 enjoyed having to make things for others that I didn’t really want to make. I used to do freelancing, and hated it. I love making things I am passionate about, like plugins that I want for this site, such as the astrology features I’ve added. That’s really fun for me.
Anyway I rambled, sorry. The point was, I used to think it was unrealistic to make money working with some field of spirituality. But, here I am. 🙂 Took a lot of overcoming of limiting beliefs to realize I was worth being paid the amount I am, and what I offer is worth that much, too. But once I did, then it started flowing. 😀
Thank you Brandon for sharing your experience. I really like the moon phase plugin by the way.
I understand exactly what you mean about blocks in the way of getting paid what you’re worth. I definitely have those in place that I’m working on getting rid of. It’s been really difficult for me to get rid of them, but having to settle for less with money frustrates me to no end.
I just saw your new podcast episode was uploaded. 🙂 I’ve only read a little bit of the transcript and will listen to the entire episode later. What you wrote about excitement makes me think of Christmas and birthday gifts when I was younger. Before getting the gifts I wanted, I felt a bit anxious as to whether I’d actually get them. When I did get them, I was really happy for a day or two, but then these new toys felt normal. I enjoyed playing with them, but I had new desires for other toys arise.
Hi R,
Thanks. The blocks can be difficult. But it is very possible to overcome them.
Yeah I had the birthday/Christmas issue as well. 🙂 That’s honestly how I’ve discovered a lot of this, at least initially. For me I’d rarely touch a present after a few days.Transform.
A lot of guesses on this one but all signs are pointing to Stunticons appearing in this film, lead by Motormaster
2 Comments
Close but that rusty old trusk similar to Optimus’ G1 shaped vehicle is more like Lockdown or Galvatron
love you nicola i want to see you driving optimus o hi mike and mark right on right onNational leader Simon Bridges may find the Government's reaction to the capital gains tax confusing, but he is very clear about one thing.
"My view is pretty simple. I have to, for New Zealanders, fight it."
Bridges spoke to The Country's Jamie Mackay about the CGT, and how he felt the Government's reaction to it's own proposal "very strange."
"The Government's got this Cullen tax working group report, because it is Cullen's baby - he's pushing it for all it's worth - they sat on it... they thought about it clearly and then they dropped it out and then they tried not to say anything."
"I think they're realising that's wrong."
Bridges told Mackay he believed the Government has since started to talk more about the CGT, but mainly to defend it.
"Michael Cullen now is acting much more like a Labour Party politician than a tax working group expert and he's out there defending it, and even Grant Robertson sort of is."
"So I think they're backing away from not saying anything, [and] they're trying to defend it."
Bridges said he is prepared to fight the Government on the CGT "because it's so wrong," especially towards young people and small businesses.
"We all agree we need a more productive innovative economy. Why would you get in the way [of] that with a third tax on the gain of a small business... it just doesn't make any sense."
"It's just about killing the incentive to get ahead."
Also in today's interview: Bridges talks about whether once being labelled the 'new Winston Peters' is now a compliment or an insult.An overview of funerals and funeral directing in the United Kingdom at the start of the 21st century reveals two factors: (a) Cremation is the preferred mode of disposal, and (b) most funerals are managed by independently owned funeral-directing firms. A closer examination, however, indicates that the disposal management system has been evolving over the last 100 years, not only through the decline in burial but more recently from the funeral reform movement in addition to structural changes within the funeral industry. Comprising two interrelated sections within a time frame of the last 100 years, this chapter begins by examining the changing context of funerals in the United Kingdom and goes on to survey developments within the funeral industry.
Many writers see World War I (1914-18) as the watershed in the departure from elaborate and socially pretentious funeral rituals that characterized the 19th century (Morley 1971). More recently, however, Jalland (1999) and Hockey (2001) point to the ongoing process of reassessment. Clearly, it can be seen that a combination of factors have influenced funeral ritual, and this change during the 20th century can be attributed to a number of developments that have their origins in the previous century. It is therefore appropriate to examine briefly three interrelated 19th-century developments.
Victorian England was a period of immense social and economic change. Although factors influencing mortality, such as diet, living standards, and public health, improved significantly in the latter part of the century (Jalland 1999:248), changes in religious belief were also occurring, particularly through the decline in Christian faith (see Cannadine 1981). From the perspective of the disposal of the dead, three important aspects can be identified: the introduction of a standardized system for the registration of deaths, the establishment of the private cemetery, and interest in cremation.
The civil registration service replaced the incomplete system maintained by the Church of England for recording the occurrence of birth and death. The Births and Deaths Registration Act of 1836 (with weaknesses addressed in 1874) introduced the Office of Registrar and a standardized system for the medical certification of deaths (Brodrick 1971:8-9). In addition, the responsibilities of the coroner for investigating death increased with the enactment of the Coroners Act in 1887, which consolidated the law and increased powers by conferring the right on this official to investigate all sudden and unexplained deaths.
The second area was change in the place of burial. Historically, the Church of England had been the provider of burial space. With the migration from the countryside to towns and cities and the corresponding demand placed on urban churchyards, many burial grounds had become crowded and unhygienic (Rugg 1997). Although a few cemeteries had opened to provide burial space for dissenters, such as Bunhill Fields in London, monopoly on burial provision was severed in 1820 with the opening of Rusholme Road Proprietary Cemetery in Manchester; London had to wait another 10 years before the General Cemetery Company established its cemetery at Kensal Green (Curl 2000, 2001). These private joint stock companies provided purchased graves with relaxed memorial restrictions in often spacious, nondenominational secure surroundings. Following the Metropolitan Interment Act in 1852, which closed urban churchyards, proprietary cemeteries together with those opened by the burial boards—later, municipal authorities—provided a solution for hygienic disposal that was replicated throughout England.
Third, the origins of cremation can be traced to the latter part of the 19th century (Leaney 1989; Jupp 1990). Cremation was held to be illegal until the trial of Dr. William Price in, 1884 when it was ruled that a crime would not be committed provided no nuisance was caused. The first legal cremation in this country was in March 1885 at Woking Crematorium in Surrey established by a charity, the Cremation Society of England. Initial progress, however, was slow. Despite this, 14 crematoria were built by 1914. The Cremation Act of 1902 provided a medico-legal framework to prevent undetected crime before cremation, although in the same year, only 0.2% of the deaths in England and Wales were cremations.
These developments provide an important background against which change in funeral performance during the 20th century can be viewed. In the following section, three areas are discussed: attitudes toward death and social change, the development of cremation, and funeral reform.
And with bodies mutilated beyond recognition, unidentified, or never found, participation in traditional funeral ritual was deemed inappropriate. The end of the war signaled no return to Victorian mourning customs as new modes of expression representing collective responses to grief emerged in the decade following 1918. These were, first, the unveiling of the cenotaph in London together with war memorials all over the country coupled with the instigation of the two minutes’ silence on Armistice Day on November 11, and second, the funeral of the Unknown Warrior. But the immediate postwar years were also marked at an individual level by an increasing interest in spiritualism. As a private denial of death, spiritualism presented the bereaved with an opportunity for contact with the dead.
The interwar years gradually saw the place of death shift from the family home to the hospital as a result of improvements in health care and also following the 1942 Beveridge Report on welfare and finally the establishment of the National Health Service in 1948. Further institutionalization has come through increasing longevity, the provision of palliative care, and the growth of nursing homes and hospices. This change ended the community-initiated function of a neighborhood’s laying-out woman attending to wash and dress the deceased (Adams 1993). Relatives, friends, and neighbors would then call to view the body and to express their condolences