Lithuania – Global Voices Citizen media stories from around the world Tue, 01 Jun 2021 19:06:58 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Citizen media stories from around the world Lithuania – Global Voices clean Lithuania – Global Voices (Lithuania – Global Voices) Creative Commons Attribution, see our Attribution Policy for details. Citizen media stories from around the world Lithuania – Global Voices Belarus grounds Ryanair flight, detains independent journalist amid regime's crackdown on media Sun, 23 May 2021 16:32:47 +0000 The grounding of a civilian flight by Belarus is unprecedented

Originally published on Global Voices


Raman Pratasevich, ex-admin of NEXTA-Live, current editor-in-chief of Belarus Golovnogo Mozga. Screenshot from video by Euronews on YouTube.

A civilian flight from Athens to Vilnius was forced to make an unplanned landing in Minsk, Belarus on May 23 after an allegedly false bomb threat on board. Upon landing, Belarusian authorities detained Raman Pratasevich, an independent journalist wanted by the Lukashenka government on extremist charges.

Pratasevich is a former administrator of the Telegram channel NEXTA-Live, which has been covering the anti-government protests in Belarus. He recently became the editor-in-chief of Belarus Golovnogo Mozga (Belarus of the Brain), another Telegram-based independent media outlet.

Our editor-in-chief, Roman Protasevich, has been detained in Minsk airport

A Ryanair airplane heading from Athens to Vilnuis has landed in Minsk's National airport. The airplane sent out a distress signal and changed course unexpectedly.

As reported by the Media Solidarity Belarus campaign on Twitter, the FR4978 flight was close to the Lithuanian border when it was diverted to land in Minsk. Belarus sent a Mig-29 fighter jet to intercept the civilian plane and force a local landing. On the ground, Belarusian border and law enforcement officials inspected the passengers’ luggage and IDs and subsequently detained Pratasevich.

While on the flight, the journalist had reportedly messaged his friends to indicate he may have been shadowed by Belarusian state security. His whereabouts are currently unknown, though according to Euroradio, police have confirmed his arrest.

In November 2020, Belarusian authorities announced that Pratasevich, along with another NEXTA-Live administrator Stsyapan Putsila, were being investigated on charges of organising mass disorder, disrupting public order, and inciting social hatred. NEXTA-Live and the Belarus Golovnogo Mozga channel were both designated ‘extremist’ by Belarusian authorities. The latter channel's founder, Ihar Losik, has been in jail since June 2020 and recently ended a six-week hunger strike.

Both Pratasevich and Putsila had previously moved abroad fearing prosecution after other activists’ arrests.

Based on the charges against him, Pratasevich could face a lengthy jail term and, potentially, more severe consequences.

Former opposition presidential candidate Sviatlana Tsihanouskaya and Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda, along with other EU leaders, have both condemned the incident and Pratasevich's detention.

Though the grounding of a civilian flight by Belarus is unprecedented, Pratasevich's detention is only the latest episode in the ongoing crackdown against Belarusian independent media. According to the Belarusian Association of Journalists, 29 reporters are currently behind bars.

On May 21, Belarusian law enforcement raided the Minsk studio used by Belsat, a Polish-based TV station that has produced investigations critical of Lukashenka and his milieu. Six Belsat employees were detained. Earlier this year, two Belsat journalists, Daria Chultsova and Katsiaryna Andreyeva, were handed two-year prison sentences for reporting live from a Minsk protest rally.

Earlier this week, Belarusian authorities launched a probe of the country's largest independent online media outlet, as part of an investigation into suspected tax evasion. A number of journalists were detained, with police searching the homes of several of its editors. The website was also blocked.

Press freedom organisation Committee to Protect Journalists has condemned the pressure against the media outlet, while Amnesty International has called the blocking of the website, which is read by over 40% of Belarusian internet users, a ‘full-scale assault on the right to freedom of expression and media freedom in Belarus’.

The newsroom has launched a standalone website,, to keep readers updated on the case against

Find out more about the turmoil in Belarus here

In the heart of Europe, an endangered Turkic language lives on Mon, 09 Nov 2020 16:40:35 +0000 Romuald Čaprockij is one of the few remaining native speakers of Karaim

Originally published on Global Voices

Plaque on the administrative building for the Karaim community of Trakai, Lithuania, with Karaim (top) and Lithuanian (bottom) language inscriptions, as well as the Karaim coat of arms. Photo (c): Filip Noubel, used with permission.

Turkic languages are spoken by an estimated 200 million people in countries and territories extending from Siberia, China, Central Asia to Turkey, the Middle East and the Balkans.

But perhaps surprisingly, one of them lives on in the heart of Europe. Karaim is still spoken in small communities in Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine — but only just. According to Ethnologue, there may now be less than 100 speakers of Karaim worldwide.

Historically, the Karaim language was the vernacular of the Karaim people, an ethnoreligious group who practice a variant of Karaism, a faith close to but distinct from mainstream forms of Judaism. The origins of the Karaim people are widely debated; in the early 20th century their leader, Seraya Shapshal, advanced the theory that the Karaites were of Turkic origin. Partly on this basis, the Karaim were spared the fate of their Jewish neighbours during the Nazi occupation of Lithuania.

To make this history even more complex, not all those who practice Karaite Judaism are of ethnic Karaim origin, nor are they Karaim speakers. In this sense, Karaim is sociolinguistically similar to Jewish languages such as Ladino, Judaeo-Tajik and Yiddish which contain many Hebrew words but are not part of the Semitic language family.

Lithuania is home to one of the largest community of Karaims, whose name means “the ones reading“. The country's estimated 300 Karaims have been established here since the 13th century, many of them in the old fortress town of Trakai. They are now recognised as one of Lithuania's national minorities.

To find out more about the current status of the Karaim language and its chances for survival, I spoke to Romuald Čaprockij, one of the few remaining native speakers of Karaim. Čaprockij, a Sinologist, linguist and translator, is based in the Lithuanian capital of Vilnius.

Romuald Čaprockij (right) in Trakai, Lithuania. Photo (c): Filip Noubel, used with permission

Filip Noubel (FN): Can you explain the origin of the Karaim language? 

Ромас Чапроцкис (РЧ): Караимский язык (къарай, карай тили; karaj tili) – относится к кыпчакско-половецкой подгруппе тюркских языков. Исторически караимский язык использовался носителями на Украине – в Луцке, в Галиче Львовской области и в Крыму,  в Литве (Вильнюс, Паневижис, Тракай) и в Польше. Генетически связывают караимов с той частью тюркоязычных хазар, которые исповедовали иудаизм караитского толка. 

Караимский язык имеет три диалекта: крымский, который полностью совпадает со средним (орта йолакъ) диалектом крымскотатарского языка, за исключением иудаизмов, тракайский (диалект литовских караимов) и галицко-луцкий (галичский).

Все диалекты караимского языка использовались в трёх регистрах: 1) разговорный язык; 2) литературный язык; 3) книжный язык — язык переводов Библии. Библия переводилась на караимский язык до 19 в., а печатный перевод Танаха появился впервые в 1841 г. в Гезлёве (Евпатория). На всех диалектах караимского языка имеется обширная литература, включая периодические издания. Караимский язык ранее пользовался еврейским алфавитом, затем — латинским. В последние столетия (в русскоязычных изданиях) использовался русский алфавит.

Караимский язык содержит значительное количество слов, характерных только для древних тюркских языков. Поэтому, для обогащения словарного запаса турецкого языка в 1924 г. по инициативе президента Турции Мустафы Кемаля Ататюрка специально созданная комиссия, Türk Dil Kurumu, прибыла в Тракай, а результатом работы данной комиссии было введение 330 караимских слов в турецкий академический словарь.

Первые знания о караимском языке появились в Европе в XVII веке. Уже на рубеже XVI-XVII веков немецкий востоковед пастор Буксторф впервые сообщил, что крымские караимы читали Ветхий Завет на тюркском языке.

Romuald Čaprockij (RČ): The Karaim language, called къарай, карай тили or karaj tili in Karaim is a Turkic language of the Kipchak-Polovets subgroup. Historically, it was spoken by people in Lutsk and Galich in the Lviv region of Ukraine, on the Crimean peninsula, in Lithuania (in the cities of Vilnius, Panevėžys and Trakai) and in Poland. Genetically, the Karaim are connected to Turkic-speaking Khazars who practiced Karaite Judaism.

There are three Karaim dialects: the Crimean, which is similar to the middle dialect of the Crimean Tatar language, except for words related to Judaism; the Trakai dialect (as spoken by Lithuanian Karaims), and the Galician Karaim dialect.

All the Karaim dialects have been used in three different registers: as a spoken language, as a literary language and as a religious language for the translation of the Bible. By the 19th century the bible had already been translated into Karaim, while the first translation of the Tanakh or Hebrew Bible was made in 1841 in Yevpatoria, Crimea. One can find a great deal of literature printed in all Karaim dialects, including periodicals. In the past, the Karaim language used the Hebrew alphabet, and later the Latin. In the last century, Cyrillic was also used for content printed in Russia.

The Karaim language contains a significant quantity of words that are typical of ancient Turkic languages. So when in 1924 the Turkish President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk founded a commission, the Türk Dil Kurumu, in order to enrich the vocabulary of the new Turkish language, its specialists visited Trakai and ended up adding 330 Karaim words to the academic dictionary of the Turkish language.

The first mentions of the Karaim language appeared in Europe in the 17th century. In the late 16th to early 17th centuries, the German pastor and orientalist Johannes Buxtorf was to first to note that the Crimean Karaims read the Old Testament in a Turkic language.

This Russian-language video details the cultural heritage of the Karaims of Crimea, including their clothes, architecture and food:

FN: What is the current status of the Karaim language today in Lithuania? What efforts are being made to save the Karaim language? 

РЧ: С 2002 года традиционно в июне или в июле проводится летняя школа караимского языка и культуры в Тракай. На школу собираются караимы не только из Литвы, но и представители из других стран Европы, главным образом из Польши, Украины, России. Караимскому языку уделяется очень мало внимания и времени. Отсутствие надлежащих пособий, методов преподавания и другие причины, полнейшая немотивированность – не дали ощутимых результатов по развитию и сохранению караимского языка. На сегодняшний день живым считается тракайский диалект на котором и ведутся занятия по языку во время летней школы. Примечательно и то, что с конца 80-х и начала 90-х годов попытки организовывать воскресные школы или же индивидуальные занятия с носителем языка не увенчались успехом. В настоящее время отмечено немногим более 20 носителей родного языка в разной мере или по уровню владения в Литве. Язык не сохраняется, и  никакие меры ни кем не принимаются. Язык не исследуется, а состояние дел с К.Я. Вообще не обсуждается общиной. Одной из последних работ по караимскому языку является учебник караимского языка “Mien karajče ürianiam”, изданный в 1996 году и составленный покойным председателем литовской караимской общины Миколасом Фирковичюсом. Недавно также перевели Маленького Принца Антуана де Сент-Экзюпери на караимский язык.

Конечно на караимском языке всё ещё ведутся богослужения в Кенасах в Тракай либо в Вильнюсе где читаются молитвы. Но понимающих суть слов увы можно сосчитать на пальцах, так как молитвенный язык имеет его литургическое содержание, а не разговорную речь.

RČ: Every June and July since 2002, a summer school of Karaim language and culture has been held in Trakai. Karaims from Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, Russia and other European countries attend. But little time is dedicated to the Karaim language. The lack of teaching material and motivation have visible results when it comes to the development and protection of the Karaim language. Today the living dialect is the one from Trakai, which is used during the summer school. It is interesting to note that attempts dating back to the late 1980s and early 1990s to organise Sunday schools or individual classes with native speakers have failed. Today there are about 20 native speakers left in Lithuania. The language is not being maintained, and no measures are being taken [to preserve it]. It is not being researched and the community does not discuss the state of the language. One of the latest works about the Karaim language is a manual of the language, called “Mien karajče ürianiam”, published in 1996 by the late spiritual leader of the Karaim community in Lithuania, Mikolas Firkovičius. More recently, Antoine de Saint-Exupery's Little Prince was also translated into Karaim.

Of course, Karaim is still used during prayers in the Kenasas [Karaite prayer houses] in Trakai and Vilnius. But you can count on the fingers of one hand the number of people who actually understand the words, as the language of the prayers is primarily liturgical and has less in common with the spoken language.

Nevertheless, there has been a resurrection of interest in Karaim among some artists and scholars in central and eastern Europe. This year, the Polish singer and composer Karolina Cicha, whose work pays tribute to Poland's ethnic minorities, released a virtual album of traditional songs in the Karaim language. The following is a traditional Karaim banquet song:

FN: How would you describe your experiences as one of the last native speakers of Karaim?

РЧ: Родился я в Паневежисе в караимской семье. С малых лет слышал родную речь не только дома, но и во время посещений караимами из местной общины нашей семьи, или приезжающих из др. городов Литвы родственников или земляков. Так как все они были старше меня или пожилого возраста, то все владели родным языком. По свидетельству и рассказу моей же матери, когда меня отдали в детский сад, то воспитатель спросила у моей мамы – а ребёнок он у вас не литовец? он разговаривал на непонятном нам языке. Ответ матери был – да он не литовец, он – караим.
До конца 90-х лично ещё мог разговаривать на родном со старшими родственниками и соплеменниками. Сейчас почти такой возможности почти не имею. Факт личного интереса тюркскими языками и вместе с тем родным – не даёт в сознании предать забвению тувгъан тиль (родной язык).  в настоящее время начиная с лета 2020 г. по инициативе активистов веду он-лайн уроки Тракайского диалекта на английском языке.

RČ: I was born in a Karaim family in Panevėžys, Lithuania. From my earliest years, I heard Karaim not only at home, but during visits by members of our local Karaim community and by those from other cities in Lithuania. As they were all older than me or already elderly, they all spoke in their mother tongue. According to my mother, when I was sent to Kindergarten, the teacher asked her: “Isn't your kid Lithuanian? He spoke in a language we couldn't understand.” My mum responded: “Indeed, he is not Lithuanian, he is Karaim.”

Until the late 1990s, I could speak Karaim with older members of the family and the community. Now I have almost no opportunity to do so. But because I am personally interested in Turkic languages, and Karaim, I cannot betray тувгъан тиль [tuvgan til’] — my mother tongue. This summer, I started teaching the Trakai dialect version of the language online in English, thanks to an initiative launched by activists.

FN: Where can online resources about the Karaim language be found? 

РЧ: На данный момент никаких цифровых платформ по караимскому языку как таковых не существует кроме как на странице общины польских караимов и на странице караимско-русского словаря.

RČ: As of now, there are no online platforms for [learning] the Karaim language, except the page of the community of the Polish Karaims and two pages of a Karaim-Russian dictionary.

Belarus in turmoil: The view from neighbouring Lithuania Wed, 19 Aug 2020 00:21:10 +0000 Belarusians’ activism has surprised even their familiar neighbours in Lithuania

Originally published on Global Voices

Vilnius’ Cathedral Square, one of the most prominent landmarks of the capital of Lithuania. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.

Belarus and Lithuania share more than just a 600-km long border in the north of Central Europe. Although both countries have gone in very different ways since the collapse of the Soviet Union — Lithuania may be a NATO and EU member and Belarus part of the Russian-led CSTO military alliance — much in their common history unites them. While Belarusians are a small minority in Lithuania, representing less than two percent of the population, this minority plays an important role in Belarusian national historical narratives; from the 14th to the 17th century, Belarus and Lithuania were part of the same entity, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and many key Belarusian intellectuals lived, worked, and studied in Vilnius, its capital.

Today the two neighbours share in the aftermath of the August 9 presidential elections in Belarus, which has seen Belarusians take to the streets in mass protests against an attempt by longtime President Alyaksandr Lukashenka to secure a sixth consecutive term in office. Lukashenka came to power in 1994, and over his long rule more than a handful of Belarusian opposition activists have moved to Lithuania. Several Belarusian civil society organisations can be found in the Lithuanian capital Vilnius as well as the European Humanities University, which the Belarusian government forced out of the country in 2004.

Lithuania remains a likely destination for opposition supporters if the political situation in Belarus deteriorates further. They would join opposition candidate Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who fled to Lithuania on August 11 after receiving threats from the Belarusian authorities. In exile, she continues to call upon Belarus to hold free and fair elections and announces her readiness to lead a transitional government.

For its part, the Lithuanian government has voiced strong support for the opposition protesters. For example, on August 12 the country opened its borders, which were shut due to the COVID-19 pandemic, to Belarusian citizens. Then on August 18, the Lithuanian parliament voted overwhelmingly in support of sanctions against Belarus, stressing that the results of the presidential election must not be recognised.

What does the Lithuanian government seek to achieve with these moves? And what do Lithuanians make of the turmoil next door? GlobalVoices spoke to Lithuanian activists, politicians, and civil society figures to find out more.

Surprises and solidarity 

Despite this familiarity, Lithuanians were taken by surprise when Belarusians responded with such anger to the announcement of the election results, particularly their readiness to take to the streets in the face of incredible state violence and to go on strike.

Lithuania's former prime minister and current member of the European Parliament for Lithuania Andrius Kubilius told GlobalVoices that he sees a generational dynamic at work in these protests:

What triggered this unexpected reaction is a systemic change, the end of what I call the totalitarian regime syndrome of former Soviet states. After 26 years in power, Lukashenka could not provide permanent growth of social conditions. During the last ten years, it actually went into the opposite direction in Belarus. It is also a generational change, Lukashenka always tried to convince people how bad it was before he took power in 1994, but young people did not witness that “before”. They travel and see different living conditions for themselves. Belarusian society has changed dramatically, but Lukashenka hasn't, and that became unacceptable.  

From Belarusian experts, we hear that the final straw was the pandemic, during which Lukashenka seriously explained to his people that “one can simply cure and prevent COVID-19 with a visit to the sauna and vodka”. But people took it on themselves to help patients and doctors; they understood they can do quite a lot on their own, and this movement [of social activism] laid the groundwork for the election campaigns and protests. 

Given the proximity of Belarus, large parts of the Lithuanian population have shown great empathy, inspired by female Belarusian protesters who came onto the streets wearing white dresses and holding flowers in peaceful daytime demonstrations. Andrius Tapinas, a social activist and founder of internet TV channel Laisvės TV [Liberty TV] explained his own initiative, in which Lithuanians will channel their own struggle for independence into a statement of solidarity with Belarus:

On August 23, I am organising a human chain of people from Lithuania to Belarus. We call it The Freedom Way to Belarus; it is a copy of the Baltic Way of 1989 which has an amazingly deep symbolic value for us. We are going to build a living chain of people from Cathedral Square in central Vilnius, the starting point of original Baltic Way, all the way to the Belarusian border. We reckon it will take 25,000 people to achieve, but we have already registered interest from many more than that, so I expect a double chain of 45-50,000 people. We hope that the Belarusian people will extend the chain from the border into their country, all the way to Minsk. However after Lukashenka promised that he will break the chain by any means necessary, as of today it is unclear whether Belarusians will join.  

Vilija Navickaite, a pro-democracy activist and a creative learning practitioner, says that she is eager to take part in Tapinas’ living chain to the Belarusian border. She explained her motivations for supporting the protesters in Belarus:

In my bubble almost everyone has changed their photos in FB with white-red-white Belarusian flags in support for our neighbours and I know people that are closely following the events in Belarus. All this might be a bit similar to 2014 when Lithuanians felt so close to Ukrainians… We were part of the same country with Belarusians for a long time and have similar words in our languages, very similar customs, and the same heroes from the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It seems that for a while, Belarusians were a bit like our forgotten brothers and sisters. I am happy that's changing. 

Looming fears

However, some Lithuanians have markedly frostier attitudes towards their southern neighbour. Lukashenka has pushed for the final construction phase of a nuclear power plant at Astravets, located not too far away from the suburbs of the Lithuanian capital. It is a sore point; Lithuanians remember the April 1986 nuclear catastrophe at Chernobyl all too well. Kubilius shares these same concerns:

Lithuania has passed into law a ban on buying energy from Astravets, which was built initially to sell energy to the Baltics and Eastern Europe. People voted in a referendum in Lithuania against a Japanese-based technology plan after Fukushima to replace our own former Soviet nuclear plant in Ignalina. It is hard to predict the view of the new Belarusian government, but there is also a lot of opposition within Belarus to Astravets, so we might have better opportunities in the future for Lithuania. 

Many Lithuanians also looking warily towards Moscow, which is bound to play a key role in the ongoing political crisis. Foreign Minister Linas Linkevičius went as far as to say that Vilnius does not discount an intervention by Russian troops in Belarus, which the government fears. According to Kubilius:

For Putin, Belarus is a real trap: he cannot support the revolution as it could serve as an example to Khabarovsk [a city in Eastern Russia hosting anti-government demonstrations] from Moscow, but if he associates too much with Lukashenka, he will repeat the same errors as in Ukraine, with [former President Viktor] Yanukovich, ousted in 2014. In the end Putin united all Ukraine against Russia. So he would be more happy to remove Lukashenka to avoid strong emotions that could inflame people in Russia, instead opting to install a new leader who is less against the Kremlin. If there are new elections in Belarus, he could get his way. The only hope today lies with the European Union's response: in the European Parliament we have now great support through Euronext to launch an investigation into what happened in Belarus. The biggest challenge to a new democratic government will be the economic situation: just as the EU provided help to Ukraine after the Euromaidan protests, about 14 billion Euros, so should we now provide 3.5 to 4 billion Euros for Belarus, whose population is about four times smaller than that of Ukraine. 

That approach is shared by other EU member states bordering Belarus. On August 14, Poland's Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki announced a five point plan to help Belarusians, including support for independent media and civil society initiatives and support for political emigres. Some 11.4 million Euros have been allotted to these goals.

Poland has a long history of political support for its immediate neighbours to the East, which was once articulated as a diplomatic strategy known as the Giedroyc Doctrine. However, in recent years critics of the country's ruling right-wing populist Law and Justice (PiS) party argue that the government's attacks on political pluralism and the rule of law at home undermine Poland's credibility in promoting transparency and good governance abroad — including to Belarus. For example, an op-ed published in the major liberal newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza on August 13 argued that Poland's role in that regard had been taken over by Lithuania.

Jörg Forbrig, Director for Central and Eastern Europe at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, has directed a programme in support of civil society in Belarus for the last 15 years. He stressed that it did not necessarily make sense to contrast EU states’ perceived levels of commitment to Belarus in this manner, given that the effort towards reform is an all-European one. However, he praised Lithuania's outsized role in engaging with Belarusian civil society, stating that this gave Vilnius extra credibility with other EU states on the issue:

Lithuania is not [merely] fully in line with EU policy, it even spearheaded quite a lot of the direct support for Belarusian democrats. It hosts a free Belarusian university, numerous NGOs working on democratic change in Belarus, and has now proposed, together with others, a dialogue to resolve the current situation in Belarus. In short, Lithuania has been just as committed, and often even more so, to a democratic and free Belarus [as any other EU member state].

However the situation in Belarus develops, it is likely that Vilnius will be the first port of call for many of its young opposition activists — either as representatives of a new order or as exiles from another fateful attempt against the old.

Subdued recognition in Japan for Sugihara Chiune on 75th anniversary of Auschwitz liberation Wed, 29 Jan 2020 18:39:18 +0000 As a diplomat in Lithuania in 1940, Sugihara helped save thousands of Jewish lives

Originally published on Global Voices

Port of Humanity Sugihara Chiune Museum Tsuruga

Signage in from of the “Port of Humanity Tsuruga Museum” (人道の港　敦賀ムゼウム) in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture. Sugihara Chiune pictured in bottom-left. Photo by Nevin Thompson. Image license:  Creative Commons Attribution 3.0

Lithuania has declared 2020 the year of Sugihara Chiune, a wartime Japanese diplomat who has been recognized by Holocaust memorial center Yad Vashem as Righteous Among Nations for his efforts to save the lives of Jews in Lithuania in 1940.

The year 2020 is the 120th anniversary of Sughihara Chiune's birth, and the 80th anniversary of the actions he took as a Japanese diplomat to save as many people as he could before the Japanese government could stop him.

Monday, January 27, 2020, the 75th anniversary of the liberation of the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp, would have been a perfect time for the Japanese government to call attention to Sugihara Chiune.

However, little has been done so far in Japan little to officially recognize the date, nor had there been much attention paid to the proclamation by Lithuania.

The Tokyo Holocaust Education Resource Center held an event in Tokyo, but Prime Minister Abe Shinzo did not attend. A week earlier in January, Abe had met Polish counterpart Mateusz Morawiecki, but talks focused on bilateral trade rather than the legacy of Auschwitz-Birkenau, which is located on what was once German-occupied Polish territory. On the anniversary on Monday, January 27, Abe made no remarks about Auschwitz.

However, Japan's Ryoko Shimbun, a trade journal covering the tourism industry, did mark the anniversary with a Holocaust-themed story about plans to encourage tourism to Sugihara Chiune's birthplace in rural Gifu Prefecture.

Writing 300 visas a day

Born in 1900, Sugihara Chiune joined the Japanese Foreign Ministry in 1919 and would eventually be posted to northeastern China as part of Japan's colonial occupation government there. Sugihara became fluent in Russian during this time. Due to his language skills, Sugihara was appointed Japanese consul to Kaunas, Lithuania in November 1939, two months after the German and the Soviet Union invasions of Poland. In June 1940, the Soviet Union invaded the Baltic states, including Lithuania.

Because of the Soviet Union's intention to annex Lithuania, Sugihara and other diplomats were ordered by the U.S.S.R. to leave the country by July 1940. As Sugihara was preparing to leave, a Jewish delegation in Kaunas approached him, requesting transit visas that would allow Jews in Lithuania to travel through Japan in hopes of reaching the Dutch colony of Curacao, which was said to require no entry visas.

Sugihara agreed. Sugihara stated in 1977 that soon his consulate was surrounded by up to 4,500 people. In defiance of his superiors at the Foreign Ministry, he wrote nearly 300 transit visas a day.

Facade of Chiune Sugihara House - Kaunas - Lithuania - 02

The remaining facade of Chiune Sugihara's dwelling, which also served as Japanese consulate, in Kaunas, Lithuania. Photo by Adam Jones, Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

“I know it was a problem, but I couldn't help it,” said Sugihara in the 1977 interview. “I told (Foreign Ministry staff in Tokyo) it was a matter of humanity. I didn't care if I was axed. Someone else would have done the same thing if they were in my place. There was no other way.”

After receiving a transit visa for Japan, the Jewish refugees would then travel by rail to Vladivostok in the Russian Far East (it's reported that Soviet leader Joseph Stalin personally approved the transit) or Busan, on the Korean Peninsula, where they would board a steamer to the Japan seaport of Tsuruga, before transiting on their way to whatever country that would take them.

By the time the Germans invaded the Baltic Republics in June 1941, Lithuania was home to about 250,000 Jewish people, including 15,000 refugees who had fled from Poland in 1939. By the end of the war, only 27,000 Jews would survive in Lithuania.

Getting help from Kobe's Jewish community

With transit visas in hand, the eventual destination for Jewish refugees in Japan was the port of Kobe, in 1940 an important steamship hub with connections to China, Asia, and North America. First, many of the refugees would travel to Tsuruga, a small but important port on the Japan coast that was once regarded as offering the shortest route to Europe from Japan.

Tsuruga pier

A diorama of pre-War Tsuruga's steamship terminal. Photo taken at Tsuruga Railway Museum by Nevin Thompson. Image license:  Creative Commons Attribution 3.0.

From Tsuruga, Jewish refugees traveled to Kobe, which was also home to a sizable foreign Jewish community known as JewCom. JewCom would help the refugees with visas and other paperwork with, it has been suggested, tacit support from Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yosuke, a powerful member of the Japanese government.

Many of the Jewish refugees were resettled in Shanghai, while others traveled to the United States, Argentina, Canada, and other destinations until the war in the Pacific commenced in December 1941.

It's estimated that Sugihara's exit visas saved between 2,200 and 6,000 people, although there is some dispute about the final number. For example, some refugees escaped using family visas that covered a larger number of people, while it's likely other exit visas were forged. Sugihara's surviving son Nobuki estimates the total was indeed 6,000.

Sugihara Nobuki has spent considerable time trying to dispel the myths that surround his father the diplomat. For example, while the quote “I may have to disobey my government, but if I do not, I will be disobeying God,” is commonly attributed to Sugihara, Nobuki says that it is inaccurate.

In a May 2019 interview with Times of Israel, Nobuki Sugihara said: “The truth is, he just took pity on these people and decided to do something.”

Sugihara spent the rest of the war as a consular official in various embassies in eastern Europe. After the war, he returned to Japan, and either quit or was fired from the Foreign Ministry in 1947. He spent his final working years in virtual exile, living away from his family in Moscow, where he worked for a Japanese trading company. He was recognized by Yad Vashem as Righteous Among the Nations in 1984, and died in 1986 in Kamakura, Japan.

Besides attempts to encourage more tourism to Sugihara's birthplace in Gifu, other commemorative activities in 2020 include renovating and expanding the existing Tsuruga Port Museum to tell the story of Sugihara Chiune and increase tourism to the city.

International Holocaust Remembrance Day: Auschwitz in pictures Tue, 28 Jan 2020 01:06:58 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices






























Inspired by the 1989 ‘Baltic Way,’ Hong Kong protesters form human chain to demand freedom and democracy Mon, 26 Aug 2019 01:02:52 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

Human Chain at Tsim Sha Shui. Source: Hong Kong Free Press. Used with permission.

Inspired by the 30th anniversary of the Baltic Way, more than 200,000 people formed a human chain on 23 August 2019 across the city to mark the “Hong Kong’s Way” to freedom and democracy.

The Baltic Way was a peaceful political demonstration that took place on 23 August 1989 when two million people formed a human chain across former Soviet states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Seven months later, Lithuania became the first Soviet state to declare independence. All three Baltic states were later recognized by most Western countries by the end of 1991.

The Hong Kong Way was conceptualized as a collective action to show the Hong Kong people’s will in the struggle for democracy and freedom.

The anti-extradition protests have been going on for more than two months and the protest agenda has expanded already from the withdrawal of the bill to an independent investigation of the police force and the establishment of a democratic political system.

The principle of “One Country Two Systems” and “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong” is protected by the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law which serves as the city's constitution. However, the universal suffrage of the Legislative Council and Chief Executive has been deferred after Beijing imposed a highly manipulative candidate screening mechanism on the city’s election system in a decision made by the Standing Committee of the National People Congress on 31 August 2014.

Beijing's change of its Hong Kong policy triggered massive pro-democracy protests in 2014, which lasted for three months and came to be known as the “Umbrella Revolution.” But the peaceful protests dit not deter Beijing's direct intervention in Hong Kong. Six pan-democratic lawmakers were disqualified over protests during their oath-taking and a number of district election candidates were disqualified over their public speeches.

Worse still, as reflected in the political crisis of anti-extradition protests, the current Chief Executive Carrie Lam has failed to answer the people's demand even after one million people had taken to the street on 9 June. Backed by Chinese government, she ignored the public demand for the complete withdrawal of the amendment bill and chose to clamp down the peaceful protest on 12 June with the police using more than 150 tear gas canisters, which pushed protesters to take more disruptive actions.

People's protests in the past two months have been labelled as a “Color Revolution” instigated by hostile foreign governments. The Chinese government even denounced disruptive protests as acts of terrorism. Yet, despite threats of military intervention by China, 1.7 million people peacefully took to the streets again during heavy rainfall on 18 August.

Such determination marks the “Hong Kong Way” in the struggle for democracy under a repressive regime. Youth activist Joshua Wong explains the meaning of the Hong Kong human chain on Twitter:

Without a centralized organization, the city-wide action was coordinated through various social media platforms. Protesters went to a subway station of their own selection at 7 p.m. and formed a 60-kilometer human chain from 8-9 p.m. Over 210,000 people participated in the action. [Note: original estimation was 135,000 but as parallel chains had appeared in many districts, the figure was later adjusted to 210,000.]

In addition to the human chain along three major subway lines, a large number of hikers decided to form a chain on the ridge of Lion Rock, a mountain located at the center of Kowloon peninsula. The mountain has been viewed as a symbol of core values shared by Hong Kong people since 1970s when the term “Lion Rock Spirit” became popular through a TV series depicting the livelihoods of the grassroots during that period.

Hong Kong’s peaceful action got support from several groups in the former Baltic States:

What will it take to #savetheinternet in Europe? The view from Romania Wed, 18 Jul 2018 16:46:53 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices















What are the reactions from Romania?



Renate Weber (ALDE, Independent):











Adina Vălean (EPP, PNL):


Adina Vălean's statement on Facebook.



Estonian President Warns of ‘Self-Occupation,’ Prompting Praise and Political Spin Sat, 16 Sep 2017 09:07:31 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

Estonian President Kersti Kaljulaid giving a speech in June 2017. Photo by Estonian Foreign Ministry, CC-BY.

In her recent independence day speech, Estonian President Kersti Kaljulaid spoke on technological change, the globalization of labor, and the dangers of close-minded nationalism. This last point has dominated global reactions to her remarks.

In her national address, which marked the 26th anniversary of Estonian independence from the Soviet Union, President Kaljulaid talked about the perceived contradictions between national and socially liberal values. Her remarks were concrete and straight forward, emphasizing the possibility of preserving Estonian culture “without inhibiting democracy.”

“I am proud that I am an Estonian and I do not see any contradiction in also being part of an international value-based community,” she said.

She continued:

Iseseisvus tähendaski muuhulgas võimalust olla ka eri meelt. Üks idee, üks arvamus, üks õigus – see oli see, millest me tahtsime vabaks saada. Toona tundsime sarnases mõttelaadis ilmeksimatult ära totalitarismi.

Täna, 26 aastat hiljem, oleme millegipärast hakanud arvama, et me ei vajagi oma erimeelsusi. Tundub ka, nagu ei oskaks me enam leida mõistlikke kompromisse. Selliseid, mille puhul võimalikult paljude süda oleks ikkagi rahul.

Among other things, independence also means the opportunity to disagree. One idea, one opinion, one right – this is what we wanted to be free of. At that time [when Estonia gained independence from the Soviet Union], we explicitly recognised that this way of thinking meant totalitarianism.

Today, 26 years later, we have for some reason started to think that different opinions are no longer necessary. We seem unable find any reasonable compromises anymore – ones that many people would be happy with.

Kaljulaid outlined current, nationalist attitudes in Estonia that are also being felt around the world. Instead of supporting socially inclusive choices, she observed that the emphasis these days seems to be on everybody’s right to make their own choices.

She drew on Estonia’s history and the Baltic states’ fight for freedom, saying how the struggle from Soviet occupation allowed for democratic states that easily adopted governments that “follow the rule of law, value personal liberties, free media, and keep the power of state within a predictable framework.”

Now, Kaljulaid warned, Estonians are threatened by a “self-occupation” that can be brought on by the restriction of freedoms in the name of an idea.

“One cannot aspire to lead the society and then make compromises related the Estonia's long-term future in the name of one's own short-term political interests. Victory is accompanied by the obligation to make sure that the losers do not feel they have been sacrificed for the interests of others,” she said.

She continued:

Iseenda okupeerimine, see algab ühe idee nimel, ühe mõtte taha koondununa teiste ideede ja mõtete kuulamata jätmisest. Järgneb selle tüütu pirina, mis on eriarvamus, kinni keeramine. Sest kui nagunii ei kuula, siis saab teistest mõtetest müra. Ja valmis ta ongi. Demokraatiast saab minevik.

Me näeme sellist iseenda okupeerimist riikides, kelle kohta me oleme arvanud, et meiega sarnane raudse eesriide kogemus aitab niisuguseid arenguid vältida. Me oleme olnud veendunud, et demokraatiat neis riikides, nagu ka meie riigis, saaks hävitada vaid võõras võim.

Sellepärast on oht, et me ei pane pahaks sarnaste arengute toetamist nende poolt, kes kõnelevad meiega sama keelt. Iseenda okupeerimine, see käib hiilivamalt kui siis, kui okupant on võõras. Vabaduste piiramine mis iganes püha idee nimel, olgu selleks puhas eestlus või parem toiduvalik – see on iseenda okupeerimise algus.

An occupation is usually initiated in the name of an idea, mobilising behind a concept without listening to other ideas or concepts. This is followed by shutting off the annoying buzz of dissenting opinions, because if you don't listen, the ideas of others will just turn into noise. That's all it takes. And democracy is consigned to the past.

We see this self-occupation occurring in countries where we thought that our similar experience behind the Iron Curtain would help them avoid such developments. We had been convinced that democracy in those countries, as in ours, could only be destroyed by a foreign power.

And therefore we are in danger of not taking offence at the support for such developments if those promoting them speak the same language we do. Self-occupation moves more stealthily than occupation by a foreigner. The restriction of freedom, in the name of any sacred idea, be it pure Estonianism or a better choice of food – can mark the start of self-occupation.

The speech resonated within the country and the neighboring region. Estonian historian, politician and journalist Toomas Alatalu remarked:

Presid. Kaljulaid defined new censorhip – self-occupation/occupy yourself = all is initiated in the name of own idea shutting off all others.

Latvian financier, politician, and former basketball player Mārtiņš Bondars praised the speech on Twitter:

It is a great pleasure that our neighbors are such a leader … a great talk!

In contrast, Russian-language media latched onto the introduction of the term “self-occupation”. Outlets such as linked it to the ongoing initiative by Baltic countries to ask for compensation for damage incurred during the period between 1940-1990 when they were forcibly made part of the Soviet Union, and to Baltic efforts to integrate the term “Soviet occupation” into official European language historicizing totalitarianism and honoring its victims. As the Russian government considers Russia an heir to both the Russian Empire and the USSR, this is likely seen as a direct affront to its reputation.

Kaljulaid also spoke to concrete challenges that Estonia faces, including current and future technologies that are set to globalize workforces and make geography and place obsolete.

Since Estonia’s independence in 1991, the country has been an active participant in the global community especially via digital technologies. Estonia has one of the world’s fastest broadband services and was the first country to declare internet access a basic human right. Kaljulaid herself often speaks of “cyber hygiene” and digital societies – as opposed to digital technologies – that are inclusive of everyone.

Estonia began offering e-government services in 1997, and began providing nationwide free wi-fi in 2002. Online voting began in 2005. In 2012, fiber optic infrastructure was laid out and today 99% of state administrative services can be accessed online. Estonia is set to create the world’s first data embassy in Luxembourg – a center that stores the country’s data and is capable of re-booting the country in case of a cyber attack.

Having already established such high digital literacy, connectivity, low usage prices and e-services, Estonia is turning to some of the more challenging questions raised by the digital transformation such as citizens rights, security, and the protection of private information.

Estonia has now assumed the presidency of the Council of the European Union, helping to nurture the development of a digital society in the EU as Estonia has. These issues indeed may become central to how Europe and the rest of the world navigate widespread nationalist attitudes on a global stage.

0 59.4369621 24.7535744
The World According to Russian Stereotypes Wed, 16 Nov 2016 16:52:25 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

Image: Pixabay

Image: Pixabay






The United States 🇺🇸

Why do Americans say “oh my gosh”?
Why are Americans afraid of Russians?
Why are Americans afraid of clowns?

Mexico 🇲🇽

Why do Mexicans flee to the United States?
Why are Mexicans so brutal?
Why do Mexicans eat spicy food?

Cuba 🇨🇺

Why don’t Cubans like Americans?
Why don’t Cubans like Russians?
Why did Cubans support the revolution?

Canada 🇨🇦

Why did Canadians play without helmets in 1972?
Why don’t Canadians like Russians?

Brazil 🇧🇷

Why don’t Brazilians like Argentinians?
Why do Brazilians speak Portuguese?
Why are Brazilians so good at soccer?

Argentina 🇦🇷

Why don’t Argentinians like the British?
Why are Argentinians white?
Why do Argentinians say Mexicans descended from the Aztecs?

Europe 🇪🇺

Why do Europeans wear their wedding rings on their left hands?
Why did Europeans seek a sea route to India?

The United Kingdom 🇬🇧

Why don’t the British like to sit on their hands?
Why did the British oppose new public telephone booths?
Why do the British want to leave the European Union?

France 🇫🇷

Why don’t the French like Russians?
Why do the French eat frogs?

Germany 🇩🇪

Why didn’t Germans like the Jews?
Why did Germans exterminate the Jews?
Why were Germans afraid of hand-to-hand combat?

Poland 🇵🇱

Why don't Poles like Russians?
Why do Poles hate Russians?
Why don't Poles like Russia?

Italy 🇮🇹

Why don’t Italians get fat?
Why do Italians look like people from the North Caucasus?
Why do Italians like Russian women?

Ukraine 🇺🇦

Why don’t Ukrainians like Russians?
Why do Ukrainians kneel?

Estonia 🇪🇪

Why are Estonians slow?
Why don’t Estonians like Russians?

Latvia 🇱🇻

Why don’t Latvians like Russians?
Why do Latvians still call Russians “krevz”?
Why don’t Latvians like Lithuanians?

Lithuania 🇱🇹

Why don’t Lithuanians like Russians?
Why don’t Lithuanians like Belarusians?
Why are Lithuanians tall?

Belarus 🇧🇾

Why don’t Belarusians like Russians?
Why are Belarusians so built and handsome?
Why don’t Belarusians speak Belarusian?

Armenia 🇦🇲

Why are Armenians so wealthy?
Why are Armenians so clever?
Why do Armenians wear their wedding rings on their left hands?


Why are Africans black?
Why do Africans run so fast?
Why don’t Africans become more advanced?

Egypt 🇪🇬

Why did Egyptians worship Amon-Ra as the supreme god?
Why did Egyptians call Nefertiti “the mistress of happiness”?
Why did Egyptians worship cats?


Why do Arabs write backwards?
Why do Arabs like Russian girls?
Why were Arabs able to conquer large territories easily?

Jews 🕍

Why don’t Jews like Armenians?
Why don’t Jews eat pork?
Why are Jews smart?

Israel 🇮🇱

Why can’t Israelis come to a peace settlement with Palestinians?
Why aren’t Israelis Christians?
Why do Israelis marry Russians?

Islam 🕌

Why don’t Muslims eat pork?
Why don’t Muslims use toilet paper?
Why do Muslims say “amen”?

Iran 🇮🇷

Why don’t Iranians wear neckties?
Why are Iranians fighting in Syria?
Why are Iranians Shiites?

Syria 🇸🇾

Why aren't Syrians fleeing to Russia?
Why are Syrians fleeing to Europe?
Why don't Syrians fight for their own country?

Turkey 🇹🇷

Why don’t Turks like Armenians?
Why do Turks drink coffee with water?
Why do Turks call all Russian women “Natasha”?

India 🇮🇳

Why don't Indians kiss?
Why do Indians shake their heads?
Why don't Indians swim in the sea?


Why do Asians look younger?
Why are Asians shorter?
Why do Asians eat with chopsticks?

China 🇨🇳 🇹🇼 🇭🇰

Why don’t the Chinese get fat?
Why don’t the Chinese drink milk?
Why don’t the Chinese like amber?

Japan 🇯🇵

Why don’t the Japanese age?
Why are the Japanese thin?
Why do the Japanese live so long?

Korea 🇰🇷 🇰🇵

Why don’t Koreans sweat?
Why do Koreans wear masks on their faces?
Why are Koreans thin?

Vietnam 🇻🇳

Why do the Vietnamese wear masks?
Why don’t the Vietnamese like the Chinese?
Why are the Vietnamese thin?



Two People Are Driving Around Europe to Find What It Means to Be European Sat, 10 May 2014 20:12:16 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices








Claire Audhuy

Claire Audhuy. Used with her permission. Photo by Pascal Koenig




A video preview of the Europa Bulli Tour










GV : How will you handle the language issue?



GV: Why focus on meeting with contemporary artists?



GV : What does social media bring to the project?




The Bulli car. Photo by Baptiste Cogitore. Used with permission





European Citizens Call for the Protection of Media Pluralism Mon, 20 Jan 2014 18:14:19 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices






A short video presents the campaign:

Christian Orthodox Old Believer Community Exhibit Charms Visitors in Lithuania Thu, 05 Dec 2013 07:59:06 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

Vasiliy Degtyarev

Vasiliy Degtyarev. Photo of the author.

The public library in Klaipėda, Lithuania hosted the opening of a historically informative exhibit on September 8, 2013, dedicated to the works of Old Believers of Lithuania, a religious fraction that separated from the official Russian Orthodox Church as a protest against church reforms in the 17th century.

The centerpiece of the exhibit was a display of photographs by cinematographer and photographer Vasiliy Degtyarev. Degtyarev, who is also a representative of the Old Believer cultural community of Lithuania, has long wanted to share his creative work with the people of Klaipėda. This initiative did not occur by chance, as Klaipėda is home to about 4000 Old Believers.

The history of the Old Belief has always been a complex one. Fleeing the repression that appeared as a result of the Church schism brought about by Patriarch Nikon in 1666, many of the followers of the old orthodoxy left Russia and continue liturgical practices that the Russian Orthodox Church maintained before the implementation of these reforms. By the late 17th century, the first Old Believers had appeared in Lithuania.

The antiquated Russian traditions of this unusual community still provoke great interest, even among Lithuanians themselves, who were unable to hide their fascination at the wonderful works of the organizer of the exhibit.


Exhibit. Photo of the author

Vasiliy Degtyarev himself agreed to reveal the essence of Old Belief away from the photographic lens, and shared his thoughts in a short interview:

— Vasiliy Martynovich, tell me, what cultural value does Old Belief hold for the Russian people? Would you say that these values embody the spiritual core of the Russian national consciousness ?

— The author Platonov gave an interesting response to this question. He said that Old Belief is more diverse than we have been in the habiting of thinking. It held and continues to hold much that is beneficial for the soul. After all, all of the cultural values that Old Belief advances come from Father Christ himself. And if Christ himself has not changed in all these years—and change he could not—then how could the cultural values of Old Belief, which carry within them the teachings of the Heavenly Fathers and God himself, change? Now more than ever, a crisis, not only of the soul, but also of the consciousness, is taking place. We are witnessing a kind of Homo Misguided: he does so much, has a good time so much that he has lost such concepts as “secrecy”, “holiness” and “life.” We need people like Dante, Virgil, who will guide this straying European and even American society out of this dead end. With regard to the second part of the question, it would be best to start with the fact that Old Belief itself is very diverse. Several sects have survived: the Pomorians, Fedoseevtsy, Belokrinichniki, Chasoveniye, and others. As an artist, I get along with everyone, but the Pomorian understanding is closest to my own. Let’s examine the circumstances—I take photographs of Russians who pray in Orthodox, as well as Old Believer temples. In both cases—Russians, but between them there is a big difference: genetics, construction of the skull. We have many with blue eyes, which indicate a typical Russian genotype.

How do you assess the current spiritual status of the Old Believers? Is any rise or decline in the community evident ?

We are living through a period in which, on the one hand, the prince of darkness is trying to destroy the last islands of piety. For instance, everyone knows of the lake Svetloyar, where God is hiding the islands of holiness from this corrupt world. On the 6th of July of this year, I was lucky enough to visit that region for a holiday service. About 15,000 pilgrims gathered, and in the evening the procession around the lake started. People would stop at designated islands to read prayers. In our time, when all moral values have been destroyed and the soul is completely deformed, these islands remained. They exist everywhere: in America, Europe, Asia. In Russia itself there are relatively small corners, hidden from civilization, where not even passports are wanted, with their modern chips. Everywhere we find signs of the Antichrist and the question is: what to do? Is it worth it to accept these passports and other innovations? By the teachings of Old Belief, and more specifically by the teachings of Isaac Sirin, the Antichrist is an invisible, spiritual entity that rules over the world through his assistants. But we will survive this phase, though now it may be difficult. One need only remember the words of that very Chizhevsky, “how good, that it was difficult!”, or “how good, that there was prison!” etc. We will survive; it is true, but at what cost? It is unclear.

— What is being done now to preserve the Old Believer community and its old-Russian culture? And what, in your opinion, needs to be done, to preserve the inheritance of our ancestors?

— “By your faith you will receive,” said Christ. We see miracles—when in the times of the cruelest repressions, the Church was suddenly restored. God told us to survive all our strife, and so we did. Recall the Second World War: so much aid was derived from icons, from prayers. It is equally worth distinguishing several figures of the Orthodox Church—those like Nikola Guryanov, who suddenly decided to carry out a religious procession on a plane around the borders of Russia. And given this, it doesn’t matter what sect you pertain to—Old Believer, Orthodox, or Catholic, there are so many of these bringers of light, and on them all hope lies. There are many examples, and any Orthodox, Catholic, Old Believer, or even Muslim can be one. The Antichrist does not choose based on religious confession—he absorbs everyone and everything. This is an animal that doesn’t possess love, and where there is no love, anti-love appears.

How is the current relationship between the Old Believers and the Russian Orthodox Church?

In the '30s, the cruelest repressions were being carried out against all, including the Orthodox believers as well as the Old Believers. An enormous amount of priests, monks and simple believers were exiled. Here it is worthwhile to remember St. Seraphim Solovetskov, who being in exile, continued to give sermons. He was feared and respected by all of those soldiers, who were, in truth, simple youths, forced to work for the regime. He redeemed many prisoners; today they were killing, but tomorrow even they were being killed. If we consider our own time, our shared concern is: will faith continue? “Will I find faith on Earth, when I again return?”—said God. And he doesn’t care about the length of your beard or hair—he looks at the heart and at how you acted and continue to act. Now is not the time to create discord between Orthodoxy and Old Belief. Each individual must be in his own place and do that which he must do.

It is known, that in pre-Revolution Russia, Old Believer capital and agricultural activity formed the economic foundation upon which the Empire rested. This was especially true during the Stolypin period, when such family clans as the enterprising Morozovs, and the banker Ryabushinskis were known to all. Have enterprising movements like these, founded on strict Old Believer traditions, continued in our time?

They appear from time to time. Not too quickly, but this is happening. In our time, capital lies in the hands of the atheists. Our dark enemy has even thought of this. But changes are occurring. Here's a simple example from Lithuania. There is one businesswoman and Old Believer by the name of Lidia Lyubene. She created a successful business, the income from which amounts to millions. Once, she saw a program on the television in which they spoke about a fire in the church of the Kaunas Old Believer community. Lidia immediately contacted representatives of the church and forwarded a million litas for its restoration. Such are the people that stand with us. They exist in Russia as well—they simply don’t manifest themselves in a way that is visible to the public. Another example—Shalgunov Anatoli, president of the Vilnus Automobile Enterprise. He helps not only Old Believers, but also takes part in all kinds of charitable acts for children and orphans. We shouldn’t say “I am an Old Believer and assist only Old Believers.” Help everyone—there are so many poor people all over Russia. God showed us the relationship. Do not look to nationality or religious views. If the opportunity presents itself—help.

And in conclusion, why are we observing a decline in faith in the world? Familial and national values have lost their importance. What future awaits us?

Such is the current phase, but we will survive it. “By your faith, you shall receive” – said Christ. Today the Christian faith finds itself attacked on all sides by dark forces: false priests, false Christs. There are so many different sects that invoke the name of Christ, but in reality bring nothing but evil. Mormons and such, who pull people into their spider webs. The rest we can see for ourselves: some are seeking salvation in their basements; others are building something or other. And for what? Live, as God commanded, in a normal house, pray, do good, follow the Ten Commandments, repent if you have sinned. It was, is, and will be thus. Do not wait for an ideal society, and don’t try to create one. It is precisely because of the impossibility of its attainment that we call it ideal.


Exhibit. Photo of the author.


Exhibit. Photo of the author.

The interview and photographs were prepared by the human rights activist German Pantserov.

Eastern Europeans to Boost UK IT Industry Wed, 03 Jul 2013 12:29:20 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

The UK labour movement restrictions placed several years ago to prevent migrants from Romania and Bulgaria from moving permanently and seeking employment in the UK will be lifted on January 1, 2014. Some predict large migrations of workers from these two countries, among the poorest in the European Union, while others say that migrations will be so small they will barely be felt and many emphasize the fact that Romania has a growing, innovative IT industry that will also benefit the British IT industry. Other Eastern European countries have also helped boost the UK's thriving IT industry in the recent past, such as Estonia, Lithuania, Slovenia and more.

Lithuania: Alleged Child Abuse Case Sat, 12 May 2012 23:36:13 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

At, Violeta Davoliūtė draws attention to “some of the more sober realities of life in today’s Lithuania,” highlighting a highly publicised case of alleged child abuse that is “being played out against a background of mob rule, support from politicians and complicity on the part of the police.”

Europe: Will ACTA Treaty Pass After Protests? Wed, 14 Mar 2012 14:09:08 +0000 Originally published on Global Voices

[All links forward to French articles unless stated otherwise.]

As of the end of the month of February 2012, the mobilization efforts of Internet users against the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) [en] were still going strong. In fact, they may have begun to bear fruit.

By including infringements against the author's rights in its scope, this international treaty, which addresses intellectual property rights, also affects Internet content.

The ratification debates which were placed on the European Parliament's agenda on February 29, were put on hold in expectation of the opinion of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The issue of the treaty's conformity with European Community law was brought before the court on 22 February by the European Commission.

No ACTA - Strasbourg. Photo by Christophe Kaiser on Flickr, CC-license-BY

No ACTA – Strasbourg. Photo by Christophe Kaiser on Flickr, CC-license-BY

Taurillon, the “magazine of young Europeans -France” describes “Europe's about-face on ACTA“:

Si l’avis est négatif, l’ACTA n’a plus aucune chance en Europe. Mais en cas d’avis positif, le recours à la CJUE représente le double avantage de redonner au traité une certaine crédibilité, et de repousser son adoption à une époque suffisamment lointaine pour que la polémique se soit tassée et que l’opinion publique regarde ailleurs.

If the opinion is negative, ACTA no longer stands a chance in Europe. However, if there is a positive opinion, appealing to the ECJ would mean a double advantage by giving the treaty a certain credibility, and also pushing back implementation to a time that is far enough away when public debate has settled down and the public's attention is focused elsewhere.

Jérémie Zimmermann, co-founder and spokesperson for la Quadrature du Net urges on the European deputies:

Les eurodéputés doivent résister à la stratégie de la Commission européenne, qui cherche à gagner du temps et à transformer le débat en une simple discussion juridique, et pour cela continuer à travailler au rejet d’ACTA. ACTA vise à imposer une tendance pour une politique globale du droit d’auteur qui est toxique pour l’Internet libre et pour les libertés. Le Parlement européen est le dernier rempart : il doit agir et adopter une position claire et forte, faute de quoi il laissera le champ libre à la Commission pour imposer une répression inacceptable.

The Eurodeputies must resist the European Commission's strategy of attempting to gain time and turning the debate into a simple legal discussion, thereby continuing to work towards ACTA's rejection. ACTA aims to impose a tendency for a global policy of author's rights that is toxic for the free Internet and for freedom. The European Parliament is the last line of defense: it must act and adopt a firm and clear position, otherwise it will leave the field wide open for the commission to impose an unacceptable repression.

For trucbuntu, there is no question of remaining passive while waiting for the Court to adjudicate:

Les citoyens de toute l’Europe peuvent contacter leurs représentants dans les commissions Commerce International (INTA) et Industrie (ITRE), qui se réunissent cette semaine pour discuter d’ACTA, et leur demander de continuer à travailler au sein de leur commission pour le rejet d’ACTA.

Citizens of all of Europe were able to contact their representatives in the International Trade (INTA) and Industry (ITRE) Committees, who met on February 29 to discuss ACTA. Many citizens requested their representatives to reject the proposal.

The website of the European Parliament explains the procedure and the issues of the treaty [en] that are under scrutiny, and has published ‘What you should know about ACTA‘ [en], a page of questions and answers. The ACTA workshop of the European Parliament has been the object of a storify [en] made by the Parliamentary services (link via Global Voices contributor Asteris Masouras [en]).

The organization AVAAZ submitted a petition to the European Parliament on 29 February with 2.4 million signatures against ACTA. The petition is still open:

Nous sommes vraiment proches de la victoire — notre pétition forte de 2,4 millions de signatures a ébranlé les responsables politiques partout en Europe et stoppé les censeurs. La Commission européenne est à présent en position de faiblesse et espère que la Cour de justice donnera son feu vert au traité ACTA en lui soumettant une question juridique très limitée qui recevra certainement une réponse positive.Mais si nous faisons résonner nos voix aujourd'hui, nous pouvons faire en sorte que la Cour examine tous les impacts légaux du traité ACTA et publie un avis qui fera toute la lumière sur cette attaque contre nos droits qu'est ACTA.

We are really close to victory — our petition, with 2.4 million signatures has shaken up those politicians in charge throughout Europe and stopped their censors. The European Commission is currently in a position of weakness and is hoping the Court of justice will green light the ACTA treaty by bringing before the court a very limited legal question, that will without doubt receive a positive response. But if we make our voices heard today, we will be able to get the court to examine all the legal implications of ACTA and publish an opinion that will bring to light the real attack against our rights that is ACTA.
No ACTA - Strasbourg. Photo Christophe Kaiser on Flickr, CC-license-BY

No ACTA – Strasbourg. Photo Christophe Kaiser on Flickr, CC-license-BY

Anti-ACTA parties continue to  strengthen their resources. New protests were set for 10 March, and torrentnews gives a list, with this appeal:

La liste n’est pas exhaustive, n’hésitez pas à nous contacter pour la compléter ;)

si certains se sentent l’âme d’un reporter- photographe en herbe, nous recherchons également des personnes pour faire un petit article photo du déroulement de la manif, rien de bien compliqué, comme fait ici pour Nice, Marseille,Bordeaux et Strasbourg.

The list is not exhaustive, do not hesitate to contact us to complete it ;)

If any individuals see themselves as budding photojournalists we are also looking for people to do a small photo story on how the protest unfolds, nothing too complicated, as it happens in Nice, Marseille, Bordeaux, and Strasbourg.

For details on the elements of the debate, see also these linked articles from the Tribune on February 29, and Myeurop, on March 3. On Global Voices, see the laws SOPA/PIPA that set a precedent in the USA, here [en] and here [en]. Since the beginning of the protests, ACTA seems to have lost a lot of political momentum.

The title of this post is inspired by the end of the article “La liberté sur Internet : le filtrage de la discorde” which was published by the Institute of Research and Legal and Information studies and Communication (I.R.E.D.I.C.). It puts into perspective Internet blocking and debates the adoption of ACTA.

The original article in French was published on March 4. For background on the ACTA proposal, more articles can be found here [en].