Argument: Now is not the appropriate time

There are still widely reported incidents between Kosovo-Albanians and Serbs. [1] Mafia-style gangs dominate the area, [2] many associated with the KLA paramilitaries who struggled against Serbia, and are involved in international crimes such as drug and people trafficking. Moreover, there was an effective Serb boycott of recent elections in Kosovo. The region has clearly not yet healed its wounds and to put even more strain on the already tense relations between the two communities is simply not advisable.

In Serb-dominated North Kosovo, schools utilities and municipalities are integrated into Serbia’s system, not Kosovo’s.

[1] Potok, Zubin, ‘NATO soldiers wounded by gunfire in Kosovo clash’, Reuters, 28 November 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/11/28/us-kosovo-violence-idUSTRE7AR2...

[2] Lewis, Paul, ‘Kosovo PM is head of human organ and arms ring, Council of Europe reports’, guardian.co.uk, 14 December 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/14/kosovo-prime-minister-llike-...

Candidate 1: "Under international law there are only two instances where secession is possible; in the case of foreign occupation and as a result of decolonisation. The third category espoused by the proposition is disputed and naturally leads to absurd consequences: how small a group of people on how small a plot of land can unilaterally declare independence?

Moreover, the Kosovan claim for independence is not clear-cut. The population ratio of Kosovo-Albanian to Serb inhabitants of Kosovo is constantly in flux. In addition, the current ratio has far fewer Serbs because of enforced or fear-driven flight from the region after NATO intervention gave Kosovo-Albanians the upper hand in the region. In 1971 Serbs were 18.4% of the population. [1] The Kosovo-Albanians have suffered undeniably over the last decade. However, that should not lead us to ignore the very genuine historical significance of Kosovo to Serbia, particularly to the Orthodox faith. There is a historical tradition of both Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians inhabiting Kosovo. To effect a change in the sovereignty over a region on the basis of a temporary population ratio is to ignore the complexity of the issues that surround this territory.

[1] Howe, Marvine, ‘Exodus of Serbians stirs province in Yugoslavia’, The New York Times, 12 July 1982, http://www.srpska-mreza.com/kosovo/serbian-exudos-nyt-7-82.html"
Candidate 2: "The uncertainty over Kosovo’s status is a cause of tension. Drawing a line under the whole issue and making it clear that Kosovo will not revert to being part of Serbia again allows for a relaxing of nationalist tension and for serious discussions to begin over land swaps that would make the border more sensible."
Candidate 3: "Whilst the ideal of Serb and Kosovar living in harmony is an honourable one, the international community should not waste energy trying to engineer such a society when both sides appear committed to exclusive, nation-state models which involve the political and social hegemony of one group over the other. Multicultural toleration is a fine liberal, democratic ideal but it does not fit every empirical reality. The tensions are too great to make such a system work."
Candidate 4: "Ethnic Serbs are suffering right now in Kosovo. A large portion of them have been displaced from their homes and a significant number of Serbian Orthodox churches and cemeteries have been demolished or vandalised. It is hypocritical to use to suffering of one side to justify a transfer of sovereignty while simultaneously ignoring the suffering of the other side."
Candidate 5: "In the last decade Kosovo has leveraged remittances and direct investment from the Kosovar diaspora to achieve robust growth. It has also made significant progress in developing key social and economic institutions necessary for a viable state. In adopting the Euro as legal tender it has gained a strong financial anchor. Kosovo also benefits from low public debt and a strategic cash reserve. [1] It is also wrong to argue that Kosovo would be unviable because of its size as Kosovo has a population considerably larger than many independent states in Europe today (eg Iceland, Malta, Cyprus, Estonia).

[1] IMF ‘Republic of Kosovo: Concluding Statement of the 2011 Article IV Consultation Mission’. May 30 2011. http://www.imf.org/external/np/ms/2011/060111.htm"
Candidate 6: "An ethnic or religious difference from the rulers of one’s country is not a sufficient condition to necessitate independence. It is perfectly possible for example to be a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country, or someone of Irish heritage living in England, without calling for a separate "state within a state". Not just any minority group deserves to have its call for sovereign independence recognised. There have to be additional and better reasons, other than a simple difference in ethnicity or cultural heritage if a people are to ground a valid claim for sovereign independence."
Candidate 7: "This argument depends upon how one defines the ‘territorial integrity’ of a state in Article 2. Certainly it would not be legitimate for a state to simply declare based on an old treaty or historic claim that its territory encompassed that of a neighbour and to invade, therefore the requirement to respect territorial integrity must only refer to de facto integrity. Given that Serbia has no actual control over the territory of Kosovo it is not a violation of the rights of the Serbian state to recognise it as an independent nation."
Candidate 8: "Britain does though claim sovereignty over far away locations such as the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar. The controversy of those claims is not mitigated that they are populated by ethnic Britons who immigrated on assumption of British control.

Ethnic nationalism has a very bad history, both around the world and in the Balkans in particular. Out of the nineteenth century explosion in popularity of nationalistic ideologies grew the bitter tensions and wars of the twentieth century. The last thing that we should be doing is promoting a continuation and an extension of this divisive and destructive way of perceiving the world. Ultimately, an independent state would be created just because it was believed that there is too much bad blood between the Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians for them to live in harmony. To create an ethnically exclusive state because of animosity with another ethnic group is not a solution; it is a recipe for disaster."

The uncertainty over Kosovo’s status is a cause of tension. Drawing a line under the whole issue and making it clear that Kosovo will not revert to being part of Serbia again allows for a relaxing of nationalist tension and for serious discussions to begin over land swaps that would make the border more sensible.
