Argument: Gender empowerment

Slum dwellers, particularly women, are affected by violence and crime. COHRE (2008) indicates women living in slums are at risk of violence and illnesses, such as HIV/AIDS, due to insecurities experienced on a daily basis in personal and private spaces. Figures show that in Nairobi slums 1 latrine is shared amongst 500 people (Cities Alliance, 2013). Fearing to go to the toilet at night due to risk of rape, women’s geographical experience of the city is constrained [1] . Therefore investing in houses, including building indoor toilets, provides empowerment, safety, and prevents gender based violence.

[1] See further readings: SDI, 2013.

Candidate 1: "Organisations, such as SDI and Cities Alliance, have recognised the diverse experiences of slum-dwellers and their multiple needs. The different programs are catered to local contexts, and work towards developing equal, and just, initiatives for the urban poor. The aim is to stop cyclic reinforcement of slums."
Candidate 2: "Slums are not simply an articulation of inadequate supply of, and a hyper-demand for, housing. Alternatively, slums emerge through deterioration, crime, globalisation, and poverty. Therefore provision of housing does not provide the means for all solutions and may themselves again deteriorate into slums. Slums are heterogeneous; therefore their emergence is far from a universal causality.

Secondly, it remains debatable as to whether the needs of informal settlement dwellers are met through housing schemes, such as PAHF. In previous cases, such as in South Africa’s NUSP [1] , inhabitants have been forced to relocate, causing disruptions to livelihoods. Finally, emphasis needs to be placed on building ‘homes’, not ‘houses’.

[1] See further readings: NUSP, 2013."
Candidate 3: "Unfortunately housing upgrade programs do not always equate to reductions in disease. The vital components including the need for improved community sanitation, access to services - including water and health-care are often ignored. Ananya Roy (2009) shows how the informal nature of India’s state constricts effective planning, and is continuing to ensure slums are kept off the map - limiting access to services."
Candidate 4: "Slum dwellers in Nairobi are shown to pay high rents for low-quality housing - a reality identified by Gulyani and Talukdar (2009). Estimations show around $31mn USD was paid in the form of rents, by poor slum dwellers in Nairobi in 2004. Nevertheless the high-prices did not lead to the materialisation of improved housing. If a landlord can charge high rents in poor housing stock why should he invest in new buildings? Moreover if not done systematically the slum as a whole will never be brought out of poverty rather the poorest areas will simply move around to where those who have not had opportunities are staying."
Candidate 5: "Finance markets being promoted are introducing risk when insurance, and safety-nets, remain minimal. Investments in housing finance schemes needs to raise questions. Firstly, who organises micro-finance schemes? The idea of positive social capital within the community needs reflection; participation in microfinance is not democratic or available to all (see Jones and Dallimore, 2009).

Second, the provision of loans, and finance, raises concern over future repayment and whether the housing bubble proposed will remain stable. Employment within the informal sector means income is volatile and unpredictable - can housing payments be adapted to irregular income realities when profits are desired?

Incorporating slum dwellers into a financial-market will not remove slums and may simply get the dwellers into debt."
Candidate 6: "Are slums really a key challenge? Estimations on the problem of slums may vary depending on which definition is used. Second, the language of the ‘slum’ matters when analysing and applying solutions (Gilbert, 2007; Jones, 2011). The emotions and stigmatic connotations attached to ‘slum’ enables dangerous aesthetic intervention.

Working towards a ‘city without slums’ neglects how and why slums have occurred and suggests governments can apply quick solutions to rid the problem. National aims to remove ‘slums’ has forced governments to focus on the physical problem - infrastructure and housing deficits - rather than understanding who lives in slums and solutions are needed for the dwellers. There remains a need to understand slums as a space of African urbanism. Slums will be cyclically reinforced unless aspects of power, poverty, and politics, are considered."
Candidate 7: "As long as the stated objective is to tackle the issue of housing and remove slums, informal settlements, and squatting, who is investing is not important. The end goal is a key concern. The stated objective of the investor needs to work harmoniously towards removing slums for practical change to emerge."
Candidate 8: "To tackle gender discrepancies an engendered strategy is required on land, not only housing.

For example, Gulyani and Connors (2002) illustrate the Kalingalinga slum upgrading project in Zambia resulted in negative effects for women. Following investment in slum upgrading the proportion of female-headed households declined with a rise in the proportion of renters and relocations. Slum upgrading raised living costs to women, and without legal land rights female-headed households were forced to relocate and resettle."
Candidate 9: "History and tradition is reflected in the building styles adopted across Africa. Upgrading schemes changing the design of housing styles, are both replacing traditional knowledge and practices, but also potentially eco-friendly designs. Investment in housing by private and public actors is failing to incorporate traditional practices, meaning cities are being built through modernist planning ideals.

Slum dwellers need the right to build. Dwellers need to be provided with an enabling environment to use their own capacities to meet their own housing needs [1] .

[1] See further readings: Turner, 1978."

To tackle gender discrepancies an engendered strategy is required on land, not only housing.

For example, Gulyani and Connors (2002) illustrate the Kalingalinga slum upgrading project in Zambia resulted in negative effects for women. Following investment in slum upgrading the proportion of female-headed households declined with a rise in the proportion of renters and relocations. Slum upgrading raised living costs to women, and without legal land rights female-headed households were forced to relocate and resettle.
