Gackt: 月の詩〜TSUKI no UTA〜

上弦の月 〜最終章〜
Jougen no Tsuki ~Saishushou~


'I feel like a stranger where I live’

As new figures show 'white flight' from cities is rising, one Londoner writes a provocative personal piece about how immigration has drastically changed the borough where she has lived for 17 years

[Photo: "Multicultural: the shops in Acton Vale, west London Photo: Jeff Gilbert]

By Jane Kelly, The Telegraph, 29 Jan 2013





















Jane Kelly is consulting editor of the 'Salisbury Review’


Related articles:

The Salisbury Review:
The Quarterly Journal of Conservative Thought
‘Seriously Right’

Jane Kelly, "I'm a stranger where I live, The Salisbury Review

The SalisburyReview seems to be mostly the work of Kelly and Kike "Theodore Dalrymple", so of course Kelly won't be identifying The Kike's role in the mass importation of foreigners to the U.K.

I wonder if she's the Stuckist non-artist Jane Kelly who painted "You're in My Blood You Fuck" and a painting of Myra Hindley, and who channeled Anne Frank to raise cash for a charity that llegedly helps victims of trauma. (Kelly: "It was rather a lonely job going out to Zandvoort to make the drawings for the painting and sometimes I doubted my sanity in doing it at all."). Both Kelly's have or have had cancer, and have written about it; though that's not so uncommon.

"Theodore Dalyrymple" is Kike Witch-Doctor Anthony A.M. Daniels, whose father was a Communist businessman of allegedly Russian background, and whose mother was a Kike who "fled Nazi Germany" (Theodore Dalrymple, "What we have to lose", in Our Culture: What's Left of It (ed. Ivan R. Dee, 2005).)

"The Salisbury Review", quod vide Wikipedia:

The Salisbury Review is a British conservative magazine, published quarterly and founded in 1982. Roger Scruton was its chief editor for eighteen years and published it through his Claridge Press. It was named after Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, the British Prime Minister at the end of the nineteenth century. From 2000 the editor was the historian A. D. Harvey. As of 2006 [update] the managing editor is Merrie Cave.

Contributors have included Antony Flew, Enoch Powell, Margaret Thatcher, Václav Havel, Hugh Trevor-Roper, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Norman Stone, Theodore Dalrymple.


The publication was founded in 1982 by the Salisbury Group of Tories, who chose Scruton for his defence of traditional conservatism against proponents of the free market in The Meaning of Conservatism (1980). The Salisbury group itself was set up in 1976 to support the view of the Third Marquess of Salisbury that "good government consisted of doing as little as possible".

In The Spectator of 21 September 2002 Scruton wrote an article, "My Life Beyond the Pale", in which he explained what he saw as the difficulties "of finding people to write in an explicitly conservative journal". He noted that finding subscribers was initially difficult, and that Maurice Cowling had told him that to "try to encapsulate [conservatism] in a philosophy was the kind of quaint project that Americans might undertake". He also wrote that the editorship


Honeyford affair

A controversy involving Ray Honeyford, headmaster of Drummond Middle School in Bradford, Yorkshire, gave The Salisbury Review much publicity in 1984. According to Scruton: "This episode was our first great success, and led to the 600 subscriptions that we needed."

An article written by Honeyford for the Review in 1984 discussed themes on ethnicity, culture and assimilation, and educational performance. He had already made public his views in two letters in 1982, to the Times Educational Supplement (TES) and a local Bradford paper, and then in an extended article in the TES in November 1982. In that, he rehearsed a number of points, in particular on where the onus for integration and the limiting factors for educational performance lie in the home family environment in immigrant families. He attacked what he saw as the misplaced use of multiculturalism in schools, and 'political correctness' in the form of scrutiny of textbook material.

The 1984 Salisbury Review article "Education and Race — an Alternative View" covered similar ground, but caused a national outcry. Honeyford had already been in discussion with his Local Education Authority after the 1982 TES article, in the context of Bradford Council guidelines on educational aims issued in that year, but had not been disciplined. After the second article he was disciplined, and was also the target of a campaign for his dismissal. He was sacked, reinstated and then took early retirement, about two years after The Salisbury Review article was published.

Reaction to Jane Kelly, at LoonWatch: "the mooslims! they're heeere!"

Categorized | Loon Media, Loon People

Tags | Anti-Muslim, Islam, Islamification, Islamization, Islamophobia, Jane Kelly, racism, Reluctant Racism, Telegraph, Torygraph, West London

‘I am living in a place where I am a stranger’, claims ‘reluctant racist’ at Torygraph

Posted on 29 January 2013 by Emperor

Isn’t this lowbrow even for the Telegraph?



Over at the Telegraph, Jane Kelly protests against the Islamification of west London. At least she doesn’t bother trotting out the usual excuse that her dislike of Muslims is based solely on cultural differences and has nothing to do with race. She writes that “many white people in London and the Home Counties now move house on the basis of ethnicity” and justifies this on the grounds that “mass immigration is making reluctant racists of us all”.

Kelly is consulting editor at the Salisbury Review, a publication that achieved notoriety back in 1984 when it published an article by Bradford headteacher Ray Honeyford entitled “Education and Race – an Alternative View” which featured a range of offensive racist stereotypes.

Describing a meeting with Bradford Asian parents to discuss education policy, Honeyford wrote: “The hysterical political temperament of the Indian sub-continent became evident – an extraordinary sight in an English School Hall…. A half-educated and volatile Sikh usurped the privileges of the chair by deciding who was to speak.”

Which only goes to show how little things have changed on the Conservative right over the past three decades.

The Telegraph presents Kelly’s op ed as “a provocative personal piece”. I suppose that’s one way of describing an article expressing bigotry towards an entire ethno-religious community. Perhaps the Telegraph might consider following it up with another “provocative personal piece” complaining that Golders Green or Stoke Newington have been taken over by Jews, and see how that goes down.

COMMENTS (presented as found)

She is also unaware of the demographics of here own country . If she were to look at the results of the last census she would see factually what bollocks she was talking . Here is the link
The highest % of muslims was tower hamlets ( no surprise ) with 35% most authorities had less than 2 %
Historically there have always been areas in London where groups of immigrants tended to congragate
For instance White Chapel went from being French to Jewish to Bangladeshi . Today the french tend to live round Frognal and the Religious Jews ,Stanford Hill and Golders Green .
Where will the Bangladeshi’s move too ? Who will replace them ?
Sir David
Dont you lot start I have enough trouble as an englishman trying to convince french people that Britain does have good food and that Food does not have to contain garlic . :-)
incidently the Indian food in france tastes different to Indian food in Britain much less spicy surprisingly although lots of garlic
Reynardine its a pity you do not live closer you could try my steak and kidney pudding , halal of course :-) .
Mind you the Couscous is great here in France
Sir David
Zakariya Ali Sher
Well, both Islam and Hinduism have some pretty noteworthy dietary restrictions. Buddhism is pretty strict too but their a minority in most of the subcontinent today (barring Sri Lanka and Tibet of course). One thing non-Indians/non-Hindus might not realize is that strict Hindus can’t eat cooked food prepared by someone of a lower caste. Hence you have (or rather, used to have) a lot of Brahmin chefs (and, likely, some “Brahmins” who were actually from other castes, perhaps not even Hindus at all).
Zakariya Ali Sher
Yep. They pop up in Moche art and burials. I remember that from one of my archaeology classes. Oddly, in most Spanish speaking countries (Peru, Colombia, etc) peanuts are called manís. There’s even an old Cuban song, ‘El Manicero,’ which ironically became popular in the Congo of all places. However, up here they call peanuts cacahuetes, an Aztec derived word, probably due to the large Mexican community.
Yeah, Spanish is a lot like Arabic. Every country and region has their own local dialect, pronunciation and slang. :-D
Yes, because she is now going to eat the above-described English cooking the rest of her life.
Now, there is a New Testament account (I forget which Gospel, though) that when Jesus first came out of the tomb, he had a hankering for fried catfish with honey, so I’d say it comes highly endorsed. Just make sure they use vegetable oil.
For that matter, peanuts are actually from Brazil, even though they are associated with African and South Asian cuisine. Now, the hot fudge beef might have been good, but with the addition of tomato sauce, it just got clashy.
You might try the sauerkraut sundae- it’s highly recommended.
Zakariya Ali Sher
And quinoa, kiwicha, achira, kellu uchu, chinchi uchu, manioc, guinea pig, sharqui, coca leaf, chicha (sometimes with coca leaf).. there’s a whole hemisphere of indigenous foods. Its just most are difficult to get, at least up here.
I kind of do want to try hot fudge beef though. Just for the sake of being adventurous.
Mindy, that’s nothing. You haven’t lived until you’ve had mustard cream pie.
Actually I would probably like that, weirdo that I am :P
Am I really supposed to feel sorry for her :/ Sheesh
Actually, it’s far more varied than that. Think: tomatos, potatoes, corn, Phaseolus beans, all pumpkins and squash, turkey, chocolate, vanilla, and strawberries too big to stick in your eye, for starters. Just starters, you know.
(I had a horrible experience. A family from India bought our local Mexican restaurant. They didn’t know you make molé with *unsweetened* chocolate. Have you ever had hot fudge beef?…)
When first I started to live, it was all India.
I want some butter chicken!
A good many cooks from the Subcontinent, if catering to a mixed clientele, avoid both pork and beef. Chicken, duck, and lamb are thus featured prominently on such menus. Other than that, if this lady is so offended by Subcontinental foods, I wish her a truly English table with stringy potroast, mushy Brussels sprouts, and lots of tasteless things smothered in hot library paste (Damn, I wish I could get to the Indian buffet *now*. Right *now*!)
So you don’t just say it, you have to say it twice.
Indeed, there are several modes in which Muslim girls and women may learn to swim.
A. As happens with the rest of us, one may learn to swim with one’s scout/guide troop, at an all girl camp, or at a girls’ school that has its own swimming pool. In that case, an ordinary one piece would suffice, which is what most women wear to pools when seriously into swimming.
B. Some more Westernized families would probably not be offended by a similar maillot and a good cover-up at a family beach.
C. There are burkinis. They look a great deal like wetsuits in any case, though the fabric of course is more supple and permeable, and I would actually recommend them to redheads and other porcelain-complexioned types, regardless of religion.
In any case, the idea that Muslim girls and women don’t swim is rather akin to the idea that black people *can’t* swim.
Zakariya Ali Sher
I’m not sure about the statistics, but bear in mind that India is by far a larger country (there are more people in India than the entire continent of Europe) and there are a couple hundred thousand more Indian immigrants in the UK than Pakistani immigrants. The estimates vary, but there are about 700,000 Indians, 450,000 Pakistanis (roughly the same as the number of Irish in the UK), and 200,000 Bangladeshis.
HOWEVER, a couple of caveats here:
* Modern Pakistan and Bangladesh were once part of India. Immigrants whose families arrived prior to partition (1947) might very well still identify as ‘Indian.’
* South Asian cuisine is all connected anyway. Even when you get to regional cuisines this holds true. Panjab straddles both India and Pakistan, and is popular in both countries. Bengal is likewise split between India and Bangladesh.
* There is a significant Muslim minority in India. Roughly 13% of the population. So yes, there likely are Muslims of Indian descent in Britain, alongside Muslims of Pakistani or Bangladeshi heritage.
* And finally, you seem to assume only Muslims serve halal. This is not true at all. There are plenty of non-Muslim establishments that serve halal food. Mostly because they want to appeal to potential Muslim customers.
Tanveer Khan
Reluctant racism…wow thats new. What next? I sometimes think that these people would have made great fantasy authors.
Tanveer Khan
Go bangladeshis go go bangladeshis yeah!
(Sorry, couldnt resist)
I’m doubting she’s really that reluctant a racist to be honest. It takes a couple of reads of the actual article to absorb, digest & fully appreciate the scale of the blatant xenophobia and racism.
The fact that the inhabitants of huge, populous cities & their lifestyles have become frustratingly impersonal and unsociable isn’t the fault of Muslims. Normal, even vaguely perceptive people can recognise this. Jane Kelly is not one of these people unfortunately.
Most “indian” restaurants in the UK are actually Bangladeshi or Pakistani. There are actual Indian restaurants which don’t use halal meat.
Zakariya Ali Sher
Maybe she meant American Indian takeaway. Like buffalo meat, fry bread, beans, corn and squash. :-D
This woman hardly makes any sense but she does display the serious backwardness that is hard to miss with Conservatives.
By the way hasn’t Indian take away been “halal” forever?
Zakariya Ali Sher
Wait, so she’s complaining about her local Indian restaurant being Muslim owned and offering halal food? I get that she’s a racist and anti-Muslim, but I find that part of her rant even more baffling. I mean, just given the demographics of the subcontinent, what does she expect? An Asian restaurant without ‘brown people?’ Or maybe she’s just confused and thought it was an Indianapolis restaurant? Hell, if she’s so worried about us scary foreigners taking over London, why is she eating at an Indian restuarant in the first place? Shouldn’t she be packing her bags and fleeing Lodnon to move to some small town in Rutland or Herefordshire? Or are they ‘too ethnic’ for her too?
oh poor Jane… terrible for you. Good riddance to you Jane and Don’t let the “multicultural” door hit your racist ass on the way out
The first thing any human – any mammal- needs in life are food and love. Without them, we don’t survive. There is our commonality.
I dont see that as a bad thing as it demonstrates our common humanity as opposed to the Loons who seek to dehumanise us by calling us names . Making us two dimentional insterad of real people .
Sir David
I’m hurt ….. you doubt the word of an english gentleman!
Sir David
One does wonder if she has tried shopping in france :-)
Sir David
Sam Seed
It really exists!
I wasn’t aware that being less than ideally helpful (as a shopkeeper), somewhat antisocial use of a mobile phone, not feeling inclined to catch the idea of a stranger smiling at one and ill treatment of animals were bad habits particularly associated with Muslims.
Anybody notice how any thread, anywhere, can be derailed by the mere mention of food?…
its like cheesecloth but a bit stronger
Note this is a steamed pudding
Mushrooms are fine in this pudding too
Sir David
Thank you, Sir David.
Pudding cloth is unknown locally, but my evil mind is already racing along pathways to perdition. But I have never made steak and kidney pie without mushrooms, and the same would be true of the pudding.
There you go
Sir David
McDonalds started in Chicago, and Burger King in Miami. I actually ate at the second Burger King ever built, when I was fourteen or so; it’s long ago torn down.
I am unfamiliar with steak and kidney pudding. I have made steak and kidney pie, but, as I live in the American South, it was a pot pie with biscuit crust (by which I mean *biscuits* not crackers. We Crackers are very particular about our biscuits). Surely, yours is good, though.
We need a Robert Spencer to wriite a book to warn the British people, our civilisation is at stake
er …………………………….
Sir David
I just found this information yet more signs of a catholic takeover of the UK first the French then the Poles !
Something must be done we are doomed ! doomed !
Sir David
and Kentuky fried maybe chicken …..
where does McDonalds come from ?
Sir David
I will have to ask my lifelong friend about that song- her family came from Oriente province.
You are right about dialects. By now, Miami has developed its own, based on mid-Twentieth Century Cuban Spanish, + Nicaraguan, Colombian, Venezualan, and others, circa ’70′S and ’80′s, +influxes from Brazilian Portuguese + Espanglés. I actually picked some of it up from the street, after it had been run over a few times.
When its cooked in Lard , best to check as its still used in the North sometimes :-)
Sir David
Area around Frognal Lane NW3
Nope I am not making it up London has a french population of over 200000
Oh no its a jeehaaad merci merd ……………………
Bagettes every where and they smell of garlic What can we do ?
Sir David
Plus they are all catholics in the pay of the Pope and we all now what that means …………
Yes Fish every friday !
Sam Seed

It's all just KIKE PROXY vs KIKE PROXY


I think this is about the best one could hope for in coverage of gangs (mostly of niggers) and drugs in the mainstream (i.e., kikestream) media. I wouldn't ever expect such a documentary from any American producers. The UK Kike producers seem slightly less blatant in their kikishness.

MacIntyre, for all his faults, is at least bearable to watch, and unlike similar shows (Britain's toughest Pubs/Villages/Towns . . .), the main focus of "Crime Capitals" is not "white trash", working class White thugs, "Nazis", skinheads, and so on. He's still just a Shabbos Goy, though.

Series Producer: Kike Dov Freedman

Filmed, Produced & Directed by Kike James Bluemel

For Toronto Kike Moses Znaimer's Bravo TalmudVision

Initial impressions of Miami based on Kike Mike Mann's Miami Vice

Comparing MacIntyre's shows from Miami and from Belfast:
  • In Belfast he bemoans the fact that one Negress immigrant was not welcome, but here in Miami he can see what happens when niggers take over a neighborhood. He also made a point of mentioning that she was born in London, but had no relevant comment about nationalism when she said she had wanted to put up her national flag (Trinidad? as far as I remember), and paint her house in her nation's colours, to annoy Ulster Unionists -- Obviously she didn't mean red, white and blue.
  • In Belfast he'd never try to make paramilitaries (esp. Loyalist) seem sympathetic. In Miami he hangs out with scum niggers who boast, in front of their children, about the pleasure they take in torturing and killing people, and how they'd kill him just because of the colour of his eyes.
  • He says that "racism is still a big problem in Belfast", and Belfasters have to "evolve". In Miami he knows very well that he has a good chance of being murdered, or at least robbed, raped, and/or beaten just for walking down certain streets, just because he's White; but has, of course, no comment on Negro or Hispanic race-hatred. (Though he does comment that Jamaicans hated the Haitians arriving because they're even worse niggers than Jamaicans. He didn't express it in that manner though.)



The Golden Inn / Kim Fung Gardens
236 Ballysillan Road
Just off the Oldpark Road
Belfast, BT14 6QZ
(028) 9071 3966




Locations: Roppongi 六本木, Korakuen 後楽園, Tabata to Kome-gome 田端駅〜駒込駅, Shinjuku 新宿.

From Koma-gome Station to Tabata Station, on the JR Yamanote Line (which goes in a circle around Tokyo), 2011.06.11:


By Salyu サリュ & 渡辺善太郎 Watanabe Zentaro

Doko de meguri aeru ka na
Ano hi yume mita kisetsu to
Fuyu no hikari ni oyoideta futari

Sore wa eien no hajime
Soshite mabataki no you ni
Kiete yuku no ni toki no kaze ni

Sotto sotto yureta
Keeki no ue no kyandoru no you ni
Ima mo matataku

Anata no yume mo anata no koe mo
Anata no shigusa mo oboeteru
Zutto zutto . . . demo ne
Anata no kokoro no doa no kagi wo motetara
Moshi motteta nara ima demo futari wa…
Nante ne, gomen ne.

Ai wo sagasu furi wo shite
Koi ni tsumazuitetanda
Sabishikatta kara ijiwaru mo itta

"Jaa ne" tte sayonara shite mo
Sugu ni aitakunatte wa
Komaraseta ne akanezora

Tooku, chikaku takaku hikuku
Yuugure ni hibiku
Yami wo koete yuke

Itsuka wa kitto otona ni natte
Kimi wo mamoreru kitto mamoreru nante omou…dakedo
Honto wa ano toki naiteru kimi no ima sono kimi no mirai goto
Dakishimetereba . . . dekizu ni, gomen ne.

Sotto sotto yureta
Keeki no ue no kyandoru no you ni
Ima mo matataku

Anata no yume mo anata no koe mo
Anata no shigusa mo oboeteru
Zutto zutto . . . demo ne
Anata no kokoro no doa no kagi wo motetara
Moshi motteta nara ima demo futari wa…
Nante ne, gomen ne.

どこで　めぐり逢えるかな
Where shall we encounter

あの日 夢見た季節と
that day
I saw in my dreams
the season and

冬の光に 泳いでいた ふたり
the two of us
swimming in the winter * glow

それは 永遠の始め
that was the beginning of eternity *

そして 瞬きのように
and then
like a flicker

消えてゆくのに 時の風に
even though it's fading away
in the wind of time

そっと そっと ゆれた
softly, gently it swayed

like a candle on top of a cake

今も またたく
now also
it still twinkles

あなたの夢も あなたの声も
your dream too
your voice too

あなたのしぐさも 覚えてる
your gestures too

ずっとずっと…。 でもね
forever and ever . . . .
But, but

if I had
the key to the door of your heart

もし持ってたなら 今でもふたりは…。
if I did
even now we would be . . . .

Just kidding, sorry.

愛を 探すふりをして
Pretending to look for love/agape

恋に つまずいてたんだ
into love/romance I stumbled

淋しかったから イジワルも言った
because I was lonely
I said spiteful things

「じゃあね」って さよならしても
Even when I said, "See ya"
at goodbye

[i.e., as we parted, as if it meant nothing]

すぐに 会いたくなっては
how I wanted to meet again right away

困らせたね あかねぞら
this frustrated you
the glowing sky

遠く、近く 高く 低く
far, near high low

夕暮れに ひびく
it echoed at dusk

闇を 超えて行け
pass through the darkness

いつかは きっと 大人になって
someday I will be truly an adult

君を守れる きっと守れるなんて 思う…だけど
I can protect you
I will definitely be able to protect you
I think . . .

ホントは あの時 泣いてる君の 今 その君の未来ごと
the TRUTH is that
that time, of the (distant) you who was crying
that future of the (near) you

抱きしめてれば…。 できずに、ごめんね。
if I hold on tight . . . .
That I cannot, I am sorry.

そっと そっと ゆれた
Softly, gently it swayed

like a candle on top of a cake

今も またたく
now also
it still twinkles

あなたの夢も あなたの声も
your dream too
your voice too

あなたのしぐさも 覚えてる
your gestures too

ずっとずっと…。 でもね
forever and ever . . . .
But, but

if I had
the key to the door of your heart

if I did
even now we would be . . . .

Just kidding, sorry.

[nb. There is literate poetic wordplay here in the connection between "泳" winter and "永" eternity. In the written character, not the spoken/sung words.]

CONCERT @ NIPPON BUDOUKAN 日本武道館 2009.02.10



GLIDE グライド

Singer: Salyu as Lily Chou-Chou
Lyrics: Kobayashi Takeshi & Saegusa Yuuko
Music: Kobayashi Takeshi

I wanna be
I wanna be
I wanna be just like a melody
just like a simple sound
like in harmony

I wanna be
I wanna be
I wanna be just like the sky
just fly so far away
to another place

To be away from all,
to be one,
of everything

I wanna be
I wanna be
I wanna be just like the wind
just flowing in the air
through an open space

I wanna be
I wanna be
I wanna be just like the sea
just swaying in the water
so to be at ease

To be away from all
to be one
of everything

I wanna be
I wanna be
I wanna be just like a melody
just like a simple sound
like in harmony

All About Lily Chou-Chou

Salyu as Lily Chou-Chou Glide

Ririi Shushu no Subete All About Lily Chou-Chou


Fukushima Tamakonnyaku Stage 郡山たまこんにゃくステージ


Translation: headphone child

後ろに道は無い　突き進め

Rise up!
There are things we won’t surrender even if we die
Don’t turn around
There’s no way back
Keep pushing onward


When a lonely voice resounds in the dark of night
Reflected on my blade will be the floating moon


Blooming in my bluffing heart is a whirlwind
If I put my life on the line, then won’t something change?


In a rain of falling sorrows, the men just get wet

桜の花吹雪　風に散る

Well then, goodbye
Without wiping my tears, I’ll run forth
Well then, goodbye
The falling blossoms of the cherry tree
Scatter in the wind


Our hearts strike against each other
Until sparks fly
Would you call it tenderness, to know sorrow?


In the battle we cannot lose, the blood of the men boils


Release me!
In the world, there’s just that one blade
Sharpen it!
Victory is a momentary flash of lightning

後ろに道は無い　突き進め

Rise up!
There are things we won’t surrender even if we die
Don’t turn around
There’s no way back
Keep pushing onward


Come then, let’s be victorious
We’ll follow this path we believed in forever
Come then, let’s be victorious
To the very limit that our fate allows




The Fédération Internationale de Football Association has authority over 209 national associations organized into 6 ontinental confederations. It is working hard to end racism and perceived racism by Whites against non-Whites in Europe.

Fifa president Sepp Blatter's new hard line on racism wins cautious approval from anti-discrimination campaigner

Fifa president Sepp Blatter’s apparent tougher line on racism has been given a cautious welcome by a leading anti-discrimination campaigner – but the Swiss football administrator has been told his proposed punishments still do not go far enough.

Fifa president Sepp Blatter's view of racism in football has hardened

Tougher sanctions: Fifa president Sepp Blatter has suggested racism in football should be dealt with by a points deduction or teams being relegated.

The Telegraph, 20 Jan 2013

Blatter, 76, who has been criticised in the past for some of his comments regarding the issue of racial discrimination, took to Twitter to say financial sanctions were not sufficient and suggested points deductions and the relegation of teams was the way to go.

On his official Twitter account, Blatter said: “Sanctions against discriminatory acts must be very severe. We will discuss this at next Strategic Committee in 3 weeks. Deduction of points/relegation. Financial sanctions: not efficient. Matches behind closed doors: not good solution.”

Piara Powar, the executive director of the Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) network which works in over 40 countries to tackle discrimination and social exclusion, said tougher sanctions were a move in the right direction.

“We welcome any suggestion that the rules of football will be applied more stringently and governing bodies at all levels forced to recognise their responsibilities,” he said.

“There has been enough talking without decisive action. But that is not enough, education and awareness-raising must be at the centre of action. We cannot allow a feeling to develop where people think sanctions to deal with discrimination are about top-down political correctness.”

Blatter courted controversy in November 2011 when he claimed racism did not exist in football and that, if such issues arose, they could be solved with a simple handshake.

He was also criticised last month when he said AC Milan midfielder Kevin-Prince Boateng was wrong to respond to racist abuse during a friendly against Pro Patria by leaving the field.

COMMENTS (only one so far)


"It's great that the world body is taking stronger action against White alleged racism against non-Whites, in Europe.

"Points should definitely be taken away for perceived racist crimes. That games are scored merely based on the number of goals scored is an out-dated system. Goals should only be counted if the goal-scorer and his or her team-mates have correct in their thoughts, speech and gestures.

"If 10 goals were disqualified for every one incident of racist speech or gesture by a White player, and the offensive player were prosecuted with the full weight of The Law, that would improve The Beautiful Game immesurably.

"If offensive White fans were forced to go to Nigeria, or Jamaica, or Lambeth, wearing placards detailing their crimes, that might make them think twice.

"There is no need to rush to apply extreme measures, yet. Life-time bans on players and team should only be instated after a third offense. Moderation is the key.

"Together, all correct-thinking peoples of the world can end White racism and perceived racism against non-Whites, in Europe."



Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) is a network set up to counter "racism and xenophobia" in European Football. The network was set up in Vienna, Austria, in February 1999 after a meeting of football supporters' groups, football players' unions and football associations. FARE aims to counter racism and discrimination in football grounds, amongst supporters and amongst the general community. The network has received backing from the European governing body UEFA, FIFA and the European Commission for its aims. FARE have recently reached the spotlight due to their involvement in a UEFA investigation of chanting by Rangers fans.

Network's history

* 1997: As a part of the European Year against Racism various football related projects are sponsored by the European Commission

* February 1999: Establishment of the FARE network and passing of a FARE plan of action in Vienna

* June 2000: Official launch of the FARE network at the European parliament in Brussels, just before Euro 2000 started

* April 2001: Over 50 actions are led in 9 European countries during the first FARE action week against racism and discriminations

* July 2001: FARE representatives take part in a FIFA conference against racism in Buenos Aires

* August 2001: UEFA rewards their Monaco charity cheque of one million Swiss francs to FARE. FARE becomes a member of the UEFA football and social responsibility portfolio

* September 2002: Start of a two-year anti-discrimination project co-funded by the European Commission

* October 2002: UEFA gets behind the FARE ten-point plan of action

* November 2002: FARE revives the Free Your Mind award at the MTV music awards in Barcelona

* March 2003: The Unite Against Racism conference hosted by Chelsea FC is jointly organized by UEFA, FARE and the FA

* October 2003: Some 400 initiatives in 24 countries take place during the 4th Action Week. FARE receives Jean Kahn award from the EUMC.

* June 2004: FARE launches a Football Unites programme at UEFA Euro 2004 in Portugal

* April 2005: FARE networking conference takes place in Bratislava

* November 2005: FARE takes part in a public hearing at the European Parliament in Brussels

* January 2006: FIFA and FARE establish a strategic alliance in the field of anti-discrimination. FARE program in Eastern Europeis funded by the Stand Up Speak Up campaign

* February 2006: The second Unite Against Racism conference jointly organized by UEFA, FARE and the Spanish FA is hosted by FC Barcelona

* March 2006: European declaration on tackling racism in football becomes a formal resolution at the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

* June 2006: FARE runs an anti-discriminations program at FIFA World Cup 2006 in Germany

* October 2006: With more than 700 initiatives in 37 European countries, and including the involvement of all 32 Champions League teams, the seventh FARE action week becomes Europe's biggest anti-racism campaign in football so far

* May 2007: FARE networking conference on ethnic minorities and equality, is hosted by the French Football Federation, LICRA and PSG in Paris

Campaigning and events

* The Mondiali Antirazzisti is a unique tournament in Italy that brings supporters groups, migrants and local communities together to celebrate diversity [in Italy] and popular fan culture. This vivbrant anti-racist football festival with 204 five-a-side teams is held every July near Bologna.

* Stand Up Speak Up: some of the income generated from the sale of the wristbands is going to FARE to run a series of activities in central and eastern Europe. The FARE programme seeks to tackle the exclusion of Roma communities in Slovakia and to undertake monitoring and campaigning activities to counter the presence of neo-Nazi groups at football grounds in Poland. In the Balkans the key aim is to challenge prevailing ideas of nationalism and xenophobia through working with football clubs and youth teams.

* Building on the success in Portugal in 2004, the FARE network is preparing a programme of anti-racism activities at UEFA Euro 2008 in Austria and Switzerland. The aim is to promote and convey the positive message of anti-racism and fighting discrimination in and outside the stadiums. FARE intend to engage fans and local communities through Street-kick tournaments, supporter gatherings and distribution of fanzine.



Stand Up Speak Up is a Europe-wide campaign that was launched in January 2005 by the French Football player Thierry Henry following an increase in reports of racist incidents in football across Europe. Together with Nike and other top European players, he protests against this continuing problem inviting football fans to voice their opposition to racism.

The symbol of the campaign is two interlocked wristbands, one black, and one white. About 5 million of these wristbands have been sold all over Europe. The wrist bands are no longer being sold and there is no intention to reproduce them. All the funds raised are passed on to a central Stand Up Speak Up fund that will look to support initiatives that aim to combat racism in football through a variety of programmes and initiatives, that raise awareness, challenge behaviour and strive to change attitudes. This successful campaign included footballers such as Thierry Henry, Rio Ferdinand, Wayne Rooney, Cristiano Ronaldo and Adriano.

Controversy sparked when Gary Neville claimed Nike were only involved for commercial gain and not their anti-racism stance. This carried over into a match against Arsenal as Neville and Manchester United team mate Paul Scholes refused to wear the different anti racism tracksuit top that players from both sides wore.


"A ComRes poll commissioned last year by the RS5 campaign showed that 62 per cent of MPs believed it should not be the business of government to outlaw 'insults.'"

- Christopher Hope,
"'Insulting' words crime which made it illegal to call a police horse 'gay' is to be changed: A law which has been used to try to convict a student who said 'woof' to a police dog, or called a police horse 'gay' is to be changed",
The Telegraph, 14 Jan 2013.


Nakashima Mika 中島美嘉 - GLAMOROUS SKY

Nakashima Mika Glamorous Sky

Nakashima Mika Glamorous Sky

Nakashima Mika Glamorous Sky

Nakashima Mika Glamorous Sky

Nakashima Mika Glamorous Sky

Nakashima Mika

Nakashima Mika

Nakashima Mika



Urban Britain increasingly non-British, and Whites who can afford to escape.

Part of the blame belongs to the chattering and twiddling infotainment classes who benefitted with riches and acclaim as part of the kikomasonic media, distracting and disarming Britons from defending their territory. Am I for real? Hell yeah! They are demonic forces, whores, parasites, traitors.

Just one example:



Words & Music by Brian May

I'm a simple man with a simple name
From this soil my people came
In this soil remain oh yeah oh yeah

He made us our shoes
And we trod soft on the land
But the immigrant built roads
On our blood and sand oh yeah

White man! White man!
Don't you see the light
Behind your blackened skies

White man! White man!
You took away the sight
To blind my simple eyes

White man! White man!
Where you gonna hide
From the hell you've made

Oh the red man knows wars
With his hands and his knives
On the Bible you swore
Fought your battle with lies oh yeah

Leave my body in shame
Leave my soul in disgrace
But by ev'ry god's name
Say a prayer for your race oh yeah

White man! White man!
Our country was green
And all our rivers wide

White man! White man!
You came with a gun
And soon our children died

White man! White man!
Don't you give a light
For the blood you've shed?

White man! White man!
White man! White man!
White man!

For you battled with lies
White man! White man!
Still lies
White man! White man!

Say you look around
Every skin and bone again
What is left of your dream?
Just the words on your stone

A man who learned how to teach
Then forgot how to learn

Oh yeah

Like most of his mentally and spiritually diseased generation, Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire Brian May deplores historical European colonization, but hates White people (in other words, the ones who mostly did not colonize anywhere) who object to their own lands (a concept May denies has any validity) being taken over by alien peoples. But he does want to save the badger. He wants to save the whales and gorillas and every species of beastie except homo britannicus albus. He bemoans the woeful condition of the Bantu. He's worried about the imminent "castration" of the RSPCA. Does he seriously imagine the Somali and Afghan New Britons are more concerned about British wildlife than the White people who have lived on and with the land for ages? Yes, he surely does, because Dr May, PhD, is such a moron that he thinks his idol Nelson Mandela is peaceful:

"I will keep talking and peacefully oppose what’s going on.“I think there is violence being perpetrated against animals and that’s a terrible thing. It’s a bit like Nelson Mandela looking at his people being violated but being a peaceful man." (The Telegraph, 2012.09.23)

Dr Commander Brian May, having just discussed the kike-invented pseudopathology of "homophobia":

“I’ve never really understood racism either. We had black kids at school and it never for a second occurred to me that they should be treated any different from anyone else. The idea that people treated other races differently was an appalling shock to me later on in life. I thought, How can anyone be so ignorant? I was the same about being gay."

Well, he doesn't have to worry about being racially hated or in any of his 'hoods.

One of Brian May's homes. Mansion and Grounds.

One of Brian May's Homes

If you like some song or movie or book produced by someone who's part of the Kike media, especially someone who's be well-rewarded, and has been blatant in their promotion of the destruction of your people, race, nation, faith, or whatever is important to you, then at least make sure you don't pay into the system more than you're already forced to through taxation.

May's just one example of this class of traitors who caught my attention because of something he said. He seems like a pleasant enough chap, and he's not untalented. According to The Sunday Times Rich List he was "worth" £85 million ($135 million) as of 2011. I don't envy his riches or begrudge his success. I just think that people who live in mansions with high tech security service shouldn't comment negatively about people who'd like to live as far from Negroes and Muslims as he does. I bet if a pack of Negroes were spotted hanging around his gate at night, they have their criminal records checked for B&E's. And if they said they were Queen fans hoping to catcher a glimpse of Commander May, the cops would have a good laugh. Only Whites and Asians like Queen; though Niggers like to grunt obscenities and boast about their felonies over "Another One Bites The Dust", rapping with a dead Freddie Mercury. The Three Last Queens don't care, as long as they get their cut.

are you ready, hey, are you ready for this?
are you hangin' on the edge of your seat?

i need a break beat

are you ready, hey, are you ready for this?
are you hangin' on the edge of your seat?

i need a break beat

are you ready, hey, are you ready for this?
are you hangin' on the edge of your seat?

i need a break beat

outta the doorway, the bullets rip
repeat to the sound of the beat, yeah

yo, a for the kids in the club
that's ready to get bugged

another one bites the dust

a for the thugs with the burners
that wanna blast off

another one bites the dust

and for the kids on the blocks
shootin' at the crooked cops

another one bites the dust

and another one gone
and another one gone
another one bites the dust, hey

wyclef, dirty cash, young free...
freddie, where you at?

steve walks warily down the street
with his brim pulled way down low
some cat up in brooklyn
just got robbed with a kangol

are you ready, hey, are you ready for this?
are you hangin' on the edge of your seat?
out of the doorway, the bullets rip
repeat to the sound of the beat, hey

my man got shot
and the block got hot

another one bites the dust

yo, hey, yo
i hear more shots
it's like fort knox, kid

another one bites the dust

and another one gone
and another one gone
another one bites the dust, hey

yo, hold your breath
hold your breath
hold your breath

yo, check it
if you're a soldier at ease
my military style is known to murder nazis
brooklyn to germany

oh yeah

my kamikaze will blow the u2
they hire idi amin in timbuktu
whether you hindu, or do the voodoo
you can't foresee this
unless i bring the previews

yeah yeah

yo, it's the number one rappin' band
come on, come on

yo, this review
will be critically acclaimed
leave you in critical pain
clinically insane

the name wyclef jean
with a yes, yes, y'all
better have a vest, y'all
i'll blast

oh yeah

and bless y'all
fuck y'all

the mark of the beast
the triple six
time running out
listen to the tick

oh yeah

if you seen what i saw
then you see what i seen
if you know what i know
you know what i mean

oh yeah

commanding officer
of the navy seal team
once i give the orders
you feel the infrared --

oh yeah

-- beam


for all you critics
sayin', "another remake"

another one bites the dust

yow, if you know the deal
this is the master reel, kid
ha ha

another one bites the dust

oh yeah

right, right
freddie mercury, where you at, yo?

and another one gone
and another one gone
another one bites the dust

how do you think i'm gonna get along
aithout you when you're gone?

i need a break beat!

oh yeah

if you're ready for the first of the month
for that welfare check
come on
kicked me outta my home

i need a break beat!

are you happy? are you satisfied?
how long can you stand the heat?

i need a break beat!

outta the doorway, the bullets repeat
to the sound of the beat

yeah, lookout

yo! bulletproof vests
like the wild wild west

another one bites the dust

yo, this is a stickup
now take off your rolex

another one bites the dust

yo, dirty money, good money
yo it's all money-money

another one bites the dust

yo, dirty cash, dirty cash
the adventures of dirty cash

and another one gone
and another one gone
another one bites the dust

yo, for the love for the cash
i'll blast you in my path
keep my eyes on the math
you cats don't know the half

oh yeah

as far as i'm concerned
you cats can burn in flames
this ain't no game
i'm a-start callin' names

oh yeah

so come get me
if you know the one-fifty
a million refugees
ready to bust wit' me

oh yeah

bloody, filthy
in this rap shheeit
you gonna have to kill me
since you can't beat me

oh yeah

pras, dirty, cash
you're the greedy
believe me!
god'll let me fly
like r. kelly

oh yeah

bite another dust with my man freddie mercury
what height nineties got ya, cash
wannabe crazy

oh yeah

i tactically destroy
deploy more decoys
than a presidential convoy

oh yeah

my whole envoy stay camouflaged out
and when i walk the street
i take the refugee route

oh yeah

this one go out to all my thugs
in the borough
so just stay thorough
like kilimanjaro

oh yeah

split it with an arrow
my girl platoon roll
outta control
the female mandingos

oh yeah

i evolve from the egg of a seminarian
don't go down
'cause i'm a vegetarian

oh yeah

and when i bust
it ain't in god we trust
and if you bring a gun
you better bring a black tux

oh yeah

she looked into my eyes and said f-b-i

another one bites the dust

oh yeah

she said she loved me
she was a spy who lied

another one bites the dust

i could relate
could you relate?

another one bites the dust

another one bites the dust

don't you know we coming for you?

yo, canibus, john forte

another one bites the dust

yaw, dirty cash, and baby free

another one bites the dust

wyclef jean, freddie mercury
ha ha i'm out baby

and another one gone
and another one gone
another one bites the dust, hey

navy seals

another one bites the dust
another one bites the dust




1916年（大正5年）8月26日 - 2000年（平成12年）9月22日

Sakai Saburou wakai

Sakai Saburou 1939

Sakai Saburou Rabaul PNG

Sakai Saburou Rabaul PNG

Tainan_Kaigun_Koukuutai_Ohta Toshio Sakai Saburou Nishizawa Hiroyoshi Lae PNG


Guadalcanal, 1942.08.07: Sakai sustained injuries from a US TNJ rear-gunner. A 7.62 mm bullet passed through the right side of his brain, leaving him blind in his right eye, and with the left side of his body paralyzed.

His Zero rolled over, and headed upside-down toward the sea. Unable to see out of his left eye, due to blood flowing from the head wound, his vision then started to clear a bit as his tears washed some of the blood from his eyes, and he was able to pull his plane out of the steep seaward dive.

He recalled thinking: "If I must die, at least I could go out as a samurai. My death would take several of the enemy with me. A ship. I needed a ship."

His cockpit had been blown off, and the cold air revived him. He decided to try returning to Rabaul base, in Papua New Guinea, 1,040 km away.

Sakai Saburou Rabaul PNG 1942.08.08

Rabaul, 1942.08.08: After a four-hour, 47-minute flight, using volcanic peaks as guide-posts, Sakai attempted to land at the Japanese airfield, but nearly crashed into a line of parked Zeros. After circling four times, and with the fuel gauge reading empty, he landed. After delivering his mission report to his superior officer, he collapsed. Sakai was evacuated to Japan on 1942.08.12, where he was operated on without anesthesia.


"In the Dutch East Indies . . . during the bombing of Java. The order was to shoot down any aircraft over Java. I was over Java and had just shot down an enemy aircraft when I saw a big black aircraft coming towards me. I saw that it was a civilian aircraft - a DC-4. As I flew closer I saw that it was full of passengers. Some were even having to stand. I thought that these might be important people fleeing, so I signaled to the pilot to follow me. The pilot of the aircraft was courageous enough not to follow me so I came down and got much closer. Through one of the round windows I saw a blonde woman, a mother with a child about three years old. So I thought I shouldn't kill them. As a child I went to a middle school for two years, a school I was later expelled from. While I was there I was taught by an American, Mr. Martin, and his wife came to the class to teach us while her husband or the other teachers were away. She was good to me. And that woman in the airplane looked like Mrs. Martin. So I thought that I shouldn't kill them. So I flew ahead of the pilot and signaled him to go ahead. Then the people in the plane saluted. The pilot saluted me and the passengers. I didn't know where it went: either to the United States or Australia. I couldn't find out. But a few years ago I came to find out where that plane went - back to Holland. Newspapermen from Holland came to visit me to find out if it was true. Well, anyway, I didn't respect my orders that day but I still think I did the right thing. I was ordered to shoot down any aircraft, but I couldn't live with myself doing that. I believed that we should fight a war against soldiers; not civilians."

[1945.08.17 (Japan had surrendered 1945.08.14)]: "I had a chance to combat the B-29 formations, and I must say that their speed and altitude were incredible, and their defensive fire was very accurate and heavy. I assisted in the destruction of one bomber that crashed in the ocean. This mission was launched after we were ordered to stand down and surrender, so it never went into the official records, but the USAF records recorded the loss over Tokyo Bay."

"By far the most important thing for a good fighter plane is its range. I can't tell you how much that affects you when you're in the cockpit. When you know you've got plenty of gas, it really lets you relax. Those poor Germans in their Me109s! They could barely get to altitude and fight for a couple of minutes before they had to start worrying about their fuel supply. When you are worried about your gas, it really affects what you do with your plane, even how you fight. Think of how many German fighters ended up at the bottom of the English Channel because they didn't have the gas to get home. A plane that doesn't have the gas to fly is just junk. If the Germans had had 1000 Zeros in 1940, I don't think England would still exist today. Think about it: With Zeros, they could have operated from airfields near Paris and still hit any target anywhere in the British Isles, or escorted bombers, and still have plenty of gas to get home. I once flew a Zero for 12 hours continuous once in an experiment to see just how far it could go. That plane's range was incredible. That's part of what made the Mustang great, too."

"One day I jumped two B-26s and shot one down. I got a few shots off at the other before I lost it in a cloud bank. After the war, I learned from U.S. records of the incident that the plane that got away had been carrying Lyndon Johnson! Can you imagine how I might have changed history if I'd hit the other plane first instead? A lot of Americans who know that story have come up to me and said, 'Saburo, why didn't you shoot the other plane down first? Then we could have stayed out of the Vietnam War!'"

"There's no question that Japanese soldiers probably killed a few thousand people there [in Nanjing], but stories of 100,000 to 300,000 dead are complete fiction, made up by the Chinese for propaganda purposes. And most of the "civilians" that got killed were probably Chinese soldiers masquerading as non-combatants by not wearing their uniforms. That IS against international law. Why don't I think the stories are true? First of all, there weren't even 300,000 people in Nanjing at the time. Most of the city's population had fled when they heard the Japanese were coming. Secondly, there were over 200 foreign journalists in the area, and you can't find any mention of an atrocity like that in the papers of the day. There's no way you could hide something that big, but the stories about it didn't emerge until after the war. And the only photos from the supposed event that ever get published are taken from a documentary about it and are fakes, staged for the film."

Sakai Saburou Tainan Kaigun Koukuutai Lae PNG shomei.jpg

Sakai Saburou toshiyori.jpg

Ｍｅ−２６２　ｖｓ　Ｂ−１７


Hitler Grooving

"You'll note that 'Before the Flood' has a sample of Neville Chamberlain ranting about public heath. Being that I recorded it in 2005, this track is not meant as any commentary on the U.S. health care debate - I used the sample as it seemed absurd that this was Chamberlain's priority in 1939 as the Nazis were about to provoke World War II."

"HOLOCAUST" means sacrifice burned COMPLETELY

Could Mr Scott Jordan Harris of The Tele be a Secret LOLoco$t-Denier !?

Why else would he point out that this old Kike's stupid stories sound like something out of yet another stupid Hollyjewed LOL0co$t fantasy?


By Scott Jordan Harris, The Telegraph [UK], January 25th, 2013

[Photo of a sahvivah: "Shari Rosenfeld, who died last year"]


Just before New Year, an American friend named Jamie Rosenfeld O’Shea sadly told me of the death of her grandmother, Shari Rosenfeld. Aged 90, relaxing at her Florida home, Shari Rosenfeld nodded forward in her chair. She looked as if she had fallen asleep. She had passed away.

That Shari Rosenfeld came to be 90, with a home in Florida and another in New York, with a grandson to give her great-grandchildren and a granddaughter to tell me about them all, is a modern day miracle. After Shari’s funeral, Jamie sent me the eulogy her father Paul – Shari’s son – had written. Jamie asked me to proof it, so she could post it online as a tribute. I read it in awe.

Shari Rosenfeld was born in Hungary in 1922. In 1944, she was sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau. In his eulogy Paul writes that as she was removed from the train on arrival “my mother… saw the covered body of an elderly woman being carried on a stretcher. She recognized the shoes: it was her mother, my grandmother, Peppe.”

Shari and her younger sister, Joli, were sent to separate lines, one to the left and the other to the right. Shari was distraught and screamed for her sister to stay with her. The man in charge deliberated and then permitted it.

Shari had saved her sister’s life: the line to which Joli was originally sent meant death. The other meant hard labour. The man to whom Shari had appealed was Josef Mengele.

It’s a scene from a film. So much of Shari’s story is. Except, were Shari’s story told in a film, we would think the screenwriter had overdone it, including too many tragedies too soon after each other and being too optimistic in his or her estimation of any one woman’s ability to overcome them.

Shari survived Auschwitz. So did her sister. Back in Hungary, Shari married Deszo Rosenfeld, whose brother, lost to the Holocaust, had courted her before the war. [So Deszo inherited her?] Deszo, too, had survived the camps. He had been one of 50 local Jewish men marched to a work camp in the Ukraine. Two returned.

There weren’t many Jewish people left in the area: the Rosenfelds became one of only two Jewish families in town. They worked in the fields and raised their son until, in 1950, a parcel arrived from Deszo’s sister in America.

“Included in the package,” writes Paul, “was coffee, chocolate and used clothing. My aunt had also placed a $5 bill into the pocket of a jacket that she sent. A few days later, two men showed up at the house and arrested my father.” Under Hungary’s Communist government, “possession of American currency was a crime” and Deszo was sentenced to three years in another hard labour camp for committing it.

After those three years, he rejoined the wife and son who had struggled on without him, and resumed his life labouring in the fields. And then, in 1956, an uprising headed by young Hungarians attempted to overthrow the Communists and Russians who ruled them. It failed and, with the absurd certainty that flows from only the most inexplicable prejudice, many of those who had rebelled blamed the Jews for the failure of their efforts. [In fact it was a rebellion against the Kikes running Communist Hungary.]

Little Paul was beaten by angry locals and a mob with flaming torches surrounded the Rosenfeld home chanting about their plans to drive out the “stinking Jews”. The Rosenfelds fled to Austria, [what happened between A and B? Did the mob set fire to the house? Did the Rosenfelds have a secret escape tunnel?] bribing smugglers to take them. [If these were failed rebels, then surely the Rosenfeld Kikes could have just reported them to the (Kike-led) authorities.] But, again in an episode that would be unbelievable on film, “things did not go as planned [and] we walked into a trap.”

They were ambushed by border guards [Hungarians? Austrians? Was one of them Adolf Hitler's cousin?] who opened fire with machine guns. Paul, who was nine years old at the time, “vividly remember[s] the tracer bullets flying toward us and flares lighting up the sky.” [They made the young lad think of The Star-Spangled Banner's rocket's red-glare, and gave him the courage to go on, until he arrived in the The Home of The Kike and The Land of The Kike.] 

They [miraculously!] escaped and made it to Austria. And then they made it to America, where Shari became Sara and Deszo became Dave. In the US they chased, and caught, the quintessential 20th-century American dream: arriving with almost nothing, they worked menial jobs, and saved the little money they earned from them, until they could afford to open a fruit shop in Brooklyn. (“Because,” said Sara, “people will always need fruit.” [But they don't need Kikes, ever.])

Sweltering in the summer and shivering in the winter, [like everybody else in Brooklyn] they worked with uncommon industry to ensure the security of their family, driven no doubt by the dreadful uncertainty of their early years.

The stories of Sara’s later life are more commonplace than those of her youth. They are stories anyone might tell of an amusing grandma. Jamie often recounts the time she visited her grandmother after gaining a little weight and was greeted with an abrupt “How you get so fat?”

Before Jamie could reply, Sara, ever the welcoming hostess, had offered her a plate of cookies. Jamie likes to remember how Sara would surreptitiously hand her money even when they were alone in the room.

And, in a tendency that seems to unite grandmothers from every country and culture, Sara had a habit of asking to be taken home from a place only moments after arriving. That these later stories are so ordinary is what makes them so remarkable.

We remember the names of those who orchestrated the Holocaust [Truman? Eisenhower? Stalin? The Kike Baruch? The Kike Weizmann? The Kike Ehrenberg? Hitchcock? ...]. We remember the names of some [how many? how many?] of the six million victims they slaughtered.

But it is important, too, that we remember the names of those who – through a blessed combination of courage, determination and good fortune [and the Kike habit of conusing fantasy with reality]  – withstood its evil [this "Holocaust" is incarnate? a malevolent demon?] and defied its legacy by building loving families and living lives of quiet dignity.

This Holocaust Memorial Day, we should also remember the survivors like Sara Rosenfeld. [I'll nevahfahget her. She shoulda got an Owscah!]


Tim Baber: "I met Mengele, and I am only 56. And I looked down on him. How is this possible, and me surviving this legally an "attack" and him with a minder too?
I met Mengele and it is recorded here: http://www.bhmversusmengele.tu...
My meeting offers hope of people being told to do what is necessary without being killed for non compliance. That, for those that have died, is slavery. I allign myself with those who have died, not those who employed Mengele to find an answer for war. That means I should be free to kill those who would enslave me, or you."

EmilyEnso: "I notice they finally censored one of my postings. I didn't realise it was such a powerful comment it would require censorship. I think I made the point how racist it was to ignore other mass murders and only consider the killing of Askenazi Jews from the Russian Caucasus as unique and special. I still hold by that view. Read this everyone before its deleted too. I can only presume the moderator of this thread thinks they are special too. Doesn't say much for fairness does it? Apparently some racism is better than others - a bit like the victims of genocide."

paul-fabrini: "No one, least of all me, is ignoring the mass murders of other races besides the Jews. What I am saying is that to attempt to morally equate other holocausts with the real Holocaust. i.e. the Shoah, is an attempt to dilute the Holocaust and that is invariably an antisemitic act. The prominentem responsible for this are antisemites to a man (and woman), some of whom I have previously named."

EmilyEnso: "Dead Armenians, dead Cambodians, dead Rwandans, [dead Germans,] dead anyone deserves just as must remembrance and their deaths are just as awful - in some cases worse - than dead askenazi jews from the Russian Caucasus. They are all equally wrong. It can be argued that in numbers of people and in collective suffering the 30,000,000 Russians who died forcing back the 3rd Reich are more pertinent and worthy of our remembrance. Your holocaust is just one of many and a lot of us are rather sick of it being thrust down our throats year in and year out. Get over it. We and the Commonwealth lost millions too. We don't expect Israel to remember them each year."

remittance_man: "Can someone please tell me why Britain has a Holocaust Memorial Day? The country did not participate in the Holocaust and of all the beligerent countries in Europe, Britain was probably the least affected by it."

paul-fabrini: "And did little to stop it too. Guilty conscience? Or liberal hand-wringing by Tony Blair?"

EmilyEnso: "Wallowing in your own victimhood you seem to have overlooked the fact that WE were fighting the war. [Actually, the UK and France STARTED the war.] We had other things to attend to like our own survival and incidently yours. What a whiner you are. And none of us have a remotely guilty conscience. Pity your lot didn't make for Britain as some others did and pitch in the dirty work like putting their lives on the line 24/7/"


How the Germans – fighting on three fronts in Western Europe, Eastern Europe and North Africa – managed to find the time and the resources to ferry around millions of Jews is truly amazing (and unbelievable). It must have been a logistical nightmare, with millions of Jews clogging up the road and rail network needed to transport German troops, tanks, APCs, artillery, arms, ammunition, equipment, spare parts, machinery, tools, building materials (wood, cement), fuel (oil), food, water, medical supplies, casualties and civilian staff to and from the three fronts.

Talk about throwing a spanner into the works! You can just picture the scene at the Russian Front (Stalingrad)...

Steiner: “Steiner to Headquarlers. Steiner to Headquarlers, come in, over.”

HQ: “Rleceiving you loud und clear Steiner, over.”

Steiner: “Vhere are ze Panzers und artillery und infantry rleinforcements ve vere plomised? Over.”

HQ: “Ve haves a ploblem Steiner, over.”

Steiner: “Vhat is ze ploblem, over.”

HQ: “Ze 16:48 Krlakow to Stalingrlad has been cancelled, over.”

Steiner: “But Vhy? My men are dropping like flies all around me und ve are short on ammunition, food und medical supplies. Vhat could be more IMPORTANT? Over.”

HQ: “Ve have a consignment of Jews to deliver so ze 16:48 supply train from Krlakow to Stalingrlad carrying your much needed supplies and reinforcements has been rerouted to Auschwitz, over.”

Steiner: “But zis is utter madness! Ve are surrlounded und in urgent need of medical supplies und ve need to evacuate our causalities, over.”

HQ: “Sorry Steiner, but ze Jews have priority over rleinforcements und emergency supplies, over.”

Steiner: “But ve are desperate you idiot! Ve are about to be overrun! Over!”

HQ: “I vill have a verd viz ze stationmaster at Krlakow to see if he can reroute the 17:24 Berlin to Kursk emergency supply train carrying ze desperately needed Panzers und infantry und medical supplies, over.”

Steiner: “For Fuchs sake hurry up man, schnell!, schnell!, schnell! Over.”

HQ: “Sorry Steiner. No can do. Ze station master at Krlakow informs me zat zere is a backlog of Jews at Budapest so the 17:24 Berlin to Kursk emergency supply train carrying ze desperately needed Panzers und infantry und medical supplies has also been cancelled and rerouted to Auschwitz. It looks like you’re on your own with this one. Good luck Steiner, over und out.”

Steiner: “Fuchs ze Fuhrer und Fuchs ze Fatherland! Over und OUT!!!”

SMELL the decay - TASTE it - FEEL it


Adil Rashid admitted travelling to Nottingham and having sex with the girl





Leigh Arendse groomed the innocent youngster on the internet.

He then travelled from London to her Cambridgeshire home.

The 25-year-old was jailed for four years after admitting two counts of rape.

Child-sex attacker can't be deported because his African tribe is 'persecuted'

Jumaa Kater Saleh, 24, arrived in UK in 2004 hidden in a lorry.

He was convicted of having sex with a 13-year-old girl in May 2008.

Judge said today it was 'not possible' to deport him back to Sudan.

Saleh attempted to claim damages for unlawful detention



One of the things that makes Japan great is that most Japanese people put a lot of thought and energy into what they do.

In Japan, one of the big hobbies for teenagers (mostly girls) is Para-Para パラパラ?, "Para-Para -- to get together and copy the dances in music videos and animé, or make up their own dances to songs (mostly Eurobeat/Italo/Techno-style J-Pop). This has been popular in Japan since the 1970's, but is now followed and copied by nippophile kids around the world.

The dances are usually simple enough that any average child could perform them with enough effort, unless they just have two left feet and no sense of rhythm. Dancers are more admired for their genkiness (energy, enthusiam) than for any fancy techniques or showing-off.

Professional singers even make special Para-Para videos for this audience, just showing the dance moves very clearly. (E.g., the second video here.) I think it's a very good hobby, and very healthy. Some of them make videos to put online, to push themselves to dance better. Then they get their own fans, who make split-screen videos of themselves doing the same thing. And on and on....

These girls are "just amateurs" with Nico Nico Douga accounts, but look at how much effort they put into making these videos -- travelling to Macau together, making their costumes, using simple special effects to hide the background in the studio, getting the colours right. And then, for balance, they are not perfectionists. They are now "Net Idols", and perform at animé/cosplay conventions. But they all have school or regular jobs.

[DANCEROID] Itokutora いとくとら (leader), Aikawa Kozue 愛川こずえ, COCO (not in these videos), Maam まぁむ & Yuzuki 柚姫:

Danceroid back Maamu COCO Yuzuki front Itokutora and Aikawa Kozue

Back: Maamu, COCO, Yuzuki
Front: Itokutora, Aikawa Kozue

Most paraparaists just wear their school uniforms or everyday clothes and viddie themselves at home or in parks or empty public spaces.

Many paraparaists dance to vocaloid tracks, make by other hobbyists, who use computer software and synthesizers to make their own songs, or covers of pop songs, just for fun; and then upload them for others to use or mix.

(There are kids like this in "The West" too (and lots of bedroom-rappers), but not on the scale of Japan, and most of them appear very egotistical, trying to show off, and often seem to have very inflated estimates of their talents. Also, most of the dances they are copying are already just sleazy, and it's nauseating to see kids doing the same. Most of the people they idolize and imitate are obnoxious Niggers and sluts.)


8 Nickels and a Dime: "Niggers Be Scheming"

"If you move like a snail, you deserve a slug."

Yes, N-words be scheming, to do way-out crazy shi'... like shootin bus drivers so'z dey kin git theyself a free ride...





中村晃子 : 虹色の湖


樋井明日香 : 2 MINUTES 12 SECONDS

Hinoi Asuka

tatta hitori no kimi
you are all alone

keiken ga kasokudo wo mashite yuku
kizutsuku tabi sagashiteru kaereru basho
kitsuku daite setsunasa o moyashite

tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no ai wo
tsuranuite kimi rashisa wo
itsuka wakariaeru kara
tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no yume wo
tsukinukete yami no kanata
kirameku yoake ga aru no sa

sakebi sae kensou ni kakikesarete
hitogomi no naka chippoke na jibun kamishimeteru
ima tobidase tsubasa tatamu mae ni

tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no ai wo
ikinuite "ima" to iu toki wo
sore ga ikite iru akashi
tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no yume wo
mune ni saita hana wa chiranai
sora ni todoku uta utaou

arashi no ato aketeku sora mitsumete ita
nureta kokoro tsuyoi ai de nugutte hoshii
doko e iku no koko kara atashitachi

tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no ai wo
tsuranuite kimi rashisa wo
sore ga ikite iru akashi
tatta hitori no kimi wo
tatta hitotsu no yume wo
mune ni saita hana wa chiranai
sora ni todoku uta utaou

love yourself

Sadly, when she grew up (16+), she gave up on the Lock'n'Loll (just too much of a crowded market? she looked like she was into it) and became a Eurobeat-girl. At least she gives a good Roman salute here, but:

It's amazing to think about the fuss this harmless dance would certainly cause in Europe, the UK or the US if non-Japs performed it.


Freddie Aguilar was born in 1953. At age 18 he dropped out of school (Electrical Engineering at De Guzman Institute of Technology), left homeand lived as a busker. He got into debt, by gambling. Regretting his mistakes, five years later he wrote Anak, went home and begged his parents for forgiveness. This is the best-selling philippine pop song, with about thirty million record sales worldwide. A very philippine song. (Not very "Guardian"-reader style.)

ANAK (Child) by Freddie Aguilar (1977)

Noong isilang ka sa mundong ito,
Laking tuwa ng magulang mo.
At ang kamay nila
ang iyong ilaw.

At ang nanay at tatay mo,
'Di malaman ang gagawin.
Minamasdan pati pagtulog mo.

Sa gabi napupuyat ang iyong nanay
Sa pagtimpla ng gatas mo.
At sa umaga nama'y kalong
Ka ng iyong amang tuwang-tuwa sa iyo.

Ngayon nga'y malaki ka na,
Nais mo'y maging malaya.
'Di man sila payag,
Walang magagawa.

Ikaw nga'y biglang nagbago,
Naging matigas ang iyong ulo.
At ang payo nila'y,
Sinuway mo.

Hindi mo man lang inisip
Na ang kanilang ginagawa'y para sa iyo.
Pagka't ang nais mo masunod ang layaw mo,
'Di mo sila pinapansin.

Nagdaan pa ang mga araw
At ang landas mo'y naligaw
Ikaw ay nalulon
sa masamang bisyo.

At ang una mong nilapitan
Ang iyong inang lumuluha.
At ang tanong,
"Anak, ba't ka nagkaganyan?"

At ang iyong mga mata'y biglang lumuha
Ng 'di mo napapansin
Pagsisisi ang sa isip mo,
Nalaman mong ika'y nagkamali.


When you were born into this world, you were your parents' delight. Their hands became your light. Your mother and father didn’t know what to do, watching over you, even while you slept. Every night your mother stayed awake, just so as to give you milk; and every morning you were cradled by your father, who was pleased with you.

And now you are older, and you want to be free. They may not agree, but there's nothing they can do. So you suddenly changed. You became hard-headed, and you disobeyed everything they said. Didn’t you ever think that what they were doing was for you? Because you were spoiled and wanted to do everything you want, you don't pay attention to them anymore.

More days passed, and you went astray, and you got swallowed up in bad habits. And the first person whom you ran to, crying, was your mother. And she asked you, "Child, why are you like that?" And your eyes shed tears without you realizing. Repentance is your mind, and you know that you were wrong.


COSMOS コスモス 秋桜 by Sada Masashi さだまさし




Notice that:
  • The pollsters made no distinction between non-White citizens of the U.K. and non-White non-citizens.
  • Only three political parties are mentioned: Lab, Con & Lib-Dem. Other parties are summed up with comment that, "Compared to White British voters, very few [non-Whites] (2%) supported smaller parties."
  • They refer to Iraq as "a Muslim country" but would never refer to any country, with the possible exception of The Vatican, as "a Christian/Buddhist/Hindu/Shinto country".
  • They say, correctly, that "there is no such thing as a distinctive nonwhite political agenda. There are many non-white political agendas.
  • The world "Black" is always capitalized when referring to Negroes. The word "white" is almost always un-capitalized, except in the phrase "White British" (used 15 times), though that is also given as "white British" (9 times). Names for non-Whites are always capitalized, except when they are defined as "nonwhite"/"non-white".
  • South Asians (I thought they were supposed to "British"?) are more "anti" "refugees" than the "White British" are.
  • "Minorities overall are less hostile to the war in Afghanistan than are the White British, although unsurprisingly the Muslim groups – those with Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Somali backgrounds – are significantly more hostile, whereas Indians are significantly less hostile than are the White British."
  • The authors take it for granted that Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are Muslim.
  • Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus are "more satisfied with British democracy" than Christians are.
  • It is taken for granted than favouring more government spending, wanting to grant asylum to anyone asking for it, wanting to "improve opportunities for minorities", giving priority to minorities, believing that there is a "big gap between what minorities expects and receives" [sic], and believing that "non-whites are held back by prejudice", are all "progressive" opinions/attitudes. (I do believe that there is a big gap between what most non-Whites and most Muslims in Britain expect and what they "receive", because most always want more, and more, and more.)
  • "[U.K. Residents] who lack citizenship and are less than fluent in English, have lower levels of [voter] turnout and identification."

RUNNYMEDE TRUST: February 2012

Ethnic Minority British Election Study – Key Findings

By Professor Anthony Heath, University of Oxford and Dr Omar Khan, Runnymede Trust

1. Introduction

This briefing summarises the key findings from the Ethnic Minority British Election Study (EMBES). We explain how Black and minority ethnic (BME) people voted, as well as their attitudes on key political questions. EMBES involved a team of researchers from Oxford, Manchester and Essex Universities carrying out a major survey of ethnic minorities' political attitudes and behaviour after the 2010 general election. This is the largest and most authoritative study of ethnic minority voting behaviour and political integration ever conducted in Britain. It focussed on the five main established minorities in Britain – those of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African background. The fieldwork was carried out by TNS-BMRB and the study was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).

These briefing notes provide an introduction to some of the main findings to date. A full report will be published by Oxford University Press in 2013.

The key findings are:

• Black and minority ethnic people remain highly supportive of the Labour party,with 68% (two-thirds) voting Labour. The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats – coalition partners in the current government – got only 16% and 14% of the BME vote respectively.

• Ethnic minorities are somewhat less likely than the White British to register to vote, but among those who are registered turnout rates are very similar to white British ones.

• They are also highly supportive of British democracy. BME people share the British norm of a duty to vote, and the great majority identify with Britain. Concerns about the commitment of minorities to British norms and values are misplaced.

• Nor do Muslims show in general any lack of commitment to Britain or any enthusiasm for extremist politics.

• However, there is worrying evidence that second-generation citizens of Black Caribbean heritage do not feel that the British political system has treated them fairly. Black Caribbeans, not Muslims, are the group who feel most alienated.

• Finally, a majority of BME people believe that there is still prejudice in the UK society, including nearly three-quarters of Black Caribbean people. Indeed, over a third (36%) of ethnic minorities report a personal experience of discrimination.

2. Background

There have been major academic surveys of the electorate conducted after every general election in Britain since 1964. This series of British Election Surveys (BES) is the longest-running academic social survey in Britain, and indeed one of the longest-running in the world. The BES has been an invaluable resource for charting patterns of political participation, vote choice, attitudes towards the political system, and confidence in government.

Since the BES is representative of the British electorate, it has always included some members of ethnic minority groups. However, the sample sizes in the main BES have never been sufficient for detailed analysis of the voting behaviour and political integration of ethnic minorities. There are several reasons for needing a detailed analysis:

• Ethnic minorities now make up around 8% of the electorate;

• They are distinctive in their patterns of party support, showing much greater support for Labour than any other social group;

• But there have been concerns about the extent to which some minority groups, especially Black Caribbeans and Black Africans, actually participate in the political process, and whether this is due to processes of social and political exclusion.

• There have also been concerns as to whether minority political concerns and priorities are adequately incorporated into the mainstream political agenda or whether their concerns are marginalized and excluded from consideration. A just and well-functioning democracy requires that all citizens have fair access to the political arena.

• Finally there are concerns that if groups feel that they are disenfranchised and
their voices are unheard, they may either withdraw from the political arena or
turn to alternative unconventional forms of protest.

The study was conducted over the three months following the 2010 general election and includes representative samples of people of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African background, and is one of the most ambitious and comprehensive studies of ethnic minority political attitudes and behaviour ever conducted anywhere in the world.

The aim of the survey was, first, to describe patterns of ethnic minority registration, turnout, partisanship and vote choice, and political engagement more generally, and to assess levels of satisfaction with and trust in British democracy and subjective feelings of British identity. Second, the study aims to determine whether the 'drivers' of minority political attitudes and behaviour are the same as those found among the white British majority group, or whether there are ethnic-specific factors (such as their experiences of discrimination and relative deprivation, or their degree of 'bridging' and 'bonding' social capital) that must be considered too.

The findings from the study will be of relevance not only to political parties and commentators concerned with party prospects for electoral success but also with issues of fairness and social exclusion and with current debates over the success or otherwise of multiculturalism.

3. Voting behaviour

The headline figure of the research is that 68% of BME voters supported Labour in 2010, compared with 16% voting Conservative and 14% Liberal Democrat. However, levels of support for Labour were well down on 2005 levels, reflecting the general swing away from Labour. In other words, minorities are not a bloc vote that automatically supports Labour irrespective of Labour's performance. Indeed, ethnic minority voters are concerned with issues of performance in much the same way as are the White British.

There were however some differences between ethnic minorities – Black African and Black Caribbean voters were much more strongly supportive of Labour than were other minorities, while some South Asian groups were markedly less supportive. In particular, Indian Hindus' support for Labour was quite close to the overall White British level, although Indian Sikhs were still very supportive of Labour.

As Table 1 indicates, the various ethnic minority groups also expressed different support for parties other than Labour. While Indians and Bangladeshis were twice as likely to support the Conservatives as the Liberal Democrats, Black voters split roughly equally (and in much smaller numbers) between the two coalition parties, while Pakistanis were unique in being twice as likely to vote for the Liberal Democrats compared to the Conservative Party. Compared to White British voters, very few (2%) supported smaller parties.

Table 1: Percentage Reported Vote shares for Different Ethnic Groups in the 2010 UK
General Election

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 01

Cell entries (excluding Ns) are column percentages. Sources: for whites, BES 2010; for ethnic minorities, EMBES 2010

4. Registration and turnout

Before addressing why ethnic minority people voted as they did, it's first worth summarizing data on registration, as those who lack the means to vote obviously cannot vote. Respondents in the BES and in EMBES were asked whether they were registered to vote and, if so, at the current address or elsewhere. The researchers also checked the electoral registers to see whether they were indeed registered at the current address (but were not able to check on registration at other addresses). The results are shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Validated registration

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 02

Source: BES, EMBES 2010

As Table 2 shows, up to four-fifths (78%) of ethnic minorities in the sample were registered to vote at the sampled address although the proportion was significantly lower among Black Africans (59%). The proportion for the White British sample in the main BES (90%) was however markedly higher.

Eligibility can be a factor – but is not taken account of in the figures here. For example in the case of Black Africans 11% don't fall into either British / dual citizenship or Commonwealth but not British citizenship and may not therefore be eligible to vote. This compares to 1% for Bangladeshis and Black Caribbeans. There may also be an issue among all minority groups about lack of knowledge about eligibility (especially on the part of Commonwealth citizens). Lack of fluency in the English language is also a barrier to registration, especially among the most recent arrivals from Africa. These barriers take on greater salience in the context of proposed changes to registration, namely weakening the requirement of councils to register electors, and will likely lead to even lower registration rates.

Among those who were registered, ethnic minority turnout rates at the general election were only slightly lower than those of the White British. Contrary to previous assumptions, there was no indication that Black Caribbean citizens were less likely to vote than South Asian or White British citizens. The key barrier to participation is therefore registration not turnout. This suggests that if (as suggested above and by the Electoral Commission) BME people are less likely to be registered as a result of current policy proposals, this will not be because of their choice not to register or lower level of political engagement.

5. A distinct ethnic agenda?

One key question is whether ethnic minorities have any distinctive concerns which differ from those of the White British majority (which of course is itself stratified by class, education, region, and national identity).

To be sure, many concerns, for example about the recession and the need to reduce unemployment and control inflation, will be shared right across British society. Political scientists often refer to these as 'valence' issues where there is a broad consensus on policy goals, and voters' major concerns are to estimate the likely performance capabilities of rival parties on these key issues of the day. For these issues 'the key question is not what should be the objective, but how to achieve it, and who is best able to do so'.

There are also more ideological issues typically associated with the main social cleavages in British society, such as those based on social class, where voters typically hold contrasting rather than consensual views. Political scientists refer to these as 'position' issues. Previous research has shown that in contemporary British politics voters distinguish at least two, usually unrelated, underlying position issue dimensions: one that reflects 'economic left-right' preferences about the extent to which the state should be involved in the economic life of the nation; and a second that measures preferences for 'liberal versus authoritarian' approaches to dealing with criminals.

Broadly speaking positions on the left-right dimension are linked to one's social class position, with the middle class and especially the more entrepreneurial sections of the middle class tending to be more supportive of free-market policies and the working class supporting more redistribution and state spending. Positions on the liberal/authoritarian dimension are more closely linked to education than to social class, with the higher-educated tending to take more liberal views. The general assumption is that ethnic minorities' views on these 'position' issues will largely reflect their own social class and educational backgrounds.

However, as indicated in Table 3, social class does not appear to explain ethnic minority voting for the Labour party, nor indeed to increase it for the Conservatives. Around 7 in 10 ethnic minority voters support the Labour party, regardless of social class. This contrasts significantly from white British respondents, among whom class is much more strongly linked to party choice. Among 'manual' respondents, Labour barely won a plurality (36%) of votes, while among 'non-manual' white British respondents, the Conservatives got nearly twice as many votes as Labour (44% to 24%). Although these figures are striking, the link between class and voter choice has weakened generally in the UK since the 1960s.

Table 3: Relationship between Vote and Manual/Non-Manual Occupational Class, 2010; White and Ethnic Minority Voters Compared

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 03


In addition to the two enduring ideological divisions within the British public, two other issues have been salient in recent general elections – the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan (in 2005) and the issue of immigration (in 2010). The Iraq war was variously a matter of concern across all social groups, but it appears to have been of particular interest for Muslim voters (especially in the 2005 election) [See Runnymede coverage of voting behaviour in 20 constituencies with largest Muslim populations in 2005:], many of whom felt that the war meant UK troops being involved (wilfully or accidentally) in the deaths of civilians in a Muslim country. Non-Muslim minorities, however, might well be more akin to the majority group in their views. Ethnic minorities might also be more supportive of immigration into Britain than is the majority group, although we would not expect the differences to be all that great.

There has, however, been dispute as to whether the average member of a minority group does in fact have a distinctive political agenda. While ethnic minority leaders may have clear ideas about issues that need to be put on the political agenda, it is an open question whether the average ethnic minority person will be equally exercised by these issues. Donley Studlar (1986) for example has argued that the issues of the greatest importance to ethnic minorities are those also considered to be most important by the general population in similar socio-economic positions. He argued that race-specific issues did not dominate the political priorities of nonwhites – and the different groups were not united on these issues either, concluding that '[t]here is no such thing as a distinctive nonwhite political agenda' (1986: 176).

However, a lot may have changed since Studlar's research was conducted twenty-five years ago, and the polls available at that time did not have the same range of questions as are available to us in EMBES. Table 4 shows minority and majority views on the question (very similar to the one available to Studlar): As far as you're concerned, what is the single most important issue facing the country at the present time?

Table 4: Most important issue facing Britain today

Column percentages

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 04

Sources: BES, EMBES

Notes: weighted. Figures in bold are significantly different at the 5% level. Because of a slight difference in the pre-codes used in the BES and EMBES, we report figures for ethnic minorities in the main BES where we can be sure that exactly the same pre-codes were used.

As we can see from the BES data, there are a number of significant differences between the majority group and the minorities in what they take to be the most important issue facing the country. The biggest difference concerns unemployment, to which ethnic minorities attach much more importance. Correspondingly minorities attach less importance to the state of the economy, the financial crisis and immigration.

Moreover, it is far from clear that ethnic minorities' greater concern with unemployment simply reflects their greater risks of being unemployed. In more detailed analysis of the BES data we find that, although the importance attached to unemployment is indeed associated with one's socio-economic position, this fails to account for ethnic minorities' greater concern about unemployment. In other words, ethnic minorities are more concerned about this issue than are members of the majority group in similar socio-economic positions. So this does suggest that there might be something of a distinct non-white political agenda after all.

We also asked a number of questions to tap the left/right political dimension (focussing here on the choice to increase government spending versus making tax cuts) and on the liberal/authoritarian dimension (focussing on the choice to be tougher on criminals or to protect the rights of the accused). Further questions were asked about immigration and asylum seekers, and on the war in Afghanistan. Table 5 compares ethnic minority and white British views on these issues.

Table 5: Attitudes to spending/tax cuts, civil liberties, immigration and Afghan war by ethnic group

Percentage favouring the 'progressive' side of the debate (cell percentages)

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 05

Sources: BES, EMBES, weighted data

Notes for the scale items on spending/tax cuts and civil liberties, the percentages are those who place themselves to the left of the mid-point. For the items on asylum seekers and the Afghan war, they are for those who disagree or disagree strongly with the statement.

Firstly, on the tax cuts versus spending question we find that every ethnic minority group is less supportive of greater government spending than the white British group. In this respect they appear to be less 'left-wing' than the majority, which contrasts strangely both with their greater support for Labour and with their greater emphasis on unemployment. In further items covering different aspects of the left/right dimension there was either no significant difference between the majority and the minority, or the majority was more left-wing than the minority.

On the other hand, answers to our question on protecting the rights of the accused do fit more straightforwardly with our expectations: we find that ethnic minorities generally are more supportive of the rights of the accused, although like the white British majority most of our respondents feel that reducing crime is what is important. Interestingly, there are no significant differences between any of the different ethnic minority groups in this respect.

Thirdly, we see much bigger differences on the question of asylum seekers. Black African respondents – especially those from non-Commonwealth countries (the most recent arrivals and the ones most likely themselves to have come as asylum seekers) – are much more likely to disagree with the proposition that all asylum- seekers should be sent back immediately. South Asian groups in contrast are even less supportive of asylum-seekers than are the White British. So there is clearly not a shared ethnic minority position on asylum-seekers, and the same general pattern also holds for other questions on immigration.

Finally, we see that minorities overall are less hostile to the war in Afghanistan than are the White British, although unsurprisingly the Muslim groups – those with Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Somali backgrounds – are significantly more hostile, whereas Indians are significantly less hostile than are the White British. So as with the question on asylum, here is an issue where there are greater divisions between ethnic minorities than there is between the White British and the average ethnic minority position.

Table 6: Attitudes to minority opportunities and affirmative action by ethnic group


KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 06

Sources: BES, EMBES, weighted data

Notes for the scale items on spending/tax cuts and civil liberties, the percentages are those who place themselves to the left of the mid-point. For the other items, it is the percentage who agree or agree strongly with the statement.

Table 6 covers a different issue – attitudes towards policies on improving equal opportunities for ethnic minorities. The first column provides powerful evidence that the provision of equal opportunities for minorities does constitute a distinct and shared ethnic minority claim that unites all minorities and contrasts markedly with the view of the white majority, with a fifty percentage-point gap between the average views of the majority and the minorities. To be sure, there is some variation, with the Black groups tending to be even more anxious to improve opportunities than the South Asian groups, but in every case the overwhelming majority of all groups support improved opportunities.

In a sense this is a relatively easy statement to agree with, so we asked a more 'difficult' question on affirmative action policies:

"And how much do you agree or disagree with this statement: Black and Asian people in Britain who apply for jobs should be given priority, to try to make up for past discrimination against them."

Affirmative action of the sort implied in this question is a fairly extreme policy which has never been strongly advocated in Britain, and would probably be against EU law. In practice ethnic minority groups have tended to ask for more modest interventions in order to promote equal opportunities for ethnic minorities, and so we do not expect to find great support for this policy even among minorities. The second column of table 7 shows that this is indeed the case: only 28% of our ethnic minority sample supported strong affirmative action. But even this figure contrasts very sharply with the White British figure: only 1%. Moreover, there is no significant variation between the ethnic minority groups in their support for affirmative action.

Overall, then, while there is only weak support for measures such as strong affirmative action, EMBES evidence supports the claim that there is a distinct ethnic minority concern with equal opportunities and the removal of barriers to ethnic minorities. The majority/minority differences on these issues are much the largest of any included in our survey, and they dwarf both the differences between the individual ethnic minority groups and between social classes or educational groups.

One way to interpret the finding that white British people do not support more equal opportunities is that they believe that existing hiring and promotion policies are more or less fair – they therefore read these questions as moving away from a baseline of fairness. This doesn't really accord with existing social science evidence on barriers in the job market, and it's also clear that BME people generally believe that prejudice still exists in the UK. Among all ethnic minority respondents, 57% agree with the statement 'there is prejudice against ethnic minorities in the UK', with around half of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups agreeing, and nearly three-quarters of Black Caribbean people agreeing.

In fact, over one-third (36%) of ethnic minorities reported a personal experience of discrimination. The range here was from one in four for Bangladeshis to half of all Black Caribbean people. This context – widespread agreement that prejudice persists, and substantial personal experience of discrimination – is not widely discussed in wider public debate, or indeed by any of the main political parties in their manifestos. But if the Liberal Democrats and Conservatives are to increase their vote share, they will arguably need to find ways to respond to the concern among ethnic minorities that societal and personal discrimination has not disappeared.

6. Satisfaction with British democracy

One key test of political integration is whether ethnic minorities feel that the British political system is a legitimate one that provides them with adequate means for articulating and redressing their grievances and provides them with an adequate stake in British decision-making. We therefore explored the degree of satisfaction or disaffection with British democracy and the extent to which ethnic minorities feel themselves to be incorporated as equal members into the British political community.

Overall, we expect minorities to be fairly satisfied. Our data show that migrants come positively oriented towards British democracy, that they have high levels of political involvement in terms of identification with a political party (primarily Labour), high levels of turnout and participation in conventional politics, and they feel that Labour represents their interests reasonably well. To be sure, there are some variations across generations and across minorities. For example we saw that the most recent arrivals, who lack citizenship and are less than fluent in English, have lower levels of turnout and identification.

On the other hand, there are several respects in which ethnic minorities might be expected to be less than wholly satisfied or less than fully incorporated into the British political community. Their political concerns to secure redress for discrimination and exclusion are not well integrated into British politics, with the Conservative Party in particular failing to address issues of racial discrimination or inequality anywhere in its 2010 manifesto (or indeed in earlier manifestos). Ethnic minority concerns for equal opportunities were not well-reflected in the manifestos of the three main parties. The Conservative manifesto made no mention whatsoever of racial or ethnic inequality. The Labour manifesto made a limited number of references, mainly highlighting their past achievements, while the Liberal Democrat manifesto was the only one to promise new measures to help priorities, though it doesn't appear to have been much noticed by BME voters and has not been implemented by the coalition.

Moreover, some groups such as young Black men are more vulnerable than others, experiencing substantially higher levels of unemployment and reporting greater levels of harassment by the police. Previous research (Maxwell 2006, 2009; Heath and Roberts 2008) has suggested that experiences of discrimination may be particularly likely to undermine a sense of British identity, and by implication undermine commitment to the British polity. Muslims may also feel more excluded and rejected with the evidence of growing 'Islamophobia' (Field 2007).

While the first generation came with notably positive orientations towards British democracy – quite possibly because British democracy and freedom compares favourably with their countries of origin, the second generation may be more critical since they will be making comparisons not with their parents' origin countries but with Britain's own claims of equal opportunities and fairness.

Another possibility which has been raised by politicians and commentators rather than by academic researchers is that some groups, particularly Muslims, who are socially and residentially more separated from British society may feel less a part of the British political community. This is a key element of politicians' repudiation of multiculturalism. British Prime Minister David Cameron has argued:

“But these young [Muslim] men also find it hard to identify with Britain too, because we have allowed the weakening of our collective identity. Under the doctrine of state multiculturalism, we have encouraged different cultures to live separate lives, apart from each other and apart from the mainstream. We've failed to provide a vision of society to which they feel they want to belong. We've even tolerated these segregated communities behaving in ways that run completely counter to our values. So, when a white person holds objectionable views, racist views for instance, we rightly condemn them. But when equally unacceptable views or practices come from someone who isn't white, we've been too cautious frankly – frankly, even fearful – to stand up to them. The failure, for instance, of some to confront the horrors of forced marriage, the practice where some young girls are bullied and sometimes taken abroad to marry someone when they don't want to, is a case in point. This hands-off tolerance has only served to reinforce the sense that not enough is shared. And this all leaves some young Muslims feeling rootless. And the search for something to belong to and something to believe in can lead them to this extremist ideology. Now for sure, they don't turn into terrorists overnight, but what we see – and what we see in so many European countries – is a process of radicalisation.” (Cameron 2011)

The key claim here is that some groups, notably young Muslim men, may feel less committed to British society and British values, in part because multiculturalism has allowed them to lead separate lives apart from the mainstream, and may therefore be prone to radicalisation.

Table 7: Satisfaction with democracy

Cell percentages

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 07

Sources: BES, EMBES, currently unweighted

Notes: trust questions were asked as 0 (no trust) -10 (a great deal of trust) scale; the percentages above are for those reporting less trust than the midpoint, ie scoring less than 5 on the scale.

Strikingly, on all these indicators people of Black Caribbean background, together with those of mixed White/Black background, are significantly more dissatisfied and distrusting than are the White British. Conversely, people of South Asian background and of Black African background are significantly more satisfied and more trusting than the White British. There is no sign here that Muslims have low trust, cynicism or satisfaction. A detailed breakdown of these sentiments by religion is shown in Table 8. This shows that the group with the highest dissatisfaction are in fact those with no religion.

Table 8: Satisfaction in democracy by religion

KIKE RUNNYMEDE 2012 02 Ethnic Minority British Election Study Table 08

Sources: BES, EMBES, weighted. Questions were asked in the mailback in EMBES but a half-sample in BES?

7. Conclusion

Among the main themes of the 2010 General Election was whether David Cameron could broaden the appeal of the Conservative Party to levels not seen since the election of John Major in 1992. One of the measures used to assess his success was the voting behaviour of Black and minority ethnic Britons, historically strong supporters of Labour. In fact, BME voters weren't the only way to measure Cameron's appeal: his party's perception on race was also viewed as part of a wider question of how far centrist white British voters felt the Conservatives were in line with their broadly liberal social attitudes.

As we've explained in this document, in the end, only 16% of BME voters supported the Conservative Party in 2010, with a similar proportion supporting the Liberal Democrats. This means over two-thirds of BME voters (68%) still voted Labour in 2010. While these numbers are undoubtedly striking, two factors place this figure in some context. First is that while Labour support is vastly higher among all BME groups, this has dropped from even higher support – as many as 8 or 9 out of 10 BME voters have supported Labour in the past. Second is that the Conservative Party did less well in 2010 in terms of increasing its vote share among all voters.

While the Conservative Party increased its vote share from 2005 by 4%, and the Liberal Democrats by 1%, the decline in the Labour Party, down 6% to 29% is arguably the most significant feature of the 2010 Election. In recent historical context Labour's decline is even more marked: down 14% from 43% in 1997, when Labour got nearly 5 million more votes than in 2010. To put this in perspective, in 1997 John Major got only 5% less and 1 million less votes than David Cameron in 2010. With Cameron getting nearly 3 million votes less than Blair in 1997, it's clear that BME voters are simply one among many constituencies that the Conservatives still struggle to win over.

However, it is also clear that with a low percentage of BME voters voting Liberal Democrat, and decreasing numbers voting Labour more work needs to be done to across all parties to meet the needs of BME voters. This is likely to require greater attention to policies that respond to BME concerns on unemployment and discrimination, and to the ethnic inequalities that have persisted whatever the government of the day.




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