might be greater or fewer civilizations
than the seven that he lists, and so on. Others
held that 9/11 validated Huntington (and
Bernard Lewis) position. But, as I see it, the
particular slant of the book is most evident in
its dealing with Islam as if it were one body
of belief. Actually, Islam is subject to funda-
mentalist and moderate interpretations. Thus,
some Muslims see jihad as a call to holy war
against all nonbelievers (including other
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Muslims who follow a more moderate line),
while others interpret it as a spiritual journey.
Seyyed Hossein Nasr describes this second
interpretation, that of a softer Islam, as fol-
lows: jihd is therefore the inner battle to
purify the soul of its imperfections, to empty
the vessel of the soul of the pungent water of
forgetfulness, negligence, and the tendency
to evil and to prepare it for the reception of
the Divine Elixir of Remembrance, Light, and
Generally, Wahhabi Islam calls
for a strict interpretation of the texts, but Sufi
Islam is much more moderate and accommo-
dating to democratic and modern economic
systems. Indeed, there are hundreds of mil-
lions of Muslims in Indonesia, Bangladesh,
Malaysia, and Kyrgyzstan who are moderate
and live peacefully together with people of
other creeds. (Although the media has made
much of some increase in militant Islam in
these countries, most Muslims there continue
to remain moderate).
It is not only empirically wrong but also
psychologically troubling and strategically
counterproductive to approach the world
from an us versus them perspective and to
hold that we bring light to the world through
enlightenment, rationality, and democracy,
while they are the force of darkness, the
evil empire. A much more valid and healthi-
er approach is to recognize that there are
major moderate and fundamentalist camps in
all civilizations and that the West should
work with moderates everywhere and be on
its guard against fundamentalistsevery-
where. The West should also recognize that
just as it brings to the world concerns of
human rights and liberty, other civilizations
also bring to the world valuable concerns
that the West has increasingly neglected, for
instance those of the common good and
The true dangers faced by those who buy
into Huntingtons world are revealed when
one examines both Who Are We? and The
Clash of Civilizations in light of his first book,
The Soldier and the State: The Theory and
Politics of Civil-Military Relations, in which
he openly favors militaristic, authoritarian,
and homogeneous regimes over democratic
and pluralistic ones. Published in 1957, the
book set off a furor in Harvards Department
of Government where Huntington was then a
young and untenured professor.
At the time, only a few years had passed
since the world had faced the threat of a
Fascist regime, and many military-authoritari-
an regimes still dotted the map. Indeed, The
Soldier and the State so infuriated Carl
Friedrich, a leading political scientist at
Harvard and a refugee of Nazi Europe, that
he led a successful campaign to deny
Huntington tenure, prompting him to leave
Harvard (although he was invited back, a few
years later).
The citation of but a few quotes from the
last pages of this work in which Huntington
compares the military academy of West Point
to the nearby town of Highland Falls pro-
vides an ample idea of his vision of America.
He finds that in the military academy:
There join together the four great pillars
of society: Army, Government, College,
and Church. Religion subordinates man
to God for divine purposes; the military
life subordinates man to duty for societys
purposes. In its severity, regularity, disci-
pline, the military society shares the char-
acteristics of the religious order. Modern
man may well find his monastery in the
Army. (Huntington 1957: 465)
Huntington goes on to conclude:
West Point embodies the military ideal at
its best; Highland Falls the American spir-
it at its most commonplace. West Point is
a gray island in a many-colored sea, a bit
of Sparta in the midst of Babylon. Yet is
it possible to deny that the military val-
uesloyalty, duty, restraint, dedication
are the ones America most needs today?
That the disciplined order of West Point
has more to offer than the garish individ-
ualism of Main Street? Historically, the
virtues of West Point have been
Americas vices, and the vices of the mil-
itary, Americas virtues. Yet today
America can learn more from West Point
than West Point from America. (ibid.
pp. 46566)
How is one to treat such works? Name-call-
ing will not do. I see nothing to be gained by
calling Huntington racist, xenophobic,
Contemporary Sociology 34, 5
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Seyyed Hossein Nasr. 2002. The Heart of Islam:
Enduring Values for Humanity San Francisco:
Harper Collins. p. 260.
nativist, or chauvinist, as he has been
Nor can one ignore works that have
such wide appeal. The prejudices they air
and feed need to be addressed, and one way
to do so is to deal with such books.
However, it is best not to view them as
works of social science once it becomes clear
that their use of data is highly tendentious
and misleading. Instead, one had best lay
bare their ideological slant. In Huntingtons
case, he is a systematic and articulate advo-
cate of nationalism, militaristic regimes, and
an earlier America in which there was one
homogenous creed and little tolerance for
pluralism. I would fight for the right of such
right wing positions to be aired, just as I
would for left wing ones. However, one must
lay bare their subtext. This is best achieved
when later works are viewed in the context
of previous ones, especially when they all
reflect the same slant, as the works of
Huntington do.
Huntingtons fears are not wholly without
foundation. He defines himself as a settler,
not as an immigrant. Settlers, white and
Protestant, are those who fashioned the
true America and controlled it. This control
indeed has and is being undermined by
immigrants, yet it is not America that is losing
power and creed but (as elsewhere in the
world)the settlers. Thus, Huntingtons posi-
tion does make sense if one sees the threats
that he evokes as endangering not the nation
but his privileged groupand his alarmist
possibilities of recourse as attempts to protect
itnot the United States of America. But in
reality, it is Huntington and those who share
his position who pose a real threat to the
nation. Huntington says that he is concerned
about divisions, yet he divides the nation in
ways that very few others do, between set-
tlers and the rest of us. And to the extent that
Huntington and others are able to drum up
fearsof Mexicans, Muslims, or the
unwashed masses of votersthey may be
able to sow conflict in American society.
Moreover, they might be able to slow
those processes through which American
society has demonstrated to the world that a
nation can grow and benefit by people of dif-
ferent backgrounds and traditions becoming
a part of itwithout having these people
have to surrender their subcultural and ethnic
identities. To the extent that Huntington and
company succeed in making us approach
whole civilizations as evil empires, they will
undermine national security by causing us to
overlook major potential allies across the
world. And to the extent that they succeed in
putting the nation into a permanent, milita-
rized mobilization, they weaken the founda-
tions of democracy. It follows that reviewing
such tomes helps us to understand both the
true sources and nature of the threats that the
nation, indeed the world, face, with which
we are sure to cope as we have done in the
past and continue to do today.
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Letters. 2004. Foreign Policy. November/
December, p. 4.