obesity stigma and negative stereotypes of obese people are widespread and damaging to the health , dignity , human rights , and quality of life of obese individuals .
standard media and biomedical depictions of obese individuals contribute to this stigmatization by positing that obesity incidence is nearly entirely dependent on individualistic actions .
furthermore , obese individuals ' may occupy numerous intersecting social roles and identities based on their gender , class , race , and other social positions .
biomedical and media depictions invariably refer to obesity as a crisis or epidemic . obesity 's multifactorial and multilevel etiology is reduced to an  energy balance  model of causation , which inadequately explains weight trajectories . despite the oft - reported inefficacy of weight loss dieting , public health
interventions may be unsuccessful due to a narrow focus on weight loss , an overly simplistic notion of how obese individuals live ; experience their bodies ; the contexts they inhabit ; and the opportunities available to them in seeking wellness , happiness , and a full life .
furthermore , while health is posited as the ultimate goal , these projects frequently focus on weight and deem fatness or higher weights as necessarily pathological .
this is especially important given that the populations often targeted by such campaigns may differ culturally and socioeconomically from dominant groups .
these diverse factors may affect their lifeways , priorities , and health conceptualizations in manners which may require in - depth exploration to produce truly beneficial and sensitive programming .
qualitative social scientists , such as anthropologists or sociologists , trained in methods such as ethnography , may be uniquely suited to explore the lived experiences of obese individuals .
they may aid in developing a public health strategy that is suited to the priorities and lifestyles of all individuals and is implemented in a manner consistent with a salutogenic , positive , and holistic understanding of health promotion .
this paper discusses the potential for in - depth , qualitative social science research to concretely contribute to program delivery . even within the expanding fields of critical obesity research , as warin and gunson note
, the compiling of actual obese people 's experiences and perspectives has been limited . through actual collaboration between disciplines , rather than public health researchers and programmers and qualitative social scientists operating in separate silos
importantly , rather than reliance on stereotypes , such an approach would facilitate compassionate and evidence - based policy and programming .
understanding how both patients and providers view health - related topics and how these actors must negotiate these views in a care - setting context is critical to planning effective and respectful public health care delivery .
biomedical research nearly invariably posits obesity as a health crisis , despite evidence that obese individuals may be metabolically healthy ; overweight people live longer than  normal  weight persons , as do obese individuals in chronic disease populations and fit obese persons compared to unfit  normal weight  persons [ 2 , 6 ] .
weight bias is moderate to high among healthcare professionals and trainees , including those specializing in obesity or nutrition - related practice [ 711 ] .
a recent systematic review of physicians ' views on treating adult obesity found that physicians believed it was important to treat obesity .
they were confident in their skills respecting obesity treatment , although obesity knowledge was actually limited .
physicians believed they were largely unsuccessful in treating obesity but attributed this to patient noncompliance and lack of motivation , which coincides with their general view of overweight and obese individuals as lazy .
similar results were attained by foster and colleagues in 2 nationally representative american surveys ( n = 5000 ) .
physicians felt treatment for obesity was ineffective ; held negative views of obese patients ' appearance and compliance ; attributed obesity causation to lifestyle factors ; and sought greater compensation in delivering obesity treatment .
similar to other studies , physicians in new york state expressed frustration in attempting to treat obesity .
this frustration was based on the extent to which obesity - contributing factors were outside their control , low sense of self - efficacy in treating obesity , and a perceived lack of reimbursement .
however , they also feel they are unsuccessful in treating obesity , largely as a result of noncompliance and lack of motivation of patients .
reimbursement appeared to be less of an issue regarding physicians ' views of childhood obesity .
studies have also presented more nuanced views of clinicians ' attitudes relating to obesity treatment .
for example , physician 's bmi may mediate physicians ' likelihood of counseling obese patients . among primary care physicians ,
weight loss discussions were more likely to be initiated by physicians who believed clients had a higher bmi than themselves .
normal weight physicians were also more likely to feel confident administering said advice , to feel physicians were responsible for serving as normal weight role models and to doubt patients would trust weight - related advice from overweight or obese clinicians .
another study conducted in new york city involved a chart review and patient survey , and its results suggest little focus on obesity in practice .
it was found that physicians were relatively unlikely to enter an official diagnosis of overweight or obesity on a patient 's chart , to advice weight loss or refer to a dietitian .
patients generally wanted to lose weight and receive physician advice and referral to a dietitian . a qualitative study on german physicians ' and patients ' views on obesity management found that doctors were concerned with a potential overemphasis on obesity .
both physicians and patients emphasized the need for multidisciplinary approaches to obesity management , the excess burden on primary care centres , and emphasized respectful trusting relationships between practitioners and patients .
the need for more services and professional involvement , delivered by physicians or other providers , either separate from or within a primary care setting , was also referred to by both groups .
a recent debate in the canadian family physician journal has highlighted that practitioners may be developing a more critical view on the orthodoxy of advocating weight loss for every obese patient .
bosomworth presents a review on possible negative mortality , morbidity , and quality - of - life outcomes of weight loss .
it is suggested that metabolically healthy obese individuals should strive to remain weight stable , not to gain or lose weight .
an accompanying editorial encourages promoting self - acceptance and healthy lifestyles for obese patients , as weight loss is nearly impossible .
havrankova presents the argument that weight loss as a public health goal is futile and contends that the focus should be on preventing obesity [ 21 , 22 ] .
garrel posits that obesity prevention is largely outside the practitioner 's purview and argues instead for obesity treatment [ 23 , 24 ] .
based on these guidelines , garrel supports urging weight loss only in obese individuals who have comorbid conditions ; physicians should work with obese individuals without comorbid conditions to prevent weight gain [ 23 , 24 ] .
treatment of obese individuals with comorbid conditions would involve treating these comorbidities , setting realistic weight goals with patients , and warning them of unsafe weight loss methods .
it allows for the possibility that some obese patients may be healthy and not benefit from treatment .
physicians are more likely to refer to dietitians than to gastric bypass surgeons or to prescribe medication .
dietitians agree on their primacy in obesity treatment . in a sample of 514 canadian dietitians ,
about 90% felt obesity contributed to ill - health and a large majority felt obese individuals should be encouraged to lose weight .
however , they also emphasized the importance of health measures other than weight in obesity treatment , and the majority advised their clients against weighing themselves .
indeed , many dietitians were positively disposed toward a weight - neutral , health - at - every - size ( haes ) approach ; however , there was variation in plans to adopt more structured eating plans and abandoning weight loss as a goal .
some also argued that certain ( larger ) sizes exceeded healthy limits . in examining clinician perspectives on obesity , what appears to be essential , therefore ,
is the establishment of trusting and respectful relationships between clinicians and their obese patients in designing interventions for obese persons .
these relationships must be sustained in light of obesity 's likely intractability and potential nonpathological nature
. a greater understanding of clinicians ' and obese patients ' health perspectives , perceptions , and priorities over the life course is paramount for achieving these aims .
better understanding of the experience of visiting healthcare providers as a larger patient may also provide valuable insight into sensitive care delivery and health ( not weight)-centric treatment approaches
. a greater awareness of the stigma obese individuals encounter in day - to - day life , as well as in the healthcare system , is of particular importance to improve health and quality of life .
examining these issues in depth is essential to rectify a social justice issue that has immense health and quality - of - life implications for a significant population .
ethnographers and other applied social science researchers may be especially adept at exploring this issue and learning from obese persons about the oppression they may endure .
this discrimination occurs in both interpersonal encounters and in institutional settings such as social situations , places of employment , and health care settings .
this discrimination is particularly notable among heavier individuals ( bmi > 35  kg / m ) , 40% of whom reported experiencing discrimination in the american 1995 - 96 national midlife development survey .
women and younger adults were also at considerably higher relative risk of experiencing weight stigma .
these findings coincide well with reports of high levels internationally of stigmatizing attitudes toward obese persons .
the public emphasizes the presumed causal role of the individual in developing obesity , and this was the single strongest predictor of possessing a stigmatizing attitude .
the pervasiveness of obesity stigma in health care settings is of particular importance for obese individuals ' health and public health planning [ 7 , 8 ] .
awareness of these sentiments may make it especially difficult for obese individuals to find adequate medical care .
social scientists could explore these issues and seek to deploy an in - depth , exploratory perspective from obese individuals ' own ( emic ) perspective .
the depiction of obesity in biomedical , media , and other popular accounts contributes to the manifestation and degree of obesity stigma present among the public .
gard and wright identified that obesity research was communicated to the public in a way that erases the inherent uncertainty and imprecision of epidemiological studies and presents obesity as necessarily a health crisis , despite nondefinitive evidence .
as this work is generated from within a biomedical institution , it is presumed to be unquestionably objective and lacking in any moralizing , political , or ideological thrust .
such a frame allows for the dismissal of alternate views as fallacious , whether they originate from alternate epistemological scholarly arenas , lay perspectives , or embodied experience .
it also disqualifies concerns of how this research may affect or be affected by antifat bias .
these portrayals may inadvertently silence the source most important to understanding the public health programming needs of obese individuals , that is , obese individuals themselves , by presenting a homogenizing and blaming view of such individuals ' lifestyles and experiences .
these views are likely to be reliant on assumptions , rather than data on obese persons ' lived experiences .
bringing forth obese individuals ' perspectives and learning from their embodied knowledge through multidisciplinary research may enhance public health programming efforts .
media commentators ' particular moral values help to establish which component of life they choose to implicate as causing obesity . often these values are related and presumed to be unique to modern life , such as diminished quality family time or the slothful nature of the current generation of children .
similar to these accounts are evolutionary explanations for obesity stressed in media , which may present an inaccurate understanding of the biological or archaeological evidence of humanity 's evolutionary past .
regardless of the validity of such claims , these and other arguments that invoke a golden era of nonobesity and health continue to deploy a moralistic frame that denigrates modern lifestyles as decadent , slothful , and glutinous .
particularly , adult commentators often direct their ire toward children as embodying the presumed deterioration of societal values and lifestyles .
child health prevention programs reliant on this framing may risk stigmatizing , disempowering , and harming children , rather than on trying to understand the children 's own perspectives .
these portrayals posit that individuals are responsible for both the cause and cure for obesity .
this depiction contributes to stigmatizing attitudes toward obese individuals , who come to be viewed as embodying a remediable social and health burden , borne , in part , by others .
it further discounts that obese individuals may be healthy , may choose to emphasize more holistic , less weight - centric conceptualizations of health , or may have lives that preclude investment or engagement in self - care .
interestingly , since 2003 , lawrence has detected a shift in american media coverage of obesity .
personal responsibility framing dominates ; however , increasing focus is being placed on environmental factors that may contribute to obesity , particularly the fast food industry .
unfortunately , this emphasis has not significantly affected antifat attitudes [ 28 , 29 ] .
while environmental risks for obesity are acknowledged , individuals are assumed to willingly incur these risks and thus still be largely culpable for their body size and worthy of disapprobation .
this discrimination has spread to previously nonstigmatizing nations . rather than castigating obese individuals for their size , qualitative social science researchers may be in a position to rewrite common stereotypical assumptions of obese individuals ' lives by working collaboratively to better understand the health and experiences of an often maligned group and addressing the health concerns most relevant to them .
in addition to referring to obesity as an epidemic or crisis [ 2 , 31 ] , an even more extreme figurative device is employing military metaphors .
this discourse effectively constructs obese individuals as targets in a war or even as domestic terrorists .
terms like  contagious  are also used when describing obesity in epidemiological studies using methods such as social network analysis [ 33 , 34 ] .
this frame seems to be particularly detrimental to the potentially health - enhancing and stress - reducing benefits of social support networks for individuals . as developing obesity
is extremely feared [ 35 , 36 ] , it may be very isolating for obese individuals to have their friendship portrayed as a risk for developing obesity .
it has been suggested that stigma may serve as a motivator for weight loss among obese individuals [ 1 , 38 ] .
however , the evidence provides a far bleaker picture ; stigmatizing obese individuals is an ineffective tactic in reducing obesity rates . rather than stimulating healthful behaviors
, stigma is more likely to produce poor eating habits and inactivity and thus may actually augment both obesity prevalence and disordered eating [ 1 , 3942 ] .
additionally , the catastrophic rhetoric used to describe the obesity epidemic has been suggested as a potential contributor to rising rates of eating disorders .
interventions designed to ameliorate childhood obesity have also been implicated in the development of eating disorders [ 4449 ] .
given the adverse psychological outcomes produced from weight discrimination , stigma may also compromise physical and psychological health through stress - induced neuroendocrine dysregulation [ 1 , 50 ] .
muennig and colleagues found that the difference between ideal weight and actual weight had a stronger effect on mentally and physically unhealthy days than bmi in american adults , suggesting that body dissatisfaction may have a potent impact on health , over and above objective fatness .
the health effects of stigma - induced stress will likely be exacerbated by healthcare discrimination [ 7 , 8 ] , consequent inadequate care , and subsequent avoidance of healthcare providers .
obesity may increase the risk of poverty , downward social mobility , and subsequent ill - health through prejudice and discrimination affecting education , employment , income , housing , and healthcare opportunities .
thus , weight stigma may be far more health - damaging than previously thought and far more damaging than  excess weight  .
for example , formerly obese adolescent girls continued to suffer from the lower self - esteem characteristic of chronically obese adolescents .
additionally , there is qualitative evidence that weight loss efforts and concomitant lifestyle , dynamic , and emotional changes may result in dissolutions of friendships .
this deterioration of social support may be an unacknowledged mechanism through which weight stigma affects health , which may previously have been erroneously attributed to the weight itself .
in such a stigmatizing context , individuals may utilize a variety of stigma management techniques .
these methods may include attempting to lose weight as both an act of contrition and to minimize the fatness for which obese individuals are oppressed [ 5458 ] .
monaghan conducted ethnography on male members of a united kingdom slimming club and explored the effects of stigma on their lives .
one method of managing stigma utilized by these individuals , who varied in their acceptance of obesity as a discredited state , involved the accounts they related concerning their weight issues [ 56 , 58 ] .
some accounts entailed offering excuses that mitigated individual responsibility for obesity , such as appeals to a genetic condition or environmental issues .
other individuals justified their size through appeals to their enjoyment of food or pride in their powerful size .
individuals who rejected the discredited nature of obesity emphasized natural body diversity or deemphasized the importance of weight regarding health [ 56 , 58 ] .
while one account may suit a particular context , a different account may be more useful in different situations [ 56 , 58 ] . to cope with stigmatizing environments
being aware of the everyday effects of stigma on individuals ' lives , lifestyles , and health is an essential factor in planning salutogenic , engaging , beneficial , and inclusive public health strategies .
for example , understanding obese persons ' decisions to avoid particularly stigmatizing physical fitness venues may allow public health planners to design an atmosphere conducive to supporting individuals of all sizes to engage in enjoyable , health - conducive movement .
the literature thus suggests that obese individuals experience substantial stigmatization and exist in an environment saturated with nonproblematized information concerning the health risks of excess weight .
this information is often presented in a manner that assumes control for health resides in the individual , the possibility of health and obesity are mutually exclusive , and that achieving wellness constitutes a moral imperative . to a greater or lesser extent
, individuals appear to have adopted this discourse and allowed it to influence their perspectives and lifestyles .
individuals ' health perceptions may be influenced by pervasive mainstream weight discourse but also be mediated by somatic understandings of wellbeing .
as evidence suggests that obese individuals may be healthy , obese individuals may not absorb popular obesity - related messaging , based on their own somatic signaling or knowledge of their lifestyles .
individuals may also have differing priorities regarding wellness that supersede weight concerns , such as an emphasis on experiencing pleasure or mitigating income - related food insecurity .
regardless of the health risks associated with obesity , a greater understanding of how obese individuals feel concerning their health and quality of life , what obese individuals regard as their priorities concerning health , and what they feel would most benefit their quality of life and wellness is necessary .
these views may also alter over time as different weight trajectories are experienced , and this is essential to consider given the chronicity of obesity . in crafting public health messaging , programs , and policies
is considering the potentially multifaceted effects of stigma on obese individuals ' lives [ 59 , 60 ] .
this includes incorporating that which is  most at stake for actors in a local social world  within the social dimensions of stigma [ 60 , p. 1525 ] .
for example , this may involve stigma impeding life chances , financial and life opportunities , and the fulfillment of individual or familial role functions [ 59 , 60 ] .
this view of stigma also considers the manner through which stigma is sociosomatic and how through psychobiological , moral - somatic , and moral - emotional pathways , stigma may have direct physiological consequences .
these data on obese people 's perspectives and health will add to the rich work conducted in critical obesity and fat studies , theoretical understandings of the body , and qualitative research done on discursive bodily and health perspectives of individuals ' of all sizes , for example , [ 2 , 32 , 3648 , 5658 , 6268 ] .
recent movements have emerged that are critical of a weight - centric public health model .
one such undertaking is the health - at - every - size ( haes ) approach .
haes advocates are critical of weight loss dieting 's very low rates of sustained weight loss and potentially negative effects on physical and mental health
. such effects can include lowered self - esteem , heightened stress , weight cycling , and bone loss .
furthermore , haes advocates are critical of the overestimation of excess weight 's effects on morbidity and mortality ; the discounting of the existence of healthy obese individuals ; and the ethics of promoting weight loss , given its low levels of success and possible harms .
instead , the haes movement promotes the benefits of engaging in enjoyable physical activity and body acceptance .
haes practitioners advice eating nutritionally according to an intuitive eating model , based on intuitive cues of hunger and satiety .
clinical trials of haes lifestyle interventions have demonstrated improvements in psychosocial , clinical , physiological , and behavioral measures , independent of weight loss .
critically , participants did not experience negative consequences , including weight gain , and these results compared favorably with diet - focused intervention groups [ 3 , 4 ] .
the inclusion of social scientists into public health strategizing would facilitate the inclusion of true insiders ' ( i.e. , obese individuals ' ) perceptions on the advantages and disadvantages of these novel developments .
these scholars , often from outside health fields , have raised critiques concerning dominant obesity discourse .
studies critiquing the biological and epidemiological underpinnings of the prevailing view of obesity as a major health concern and the product of individual behavior have been published .
a variety of issues have been raised by these scholars and include the use of terms such as epidemic or crisis in referring to obesity ; the moralization of a presumed health issue and resultant ethical and stigmatizing implications of interventions and messaging ; and the dominant obesity discourse 's effects on individuals ' bodily understandings , [ 2 , 32 , 3648 , 5658 , 6268 ] .
findings from these and similar studies would benefit intervention planners in better understanding the daily lives of obese persons , obese individuals ' perspectives on health , and how to plan the most beneficial interventions .
anthropology 's traditional focus on the subaltern has become more cognizant and reflective of power relations in research than in past , more colonially complicit , eras of anthropology .
a focus today on stigmatized populations , such as obese persons , would draw upon emerging strengths in anthropology , including the utilization of anthropology in social critique and the development of critical ethnography .
while in the contemporary social climate obese individuals are often stigmatized , obese individuals and their allies have also marshaled resistance to dominant obesity messaging .
monaghan conducted ethnography on the lives of male members of a united kingdom slimming club [ 56 , 58 ] .
this provided invaluable information on the experience and management of stigma in these individuals ' lives .
further investigations into the experience of weight stigma for men , women , and children are necessary to grapple with a source of discrimination , which can be life and health - damaging but has attracted limited attention and censure . indeed
such forms of stigma may operate largely unconsciously , and participant observation may be a valuable tool in detecting this stigma , its effects , and providing empirical support for effecting change .
further ethnography on obese individuals , with a focus on health and with applied aims , would be immeasurably useful to health care providers , public health professionals , and the general public of all sizes . thus , collaboration between ethnographers and health researchers in planning health interventions would serve the interests of both disciplines and more importantly the needs of obese individuals .
ethnographers could study individuals ' experiences in health care settings , fitness centers , or in employment and educational settings , in which weight bias has been reported . in documenting the manner
in which obese individuals ' live ; the choices they make ; their priorities in wellness and quality of life ; their contributions to society and their potential experiences with others ' biases ; applied social scientists could put a human face on obesity and work toward producing a positive , life - affirming , and inclusive public health focused on reducing stigma and blame and helping all people achieve a high quality - of - life .
applied social science can enhance obese individuals ' quality of life by providing a greater understanding and problematization of  taken for granted  assumptions regarding obese individuals ' health , lives , and lifestyles .
this epitomizes what rabinow   views as a particularly salient and novel area for anthropological exploration .
the problematization of  serious speech acts  and practices , things , and classifications . anthropological experimentation in these areas could move aspects of a culture from being viewed as natural , to contingent , and finally , from a reflexive perspective [ 70 , p. 67 ] .
the problematization of taken - for - granted social attitudes and processes is particularly relevant in studying weight stigma , which is largely considered unremarkable , or even acceptable , in current sociocultural climes .
prevailing attitudes suggest that obese individuals are necessarily unhealthy , lazy , self - indulgent , and lacking in will power .
internalization of such accounts may make individuals feel unhealthy , unworthy , immoral , or disempowered based on their body size or innocuous lifestyle choices .
emic understandings of obese individuals ' lives , through ethnography or similar in - depth research methods , could lead to a less - stigmatizing , more healthful view of how obese individuals navigate their everyday lives
this more in - depth understanding may contribute invaluably to public health approaches in the future .
a greater understanding would be available on what constitutes health to obese individuals , what they prioritize in terms of wellbeing , and their experiences in seeking to live well lives .
this perspective would help counter potentially traumatic past experiences of dieting or healthcare discrimination ; produce a more patient - centered approach more congruent to obese individuals ' lives and wishes ; and help establish trusting relationships and bonds between obese individuals , health care providers , and public health officials .
applied social scientists , particularly those with access to health practitioner and policy - related audiences , may be especially valuable in this research endeavor with respect to disseminating findings and facilitating progress .
these individuals may circulate a critique to key stakeholders in health - related fields , who are in a position to effect change .
specific opportunities for qualitative researchers could involve participant observation of obese persons ' interactions with the healthcare system to identify what these persons find the most challenging and most promising aspects of their care in these settings .
critical ethnography could also be conducted within existing prevention programs to identify successful , sensitive , or problematic components of existing programs .
multisited ethnography could allow obese persons to identify sites of stigmatization and places of support for undertaking self - care .
needless to say , challenges would arise in attempting a critical ethnography of the lived experience of obese individuals .
investment in orthodox obesity understandings are entrenched among biomedical , public health , and lay audiences . seeking to conduct and disseminate such research
this may be particularly evident in trying to demonstrate its value to those largely unaware of obesity stigma 's pervasiveness , its effects , or who have internalized negative stereotypes of obese persons .
researchers would also have to be reflexive concerning their own biases and truly and accurately reflect the findings of research participants . in order to best stimulate change , these researchers would also have to strive to create positive , open - minded , and collaborative relationships with a variety of biomedical , public health , and lay audiences in order to exchange findings in a manner most conducive to cooperation and reform .
otherwise , researchers risk merely circulating critique among those already critical of dominant obesity discourse or incapable of initiating reform to public health interventions and messaging . facilitating
the collaboration of partnerships between patient - providers and policy makers would be of great value .
this would allow policy makers to learn from patients ' experiences and desires to rewrite public health messaging , programs , and clinical guidelines to better address obese persons needs and priorities in terms of healthcare system allocation ; address systemic and interpersonal discrimination ; and establish weight industry regulations more in keeping with respect for consumers and truth in advertising .
these possibilities , along with numerous others , would allow researchers and public - health planners to learn what health priorities are pertinent to a needlessly patholigized and stigmatized population .
it may open the doors to previously nonconsidered structural reforms and the provision of holistic , local health needs .
these individuals are inundated daily with messages concerning the risk that they embody , solely by virtue of their size .
these risks are thought to extend beyond their own health , to the health of others , the sustainability of the health care system , and even society 's future .
furthermore , society deems them as culpable for their presumed poor health and for straining the health care system . within this environment ,
exposure to such messaging renders obese individuals as a population worthy of special consideration in planning public health programs to avoid reinforcing demeaning stereotypes .
what are lacking , despite this oppressive focus on obesity , are the perspectives of obese individuals themselves concerning their health , goals , wishes , and quality of life .
furthermore , limited attempts have been made to bridge communicative gaps between physicians and obese patients and to gain a more thorough view of physicians ' perceptions on obesity .
given applied social scientists ' dedication to understanding emic perspectives and expertise in in - depth exploratory methods such as ethnography , they may be particularly suited to aid in this pursuit .
the outcome may be beneficial , inclusive , and nonstigmatizing public health programs from which all individuals would greatly benefit .
 obesity is viewed as a major public health concern , and obesity stigma is pervasive . 
 such marginalization renders obese persons a  special population .  
 weight bias arises in part due to popular sources ' attribution of obesity causation to individual lifestyle factors . 
 this may not accurately reflect the experiences of obese individuals or their perspectives on health and quality of life . 
 a powerful role may exist for applied social scientists , such as anthropologists or sociologists , in exploring the lived and embodied experiences of this largely discredited population . 
 this novel research may aid in public health intervention planning . through these studies , 
 applied social scientists could help develop a nonstigmatizing , salutogenic approach to public health that accurately reflects the health priorities of all individuals . 
 such an approach would call upon applied social science 's strengths in investigating the mundane , problematizing the  taken for granted  and developing emic ( insiders ' ) understandings of marginalized populations . 
1. Introduction
2. Context
3. Alternative Models to a Weight-Centric Public Health
4. Obesity and Ethnography
5. Conclusions