Jerusalem during the Second Temple Period

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The Temple Mount

Jerusalem during the Second Temple Period refers to the city of Jerusalem (the principal city of Judea) during the period from 538 BCE to 70 CE. This phase of the city's history encompasses the Achaemenid (Persian) rule over the city until its destruction by the Roman Empire during the First Jewish–Roman War. In Jewish history this timespan is known as the Second Temple period or Second Commonwealth[1] which saw both region and city change hands several times. It was the center of religious life for all Jews, even those who lived in the diaspora prayed towards Jerusalem on a daily basis and made pilgrimages during religious festivals. Jerusalem was fertile grounds for religious creativity; the Pharisees of Second Temple Judaism developed into the Tannaim and Judaism's post-Exilic religious identity as it continues today,[2] and the Jewish Bible was likely canonized though exactly when this occurred remains disputed. It was also in Jerusalem during the later stages of this period that Christianity was born.

The 600 years of the Second Temple period can be divided into several periods, each with its own distinct political and social characteristics. The physical development of the city was greatly affected by the changing characteristics of each era, while at the same time influencing these periods themselves. The city's population was characterized by social stratification, both economic and religious, which grew more pronounced over the years. There existed in the city, for example, a clear distinction between a rich and cosmopolitan elite and the wider population wishing less influence in the nation's ways from the outside world. Social strata also encompassed different religious outlooks, each with its different emphasis: some reliant on the Temple priests, while the majority were led by traditional non-priestly families, emphasizing the world of Torah study and the development of law over the formal hierarchy established in the Temple.

Persian Period[edit]



Political state[edit]

For more details on this topic, see Yehud Medinata.

During the Babylonian period the centre of Judah had shifted northward to Benjamin; this region, once a part of the kingdom of Israel, was far more densely populated than Judah itself, and now held both the administrative capital, Mizpah, and the major religious centre at Bethel.[3] Mizpah continued as the provincial capital for over a century. The position of Jerusalem before the administration moved back from Mizpah is not clear, but from 445 BCE onwards it was once more the main city of Yehud, with walls, a temple (the Second Temple) and other facilities needed to function as a provincial capital, including, from 420 BCE, a local mint striking silver coins.[4]

The Persians may have experimented at first with ruling Yehud as a client-kingdom under descendants of Jehoiachin, who had kept his royal status even in captivity.[5] Sheshbazzar, the governor of Yehud appointed by Cyrus in 538, was of Davidic origin, as was his successor (and probable nephew) Zerubbabel; Zerubbabel in turn was succeeded by his second son and then by his son-in-law, all of them hereditary Davidic governors of Yehud, a state of affairs that ended only around 500 BCE.[6] This hypothesis - that Zerubbabel and his immediate successors represented a restoration of the Davidic kingdom under Persian overlordship - cannot be verified, but it would be in keeping with Persian policy in other parts of the Persian Empire, such as Phoenicia.[7]

The second and third pillars of the early period of Persian rule in Yehud were the institutions of High Priest and Prophet, preserved in the Hebrew Bible in the histories of Ezra-Nehemiah and the Books of Chronicles as well as the books of the prophets Zechariah, Haggai and Malachi. But by the mid-5th century BCE the prophets and Davidic kings had disappeared, leaving only the High Priest.[8] The practical result was that after c.500 BCE Yehud became in practice a theocracy, ruled by a line of hereditary High Priests.[9] Alongside the High Priest was the Persian governor, apparently usually a local, charged primarily with keeping order and seeing that tribute was paid. He would have been assisted by various officials and a body of scribes, but there is no evidence that a popular "assembly" existed, and he would have had little discretion over his core duties.[10] Evidence from seals and coins suggests that most, if not all, of the governors of Persian Yehud were Jewish, a situation which conforms with the general Persian practice of governing through local leaders.[11]

Social and religious state[edit]

Judah during the 9th and 8th centuries BCE was basically polytheistic, with Yahweh operating as a national god in the same way that surrounding nations each had their own national gods.[12] The Exile allowed the worship of "Yahweh-alone" to emerge as the dominant theology of Yehud,[13] while the "sons of Yahweh" of the old pantheon evolved into angels and demons in a process that continued into the Hellenistic age.[12]

Possibly the single most important development in the post-Exilic period was the promotion and eventual dominance of the idea and practice of Jewish exclusivity, the idea that the Jews, meaning followers of the god of Israel and of the law of Moses), were, or should be, a race apart from all others. This was a new idea, originating with the party of the golah, those who returned from the Babylonian exile;[14] behind the biblical narrative of Nehemiah and Ezra lies the fact that relations with the Samaritans and other neighbours were in fact close and cordial:[14] comparison between Ezra-Nehemiah and the Books of Chronicles bears this out: Chronicles opens participation in Yahweh-worship to all twelve tribes and even to foreigners, but for Ezra-Nehemiah "Israel" means Judah and Benjamin alone, plus the holy tribe of Levi.[15]

Urban landscape[edit]

Persian-era Jerusalem was tiny: about 1500 inhabitants, even as low as 500 according to some estimates.[16] It was the only true urban site in Yehud, the bulk of the province's population living in small unwalled villages. This picture did not much change throughout the entire Persian period, the entire population of the province remaining around 30,000. There is no sign in the archaeological record of massive inwards migration from Babylon.[17] The urban area did not include the western hill (containing the Jewish, Armenian and Christian Quarters of modern Jerusalem), which had been inside the walls before the Babylonian destruction.[18]

The Bible describes the construction of a wall by Nehemiah. In November 2007 archaeologist Eilat Mazar announced the discovery of fortifications in area G on the eastern fringes of the City of David, which she dates to Nehemiah's time;[19] Mazar's findings, however, are disputed by other archaeologists.[20]

The biblical book of Ezra also describes the construction of a new temple (the Second Temple by returning exiles from Babylon). No trace of this has been found, but its existence seems probable.

Hellenistic Period[edit]


Political state[edit]


Alexander the Great conquered the region in 332 BCE and according to several Jewish traditions even visited Jerusalem.[21] After his death the region known as Coele-Syria was contested by the Diadochi and their successor states. Between 301 and 198 BCE the Land of Israel was under the rule of Ptolemaic Egypt, but in 198 BCE it passed to the Seleucid Empire.


In 198 BCE Antiochus III conquered Jerusalem, aided by the city's Jewish population. At the beginning of the Seleucid occupation, Antiochus granted the Jews a charter allowing Jewish autonomy and the return of Jews to Jerusalem, gave certain privileges to the priests, forbade foreigners and impure animals from the Temple precinct, and allocated official funds for religious practices in the Temple (the acquisition of sacrifices, oil and incense).[23]


Social and religious state[edit]



In the early 2nd century BCE, therefore, a rift existed in Jerusalem between an economically weak, observant majority lacking civic rights, and a small Hellenized minority closely linked to the Seleucid authorities and in control of the economy, trade, local administration and even the Temple itself. Tensions were exacerbated by Antiochus' edicts against the Jewish faith, especially those introducing idol worship in the Temple and banning circumcision, and in 167 BCE a rural priest, Mattathias of Modiin, led a rebellion against the Seleucid Empire.[25]

Urban landscape[edit]


Another source purporting to describe Ptolemaic Jerusalem is the Letter of Aristeas, an account of the translation into Greek of the Septuagint. The author, supposedly an Alexandrian Jew in the service of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (309 – 246 BCE), describes a visit to the city, including the Temple Mount and the adjacent citadel, the Ptolemaic Baris. The Letter of Aristeas, however, is apparently a later creation of the mid 2nd century BCE.[26] It most likely dates to the Seleucid or Hasmonean periods, nor is there any certainty that it is a genuine eyewitness account.

Both 1 & 2 Maccabees and Flavius Josephus' Antiquities of the Jews tell of a building boom during Seleucid rule. Jason, turning Jerusalem into a Polis, also constructed the constituent architectural elements of a Greek city, including a Gymnasium and an Ephebion. Since the earliest day of archaeology in Jerusalem, great efforts have been invested in locating and identifying these buildings, but to no avail. A prime example is the attempt to locate the Acra, the citadel established by Antiochus IV Epiphanes to house the Seleucid garrison in Jerusalem.[27][28]

Hasmonean Kingdom[edit]


Political state[edit]

Although the Hasmonean rebellion broke out in 167 BCE and the Temple purified from pagan influences in 164 BCE, Jerusalem nevertheless remained dominated by the Seleucid garrison which held out in the Acra for a further 25 years. Only in 141 BCE did Simon Maccabaeus occupy the Acra and, according to Josephus, raze it to the ground.[28] From 140 BCE to 63 BCE Jerusalem was the capital of first an independent state and then an independent kingdom. As attested in 1 Maccabees, it began its own year count, distinct from the Seleucid system:

Simon's appointment was made possible by a consensus among the clergy, religious leaders, traditional aristocratic families and esteemed elders.[30] To emphasize popular legitimacy and support for his appointment, Simon established a grand tribunal which would later be known as the Great Sanhedrin. The Hasmonean leader was at once the high priest (despite not being thought to be of the Zadok family[31]), the supreme military leader as well as the Nasi of the Jews. For the first time, both religious and political leadership rested with one man.



In 67 BCE a quarrel broke out between Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II, sons and successors of Alexander Jannæus. Both parties appealed to Roman general Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (Pompey the Great), who was campaigning in the region at the time, for his assistance. Pompey decided to side with Hyrcanus (and his adviser Antipater), and Aristobulus and his followers barricaded themselves in the Temple Mount. In 63 BCE Pompey and the Roman army arrived in Jerusalem, besieged the Temple and then took it by storm, bringing an end to Jewish sovereignty. In 40 BCE, Rome granted Herod, Antipater's son, the title of King of Judea. Aided by Roman troops, Herod took Jerusalem from Antigonus II Mattathias, ending Hasmoean rule.[32]

Social and religious state[edit]

It was during Hasmonean rule that two conflicting religious factions, the Sadducees and the Pharisees, took form in Jerusalem. The Sadducees were composed mainly of members of the upper strata of Jerusalem society which included most of the priestly families, especially those receptive to Greek culture. They were centered on the Temple and their main religious concerns were those of religious impurity and Temple rituals. The Pharisees, by contrast, were led by sages and were more socially oriented, advocating the cause of the disadvantaged. Their main interests lay with Torah law and its practical application in daily life. Pharisaic interpretation of the Torah was independent of the Temple, as it fostered religious thought independent of the priestly hierarchy. The Pharisees were led by the Zugot.


Urban landscape[edit]


Hasmonean walls and fortifications[edit]

With Jewish independence restored in the mid 2nd century BCE, the Hasmoneans quickly launched an effort to populate and fortify the Upper City, the western hill abandoned after the Babylonian sacking of Jerusalem. According to 1 Maccabees 10, 10-11, "Jonathan dwelt in Jerusalem and began to rebuild and restore the city. He directed those who were doing the work to build the walls and encircle Mount Zion with squared stones, for better fortification; and they did so.",[34] while according to chapter 13, 10, Simon Maccabeus "assembled all the warriors and hastened to complete the walls of Jerusalem, and he fortified it on every side."[29] These date the construction of the Hasmonean city wall, also known as the first wall, between 142 and 134 BCE. Encompassing the City of David and the western hill, the walls were not entirely new but also incorporated elements of the earlier fortifications, such as the Iron Age "Israelite Tower" unearthed in the Jewish quarter. The wall stretched from the Tower of Hippicus (near the site of the modern Tower of David) eastward toward the Temple Mount, and south to the Southwestern Hill (modern Mount Zion, a misnomer[35]), then east to the Pool of Siloam, and finally north, meeting the wall of the Temple Mount.[36]


  • In the citadel known as the Tower of David.
  • In the Jewish Quarter, in and around the "Israelite Tower" and the remains of what may have been the "Gennath gate" mentioned by Josephus.


Fortress palaces[edit]


The other notable structure researchers have been trying to locate is the Hasmonean Palace. Josephus' description is quite precise: "over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the Temple to the gallery."[38] It is quite possible, therefore, to locate the approximate position of the palace, in front of the Temple slightly north of the modern Jewish Quarter. This location would make both topographic (on a lofty spot) and administrative (adjacent to the wealthy and priestly quarters in the upper city) sense. Overlooking the Temple, it would provide the king and high priest an observation point into events there within.

Hasmonean Burial[edit]

Jason's Tomb




Hasmonean Water Works[edit]

As Jerusalem grew so did the demand for water, of which the city had inadequate supplies. Water works were therefore built to convey water to a storage pool northwest of the Temple Mount, draining both Beit Zeita stream and the Tyropoeon. The tunnel is 80 meters long, approximately 1.20 feet (0.37 m) wide, and 12 feet (3.7 m) high at its tallest point. The "Hasmonean tunnel" or "Hasmonean viaduct", as it is known, was unearthed during excavations by the Israeli Ministry of Religious Affairs in 1985 and is currently accessible through the Western Wall Tunnel. The exact mining date has not yet been ascertained, and while some date it as early as the First Temple period, it certainly precedes Herod.


The Hasmonean period also witnessed efforts to deliver water to Jerusalem from further afield. It was probably during Alexander Jannæus' reign that the lower aqueduct was hewn, transporting water from the spring of Ein Eitam (near Bethlehem) to the vicinity of the Temple Mount. As Ein Eitam's altitude is only 30 meters higher than that of the mount, this was a significant feat of technology and engineering. The aqueduct had to bypass several ridges to reach its destination and is therefore very twisted, requiring it to maintain a slope of three feet for every mile. To make it shorter, a 400 meters tunnel was carved below the Jabel Mukaber ridge.

Herodian period[edit]


Political state[edit]


Social and religious state[edit]

Herod once again turned Jerusalem into a Hellenistic city, including all the constituent elements and institutions of a Polis. He built a large theatre, instituted wrestling tournaments in honor of the Emperor, staged spectacles where men fought wild animals,[24] and encouraged gentile immigration to Jerusalem. Herod adorned his Hellenistic architecture with decorations depicting pagan gods and his currency carried pagan motifs. Nevertheless, Herod's efforts did not go entirely unappreciated by his subjects :

Jerusalem was at once a grand pagan city and the center of Jewish life at its peak. Temple ritual continued unabated in the new and lavish building. Huge number of pilgrims, perhaps as many as a million,[42] filled the city streets during Passover, supposedly in an atmosphere described by the Talmud as :

Philo, himself a Hellenized Jew, described Jerusalem during festivities:


Indeed, Jewish Jerusalem was united in its hatred of King Herod. Herod was a cruel ruler who employed spies and informants, foreign officials and customs agents. There were boundaries, however, that Herod refrained from crossing: he did not enter the Temple Mount precinct, nor placed foreign idols in the Temple, nor performed pagan sacrifices in the city. Jerusalem was Herod's showcase and he invited powerful individuals from Rome to view its splendor. Jerusalem did indeed make the desired impression and Roman historian Pliny the Elder described her as:

In the religious sense, popular preoccupation with the Halakah laws of impurity and defilement is evident. Archaeological findings indicate widespread use of stone vessels, a material that according to Judaism cannot be defiled, in many homes, especially those attributed to the priestly class. Excavations throughout the city have located many Mikvaot, including several large public baths beside the main street leading up to the Temple. These apparently served the pilgrims prior to their ascent to the Temple Mount.[46] The ban on idols and graven images seems to have been closely followed as well, for these are absent in even the most luxurious homes, where only geometrical designs are found.

At this time Jerusalem also saw an influx of gentiles, some of whom desired to convert to Judaism. Philo wrote of the phenomenon:


Urban landscape[edit]





Herodian city walls[edit]


Herodian Citadels[edit]

  • Herod's Palace. South of the Herodian citadel stood the King's palace, "which exceeds all my ability to describe it".[55] Nevertheless, Josephus does provide a detailed description of the grandeur and luxury of Herod's residence: the magnificent halls decorated in gems, silver and gold, the ceilings made of decorated wooden beams, with enough beds to house a hundred guests. It was dotted with open courts and colonnades.
Josephus laments the destruction of the palace, not at the hands of the Romans which later sacked the city, but by warring parties from within.[55] No remains of the palace have been positively identified, though excavations in the Armenian Quarter, south of the Tower of David, have unearthed a system of massive retaining walls thought to belong to the Herodian structure.

Temple Mount[edit]

Herod's Temple
Main article: Herod's Temple

The Temple built upon the end of the Babylonian Captivity was a modest one, small and simple. Herod, seeking to ingratiate himself with his subjects and to glorify his own name, massively expanded both the Temple and very mount on which it stood. Under Herod, the area of the Temple Mount doubled in size.[56][57][58]

The Temple was the masterpiece of Herod's massive building enterprise, built of white and green marble, and perhaps even blue marble used to portray waves.[41] The building was continuously improved, even after Herod's death and up to its very destruction in 70 CE.[59]

Unlike the earlier structures which stood at the site, there are in fact many archaeological finds, including inscriptions, supporting Josephus' account of Herod's Temple.[60] Herod expanded the Temple courtyard to the south, where he built the Royal Stoa, a basilica used for commercial purposes, similar to other forums of the ancient world.[48]

Other structures[edit]

Reconstruction of Robinson's Arch

The Upper City was the name given to neighborhoods constructed on the hill currently referred to as Mount Zion, particularly those parts which reside inside the city's Medieval walls, beneath today's Jewish and Armenian Quarters. It is higher in altitude than the City of David and the Temple Mount. During Herod's reign this was the residence of the priestly class as well as the affluent and overlooked the Temple. It was connected to the Temple compound via a large bridge, the sole remains of which can be seen in Wilson's Arch, next to the Western Wall.

The Herodian street was Jerusalem's main artery, stretching north from the Pool of Siloam, under Robinson's Arch, along the Western Wall, and under Wilson's Arch.[61] Archaeological excavations alongside the Western Wall have revealed that the street terminated at a square near the Antonia, though there are visible remains (such as pre-prepared paving stones) indicating that the street was not yet complete.

The street was built over a drainage system constructed of large and beautifully dressed white stones.[61] From the Pool of Siloam the street climbed up moderate steps that led up to today's Western Wall plaza. Various shops and stores were situated along its central portion, at the foot of the Temple Mount (along today's Western Wall).[62] Among these were likely shops where sacrificial animals could be bought as well as exchangers allowing pilgrims to exchange currency and provide them with the Half Shekel ritual tax each Jew was annually obliged to pay for Temple maintenance. At the southwestern corner of the Temple Mount stood the street's most important junction. From there it was possible to turn east towards the Huldah Gates, north - up the street, or to ascend Robinson's Arch to the Royal Stoa.[49] Several remains of the street can still be seen in several places: at the Pool of Siloam, in the Western Wall Tunnels, and at the Jerusalem Archaeological Park at the foot of the Temple Mount. The latter features sections of the street buried by the collapse of Robinson Arch's at the time of the Roman sacking of Jerusalem.


Herodian water works[edit]


Roman Prefects, Procurators, and the Destruction of the Temple[edit]

Jerusalem at the end of the Second Temple Period

After Herod's death in 4 BCE and a brief period of rule under Herod Archelaus as a tetrarchy, Judea was made into a Roman province called Iudaea in 6 CE, which was first governed by prefects till 41, then briefly by Agrippa I, and after 44 by procurators.

Political state under the Prefects[edit]

The Roman Prefects of Judea were Equestrians assigned to that position without any connection to the land or concern for its populace. Their rule was subsequently characterized by an increased tax burden, undermining an already delicate political situation. This was further exacerbated after 44 CE with the appointment of Greek Procurators who were deemed hostile to Judaism. These are supposed to have given a higher priority to making personal gain over the general well-being of their subjects. Contemporaneous literature describes the period as one of anarchy, agitation and violence, with government activity reduced to mere tax collection. Jewish indignation at Roman rule eventually led to the First Jewish–Roman War. This period nevertheless featured a short period of nominal independence during the reign of King Agrippa I, between 41-44 CE,[63] which in a sense saw the restoration of the Herodian Dynasty though there is no indication that the status as Roman province was even temporarily dissolved.

Social and religious state[edit]


As the tax burden increased and Roman contempt towards the sanctity of both Jerusalem and Temple became apparent, so did the strength of a new sect increase. The Zealots,[64] radical Pharisees embodied by Beit Shammai, were dedicated to the restoration of Jewish independence and advocated open rebellion. In time their policies became increasingly extreme, their organization took on military form, and they managed to enlist the sympathies of the younger generation of the Pharisees and even some of the Sadducees.

The Essenes were a monastic cult that had apparently split from the Sadducees and retired from public life. Possibly spurned by the difficult social and political conditions, they set up desert communities where they maintained strict laws of purity and justice. Social anarchy and religious unrest led to a widespread belief in an approaching apocalypse, an "end of days". Other cults and sects sprung up as well, some with their own "prophet" or "messiah". Such were the Fourth Philosophy, a group mentioned by Josephus[65] and related to the Zealots, the Boethusians, an offshoot of the Sadducees, and even Early Christianity. The corrupt Roman prefects and their oppressive conduct contributed to growing resistance and the proliferation of extremist groups, such as the Sicarii, opposed not only to Roman rule but also to Sadducee and Pharisee moderates.


Urban Landscape[edit]


According to Josephus, Agrippa had intended to construct a wall at least 5 meters think, virtually impregnable to contemporary siege engines. Agrippa, however, never moved beyond the foundations, out of fear of emperor Claudius "lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs."[66] It was only completed later, to a lesser strength and in much haste, when the First Jewish–Roman War broke out and the defences of Jerusalem had to be bolstered. Nine towers adorned the third wall.

Revolt, civil war and destruction[edit]


A revolt erupted following the appointment of prefect Gessius Florus in 64 CE and his demand to receive the Temple funds.[63] It began in Jerusalem where it was led by local zealots who murdered and set fire to the house of the moderate high priest and a bonds archive in order to mobilize the masses. From Jerusalem the revolt then spread to the rest of the country, especially the mixed cities of Caesarea, Beit She'an and the Galilee. Roman suppression of the revolt begun in the north, with an expeditionary force led by the Roman legate of Syria, Cestius Gallus, making its way to Jerusalem. Gallus failed to take the city and decided to withdraw. Pursued by rebel scouts, the Roman troops were ambushed in the Pass of Beth-Horon, losing the equivalent of an entire legion. Gallus managed to escape but died shortly after.

A popular assembly was then convened in Jerusalem to formulate policy and decide upon a subsequent course of action. Dominated by the moderate Pharisees, including Shimon ben Gamliel, president of the Sanhedrin, it appointed military commanders to oversee the defence of the city and its fortifications. Leadership of the revolt was thus taken from the Zealots and given to the more moderate and traditional leadership of the Pharisses and Sadducees. Lacking sufficient military or administrative skills, these were not military leaders but rather the men deemed able to conclude a negotiated settlement with the Romans. During a brief period of renewed independence, indications are that Jerusalem enjoyed a sense of hope and prosperity. It minted its own coins and a new year count, beginning with its recent liberation, was initiated. This short-lived independence, however, was soon challenged by the Romans. In early 68 CE, Roman General Vespasian landed at Ptolemais and began suppression of the revolt with operations in the Galilee. By July 69 all of Judea but Jerusalem had been pacified and the city, now hosting rebel leaders from all over the country, came under Roman siege. A fortified stronghold, it may have held for a significant amount of time, if not for the intense civil war that then broke out between moderates and Zealots.[67]

Simon Bar Giora and John of Giscala, prominent Zealot leaders, placed all blame for the failure of the revolt on the shoulders of the moderate leadership. The Zealots resolved to prevent the city from falling into Roman hands by all means necessary, including the murder of political opponents and anyone standing in their way. There were still those wishing to negotiate with the Romans and bring a peaceful end to the siege. The most prominent of these was Yochanan ben Zakai, whose students smuggled him out of the city in a coffin in order to deal with Vespasian. This, however, was insufficient to deal with the madness that had now gripped the Zealot leadership in Jerusalem and the reign of terror it unleashed upon the population of the city.[68] Josephus describes various acts of savagery committed against the people by its own leadership, including the torching of the city's food supply in an apparent bid to force the defenders to fight for their lives.

In the summer of 69 CE, Vespasian departed Judea for Rome and in December became Emperor. Command of the Roman legions passed to his son Titus, who now managed the siege of Jerusalem. In the spring of 70 CE, Roman forces breached the "third wall", then the "second wall" and by summer had taken control of the Antonia. The Zealots still maintained control of the temple compound and the upper city, but on Tisha B'Av (August 10) 70 CE, Roman forces overwhelmed the defenders and set fire to the temple. Jewish resistance continued but a month later the upper city was taken as well and the entire city burnt to the ground, save for the three towers of the Herodian citadel which Titus spared as testimony to the city's former might.[67] According to Josephus, over a million people had died in the siege and subsequent fighting.

See also[edit]



  2. ^ Brueggemann (2002), pp. 11–12.
  3. ^ Philip R. Davies, The Origin of Biblical Israel
  19. ^ Leftkovits, Etgar (November 28, 2007), Nehemiah's wall uncovered, Jerusalem Post 
  20. ^ Finklestein, Israel (2009), "Persian Period Jerusalem and Yehud: A Rejoiner", The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 9 
  21. ^ Alexander and the Jews
  22. ^ Grabbe, Lester L. (2006). A comprehensive and readable introduction to the Judaism of the Second Temple period. T & T Clark. p. 35. ISBN 0-567-08506-6. 
  23. ^ Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 12.139
  24. ^ a b c Goldman, Martin (2010). "Under the Influence - Hellenism in ancient Jewish life". Biblical Archaeology Review 35 (1). 
  25. ^ Rocca (2008), p. 4.
  26. ^ Honigman S. 2003. The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria, pp. 128 – 130. Routledge, London.
  27. ^ 1 Maccabees 5, 29-30
  28. ^ a b Rocca (2008), p. 16.
  29. ^ a b 1 Maccabees 13
  30. ^ 1 Maccabees 14, 28
  31. ^ Prof. James C. Vanderkam present the argument in "Were The Hasmoneans Zadokites?", JBL 124/1 (2005) 73-87, that the Hasmoneans may very well have been Zadokite.
  32. ^ a b Rocca (2008), p. 5.
  33. ^ Isaiah 60
  34. ^ 1 Maccabees 10
  35. ^ The current identification of the Southwestern Hill as Mount Zion is a medieval one. During the Second Temple period Mount Zion was the hill on which the Temple stood.
  36. ^ a b Rocca (2008), pp. 14-15.
  37. ^ Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 15, 403
  38. ^ Josephus, The Jewish War 2, 344
  39. ^ Babylonian Talmud: Tractate Baba Bathra
  40. ^ Rocca (2008), p. 6.
  41. ^ a b Tract Succah (Booths): Chapter V
  43. ^ Ethics of the Fathers: Chapter Five
  44. ^ Philo, The Special Laws I
  45. ^ Pliny the Elder, The Natural History 5.14
  46. ^ E. Mazar (2002), pp. 46. 61.
  47. ^ Philo, On the Life of Moses II
  48. ^ a b E. Mazar (2002), pp. 33-34.
  49. ^ a b E. Mazar (2002), pp. 34-37.
  50. ^ E. Mazar (2002), pp. 48-49.
  51. ^ John 19:17-20 (King James Version)
  52. ^ Rocca (2008), pp. 25, 28.
  53. ^ a b Josephus, The Jewish War V, 156
  54. ^ Rocca (2008), p. 28.
  55. ^ a b c Josephus, The Jewish War V, 172
  59. ^ E. Mazar (2002), p. 26.
  60. ^ E. Mazar (2002), pp. 24-61.
  61. ^ a b E. Mazar (2002), pp. 37-38.
  62. ^ E. Mazar (2002), pp. 39-41.
  63. ^ a b c Rocca (2008), p. 8.
  65. ^ Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 18, 6-8
  66. ^ a b Josephus, The Jewish War V, 142
  67. ^ a b Rocca (2008), pp. 51-52.
  68. ^ Rocca (2008), p. 9.

References: primary sources[edit]

Persian Period

Hasmonean Period

Herodian and Roman Periods

  • Gittin Tractate (Talmud) - An account of the Temple's destruction.

References: secondary sources[edit]

  • Brueggemann, Walter (2002). Reverberations of Faith: A Theological Handbook of Old Testament Themes. Westminster John Knox Press. ISBN 978-0-664-22231-4
  • Levine, Lee I (2002). Jerusalem: portrait of the city in the second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.). Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Jewish Publications Society. ISBN 978-0-8276-0750-7
  • Mazar, Benjamin (1975). The Mountain of the Lord. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. ISBN 0-385-04843-2
  • Mazar, Eilat (2002). The Complete Guide to the Temple Mount Excavations. Jerusalem, Israel: Shoham Academic Research and Publication. ISBN 965-90299-1-8
  • Rocca, Samuel (2008). The Forts of Judaea 168 BC – AD 73. Oxford, United Kingdom: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-171-7.