Mr. Chief Justice Burger
delivered the opinion of the Court.
This appeal presents the question whether a political party officer can be removed from his position by the State of New York and barred for five years from holding any other party or public office, because he has refused to waive his constitutional privilege against compelled self-incrimination.
(1)
Under § 22 of the New York Election Law, an officer of a political party may be subpoenaed by a grand jury or other authorized tribunal and required to testify concerning his conduct of the party office he occupies. If the officer refuses to answer any question, or if he declines to waive immunity from the use of his testimony against him in a later prosecution, the statute immediately terminates his party office and prohibits him from holding any other party or public office for a period of five years.
In December 1975, appellee Patrick J. Cunningham (hereafter appellee) was subpoenaed pursuant to § 22 to appear and testify before a special grand jury authorized to investigate his conduct in the political offices he then held, which consisted of four unsalaried elective positions in the Democratic Party of the State of New York. Appellee moved to quash the subpoena in the state courts, arguing in part that § 22 violated his federal constitutional right to be free of compelled self-incrimination; his motion was denied. In re Cunningham v. Nadjari, 51 App. Div. 2d 927, 383 N. Y. S. 2d 311, aff’d, 39 N. Y. 2d 314, 347 N. E. 2d 915 (1976). On April 12, 1976, he appeared before the grand jury in response to the subpoena. Appellee refused to sign a waiver of immunity form which would have waived his constitutional right not to be compelled to incriminate himself. Because § 22 is self-executing, appellee’s refusal to waive his constitutional immunity automatically divested him of all his party offices and activated the five-year ban on holding any public or party office.
The following day, appellee commenced this action in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. After hearing, the District Judge entered a temporary restraining order against enforcement of § 22. A three-judge court was then convened, and that court granted appellee declaratory and permanent injunctive relief against enforcement of § 22 on the ground that it violated appellee’s Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment rights. We noted probable jurisdiction, 429 U. S. 893 (1976). We affirm.
(2)
We begin with the proposition that the Fifth Amendment privilege against compelled self-incrimination protects grand jury witnesses from being forced to give testimony which may later be used to convict them in a criminal proceeding. See, e. g., United States v. Washington, ante, at 186-187. Moreover, since the test is whether the testimony might later subject the witness to criminal prosecution, the privilege is available to a witness in a civil proceeding, as well as to a defendant in a criminal prosecution. Malloy v. Hogan, 378 U. S. 1, 11 (1964). In either situation the witness may “refuse to answer unless and until he is protected at least against the use of his compelled answers and evidence derived therefrom in any subsequent criminal case in which he is a defendant.” Lefkowitz v. Turley, 414 U. S. 70, 78 (1973).
Thus, when a State compels testimony by threatening to inflict potent sanctions unless the constitutional privilege is surrendered, that testimony is obtained in violation of the Fifth Amendment and cannot be used against the declarant in a subsequent criminal prosecution. In Garrity v. New Jersey, 385 U. S. 493 (1967), for example, police officers under investigation were told that if they declined to answer potentially incriminating questions they would be removed from office, but that any answers they did give could be used against them in a criminal prosecution. We held that statements given under such circumstances were made involuntarily and could not be used to convict the officers of crime.
Similarly, our cases have established that a State may not impose substantial penalties because a witness elects to exercise his Fifth Amendment right not to give incriminating testimony against himself. In Gardner v. Broderick, 392 U. S. 273 (1968), a police officer appearing before a grand jury investigating official corruption was subject to discharge if he did not waive his Fifth Amendment privilege and answer, without immunity, all questions asked of him. When he refused, and his employment was terminated, this Court held that the officer could not be discharged solely for his refusal to forfeit the rights guaranteed him by the Fifth Amendment; the privilege against compelled self-inerimination could not abide any “attempt, regardless of its ultimate effectiveness, to coerce a waiver of the immunity it confers on penalty of the loss of employment.” Id., at 279. Accord, Sanitation Men v. Sanitation Comm’r, 392 U. S. 280 (1968). At the same time, the Court provided for effectuation of the important public interest in securing from public employees an accounting of their public trust. Public employees may constitutionally be discharged for refusing to answer potentially incriminating questions concerning their official duties if they have not been required to surrender their constitutional immunity. Gardner, supra, at 278-279.
We affirmed the teaching of Gardner more recently in Lefkowitz v. Turley, supra, where two architects who did occasional work for the State of New York refused to waive their Fifth Amendment privilege before a grand jury investigating corruption in public contracting practices. State law provided that if a contractor refused to surrender his constitutional privilege before a grand jury, his existing state contracts would be canceled, and he would be barred from future contracts with the State for five years. The Court saw no constitutional distinction between discharging a public employee and depriving an independent contractor of the opportunity to secure public contracts; in both cases the State had sought to compel testimony by imposing a sanction as the price of invoking the Fifth Amendment right.
These cases settle that government cannot penalize assertion of the constitutional privilege against compelled self-incrimination by imposing sanctions to compel testimony which has not been immunized. It is true, as appellant points out, that our earlier cases were concerned with penalties having a substantial economic impact. But the touchstone of the Fifth Amendment is comjpulsion, and direct economic sanctions and imprisonment are not the only penalties capable of forcing the self-incrimination which the Amendment forbids.
(3)
Section 22 confronted appellee with grave consequences solely because he refused to waive immunity from prosecution and give self-incriminating testimony. Section 22 is therefore constitutionally indistinguishable from the coercive provisions we struck down in Gardner, Sanitation Men, and Turley. Appellee’s party offices carry substantial prestige and political influence, giving him a powerful voice in recommending or selecting candidates for office and in other political decisions. The threatened loss of such widely sought positions, with their power and perquisites, is inherently coercive. Additionally, compelled forfeiture of these posts diminishes appellee’s general reputation in his community.
There are also economic consequences; appellee’s professional standing as a practicing lawyer would suffer by his removal from his political offices under these circumstances. Further, § 22 bars appellee from holding any other party or public office for five years. Many such offices carry substantial compensation. Appellant argues that appellee has no enforceable property interest in future office, but neither did the architects in Turley have an enforceable claim to future government contracts. Nevertheless, we found that disqualification from eligibility for such contracts was a substantial economic burden. In assessing the coercion which § 22 exerts, we must take into account potential economic benefits realistically likely of attainment. Prudent persons weigh heavily such legally unenforceable prospects in making decisions; to that extent, removal of those prospects constitutes economic coercion.
Section 22 is coercive for yet another reason: It requires appellee to forfeit one constitutionally protected right as the price for exercising another. See Simmons v. United States, 390 U. S. 377, 394 (1968). As an officer in a private political party, appellee is in a far different position from a government policymaking official holding office at the pleasure of the President or Governor. By depriving appellee of his offices, § 22 impinges on his right to participate in private, voluntary political associations. That right is an important aspect of First Amendment freedom which this Court has consistently found entitled to constitutional protection. Kusper v. Pontikes, 414 U. S. 51 (1973); Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S. 23 (1968).
Appellant argues that even if § 22 is violative of Fifth Amendment rights, the State’s overriding interest in preserving public confidence in the integrity of its political process justifies the constitutional infringement. We have already rejected the notion that citizens may be forced to incriminate themselves because it serves a governmental need. E. g., Lefkowitz v. Turley, 414 U. S., at 78-79. Government has compelling interests in maintaining an honest police force and civil service, but this Court did not permit those interests to justify infringement of Fifth Amendment rights in Garrity, Gardner, and Sanitation Men, where alternative methods of promoting state aims were no more apparent than here.
(4)
It may be, as appellant contends, that “[a] State forced to choose between an accounting from or a prosecution of a party officer is in an intolerable position.” Brief for Appellant 12-13. But this dilemma is created by New York’s transactional immunity law, which immunizes grand jury witnesses from prosecution for any transaction about which they testify. The more limited use immunity required by the Fifth Amendment would permit the State to prosecute appellee for any crime of which he may be guilty in connection with his party office, provided only that his own compelled testimony is not used to convict him. Once proper use immunity is granted, the State may use its contempt powers to compel testimony concerning the conduct of public office, without forfeiting the opportunity to prosecute the witness on the basis of evidence derived from other sources.
Accordingly, the judgment is
Affirmed.
Mr. Justice Rehnquist took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
“If any party officer shall, after lawful notice of process, wilfully refuse or fail to appear before any court or judge, grand jury, legislative committee, officer, board or body authorized to conduct any hearing or inquiry concerning the conduct of his party office or the performance of his duties, or having appeared, shall refuse to testify or answer any relevant question, or shall refuse to sign a waiver of immunity against subsequent criminal prosecution, his term or tenure of office shall terminate, such office shall be vacant and he shall be disqualified from holding any party or public office for a period of five years.” N. Y. Elec. Law § 22 (McKinney 1964).
New York Election Law § 2 (9) (McKinney 1964) defines a party officer as “one who holds any party position or any party office whether by election, appointment or otherwise.”
Appellee was chairman of the State Democratic Committee and the Bronx County Democratic Executive Committee, and a member of the Executive Committee of the New York State Democratic Committee and the Bronx County Democratic Executive Committee. We are advised that appellee has recently resigned as chairman of the state organization. He retains his other party offices.
In the absence of an effective waiver, New York law would have entitled appellee to transactional immunity from prosecution on all matters about which he testified. N. Y. Crim. Proc. Law §§ 50.10, 190.40, 190.45 (McKinney 1971 and Supp. 1976-1977). As appellant concedes, however, Tr. of Oral Arg. 4r-5, and as the record reflects, the State also insisted on a waiver of the more limited use immunity which we have held essential to protect Fifth Amendment rights. Kastigar v. United States, 406 U. S. 441 (1972).
The waiver form which appellee’s counsel represents is presented to grand jury witnesses waives “all immunity and privileges which I would otherwise obtain under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States and of the State of New York” and further “consent[s] to the use against me of the testimony so given . . . upon any criminal trial, investigation, prosecution or proceeding.” McKinney’s Forms for the Criminal Procedure Law § 190.45, Form 1 (1971). See N. Y. Crim. Proc. Law § 190.45. Appellee’s refusal to sign this waiver form, pressed on him immediately before talcing the oath, was in these circumstances an effective assertion of his Fifth Amendment privilege.
Of course, New York’s procedure in this regard is not constitutionally required. Rather than permit an assertion of the Fifth Amendment privilege to confer immunity with respect to all matters testified to before the grand jury, New York could, if it chose, require a witness to assert his constitutional privilege to the specific questions • he deems potentially incriminating, withholding constitutional use immunity until the validity of the assertion is upheld.
That appellee’s refusal to waive immunity and answer questions concerning his conduct of office may have already damaged his reputation and standing is irrelevant to the issues in this case; it is inescapable that public judgments are often made on such factors.
Baxter v. Palmigiano, 425 U. S. 308 (1976), is not to the contrary. That case involved an administrative disciplinary proceeding in which the respondent was advised that he was not required to testify, but that if he chose to remain silent his silence could be considered against him. Baxter did no more than permit an inference to be drawn in a civil case from a party’s refusal to testify. Respondent’s silence in Baxter was only one of a number of factors to be considered by the finder of fact in assessing a penalty, and was given no more probative value than the facts of the case warranted; here, refusal to waive the Fifth Amendment privilege leads automatically and without more to imposition of sanctions.
What follows is an opinion from the Supreme Court of the United States. Your task is to determine whether the decision of the court whose decision the Supreme Court reviewed was itself liberal or conservative. In the context of issues pertaining to criminal procedure, civil rights, First Amendment, due process, privacy, and attorneys, consider liberal to be pro-person accused or convicted of crime, or denied a jury trial, pro-civil liberties or civil rights claimant, especially those exercising less protected civil rights (e.g., homosexuality), pro-child or juvenile, pro-indigent pro-Indian, pro-affirmative action, pro-neutrality in establishment clause cases, pro-female in abortion, pro-underdog, anti-slavery, incorporation of foreign territories anti-government in the context of due process, except for takings clause cases where a pro-government, anti-owner vote is considered liberal except in criminal forfeiture cases or those where the taking is pro-business violation of due process by exercising jurisdiction over nonresident, pro-attorney or governmental official in non-liability cases, pro-accountability and/or anti-corruption in campaign spending pro-privacy vis-a-vis the 1st Amendment where the privacy invaded is that of mental incompetents, pro-disclosure in Freedom of Information Act issues except for employment and student records. In the context of issues pertaining to unions and economic activity, consider liberal to be pro-union except in union antitrust where liberal = pro-competition, pro-government, anti-business anti-employer, pro-competition, pro-injured person, pro-indigent, pro-small business vis-a-vis large business pro-state/anti-business in state tax cases, pro-debtor, pro-bankrupt, pro-Indian, pro-environmental protection, pro-economic underdog pro-consumer, pro-accountability in governmental corruption, pro-original grantee, purchaser, or occupant in state and territorial land claims anti-union member or employee vis-a-vis union, anti-union in union antitrust, anti-union in union or closed shop, pro-trial in arbitration. In the context of issues pertaining to judicial power, consider liberal to be pro-exercise of judicial power, pro-judicial "activism", pro-judicial review of administrative action. In the context of issues pertaining to federalism, consider liberal to be pro-federal power, pro-executive power in executive/congressional disputes, anti-state. In the context of issues pertaining to federal taxation, consider liberal to be pro-United States and conservative pro-taxpayer. In miscellaneous, consider conservative the incorporation of foreign territories and executive authority vis-a-vis congress or the states or judcial authority vis-a-vis state or federal legislative authority, and consider liberal legislative veto. The lower court's decision direction is unspecifiable if the manner in which the Supreme Court took jurisdiction is original or certification; or if the direction of the Supreme Court's decision is unspecifiable and the main issue pertains to private law or interstate relations