Third Sacred War

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Third Sacred War
07Delphi Theater03.jpg
The ruins of ancient Delphi
Date 356 BC–346 BC
Location Phocis, Locris, Doris, Boeotia, Thessaly
Result Amphictyonic League victory
Amphictyonic League, represented by Thebes, Boeotia, Thessaly, Locris, Doris, Macedon Phocis, Pherae, Athens, Sparta
Commanders and leaders
Pammenes, Philip II of Macedon Philomelos, Onomarchos, Phayllos, Phalaikos


Sources and Chronology[edit]


Beyond Diodorus, further details of the Sacred War can be found in the orations of Athenian statesmen, primarily Demosthenes and Aeschines, which have survived intact.[1] Since these speeches were never intended to be historical material, they must be treated with circumspection; Demosthenes and Aeschines have been described as "a couple of liars, neither of whom can be trusted to have told the truth in any matter in which it was remotely in his interest to lie".[6] Nevertheless, their allusions in speeches to contemporary or past events indicate some of the gaps in Diodorus's account, and help with the arrangement of a chronology. The accounts of Diodorus, Demosthenes and Aeschines can be further supplemented by fragments of otherwise lost histories (such as that by Theopompus) and by contemporary epigraphic sources.[1][2]




Main articles: Delphi and Amphictyonic League

The war was ostensibly caused by the refusal of the Phocian Confederation to pay a fine imposed on them in 357 BC by the Amphictyonic League, a pan-Greek religious organisation which governed the most sacred site in Ancient Greece, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi.[9] The fine was occasioned by the Phocians's illegal cultivation of sacred land on the Kirrhaean plain, which they did not deny; the fine was, however, far beyond the Phocians' ability to pay.[9] Under normal circumstance, refusal to pay the fine would have made the Phocians religious (and therefore political) outcasts in Greece, and liable to have a sacred war declared against them.[9][10][11]



Seizure of Delphi[edit]

On his return to Phocis, Philomelos began assembling a mercenary army using the 15 talents from Archidamos, and also raised a force of 1000 peltasts from amongst the Phocian citizenry.[19] In approximately July 356 BC, Philomelos marched on Delphi, just before the end of the period in which the Phocians had been required to pay their fine.[19] He easily captured the city of Delphi, along with the sanctuary of Apollo. Philomelos captured the nobles of the Thrakidai family, who had probably been involved in imposing the fine on Phocis, and killed them, seizing their wealth to add to his treasury.[19] He promised the other Delphians that he would not harm them, although he had initially contemplated enslaving the whole city.[19]

Ozolian Locrian expedition to Delphi[edit]


Fortification of Delphi[edit]

After defeating the Locrians, Philomelos continued to strengthen his position in Delphi. He destroyed the stones which recorded the verdict against the Phocians, and abolished the government of the city, installing in its place a group of pro-Phocian Delphians, who had been in exile in Athens.[20] Philomelos ordered the sanctuary be fortified on the western side (natural features defended the other approaches), and a large limestone wall was constructed.[20] He then demanded that the priestess of Apollo (the Pythia) provide him with an oracle; she replied that he "could do whatever he wanted".[21] Philomelos called that an oracle, and had it inscribed in the sanctuary, as was customary.[21] This pseudo-oracle provided Philomelos with supposed divine justification from Apollo for his actions.[21] He next sent embassies to all Greek states, asserting the Phocian claim to Delphi, and promising not to touch the treasury of Apollo; Buckler suggests that he did not expect the Greeks to acquiesce to his actions, but hoped to draw support away from the Amphictyons.[21] The Spartans, as expected, endorsed Philomelos's actions, since their fine was now erased, whilst Athens also expressed support, following their general anti-Theban policies.[22]

Declaration of Sacred War[edit]





Phocian, Boeotian and Thessalian campaigns in 355 BC


Philomelos then laid siege to Argolas, but failed to capture it, and instead pillaged as much Locrian territory as possible.[26] The Boeotian army, under the command of Pammenes, then arrived on the scene, and rather than oppose them, Philomelos backed off, allowing the Boeotians to link up with the Locrians and Thessalians.[26] Philomelos had thus failed in his strategy of dealing with the Amphictyons separately, and he now faced an army at least equal in size to his own. He therefore decided to retreat before the Amphictyons could bring him to battle, and probably using the Kleisoura pass, he returned with his army to Phocis.[26]

Battle of Neon[edit]



The Amphictyons seem to have concluded that their victory at Neon had effectively ended the war, and the Phocians would sue for peace.[28] Otherwise, it is difficult to understand why Pammenes did not march on Delphi, or even sack the undefended Phocian cities in the Kephisos valley.[28] In failing to follow up their victory, the Amphictyons wasted the best opportunity they had during the course of the war to end it.[28] The Thebans seem to have been so sure that the war was ended that they agreed to send 5,000 hoplites under Pammenes to help the rebellion of the Persian satrap Artabazos, shortly after the Battle of Neon.[29] The Thebans needed the money Artabazos offered them, and although they had generally been on good terms with the Persian king, they obviously felt the offer was too good to refuse.[29] It is likely the troops were dispatched before the Phocian decision to fight on became clear, unless the Thebans thought that their remaining troops were a match for any army the Phocians could field.[30] This was to prove a serious mistake for the Thebans, and the Amphictyonic cause in general.[30]




First Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris and Doris, 354 BC



First and second Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 354–353 BC


The Sacred War appears to have laid way for renewed conflict within Thessaly. The Thessalian Confederation were in general staunch supporters of the Amphictyonic League, and had an ancient hatred of the Phocians.[33] Conversely, the-city state of Pherae had allied itself with the Phocians.[34] In either 354 or 353 BC the ruling clan of the city of Larissa appealed to Philip II of Macedon to help them defeat Pherae.[35][36][37]

Philip thus brought an army into Thessaly, probably with the intention of attacking Pherae.[38] Under the terms of their alliance, Lycophron of Pherae requested aid from the Phocians, and Onormarchos dispatched his brother, Phallyos with 7,000 men;[36] however, Philip repulsed this force before it could join up with the Pheraeans.[39] Onomarchos then abandoned the siege he was currently prosecuting, and brought his whole force into Thessaly to attack Philip.[36] It is possible that Onomarchos hoped to conquer Thessaly in the process, which would both leave the Thebans isolated (Locris and Doris having already fallen to the Phocians), and give the Phocians a majority in the Amphictyonic council, thus enabling them to have the war declared over.[40] Onomarchos probably brought with him 20,000 infantry, 500 cavalry, and a large number of catapults, and outnumbered Philip's army.[36][40] The exact details of the campaign that followed are unclear, but Onomarchos seems to have inflicted two defeats on Philip, with many Macedonians killed in the process.[41][42] Polyaenus suggests that the first of Onomarchos's victories was aided by the use of the catapults to throw stones into the Macedonian phalanx, as they climbed a slope to attack the Phocians.[36][43] After these defeats, Philip retreated to Macedon for the winter.[42] He is said to have commented that he "did not run away but, like a ram, I pulled back to butt again harder".[44]





At some point during his campaigns in Thessaly, Philip captured the strategic port of Pagasae,[47] which was in effect the port of Pherae.[48] It is unclear whether this was during the first or second campaign; both Buckler and Cawkwell suggest that it took place in the second campaign, before the Battle of Crocus Field.[7][48] By taking Pagasae, it is possible that Philip prevented Pherae from being reinforced by sea during his second campaign. Buckler suggests that Philip had learnt his lesson from the previous campaign, and intended to cut Pherae off from outside help before attacking it.[48][49]

Battle of Crocus Field[edit]

Meanwhile, Onomarchus returned to Thessaly to try to preserve the Phocian ascendancy there, with approximately the same force as during the previous year.[40][41] Furthermore, the Athenians dispatched Chares to help their Phocian allies, seeing the opportunity to strike a decisive blow against Philip.[49] Subsequent events are unclear, but a battle was fought between the Macedonians and the Phocians, probably as Philip tried to prevent the Phocians uniting forces with the Pheraeans, and crucially, before the Athenians had arrived.[49] According to Diodorus, the two armies met on a large plain near the sea, probably in the vicinity of Pagasae.[49] Philip sent his men into battle wearing crown of laurel, the symbol of the Apollo; "as if he was the avenger...of sacrilege, and he proceeded to battle under the leadership, as it were, of the god".[50][51] In the ensuing battle, the bloodiest recorded in ancient Greek history, Philip won a decisive victory against the Phocians. In total, 6,000 Phocian troops were killed including Onormarchos, and another 3000 taken prisoner.[42] Onomarchos was either hanged or crucified and the other prisoners drowned, as ritual demanded for temple-robbers.[41] These punishments were designed to deny the defeated an honourable burial; Philip thus continued to present himself as the pious avenger of the sacrilege committed by the Phocians.[52]

Re-organisation of Thessaly[edit]

It was probably in the aftermath of his victory (if not before) that the Thessalians appointed Philip Archon of Thessaly.[45][53] This was an appointment for life, and gave Philip control over all the revenues of the Thessalian Confederation, and furthermore made Philip leader of the united Thesslian army.[45]

Philip was now able to settle Thessaly at his leisure. He first probably finished the siege of Pagasae, to deny the Athenians a landing place in Thessaly.[53] Pagasae was not part of the Thessalian Confederation, and Philip therefore took it as his own, and garrisoned it.[54] The fall of Pagasae now left Pherae totally isolated. Lycophron, rather than suffer the fate of Onomarchos, struck a bargain with Philip, and in return for handing Pherae over to Philip, he was allowed, along with 2000 of his mercenaries, to go to Phocis.[54] Philip now worked to unite the traditionally fractious cities of Thessaly under his rule. He took direct control of several cities in western Thessaly, exiling the dissidents, and in one case refounding the city with a Macedonian population; he tightened his control of Perrhaebia, and invaded Magnesia, also taking it as his own and garrisoning it; "when finished, he was lord of Thessaly."[55]


Once satisfied with his reorganisation of Thessaly, Philip marched south to the pass of Thermopylae, the gateway to central Greece.[42][51][55] He probably intended to follow up his victory over the Phocians by invading Phocis itself,[55] a prospect which greatly alarmed the Athenians, since once he was passed Thermopylae, he could also march on Athens.[42] The Athenians therefore dispatched a force to Thermopylae and occupied the pass; there is some debate as to whether other contingents may have joined the Athenians at Thermopylae. The Athenians were certainly there, since the Athenian orator Demosthenes celebrated the defense of the pass in one of his speeches.[56] Cawkwell suggests that the Athenian force was the one that Diodorus says was dispatched under Nausicles consisting of 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry, and that they were joined by the remnants of the Phocians and the Pheraean mercenaries.[51] However, Buckler argues that Diodorus never mentions Thermopylae, and the force under Nausicles was sent to help the Phocians the following year; instead, he believes that another Athenian force held the pass unassisted.[56] Although it might have proved possible to force the pass, Philip did not attempt to do so, preferring not to risk a defeat after his great successes in Thessaly.[42][56]


Meanwhile, the Phocians regrouped under Onomarchos's brother, Phallyos. After the huge Phocian defeats at Neon and Crocus Field, Phallyos had to resort to doubling the pay for mercenaries, in order to attract enough to replenish his army.[57] Despite their defeats however, the majority of the Phocians were still in favour of continuing the war.[57] Over the winter of that year, Phallyos engaged in diplomatic efforts to gather more support from Phocis's allies, and succeeding in widening the theatre of conflict in the next campaigning season.[57] Uniquely in Greek history, the Phocians were able to absorb huge losses in manpower, thanks to their pillaging of Temple of Apollo, a factor which was to contribute to the war dragging on indecisively until 346 BC.[57]

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia (352 BC)[edit]

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia, 352 BC

First conflict in the Peloponnese (352 BC)[edit]


Second conflict in the Peloponnese (351 BC)[edit]

Fourth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (351 BC)[edit]


Second Boeotian campaign in Phocis (349 BC)[edit]

Fifth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (349 BC)[edit]

Fifth and sixth Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 349–347 BC

Euboea (349-348 BC)[edit]

Third Boeotian campaign in Phocis (348 BC)[edit]

Sixth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (347 BC)[edit]

Fourth Boeotian campaign in Phocis (347 BC)[edit]

Philip had not involved himself in the Sacred War since his victory at the Crocus Field in 352 BC. In the meantime, it had become clear that the Sacred War could only be ended by outside intervention.[58] The Phocians had occupied several Boeotian cities, but were running out of treasure to pay their mercenaries; conversely, the Thebans were unable to act effectively against the Phocians.[58] The Phocian general Phalaikos was removed from his command in 347 BC, and three new generals appointed, who successfully attacked Boeotia again.[59]

The Thebans appealed to Philip for aid, and he sent a small force to their assistance.[58] Philip sent force enough to honour his alliance with Thebes, but not enough to end the war—he desired the glory of ending the war personally, in the manner of his choosing, and on his terms.[58][59]

Settlement of the Sacred War[edit]


Athens and Macedon had been at war since 356 BC, after Philip's capture of the Athenian colonies of Pydna and Potidea. Philip had then been drawn into the Sacred war, on behalf of the Thessalians, as described above. Since Athens was also a combatant in the Sacred war, the war between Athens and Macedon being inextricably linked with the progress of the Sacred War. In 352 BC, Philip's erstwhile ally, the Chalkidian League (led by Olynthos), alarmed by Philip's growing power, sought to ally themselves with Athens, in clear breach of their alliance with Philip. In response, Philip attacked Chalkidiki in 349 BC, and by 348 BC, had completely destroyed the Chalkidian League, razing Olynthos in the process. The prominent Athenian politician Philocrates had suggested offering Philip peace in 348 BC, during the Olynthian war.[60] The war between Athens and Philip thus continued through 347 BC, as did the Sacred War.[60]

In early 346 BC, Philip let it be known that he intended to march south with the Thessalians, though not where or why.[58] The Phocians thus made plans to defend Thermopylae, and requested assistance from the Spartans and the Athenians, probably around 14 February.[58] The Spartans dispatched Archidamus III with 1,000 hoplites, and the Athenians ordered everyone eligible for military service under the age of 40 to be sent to the Phocians' aid.[58] However, between the Phocians' appeal and the end of the month, all plans were upset by the return of Phalaikos to power in Phocis; the Athenians and the Spartans were subsequently told that they would not be permitted to defend Thermopylae.[58] It is not clear from the ancient sources why Phalaikos was returned to power, nor why he adopted this dramatic change of policy. Cawkwell suggests, based on remarks of Aeschines, that the Phocian army restored Phalaikos because they had not been properly paid, and further that Phalaikos, realizing that the army could not be paid and that the Phocians could no longer hope to win the war, decided to try and negotiate a peace settlement with Philip.[61]

Peace between Macedon and Athens[edit]

Main article: Peace of Philocrates

When the Athenians received this news, they rapidly changed policy. If Thermopylae could no longer be defended, then Athenian security could no longer be guaranteed.[61] By the end of February, the Athenians had dispatched an embassy, including Philocrates, Demosthenes and Aeschines, to Philip to discuss peace between Athens and Macedon.[61] The embassy had two audiences with Philip, in which each side presented their proposals for the terms of the peace settlement. The embassy then returned to Athens to present the proposed terms to the Athenian Assembly, along with a Macedonian embassy to Athens, empowered by Philip to finalize an agreement.[62] On 23 April, the Athenians swore to the terms of the treaty in the presence of the Macedonian ambassadors.[62]

Embassies to Philip[edit]



When Philip returned from Thrace he received both the Athenian and other embassies.[64] The Thebans and Thessalians requested that he take the leadership of Greece, and punish Phocis; conversely, the Phocians, supported by the Spartans and the Athenian delegations, pleaded with Philip not to attack Phocis.[64] Philip, however, delayed making any decisions; "[he] sought by every means not to reveal how he intended to settle things; both sides were privately encouraged to hope that he would do as they wanted, but both were bidden not to prepare for war; a peacefully arranged concordat was at hand"; he also delayed taking the oaths to the Peace of Philocrates.[65] Military preparations were ongoing in Pella during this period, but Philip told the ambassadors that they were for a campaign against Halus, a small Thessalian city which held out against him.[65] He departed for Halus before making any pronouncements, compelling the Athenian embassy to travel with him; only when they reached Pherae did Philip finally take the oaths, enabling the Athenian ambassadors to return home.[65]

Occupation of Thermopylae[edit]

It was in the aftermath of finally ratifying the Peace that Philip applied the coup de grace. He had persuaded the Athenians and other Greeks that he and his army was heading for Halus, but it seems certain that he also sent other units straight to Thermopylae.[65] Thus, when he swore oaths to the Athenian assembly in Pherae, his troops were already very close to Thermopylae; by the time the Athenian ambassadors arrived home (9 July), Philip was already in possession of the pass.[65] By delaying the oaths, and making what was effectively a feint against Halus, he prevented the Athenians from seeing their imminent danger, and from having time to garrison the Thermopylae.[66][67]

Peace settlement[edit]

All of central and southern Greece was now at Philip's mercy,[67] and the Athenians could not now save Phocis even if they abandoned the peace.[68] However, the Athenians were still ignorant of this turn of events when Phocian ambassadors came to Athens to plead for military aid around 9 July.[68] The Athenian council recommended that the peace be rejected, and Thermopylae be occupied in order to help save Phocis; since, as far at the Athenian embassy knew, Philip's troops were still in Pherae, there seemed to be ample time to occupy the pass.[68] By 12 July the news that Philip was "in the gates" arrived in Athens; the Athenians then knew that the situation was hopeless, and instead of acting on the previous recommendation of the council, the Assembly instead passed a motion re-affirming the Peace of Philocrates.[68]

Now that he was in control of Thermopylae, Philip could be certain of dictating the terms of the end of the Sacred War, since he could now use force against any state that did not accept his arbitration. He began by making a truce with Phalaikos on 19 July; Phalaikos surrendered Phocis to him, in return for being allowed him to leave, with his mercenaries, and go wherever he wished.[67][69] Cawkwell suggests that Phalaikos probably collaborated with Philip in 346 BC, allowing Philip to take Thermopylae in return for lenience for him and his men.[66] Otherwise, it is difficult to see how Philip could have advertised his campaign so far in advance (and been so confident of success), and yet not been stopped at Thermopylae.[66] Philip restored to Boeotia the cities that Phocis had captured during the war (Orchomenos, Coroneia and Corsiae), and then declared that the fate of Phocis would not be decided by him, but by the Amphictyonic Council. This caused great panic in Athens, since the Phocians could never hope for mercy from the Amphictyons, and since Athens was also (having allied with Phocis) shared in the same sacrilege.[70] However, it is clear that Philip was dictating the terms behind the scenes;[71][72] allowing the Amphictyons the formal responsibility allowed him to dissociate himself from the terms in the future.[71]

In return for ending the war, Macedon was made a member of the Amphictyonic council, and given the two votes which had been stripped from Phocis.[70] This was an important moment for Philip, since membership of the Ampictyony meant that Macedon was now no longer a 'barbarian' state in Greek eyes.[73] The terms imposed on Phocis were harsh, but realistically Philip had no choice but to impose such sanctions; he needed the support of the Thessalians (sworn enemies of Phocis), and could not risk losing the prestige that he had won for his pious conduct during the war.[67][74] However, they were not as harsh as some of the Amphictyonic members had suggested; the Oeteans had demanded that the traditional punishment for temple robbers of being pushed over a cliff be carried out.[70] Aside from being expelled from the Amphictyonic council, all the Phocian cities were to be destroyed, and the Phocians settled in 'villages' of no more than fifty houses; the money stolen from the temple was to be paid back at a rate of 60 talents per year;[72] He did not, however, destroy the Phocians, and they retained their land.[70] The Athenians, having made peace with Philip, were not penalised by the Amphictyonic council, and the Spartans also seem to have escaped lightly.b[›][75] Philip presided over the Amphictyonic festival in the autumn, and then much to the surprise of the Greeks, he went back to Macedon and did not return to Greece for seven years. He did however retain his access, by garrisoning Nicaea, the closest town to Thermopylae, with Thessalian troops.[75]



  2. ^ a b Buckler, p. 148.
  5. ^ Cawkwell, p. 31.
  6. ^ Cawkwell, p. 92.
  8. ^ Cawkwell, p. 185.
  10. ^ Buckler p. 16.
  11. ^ Worthington, p. 53.
  12. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 63.
  13. ^ Aeschines II, 115
  14. ^ Buckler, p. 14.
  15. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 64.
  16. ^ Buckler, p. 21.
  17. ^ a b Buckler, p. 22.
  18. ^ Buckler, p. 23.
  20. ^ a b Buckler, p. 25.
  22. ^ Buckler, p. 27.
  24. ^ Buckler, p. 28.
  28. ^ a b c Buckler, p. 45.
  29. ^ a b Buckler, p. 50.
  30. ^ a b Buckler, p. 51.
  32. ^ a b c Buckler, p. 47.
  33. ^ Cawkwell, p.66.
  34. ^ Sealey, p. 445.
  35. ^ Cawkwell, p. 61
  37. ^ Buckler, p. 63.
  38. ^ Buckler, p. 64.
  39. ^ Buckler, p. 66.
  40. ^ a b c Buckler, p. 67.
  41. ^ a b c d e Diodorus XVI, 35
  43. ^ Polyaenus II, 38.1
  44. ^ Cawkwell, p. 60.
  45. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 62.
  46. ^ Buckler, pp. 73–74.
  47. ^ Diodorus XVI, 31
  48. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 61.
  49. ^ a b c d Buckler. p. 74.
  50. ^ Justin VIII, 2
  51. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 66.
  52. ^ Buckler, p. 75.
  53. ^ a b Buckler, p. 78.
  54. ^ a b Buckler, p. 79.
  55. ^ a b c Buckler, p. 80.
  56. ^ a b c Buckler, p. 81.
  57. ^ a b c d Buckler, p. 85.
  58. ^ a b c d e f g h Cawkwell, p. 95.
  59. ^ a b Buckley, p. 476.
  60. ^ a b Cawkwell, p. 91.
  61. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 96.
  62. ^ a b Cawkwell, pp. 98–101.
  63. ^ Cawkwell, p. 101.
  64. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 102.
  65. ^ a b c d e Cawkwell, p. 103.
  66. ^ a b c Cawkwell, p. 109.
  67. ^ a b c d Buckley, p. 478.
  68. ^ a b c d Cawkwell, p. 104.
  69. ^ Cawkwell, p. 106.
  70. ^ a b c d Cawkwell. p. 107.
  71. ^ a b Cawkwell, p. 110
  72. ^ a b Buckley, p. 479.
  73. ^ Hornblower, p. 275.
  74. ^ Hornblower, p. 277.
  75. ^ a b Cawkwell, p. 108.


Ancient sources[edit]

Modern sources[edit]