Though China’s opposition to the arms deal was not surprising, the proposed package was also subject to an unusual level of domestic scrutiny within the U.S., and an active debate emerged on whether or not the U.S. should continue arms sales to Taiwan in the face of strong opposition by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). On one side of the debate, a number of scholars came out and argued that the U.S ought to stop, or seriously reduce, arms sales to Taiwan in order to eliminate a significant irritant in the United States’ increasingly important relationship with China.4 On the other side, a number of lawmakers—like Senators John Cornyn, a Republican from Texas, and Robert Menendez, a Democrat from New Jersey—argued that the package proposed by the Obama administration was not actually significant enough.5 They maintained that not selling the more advanced F-16 C/D fighters to Taiwan was "a slap in the face to a strong ally and longtime friend."6 Backing their position, a number of analysts expressed concern that Taiwan’s air force would be unable to match China’s without significant modernization—a concern that would be partly addressed by the sale of the more advanced fighters.7 The final package put forth by Obama in September of 2011 fell somewhere in between these two extremes. The administration agreed to sell Taiwan a package of arms but declined to include a full array of advanced weaponry. Cont… In addition to changing the official relationship between the U.S., Taiwan, and China, the TRA has also become the modern foundation for U.S. arms transfers to Taiwan. Specifically, the TRA requires the U.S. to “make available to Taiwan such defense articles and defense services in such quantity as may be necessary to enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capacity."10 It is significant to note that the TRA does not actually obligate the United States to intervene in Taiwan if the PRC invades, unlike the mutual defense treaty that preceded it. The TRA does, however, require the executive branch to consult with Congress in the event that Taiwan’s security is jeopardized. American senators, many of whom strongly supported Taiwan, believed that this feature would prevent the administration from acting unilaterally to compromise Taiwanese security in the face of Chinese pressure.11 However, because of disagreements between members of Congress, the TRA leaves the executive branch of government in charge of determining what types of arms are to be sold, how much should be sold, and when arms will be sold.12 Thus, Congress only has the power to accept or reject arms deals—it cannot modify them. This remains the case to this very day.
arms deal was subject to an unusual level of domestic scrutiny within the U.S., and an active debate emerged on whether or not the U.S. should continue arms sales to Taiwan a number of lawmakers—like Senators Cornyn, a Republican and Menendez, a Democrat argued that the package proposed by the Obama administration was not actually significant enough. They maintained that not selling the more advanced fighters to Taiwan was "a slap in the face to a strong ally American senators, many of whom strongly supported Taiwan, believed this feature would prevent the administration from acting unilaterally to compromise Taiwanese security