in appreciating this corrigendum it deserves to be remembered how paedophilia and cognate terms entered clinical parlance .
this warrants a slightly broader look at how notions of age - specificity and age - exclusivity in erotic attraction figure in the medical history of sexuality .
paedophilia has been consistently signalled out as a discrete entity under the shifting headings of  psychosexual perversion ( 1890s , as referenced below ) ,  sexual deviation or 
pathologic behaviour ( 195267 :  dsm - i and ii ; 1965 : icd-8 : code 302.2 ) ,  psychosexual disorder ( 1979 : icd-9-cm ) ,  paraphilia ( 1980 : dsm - iii through iv - tr ) ,  disorder of sexual preference ( 1992 : icd-10 : code f65.4 ) , finally 
like other  sexual deviations , paedophilia entered the dsm and the who s international classification of diseases ( icd ) without attribution , reference , definition or diagnostic criteria .
apart from paedophilia few words pertinent to  erotic age - preference ever trickled down into the oxford english dictionary ( oed ) and only paedophilia / pederosis ever entered the dsm / icd indexes . where heterosexuality was named and conceptualised in the earliest context of the naming of and apology for homosexuality , the clumsy , gender - neutral neologisms adultophilia and teleiophilic preference (  ordinary attraction to adults ) appeared long after an initial rush on pathological and gender - specific terms , and strictly on forensic occasions .
note that with  teleiophilia the reader is already in the twenty - first century .
historically , definitions of morbid age of attraction , age of consent and mean or modal age of  puberty show an approximate and a priori alignment .
definitions of all of these are at a fundamental level conventional , and their alignment around 1896 required an intertwining of as much moral and legal as psychiatric sensibility . proposed definitions of 
paedophilia have continued to waver between ill - defined physiological terms such as  puberty , related somatoscopic ( tanner ) stages , and ages - of - man categories such as  child and 
adolescent. revealingly comparable to age - of - consent legislation worldwide , they have also varied and shifted in stipulated minimal age and minimal age difference requirements for diagnosis
. the dsm-5 concept of normophilia , or non - paraphilia , balances a naturalistic with a legal reference to age where it is defined in terms of the  sexual maturity and the legal ability to consent of the normophile s preferred partner .
moreover , nosological suggestions have consistently wrestled with the relation of mental disorder to the contingency of offences .
it was child endangerment that had been the most immediate connotation of the us legal rubric of 
sexual psychopath , which was current from the late 1930s to the early 1950s , and certainly of its 1990s successor , the  sexually violent predator. it has been a peculiarity of these rubrics that they have an opportune , not a necessary , footing in psychiatric diagnoses , and that the former particularly appealed to residual (  not otherwise specified ) categories in the dsm - iii - r and subsequent revisions .
paraphilia has concentrated on paedophilia and psycho - diagnostic notions developed largely around child sex offenders , notably , since 1984 , that of  cognitive distortion. diagnostic criteria guided research only from the dsm - iii onward . to date , these have importantly conformed to a criterion template applied to all 
these observations will prove of increasing significance to historians of the sexological present , given the rising importance of age to global definitions and representations of sexual justice since the weaning from 
until the 1973 , 7th printing of the dsm - ii and the 1992 icd-10 , anglophone psychiatric taxonomies still listed  homosexuality and 
paedophilia under the common heading of  sexual deviation. historians of homosexuality note that between these dates ,  the paedophile came to replace  the homosexual in the anglo - american experience as a paragon of sexual danger to youth . in post - war psychology ,
 a growing body of research evidence was building up a dividing wall between the non - dangerous homosexual and the pederast who did threaten the young and whom it was still thought necessary to include in the dangerousness framework. during the 1980s , the century - old trope of 
nineteenth century french dictionaries defined pdrastie [ pederasty ] only vaguely as a  criminal passion either between men or between men and jeunes garons [ young boys ] . yet , even in the european nineteenth century , 
homosexuality importantly answered to a popular presumption , indeed a forensic pattern , of age difference .
this may have reflected the likelihood of crimes being reported . in any case , associations with child abuse plagued the earliest apologetic outlines of homosexuality .
as discussed below , these associations inform the coinage and etymology of some of the earliest terms for homosexuality . where most early terms denoting age preferences were subsequently coined to classify homosexuals , a definitive reversal in the order of mobilising parameters is achieved only in the dsm - iii , which illustratively advises the specification of pedophilia where the diagnosed person is found to be sexually attracted to males , females or both .
moreover , the strong philological and philhellenic orientation to ancient paiderastia of even early twentieth century advocates of same - sex love necessarily married reflections on gender and age orientation .
greek love had perhaps been more central to the modern assimilationist politics and acceptance of homosexuality than sympathetic historians may have cared to stress .
well into the 1950s , many apologists for homoeroticism wrestled extensively with the spectres of 
greek love and  pedagogical eros , in efforts to distance themselves from the nascent sciences of crime and mental health .
writings celebrating the beauty of ageless  boys and  youth often deployed philosophical and anthropological arguments against medico - physiological and legal sensibilities around age and age difference . in the 1900s ,
anthropologically oriented sexologists ( bloch and ellis ) and also early ethnologists of homosexuality including ferdinand karsch - haack , either explicitly rejected or ignored emergent nosological frameworks for paedophilia / knabenliebe . the forensic identification of paedophilia only very gradually came to spearhead the new and dual scientific parlance of 
these key notions were to assume an obvious architectural relation to today s ubiquitous , triple psychiatricisation , which was , importantly , already converging in the mid-1890s , of  the paedophile , the child sexual abuse victim and the 
erotic age preference assumed more sustained relevance in the nineteenth century context of naming , categorising , theorising and defending gender deviance .
paedophiles still figured importantly in terms of  recognizably different categories among adult male homosexuals. robertson suggests that , in the us ,  by 1950 , the media had begun to split homosexual offenders away from pedophiles and to present them as a problem in their own right , a  new moral menace to our youth , as the title of an article in coronet magazine trumpeted. in the netherlands too , 
the word paedophilia was rarely used before 1945 , but shows up regularly in the medical records after 1950 ; homosexuality and paedophilia only began to be separated from that time onwards. the first book - length forensic studies on  paedophilia , in the netherlands , canada , germany and denmark , were published only from 1960 onward , at the time of the decriminalisation of homosexuality across europe .
a lecture by michel foucault given on 19 march 1975 , gestured toward a genealogy of paedophilia , arguably the first of such gestures . since then , substantial contributions to paedophilia s medico - forensic prehistory have been few , fragmentary and recent . like 
homosexual , the label invites a historicisation of the labeller at least as much as of the labelled .
the broad outline offered below focuses primarily on the few , but diverse , references to age - specificity in nineteenth century west - european sexological nosology .
historians of homosexuality have observed an intricate cross - fading of the ramifications of pagan custom , sin and crime with those of mental disorder and social identity .
notwithstanding , medical as well as lyrical conceptions of homosexuality remained critically embroiled with those of ancient greek paiderastia well into the twentieth century .
knabenliebe der griechen und entarteten rmer [ boy love of the greeks and degenerate romans ] as among the  sexuellen verirrungen des alterthums [ sexual aberrations of antiquity ] .
discussion of this ancient custom was to remain a central point of reference in the sexual psychopathology here anticipated .
the closest to an ancient medical pronouncement on boy - love had arguably been plutarch s ethico - moral distinction , in his moralia , between approved  and untoward . christian disparagement of  featured a different , but still only moral , neologism .
 child / boy seducer or corrupter ) appeared in numerous early christian , as well as anonymous greek ascetic texts .
stereotyped lists of sins apologetically or polemically levelled against the surrounding greco - roman world .
part of a stock arsenal of accusations to be used in debates with pagans. it occurs in various enumerations of sins , and it is a matter of dispute whether the word can be taken to denote all homosexuality , all seduction of youth or both .
the constitution of the apostles ( late fourth century ad ) expanded the sixth commandment on adultery with :  do not abuse boys ( oude paidophthorseis ) : for this vice is against nature and had its beginning in sodom [  ] . among these earliest sources to specify sex offenders against 
the synod of elvira ( 305 - 306 ce ) says of stupratores puerorum that they  shall not be admitted to communion , not even on their deathbeds. the term knabenschndung ( knabenschnde , knabenschnderei , knabenschnderey ) [ violation of boys ] cross - faded from the sixteenth to early - nineteenth century from an ecclesiastical to a medico - legal relevance , often subsumed with bestiality under the legal header of sodomie ( sodomiterey ) .
the term long retained its scriptural ring : the luther bibel and the zrcher bibel ( both sixteenth - century ) translate the arsenokoitai of 1 corinthians 6:9 and 1 timotheus 1:10 as knabenschnder . although the gender - neutral term kinderschnder 
child violator is of early - eighteenth - century origin and encountered in early - nineteenth - century legal medical textbooks , krafft - ebing is notably one of the first , in 1896 , to use it in an indisputably psychiatric context . where the early christian neologisms were intended to reframe greek boy - love , the earliest mid - nineteenth - century psychiatric terms proposed by heinrich kaan ( puerorum amor [ boy love ] or paederastia ) and claude - franois micha ( amour grec [ greek love ] , including male philopdie ) were undistorted echoes of and direct references to ancient greece , retaining a philological connotation of pederastic age preference . 

philopdie and pdophilie were among the very few modern sexological terms with cognate terms actually attested in ancient greek .
lexicographically , philopdie appears to have been the first of modernity s philias to figure alongside the earlier monomanies rotiques [ erotic monomanias ] . at that time
the phil-/-philus prefix / suffix was scientifically familiar in entomology ( 1838 : sitophilus ) , medicine ( 1828 : haemophilie ) and phrenology ( 1815 : philoprogenitiveness ) . denoting a psychiatric condition ,
philologically , lifelong  [ friendship ] between men was the ideal corollary of an initial paiderastic tutorship .
the superordinate term paraphilie , incidentally , would not be coined until 1903 , and here only as a counterpoint to medicalising alternatives . from an etymological point of view , the late - nineteenth through to twentieth century juggling of terms ( philia , sex , eros , perversion , disorder , orientation ) amounted to considerable wortsalat . to mid - nineteenth - century forensic authorities ,
the matching of ancient terms and medico - legal cases had already proved problematic . the ancient distinction between edifying love and problematic behaviour , specifically between pdophilie and pderastie , had been revived deliberately in the late 1830s by the pioneering researchers into ancient greek sexual mores julius rosenbaum , moritz hermann eduard meier and heinrich hli . however , like johann ludwig casper , all three notably used the terms mnnerschndung ( fr .
: andrrastie ) and mnnerliebe alongside the juxtaposed terms of knabenschndung and knabenliebe / paedophilie . right up to krafft - ebing s forensic appropriation of the latter term in 1896 , as evidenced in work by albert von schrenck - notzing , this contrast between pdophilie ( pedophily in the 1895 english translation ) and pderastie for many was still of purely philological significance and remained without definite nosological intentions .
krafft - ebing s paedophilia erotica , in this light , was a careful , but still awkward , reworking of known , indeed ancient , terms .
following french nosological terms including monomanie rotique and folie rotique [ erotic madness ] , krafft - ebing coined the phrases fetischismus eroticus in 1891 ( adapting from alfred binet s 1887 expression 
ftichisme dans lamour , itself a diversion from fetishism s previous anthropological uses ) and zoophilia erotica ( next to bestialitt and zooerastie ) in 1894 .
it is in this terminological journey that krafft - ebing coined pdophilia erotica in 1896 and , for purely taxonomical purposes , gerontophilie  in 1901 .
in texts on attentats aux moeurs [ sexual offences ] of the second half of the nineteenth century  by casper and subsequently by authorities such as devergie , tardieu , pnard , brouardel , bernard , toulmouche and thoinot  virtually all attention was given to the physical and venereological ( ie . 
while the fourth , 1887 , edition of paul moreau s des aberrations du sens gnsique [ aberrations of the sexual instinct ] is full of pre - adolescent nymphomaniacs and incestuous fathers and brothers , one finds moral denunciations of odieux attentats [ odious crimes ] but not yet a specification of offender types . of the mdchenschneider [ girl - cutter ] , mdchenstecher
[ girl - stabber ] , and knabengeissler [ boy - flogger ] cases subsequently discussed by krafft - ebing , some had long appealed to typological sensibilities ; but they were to be subsumed under the rubric of sadism not paedophilia .
nineteenth- and early - twentieth - century evidence of slang applied to frequenters of child prostitutes , and to connoisseurship of young male beauty or girlhood innocence may be too scant to empirically consolidate a link with the kind of identity positions associated with  paedophile activism , which may be traced back to the theme becoming a matter of discussion and schism in the late-1950s west - european homophile movement .
considered symptomatologically , reports of paedophilia remain exceedingly rare and casuistic until the 1890s . in 1840 , american phrenologist w. byrd powell mentioned a man , george kennedy , hanged for rape of a ten - year - old girl who , according to a memorandum , while  standing on the drop , with the rope about his neck , [  ] informed the spectators that such [ sexual ] commerce with female children had been the governing passion of his life. clinical research and organic theories of paedophilia seem to have been consolidated in , but also largely limited to , an 1864 article by powell , discussing craniological similarities of at least five men ( three executed , 
several incarcerated ) said to have had  an intemperate desire for commerce with female children. this empirical basis confirmed powell s earlier impression that as  inveterate masturbators , and in contrast to nymphomaniacs , such men turned out to have underdeveloped  organs of animal sensibility and overdeveloped 
amatory organs. however , various independent nosological identifications of paedophilia can be seen at the close of the nineteenth century .
this entails the passage from the incidental symptom of indecent behaviour to a sui generis mental affliction , that is , to an inborn , 
primary orientation that is not strictly either an occasional symptom of senility , dementia , imbecility , epilepsy or an occasional corollary of alcoholism , impotence or libertine brutality .
an 1881 conference paper by freiburg psychiatry resident ludwig kirn , published in 1883 , already offered most of this differential diagnosis , interestingly without elaborating its eponymous suggestion that heterosexual unzucht mit kindern unter vierzehn jahren [ indecency with a child under fourteen years ] , as widernatrliche unzucht and sodomie [ sodomy ] , could be an expression of  perverse sex drive. in 1890 , italian sexologist guglielmo cantarano included 
tendenza verso persone impuberi [ propensity for prepubescents ] in a classification of sexual aberrations , as an example of  perversion due to a failing sense of pleasurable reciprocity. in 1891 , french criminal anthropologist mile laurent , in a short chapter on  les amoureux des enfants [ child - lovers ] , discussed those , unlike elderly offenders and libertines , who are  so to say born with the passion and , furthermore , those whose amour slides into exclusive sexual obsession . in that same year , in the first major monograph on homosexuality , albert moll would discuss  neigung zu unreifen mdchen und knaben [ inclination to immature girls and boys ] ,  liebe zu kindern [ love for children ] and  liebe zu jnglinge [ love of youths ] , beside  neigung zu alten mnnern , as distinct perversions and  complications of that condition . in  1893
sexual perversion ,  a class of cases where the criminal has no desire for female adults , but for female children only. by 1894 , spanish author jos de letamendi identified pederastia (  amor  nios [ love of children ] ) as an  erotic aberration (  parafrodismo as opposed to 
lamour des hommes pour les impubres [ men s love for prepubescents ] outside both normal uranism and normal heterosexuality .
eine krankhafte disposition , eine psychosexuale perversion [ a morbid disposition , a psychosexual perversion ] in an 1896 aetiological paper on unzucht , excluding those 
the term entered his textbook on psychiatry first in its sixth , 1897 edition , his psychopathia sexualis in the tenth german edition of 1898 , the english language in that edition s 1899 translation , the french language ( as pdophilie rotique ) in 1900 and the italian language ( pedofilia erotica ) about 1902 .
influential medico - legal textbooks , notably dating before the first edition of psychopathia sexualis , provided case studies krafft - ebing went on to consider indicative of paedophilia .
another forensic case study , singled out by krafft - ebing for this purpose , dealt with an exclusive age preference for boys aged between six and twelve , with accompanying horror feminae and horror puellarum .
its authors stressed that their case evidenced an element of sensual and sentimental adoration , not just carnal interest .
dgnr atteint de perversion du sense gnital [ degenerate affected by perversion of the sexual instinct ] and referred to an asile dalins [ insane asylum ] . with his new diagnosis , krafft - ebing described the case a year later as 
eine spezielle anomalie  innerhalb des rahmens der homosexualitt [ a special anomaly  within the frame of homosexuality ] .
early - twentieth - century comments on  paedophilia were few , and hardly deferential to krafft - ebing .
most psychiatrists including kraepelin and bleuler dedicated only a few lines to child molestation in their textbooks ; both , like freud , mentioned not sexual perversion but the older differential diagnoses of epilepsy , dementia senilis ( altersbldsinn ) and mental retardation .
havelock ellis s brief use of paidophilia in 1905/6 , denoting a prevalent inflection of 
erotic symbolism , was credited neither to krafft - ebing nor to saint - paul ( discussed below ) ; ellis would explicitly doubt the existence of a paedophilic perversion .
auguste forel coined a competing term  pderosis  in 1905 , again without reference to krafft - ebing , to mean a 
argentine physician , jos ingegnieros , also leaves krafft - ebing uncited where discussing a bizarre case of contemplative ,  morbidly paedophilic fugue .
krafft - ebing briefly alluded to an associationist aetiology of the  eigenthmliche art von fetischismus  des alters or  altersfetischismus [ peculiar kind of age fetishism ] which he had named .
he coined the word gerontophilie when returning to this hypothesis in 1901 , but did not discuss actual cases . in 1905 ,
both laurent and ellis described paedophilia in poorly elaborated terms of fetishism ( laurent :  ftichisme des juvnilits [ juvenilities - fetishism ] ) , neither with reference to krafft - ebing .
more intricate theoretical approaches to age - specific attraction , as a purported dimension of either  psychical hermaphroditism or 
psychosexual infantilism , were being offered by albert moll ( see below ) , later by early students of psychoanalysis ( hirschfeld , otto juliusberger , max marcuse ) and finally in monographic studies by wilhelm stekel and arthur kronfeld . in psychoanalysis ,
civilisational , economy of familial libidinal investments . yet , of the five  complexes involving incestuous tendencies toward children proposed in subsequent psychoanalytic texts apropos the oedipus and electra complex ( so named in 1910 and 1913 , respectively ) , not one gained a psychoanalytic foothold .
the reported case load of paedophilia erotica at that time , it needs to be stressed , was small , combining those of krafft - ebing ( about ten by 1899 ) , schrenck - notzing ( two ) , ellis ( one ) , forel ( one ) and , avant la lettre , laurent ( two ) .
as it appears from a late edition of his der hypnotismus [ hypnotism ] , forel claimed acquaintance with 
many cases but reported treating only one case by hypnosis ( outcome  uncured ) .
typological attention to age is evident in the work of two early apologists for homosexuality , neither of whom was medically trained . in an 1869 pamphlet karl - maria kertbeny made a distinction between boy - loving homosexuality native to southern countries and man - loving homosexuality native to northern countries .
at the same time , epithets including pderast / knabenliebhaber [ pederast / boy lover ] and allegations of knabenverfhrung [ seduction of boys ] were countered in a plea for social acceptance of adult male homosexuality .
comparably , in his first of twelve famed pamphlets karl heinrich ulrichs coined the term urnische liebe specifically to establish a contradistinction to the popular connotation of knabenliebe .
ulrichs initial terminology had modern homosexuality emerge right out of pausanias speech in plato s symposium that provided the ( dissenting ) distinction between an inferior love belonging to common aphrodite ( borne from zeus and dione ) oriented toward  women as much as boys [ paides] on the one hand , and on the other , a love informed by an older ,  heavenly aphrodite ( borne from uranus ) of younger men but not  boys before the stage when their intelligence begins to develop , which is near the time when they begin to grow a beard. ulrichs later urning typology , in his memnon essays , blended a gender habitus and an age orientation schema : the weibling loved drauci [ strong young men ] , the zwischen - urning men aged between eighteen and twenty - three and the mannling pueri [ youths ] . this early theoretical imbrication of gender and age preference , on the basis of a shared physical habitus between women and male youths from the perspective of the male urning , was followed by theorists of sexual inversion of the 1890s .
however , the terms themselves fell into disuse despite being used by john addington symonds and havelock ellis in the early- and mid-1890s , in the posthumous reprint of memnon in 1898 , and in allusion by magnus hirschfeld in the 1899 , maiden issue of his jahrbuch fr sexuelle zwischenstufen [ yearbook for sexual intermediates ] . in his subsequent , 1869 pamphlets incubus and argonauticus , ulrichs would further reflect on the relative incidence and pathological nature of  geschlechtsneigung [ geschlechtsliebe ; geschlechtslust ] zu unreifen knaben [ sexual inclination / love / lust directed at immature boys ] in urnings and dionings ( heterosexuals ) , in connection with a widely publicised forensic case (  fall zastrow ) of alleged sadistic rape of a five - year - old boy in that year .
the accused apparently possessed and endorsed ulrichs memnon , and has been identified as the second person in this period , after ulrichs , to publicly announce an attraction to men .
the case led to a sensational criminal trial and was timed so as to impact on important discussions later that year of possible reform of the prussian anti - sodomy law .
significantly , in his discussions ulrichs makes boy - love and man - love mutually exclusive (  wer knaben liebt , liebt nicht mnner ; und umgekehrt [ who loves boys , does not love men and vice versa ] ) and qualifies the former consistently as 
ulrichs 1868/9 verdict was perhaps the earliest instance of an age - centric , rather than gender - centric , nosological conception of knabenliebe  at least an early instance where the metaphor of disease was applied strictly on the basis of age .
an absolute schism between pathological boy - love and non - pathological , inborn man - love can thus be traced back to the earliest apologetic representations of homosexuality , and arose in the context of a criminal case , in an attempt to pre - empt popular conflations of homosexuality with violent child abuse .
northern homosexualist would notably have to argue the same case for at least a century to come .
for ellis / symonds and later moll , following ulrichs , age - preference came to speak to the nascent theorem of sexual inversion , albeit briefly .
male youths shared the feminine features of women , such that only attraction to robustly adult males would indicate a complete inversion , and thus full pathology , of gendered sensibilities in males .
this symptomological significance of age is not found in krafft - ebing s early stufen - theory . on the basis of many case studies ,
moll alluded to the possibilities that age - attraction is a graded symptom of either developmental stagnation (  hemmung ) or even a standstill in the differentiation of sexual drive , or an admixture (  mischung ) of otherwise properly gendered , inborn forms of sexual receptivity (  komplexe von reaktionsfhigkeiten ) .
both erotic age- and gender - preference would thus be the outcome of sexual differentiation and had the tendency to appear as 
such transitional states would be the rule , not the exception . in 1899 , moll pointed out that in even in germany  full sexual inversion  which would mean men s attraction to men above the age of thirty  was rarer than attraction to those below twenty , and that until recent times a full degree of inversion may have been unknown  as it appeared to be in the americas and the orient . here ,
homosexualitt mit neigung zu ganz oder halb unreifen knaben [ homosexuality with an inclination to completely or semi - immature boys ] , would have been widely acknowledged at the time . a comparable taxonomical suggestion in mid-1890s sexology maintained that unlike innate , effeminate and  passivist ( masochistic ) uranists ,  acquired and  active pederasts , the only true pederasts , are attracted by immature youths ( gytons ) of feminine aspect. of a half dozen loose schemas of age - specificity in erotic attraction found in the 18961914 period , all were occasioned by similar , mostly theoretical , attempts to differentiate between homosexuals , and mostly by authors seeking to qualify sexual inversion s pathological status .
most prominently , they occur in writings by georges saint - paul in 1896 , by ludwig frey ( pseud ? ) in 1898 , in a 1904 theoretical typology by dutch physician von rmer published under editorial care of hirschfeld , in a 1906 essay and 1914 book by hirschfeld and finally in a book on urban vice and gay subculture by catalan pedagogue max bembo , published around 1912 . only hirschfeld s male schema , which borrowed all terms without attribution from krafft - ebing and saint - paul , proved of some utility to twentieth - century sexologists , although it never found broad cultural resonance . of further note , the earliest identifications of gerontophilia , which krafft - ebing only encountered among 
saint - paul had used the same term , paidophilie , in the same year as krafft - ebing , but used it in reference of a homosexual love for young phbes , not prepubescent enfants , that is , as phbophilie , a word also coined here for contrastive purposes and later to be reintroduced by hirschfeld without attribution .
saint - paul classified oscar wilde , in the year after his trials , as un inverti paidophile [ a  paedophilic invert ] .
paedophilia in or seduction by inverts was less , or at least not more , prevalent than among heterosexuals . already in 1891 ,
complete analogy. both hirschfeld , in 1914 , and moll , in 1921 , ventured estimations of the respective incidence of age - preference categories .
these estimations honoured a by now firmly established division between the first - order category of  homosexuality and second - order questions of  perversion or age - preference . yet , the title of one of krafft - ebing s last articles   flagellatio puerorum als ausdruck des larvirten sadismus eines paedophilen contrrsexualen  illustrates the concomitant problem of describing complex cases in terms of co - morbidity , especially in relation to the increasingly arguable 
aberration of sexual inversion . was the defendant at root an invert , a paedophile , a sadist or a flagellantist ?
the question clearly mattered to a world in which many , including krafft - ebing , had begun to de - pathologise 
sexual intermediates. one empirical contribution to hirschfeld s jahrbuch fr sexuelle zwischenstufen claimed that 100 out of a nonclinical sample of 550 cases of kontrrsexualismus proved to be 
anomalies in sexual preference , about fifteen cases by  pdophilie , the latter in turn considered 
there has been an elaborate early modern legal discourse on the nature of child sex offenders , but at least in england this did not include the notion of a sexual perversion . even by the late-1850s , tardieu signalled out pederasty where habitually committed on boys aged six to twelve years but could at that time only provisionally refer to kaan and casper in considering pederasty the corollary of a possible 
perversion morale. in two 1894 book chapters marking the beginning of american forensic interest in the area of under - age sex crimes , neither of the authors specified perversion in relation to offences against children , although both alluded , as tardieu , to the emergent european availability of such a specification .
forensic psychology of child sex offenders is of twentieth - century , particularly psychoanalytic , origin , and at first relies minimally on the notion of paedophilia .
one could ask why a specifically forensic definition of a paedophilic predilection was not forthcoming until the 1890s , despite decades of alienist and forensic study of child sex offenders .
harry oosterhuis characterises krafft - ebing s medical forensic coinage of paedophilia as coterminous with a shift which was only gradual  from a psychiatric perspective in which deviant sexuality was explained as a derived , episodic and more or less singular symptom of a more fundamental mental disorder , to a consideration of perversion as an integral part of a more general , autonomous and continuous sexual instinct. early forensic observations on victim age were largely concerned with hypotheses at the environmental and demographic level .
tardieu correlated offender and victim age , observing a general inverse relation , an empirical  law not contradicted in research by alexandre lacassagne , paul bernard and paul brouardel . for brouardel , it fitted the suggestion that impotence was a central predisposing factor in sex offences .
lombroso connected an apparent nineteenth century rise in offences against children , as opposed to adults , not to an idiopathic perversion but to  insatiability with regard to pleasure in the cases of individuals of high culture , together with the abundance of opportunity. alienist attention to moral offences against children into the twentieth century focused mainly on possible grounds for defendants reduced capacity .
defendants , for their part , were likely to cite circumstantial and incidental , not preferential , factors .
exculpatory statements were scrutinised as possible clues to the state of their mental faculties . a case of predominantly homosexual child abuse reported in 1843 , for instance , had alienists puzzling over whether the defendant s apologia  a primary school teacher referring to  lexemple de socrate et dalcibiade [ the example of socrates and alcibiades ] and contesting medical consensus about onanism  entailed  la corruption du cur ou la perversion de lintelligence [ a corruption of the heart or a perversion of the intellect ] .
legal students including ulrichs and krafft - ebing spelled out that any distinct morbid sexual orientation in recidivist cases of notzucht [ rape ] , unzucht [ indecency ] , verfhrung [ seduction ] , blutschande / inzucht [ incest ] or schamverletzung whether involving men , women or minors , would not in itself indicate mental alienation .
krafft - ebing s coinage of paedophilia erotica was only to supplement a long - known list of etiological factors ( senility , alcoholism , epilepsy , degeneracy and mental retardation ) that in themselves might , or might not ( libertinism ) , imply diminished responsibility in sex offenders . in all of his own cases , except a seeming platonic one , krafft - ebing found signs of degeneration . still , without a third factor ( neurasthenia , dementia paralytica ) present , acting upon a paedophilic orientation would not suggest diminished capacity .
corruption and  abuse had long informed the linked epidemiologies of onanie [ onanism ] , knabenschnde and verfhrung .
they assumed more precise aetiological significance to psychiatrists from the mid - nineteenth century onward , in informed assumptions about acquired pederasty ( by casper , from 1852 ) and in binet s 1887 associationalist aetiology of fetishism .
the broadening of this significance by freud in 1895/6 to hysteria , obsessional neurosis and paranoia ( seduction s promotion to the status of  caput nili der neuropathologie , in freud s terms ) was famously dismissed by krafft - ebing as  a scientific fairy - tale. in other words , at the time of the naming of a paedophilic orientation , there was only a limited and disputed basis for the psychiatric relevance of sexual victimhood .
 paedophilia was clearly relevant both to narrowly - defined and expanded sexual aetiologies of mental illness , but certainly not critical .
the label did occur in the very same year as the publication of freud s three 
seduction theory papers , a coinage suspended between edward tylor s exogamy and edward westermarck s incest avoidance theories and the germination of freud s oedipus complex .
freud s rethinking of the issue has been considered  the central event in the discovery of psychoanalysis , both in freud s own account and in that of his biographers. in the early 1980s , historical unearthing of the abandoned  seduction hypothesis figured prominently in an epochal reassertion of that inference .
freud notably signalled out three groups of  seducers :  nursemaids , governesses , domestic servants , and teachers ; older children and siblings ; and  adult strangers. not a single accusation of a parent or 
the term paedophilia does not appear in the minutes of the vienna psychoanalytic society ( 190618 ) .
freud never used it in print or correspondence , and would only briefly reflect on the child as erotic object of choice in 1905 .
equally , in perhaps the earliest aetiology - centred quantitative study of child sex offenders , published in that year , the existence of any such mental disposition as paedophilia (  eines kinderschndungstriebes ) was considered 
most questionable and no mention was made of either krafft - ebing or his term .
wulffen s voluminous textbook der sexualverbrecher [ the sex offender ] of 1910 still had little to add to krafft - ebing s provisional , descriptive account . in 1912 hermann rohleder would claim to be the first to suggest that incest could be read as a corollary of paedophilia or parthenophilia erotica , matched with the suggestion that it should be punished only where involving depravity against children .
the first to offer substantial discussions of paedophilia and gerontophilia , incidentally , had fallings - out with freud  moll and stekel .
as hebephilia , a new empirical gaze on erotic age preference is seen in the mid- to late-1950s , and soon became tied to phallometry or penile plethysmography ( the measurement of erectile circumference and/or volume in response to usually visual stimuli ) .
diagnosis of sexual deviation , in particular the  differential diagnosis between homosexuality and heterosexuality. it is here , in a series of czech articles by freund , that both sex - preference ( including homosexuality ) and age - preference ( including pedophilia , ephebophilia / hebephilia , and androphilia ) are first , and simultaneously , 
diagnosed in a psychophysiological test . age of attraction soon became the mobilising research parameter for phallometrists .
the mid-1960s goal was to turn a  supposed diagnosis arising from legal precedent ( recidivism ) and/or self - admitted preference into a 
pretenders and more broadly with a largely clinical distinction hitherto mostly associated with homosexuality , between  situational and preferential offenders . in the us
, distinctions such as this would inform civil commitment procedures , especially from 1990 , with the first  sexually violent predator law in california .
it is indeed only in the 1990s  mostly the 2000s  that academic neologisms like ganyphilia , hebephilia , adolescentofilie ( in czech ) and juventofilia ( in spanish ) were seen aiming to designate discrete  paraphilias. chronophilia , john money s idiosyncratic term coined in 1986 to replace his slightly earlier classificatory nudges at  fixation on age disparity and  age - discrepancy paraphilia , has remained an entirely speculative and normative gesture .
chronophilia family ( coining infantophilia / nepiophilia ) , and repeatedly complained about the absence of terms such as twentiophilia , thirtiophilia  and so on , stating that such terms would enrich  nosology and inform  diagnosis of people s 
lovemap. for a clinician highly sensitive to the medicalisation and politicisation of sex , this seems careless use of terminology : money reported no cases and no evidence supporting the existence of a 
chronophilic subgroup of paraphilias , nor data that would establish the conceptual validity of chronophilia ( in evidence when  the paraphile s sexuoerotic age is discordant with his / her actual chronological age and is concordant with the age of the partner ) , nor , finally , did he empirically consolidate the status of  mental disorder for any so - called paraphilia ( to date , paraphilias lack biomarkers ) .
the 2013 passage from paraphilias - as - mental - disorders to paraphilic disorders did little to solve these basic , nineteenth - century problems .
if anything , the  lived metaphors of disease , trauma and therapy seem to have become more fundamental to western responses to sex crime than ever . greatly exceeding the boundaries of a strictly medical history , psychiatric and psychoanalytic notions ( sexualtrauma [ sexual trauma ] ; verdrngung [ repression ] )
have been greeted with a massive socio - political and legal appropriation . both in the uk and the us , this development seems traceable  with some precision to media coverage of sexual minorities and sex crimes in 1977/8 .
paedophilia , within the resulting culture of truth - unearthing , memory - recovering and conspiracy - revealing , figures quite diffusely as a mental , institutional and cultural morbidity .
legal , psychiatric and culture - critical dimensions of the term are today rarely cleanly distinguished , surprisingly even in many legal , clinical and historical communications .
 a scientific nomenclature of erotic age preferences informed the mid- through late nineteenth century joint appearance of homosexuality and sexual abuse of minors on the medico - legal scene . yet , even in the twenty - first century , legal , psychiatric and culture - critical dimensions of related terms are rarely cleanly distinguished . 
 review of primary sources shows the ongoing western suspension of notions of  sick desire , alongside and beyond the medicalisation of homosexuality , between metaphor , legal interdiction and postulated psychopathology . virtually all early attention to erotic age preference occurred in the context of emergent attention to erotic gender preference . 
 age of attraction and age difference centrally animate modern homosexuality s pre - modern past ; its earliest psychiatric nomenclature and typologies ( 184469 ) ; its early aetiologies stipulating degrees of sexual differentiation ( 1890s ) ; its concomitant sub - classification ( 18961914 ) ; its earliest psychophysiological tests ( 1950s ) ; and , finally , its post - psychiatric , social scientific typologies ( 1980s ) . 
 several identifications of  paedophilia were seen throughout the 1890s but as a trope it gained cultural momentum only during , and as a seemingly intriguing corollary of , the progressive depsychiatricisation of homosexuality across the anglo - european world ( late 1950s through 1980s ) . 
 early twentieth century sources varied in having it denote ( 1 )  a distinct perversion , thus possible  
 complication of sexual inversion ( 2 ) a discrete corollary of psychosexual differentiation akin to gender preference ( 3 ) a distinct subtype of fetishism , thus a likely imprint of early seduction ( 4 ) a more intricate expression of erotic symbolism or psychosexual complex or ( 5 ) a taste answering to culture , a lack of it , or a libertine disregard for it . 
Erotic Age-Preference: A Problem in Descriptive Psychopathology
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Diagnosing Paedophilia
Age and Sexual Inversion
Paedophilia and Child Sexual Abuse