Justice Stevens
delivered the opinion of the Court.
On April 24, 1980, petitioner John Anderson announced that he was an independent candidate for the office of President of the United States. Thereafter, his supporters — by gathering the signatures of registered voters, filing required documents, and submitting filing fees — were able to meet the substantive requirements for having his name placed on the ballot for the general election in November 1980 in all 50 States and the District of Columbia. On April 24, however, it was already too late for Anderson to qualify for a position on the ballot in Ohio and certain other States because the statutory deadlines for filing a statement of candidacy had already passed. The question presented by this case is whether Ohio’s early filing deadline placed an unconstitutional burden on the voting and associational rights of Anderson’s supporters.
The facts are not in dispute. On May 16, 1980, Anderson’s supporters tendered a nominating petition containing approximately 14,500 signatures and a statement of candidacy to respondent Celebrezze, the Ohio Secretary of State. These documents would have entitled Anderson to a place on the ballot if they had been filed on or before March 20, 1980. Respondent refused to accept the petition solely because it had not been filed within the time required by §3513.25.7 of the Ohio Revised Code. Three days later Anderson and three voters, two registered in Ohio and one in New Jersey, commenced this action in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Ohio, challenging the constitutionality of Ohio’s early filing deadline for independent candidates. The District Court granted petitioners’ motion for summary judgment and ordered respondent to place Anderson’s name on the general election ballot. 499 F. Supp. 121 (1980).
The District Court held that the statutory deadline was unconstitutional on two grounds. It imposed an impermissible burden on the First Amendment rights of Anderson and his Ohio supporters and diluted the potential value of votes that might be cast for him in other States. Moreover, by requiring an independent to declare his candidacy in March without mandating comparable action by the nominee of a political party, the State violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The District Court noted that the State did not advance any administrative reasons for the early deadline and rejected the State’s asserted justification that the deadline promoted “political stability.” Not only did that interest have diminished importance in a Presidential campaign; it also was adequately vindicated by another statute prohibiting a defeated candidate in a party primary from running as an independent.
The Secretary of State promptly appealed and unsuccessfully requested expedited review in both the Court of Appeals and this Court, but apparently did not seek to stay the District Court’s order. The election was held while the appeal was pending. In Ohio Anderson received 254,472 votes, or 5.9 percent of the votes cast; nationally, he received 5,720,060 votes or approximately 6.6 percent of the total.
The Court of Appeals reversed. It first inferred that the Court’s summary affirmances in Sweetenham v. Rhodes, 318 F. Supp. 1262 (SD Ohio 1970), summarily aff’d, 409 U. S. 942 (1972), and Pratt v. Begley, 352 F. Supp. 328 (ED Ky. 1970), summarily aff’d, 409 U. S. 943 (1972), had implicitly sustained the validity of early filing deadlines. Then, correctly recognizing the limited precedential effect to be accorded summary dispositions, the Court of Appeals independently reached the same conclusion. It held that Ohio’s early deadline “ensures that voters making the important choice of their next president have the opportunity for a careful look at the candidates, a chance to see how they withstand the close scrutiny of a political campaign.” 664 F. 2d 554, 563 (CA6 1981).
In other litigation brought by Anderson challenging early filing deadlines in Maine and Maryland, the Courts of Appeals for the First and Fourth Circuits affirmed District Court judgments ordering Anderson’s name placed on the ballot. See Anderson v. Quinn, 495 F. Supp. 730 (Me.), affirmance order, 634 F. 2d 616 (CA1 1980); Anderson v. Morris, 500 F. Supp. 1095 (Md.), aff’d, 636 F. 2d 55 (CA4 1980). The conflict among the Circuits on an important question of constitutional law led us to grant certiorari. 456 U. S. 960 (1982). We now reverse.
I
After a date toward the end of March, even if intervening events create unanticipated political opportunities, no independent candidate may enter the Presidential race and seek to place his name on the Ohio general election ballot. Thus the direct impact of Ohio’s early filing deadline falls upon aspirants for office. Nevertheless, as we have recognized, “the rights of voters and the rights of candidates do not lend themselves to neat separation; laws that affect candidates always have at least some theoretical, correlative effect on voters.” Bullock v. Carter, 405 U. S. 134, 143 (1972). Our primary concern is with the tendency of ballot access restrictions “to limit the field of candidates from which voters might choose.” Therefore, “[i]n approaching candidate restrictions, it is essential to examine in a realistic light the extent and nature of their impact on voters.” Ibid.
The impact of candidate eligibility requirements on voters implicates basic constitutional rights. Writing for a unanimous Court in NAACP v. Alabama ex rel. Patterson, 357 U. S. 449, 460 (1958), Justice Harlan stated that it “is beyond debate that freedom to engage in association for the advancement of beliefs and ideas is an inseparable aspect of the ‘liberty’ assured by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which embraces freedom of speech.” In our first review of Ohio’s electoral scheme, Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S. 23, 30-31 (1968), this Court explained the interwoven strands of “liberty” affected by ballot access restrictions:
“In the present situation the state laws place burdens on two different, although overlapping, kinds of rights — the right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs, and the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively. Both of these rights, of course, rank among our most precious freedoms.”
As we have repeatedly recognized, voters can assert their preferences only through candidates or parties or both. “It is to be expected that a voter hopes to find on the ballot a candidate who comes near to reflecting his policy preferences on contemporary issues.” Lubin v. Panish, 415 U. S. 709, 716 (1974). The right to vote is “heavily burdened” if that vote may be cast only for major-party candidates at a time when other parties or other candidates are “clamoring for a place on the ballot.” Ibid.; Williams v. Rhodes, supra, at 31. The exclusion of candidates also burdens voters’ freedom of association, because an election campaign is an effective platform for the expression of views on the issues of the day, and a candidate serves as a rallying point for like-minded citizens.
Although these rights of voters are fundamental, not all restrictions imposed by the States on candidates’ eligibility for the ballot impose constitutionally suspect burdens on voters’ rights to associate or to choose among candidates. We have recognized that, “as a practical matter, there must be a substantial regulation of elections if they are to be fair and honest and if some sort of order, rather than chaos, is to accompany the democratic processes.” Storer v. Brown, 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974). To achieve these necessary objectives, States have enacted comprehensive and sometimes complex election codes. Each provision of these schemes, whether it governs the registration and qualifications of voters, the selection and eligibility of candidates, or the voting process itself, inevitably affects — at least to some degree— the individual’s right to vote and his right to associate with others for political ends. Nevertheless, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions.
Constitutional challenges to specific provisions of a State’s election laws therefore cannot be resolved by any “litmus-paper test” that will separate valid from invalid restrictions. Stover, swpra, at 730. Instead, a court must resolve such a challenge by an analytical process that parallels its work in ordinary litigation. It must first consider the character and magnitude of the asserted injury to the rights protected by the First and Fourteenth Amendments that the plaintiff seeks to vindicate. It then must identify and evaluate the precise interests put forward by the State as justifications for the burden imposed by its rule. In passing judgment, the Court must not only determine the legitimacy and strength of each of those interests, it also must consider the extent to which those interests make it necessary to burden the plaintiff’s rights. Only after weighing all these factors is the reviewing court in a position to decide whether the challenged provisionis unconstitutional. See Williams v. Rhodes, supra, at 30-31; Bullock v. Carter, 405 U. S., at 142-143; American Party of Texas v. White, 415 U. S. 767, 780-781 (1974); Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U. S. 173, 183 (1979). The results of this evaluation will not be automatic; as we have recognized, there is “no substitute for the hard judgments that must be made.” Storer v. Brown, supra, at 730.
II
An early filing deadline may have a substantial impact on independent-minded voters. In election campaigns, particularly those which are national in scope, the candidates and the issues simply do not remain static over time. Various candidates rise and fall in popularity; domestic and international developments bring new issues to center stage and may affect voters’ assessments of national problems. Such developments will certainly affect the strategies of candidates who have already entered the race; they may also create opportunities for new candidacies. See A. Bickel, Reform and Continuity 87-89 (1971). Yet Ohio’s filing deadline prevents persons who wish to be independent candidates from entering the significant political arena established in the State by a Presidential election campaign — and creating new political coalitions of Ohio voters — at any time after mid to late March. At this point developments in campaigns for the major-party nominations have only begun, and the major parties will not adopt their nominees and platforms for another five months. Candidates and supporters within the major parties thus have the political advantage of continued flexibility; for independents, the inflexibility imposed by the March filing deadline is a correlative disadvantage because of the competitive nature of the electoral process.
If the State’s filing deadline were later in the year, a newly emergent independent candidate could serve as the focal point for a grouping of Ohio voters who decide, after mid-March, that they are dissatisfied with the choices within the two major parties. As we recognized in Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S., at 33, “[sjince the principal policies of the major parties change to some extent from year to year, and since the identity of the likely major party nominees may not be known until shortly before the election, this disaffected ‘group’ will rarely if ever be a cohesive or identifiable group until a few months before the election.” Indeed, several important third-party candidacies in American history were launched after the two major parties staked out their positions and selected their nominees at national conventions during the summer. But under §3513.25.7, a late-emerging Presidential candidate outside the major parties, whose positions on the issues could command widespread community support, is excluded from the Ohio general election ballot. The “Ohio system thus denies the ‘disaffected’ not only a choice of leadership but a choice on the issues as well.” Williams v. Rhodes, supra, at 33.
Not only does the challenged Ohio statute totally exclude any candidate who makes the decision to run for President as an independent after the March deadline, it also burdens the signature-gathering efforts of independents who decide to run in time to meet the deadline. When the primary campaigns are far in the future and the election itself is even more remote, the obstacles facing an independent candidate’s organizing efforts are compounded. Volunteers are more difficult to recruit and retain, media publicity and campaign contributions are more difficult to secure, and voters are less interested in the campaign.
It is clear, then, that the March filing deadline places a particular burden on an identifiable segment of Ohio’s independent-minded voters. Seeswpra,at791. As ourcases have held, it is especially difficult for the State to justify a restriction that limits political participation by an identifiable political group whose members share a particular viewpoint, associational preference, or economic status. “Our ballot access cases . . . focus on the degree to which the challenged restrictions operate as a mechanism to exclude certain classes of candidates from the electoral process. The inquiry is whether the challenged restriction unfairly or unnecessarily burdens the ‘availability of political opportunity.’” Clements v. Fashing, 457 U. S. 957, 964 (1982) (plurality opinion), quoting Lubin v. Panish, 415 U. S., at 716.
A burden that falls unequally on new or small political parties or on independent candidates impinges, by its very nature, on associational choices protected by the First Amendment. It discriminates against those candidates and — of particular importance — against those voters whose political preferences lie outside the existing political parties. Clements v. Fashing, supra, at 964-965 (plurality opinion). By limiting the opportunities of independent-minded voters to associate in the electoral arena to enhance their political effectiveness as a group, such restrictions threaten to reduce diversity and competition in the marketplace of ideas. Historically political figures outside the two major parties have been fertile sources of new ideas and new programs; many of their challenges to the status quo have in time made their way into the political mainstream. Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U. S., at 186; Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U. S. 234, 250-251 (1957) (opinion of Warren, C. J.). In short, the primary values protected by the First Amendment — “a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open,” New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254, 270 (1964) — are served when election campaigns are not monopolized by the existing political parties.
Furthermore, in the context of a Presidential election, state-imposed restrictions implicate a uniquely important national interest. For the President and the Vice President of the United States are the only elected officials who represent all the voters in the Nation. Moreover, the impact of the votes cast in each State is affected by the votes cast for the various candidates in other States. Thus in a Presidential election a State’s enforcement of more stringent ballot access requirements, including filing deadlines, has an impact beyond its own borders. Similarly, the State has a less important interest in regulating Presidential elections than statewide or local elections, because the outcome of the former will be largely determined by voters beyond the State’s boundaries. This Court, striking down a state statute unduly restricting the choices made by a major party’s Presidential nominating convention, observed that such conventions serve “the pervasive national interest in the selection of candidates for national office, and this national interest is greater than any interest of an individual State.” Cousins v. Wigoda, 419 U. S. 477, 490 (1975). The Ohio filing deadline challenged in this case does more than burden the associational rights of independent voters and candidates. It places a significant state-imposed restriction on a nationwide electoral process.
hH 1 — I
The State identifies three separate interests that it seeks to further by its early filing deadline for independent Presidential candidates: voter education, equal treatment for partisan and independent candidates, and political stability. We now examine the legitimacy of these interests and the extent to which the March filing deadline serves them.
Voter Education
There can be no question about the legitimacy of the State’s interest in fostering informed and educated expressions of the popular will in a general election. Moreover, the Court of Appeals correctly identified that interest as one of the concerns that motivated the Framers’ decision not to provide for direct popular election of the President. We are persuaded, however, that the State’s important and legitimate interest in voter education does not justify the specific restriction on participation in a Presidential election that is at issue in this case.
The passage of time since the Constitutional Convention in 1787 has brought about two changes that are relevant to the reasonableness of Ohio’s statutory requirement that independents formally declare their candidacy at least seven months in advance of a general election. First, although it took days and often weeks for even the most rudimentary information about important events to be transmitted from one part of the country to another in 1787, today even trivial details about national candidates are instantaneously communicated nationwide in both verbal and visual form. Second, although literacy was far from universal in 18th-century America, today the vast majority of the electorate not only is literate but also is informed on a day-to-day basis about events and issues that affect election choices and about the ever-changing popularity of individual candidates. In the modern world it is somewhat unrealistic to suggest that it takes more than seven months to inform the electorate about the qualifications of a particular candidate simply because he lacks a partisan label.
Our cases reflect a greater faith in the ability of individual voters to inform themselves about campaign issues. In Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U. S. 330 (1972), the Court considered the validity of a Tennessee statute requiring residence in the State for one year and in the county for three months as a prerequisite for registration to vote. The Court held the statute unconstitutional, specifically rejecting the argument that the requirements were justified by the State’s interest in voter education.
“Given modern communications, and given the clear indication that campaign spending and voter education occur largely during the month before an election, the State cannot seriously maintain that it is ‘necessary’ to reside for a year in the State and three months in the county in order to be knowledgeable about congressional, state, or even purely local elections.” Id., at 358 (footnotes omitted).
This reasoning applies with even greater force to a Presidential election, which receives more intense publicity. Nor are we persuaded by the State’s assertion that, unless a candidate actually files a formal declaration of candidacy in Ohio by the March deadline, Ohio voters will not realize that they should pay attention to his candidacy. Brief for Respondent 38. The validity of this asserted interest is undermined by the State’s willingness to place major-party nominees on the November ballot even if they never campaigned in Ohio.
It is also by no means self-evident that the interest in voter education is served at all by a requirement that independent candidates must declare their candidacy before the end of March in order to be eligible for a place on the ballot in November. Had the requirement been enforced in Ohio, petitioner Anderson might well have determined that it would be futile for him to allocate any of his time and money to campaigning in that State. The Ohio electorate might thereby have been denied whatever benefits his participation in local debates could have contributed to an understanding of the issues. A State’s claim that it is enhancing the ability of its citizenry to make wise decisions by restricting the flow of information to them must be viewed with some skepticism. As we observed in another First Amendment context, it is often true “that the best means to that end is to open the channels of communication rather than to close them.” Virginia Pharmacy Board v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U. S. 748, 770 (1976).
Equal Treatment
We also find no merit in the State’s claim that the early filing deadline serves the interest of treating all candidates alike. Brief for Respondent 33. It is true that a candidate participating in a primary election must declare his candidacy on the same date as an independent. But both the burdens and the benefits of the respective requirements are materially different, and the reasons for requiring early filing for a primary candidate are inapplicable to independent candidates in the general election.
The consequences of failing to meet the statutory deadline are entirely different for party primary participants and independents. The name of the nominees of the Democratic and Republican Parties will appear on the Ohio ballot in November even if they did not decide to run until after Ohio’s March deadline had passed, but the independent is simply denied a position on the ballot if he waits too long. Thus, under Ohio’s scheme, the major parties may include all events preceding their national conventions in the calculus that produces their respective nominees and campaign platforms, but the independent’s judgment must be based on a history that ends in March.
The early filing deadline for a candidate in a party’s primary election is adequately justified by administrative concerns. Seventy-five days appears to be a reasonable time for processing the documents submitted by candidates and preparing the ballot. 499 F. Supp., at 134. The primary date itself must be set sufficiently in advance of the general election; furthermore, a Presidential preference primary must precede the national convention, which is regularly held during the summer. Finally, the successful participant in a party primary generally acquires the automatic support of an experienced political organization; in the Presidential contest he obtains the support of convention delegates.
Neither the administrative justification nor the benefit of an early filing deadline is applicable to an independent candidate. Ohio does not suggest that the March deadline is necessary to allow petition signatures to be counted and verified or to permit November general election ballots to be printed. In addition, the early deadline does not correspond to a potential benefit for the independent, as it does for the party candidate. After filing his statement of candidacy, the independent does not participate in a structured intra-party contest to determine who will receive organizational support; he must develop support by other means. In short, “equal treatment” of partisan and independent candidates simply is not achieved by imposing the March filing deadline on both. As we have written, “[sjometimes the grossest discrimination can lie in treating things that are different as though they were exactly alike.” Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U. S. 431, 442 (1971).
Political Stability
Although the Court of Appeals did not discuss the State’s interest in political stability, that was the primary justification advanced by respondent in the District Court, 499 F. Supp., at 134, and it is again asserted in this Court. Respondent’s brief explains that the State has a substantial interest in protecting the two major political parties from “damaging intraparty feuding.” Brief for Respondent 41. According to respondent, a candidate’s decision to abandon efforts to win the party primary and to run as an independent “can be very damaging to state political party structure.” Anderson’s decision to run as an independent, respondent argues, threatened to “splinter” the Ohio Republican Party “by drawing away its activists to work in his ‘independent’ campaign.” Id., at 37; see id., at 44.
Ohio’s asserted interest in political stability amounts to a desire to protect existing political parties from competition— competition for campaign workers, voter support, and other campaign resources — generated by independent candidates who have previously been affiliated with the party. Our evaluation of this interest is guided by two of our prior cases, Williams v. Rhodes and Storer v. Brown.
In Williams v. Rhodes we squarely held that protecting the Republican and Democratic Parties from external competition cannot justify the virtual exclusion of other political aspirants from the political arena. Addressing Ohio’s claim that it “may validly promote a two-party system in order to encourage compromise and political stability,” we wrote:
“The fact is, however, that the Ohio system does not merely favor a ‘two-party system’; it favors two particular parties — the Republicans and the Democrats — and in effect tends to give them a complete monopoly. There is, of course, no reason why two parties should retain a permanent monopoly on the right to have people vote for or against them. Competition in ideas and governmental policies is at the core of our electoral process and of the First Amendment freedoms. New parties struggling for their place must have the time and opportunity to organize in order to meet reasonable requirements for ballot position, just as the old parties have had in the past.” Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S., at 31-32.
Thus in Williams v. Rhodes we concluded that First Amendment values outweighed the State’s interest in protecting the two major political parties.
On the other hand, in Storer v. Brown we upheld two California statutory provisions that restricted access by independent candidates to the general election ballot. Under California law, a person could not run as an independent in November if he had been defeated in a party primary that year or if he had been registered with a political party within one year prior to that year’s primary election. We stated that “California apparently believes with the Founding Fathers that splintered parties and unrestrained factionalism may do significant damage to the fabric of government,” and that destruction of “the political stability of the system of the State” could have “profound consequences for the entire citizenry.” 415 U. S., at 736. Further, we approved the State’s goals of discouraging “independent candidacies prompted by short-range political goals, pique, or personal quarrel.” Id., at 735.
Thus in Storer we recognized the legitimacy of the State’s interest in preventing “splintered parties and unrestrained factionalism.” But we did not suggest that a political party could invoke the powers of the State to assure monolithic control over its own members and supporters. Political competition that draws resources away from the major parties cannot, for that reason alone, be condemned as “unrestrained factionalism.” Instead, in Storer we examined the two challenged provisions in the context of California’s electoral system. By requiring a candidate to remain in the intraparty competition once the disaffiliation deadline had passed, and by giving conclusive effect to the winnowing process performed by party members in the primary election, the challenged provisions were an essential part of “a general state policy aimed at maintaining the integrity of the various routes to the ballot.” Moreover, we pointed out that the policy “involves no discrimination against independents.” Storer, supra, at 733.
Ohio’s challenged restriction is substantially different from the California provisions upheld in Storer. As we have noted, the early filing deadline does discriminate against independents. And the deadline is neither a “sore loser” provision nor a disaffiliation statute. Furthermore, it is important to recognize that Storer upheld the State’s interest in avoiding political fragmentation in the context of elections wholly within the boundaries of California. The State’s interest in regulating a nationwide Presidential election is not nearly as strong; no State could singlehandedly assure “political stability” in the Presidential context. The Ohio deadline does not serve any state interest in “maintaining the integrity of the various routes to the ballot” for the Presidency, because Ohio’s Presidential preference primary does not serve to narrow the field for the general election. A major party candidate who loses the Ohio primary, or who does not even run in Ohio, may nonetheless appear on the November general election ballot as the party’s nominee. In addition, the national scope of the competition for delegates at the Presidential nominating conventions assures that “intraparty feuding” will continue until August.
More generally, the early filing deadline is not precisely drawn to protect the parties from “intraparty feuding,” whatever legitimacy that state goal may have in a Presidential election. If the deadline is designed to keep intraparty competition within the party structure, its coverage is both too broad and too narrow. It is true that in this case § 3513.25.7 was applied to a candidate who had previously competed in party primaries and then sought to run as an independent. But the early deadline applies broadly to independent candidates who have not been affiliated in the recent past with any political party. On the other hand, as long as the decision to run is made before the March deadline, Ohio does not prohibit independent candidacies by persons formerly affiliated with a political party, or currently participating in intraparty competition in other States — regardless of the effect on the political party structure.
Moreover, the early deadline for filing as an independent may actually impair the State’s interest in preserving party harmony. As Professor Bickel perceptively observed:
“The characteristic American third party, then, consists of a group of people who have tried to exert influence within one of the major parties, have failed, and later decide to work on the outside. States in which there is an early qualifying date tend to force such groups to create minor parties without first attempting to influence the course taken by a major one. For a dissident group is put to the choice of foregoing major-party primary and other prenomination activity by organizing separately early on in an election year, or losing all opportunity for action as a third party later.” Bickel, supra n. 11, at 87-88.
The same analysis, of course, is applicable to a “dissident group” that coalesces around an independent candidate rather than attempting to form a new political party.
We conclude that Ohio’s March filing deadline for independent candidates for the office of President of the United States cannot be justified by the State’s asserted interest in protecting political stability.
“For even when pursuing a legitimate interest, a State may not choose means that unnecessarily restrict constitutionally protected liberty. Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U. S., at 343. ‘Precision of regulation must be the touchstone in an area so closely touching our most precious freedoms.’ NAACP v. Button, 371 U. S. [415], 438 [(1963)]. If the State has open to it a less drastic way of satisfying its legitimate interests, it may not choose a legislative scheme that broadly stifles the exercise of fundamental personal liberties.” Kusper v. Pontikes, 414 U. S. 51, 58-59 (1973).
> I — I
We began our inquiry by noting that our primary concern is not the interest of candidate Anderson, but rather, the interests of the voters who chose to associate together to express their support for Anderson’s candidacy and the views he espoused. Under any realistic appraisal, the “extent and nature” of the burdens Ohio has placed on the voters’ freedom of choice and freedom of association, in an election of nationwide importance, unquestionably outweigh the State’s minimal interest in imposing a March deadline.
The judgment of the Court of Appeals is
Reversed.
Section 3513.25.7 provides, in pertinent part:
“Each person desiring to become an independent candidate for an office for which candidates may be nominated at a primary election, except persons desiring to become independent joint candidates for the offices of governor and lieutenant governor, shall file no later than four p.m. of the seventy-fifth day before the day of the primary election immediately preceding the general election at which such candidacy is to be voted for by the voters, a statement of candidacy and nominating petition as provided in section 3513.261 [3513.26.1] of the Revised Code. . . .” Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3513.25.7 (Supp. 1982).
The Code sets the first Tuesday after the first Monday in June as the date of the primary election, § 3501.01(E), a date that fell on June 3, 1980. Thus the filing deadline for independent candidates was March 20, 1980, a date 229 days in advance of the general election. Section 3513.25.7(A) requires independent candidates in statewide elections, including Presidential primaries, to submit nominating petitions signed by no less than 5,000 and no more than 15,000 qualified voters.
Anderson’s name had been entered in the Republican primary in Ohio and 26 other States before he made his decision to run as an independent, and he actually competed unsuccessfully in nine Republican primaries. Nevertheless, the parties agree that his timely withdrawal from the Ohio primary avoided the application of the State’s “sore loser” statute, Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3513.04 (Supp. 1982), which disqualifies a candidate who ran unsuccessfully in a party primary from running as an independent in the general election. See 499 F. Supp. 121, 135, 140 (SD Ohio 1980); 664 F. 2d 554, 556, n. 3 (CA6 1981).
After the Court of Appeals denied a motion for expedited appeal, respondent filed a petition for a writ of certiorari before judgment in this Court, together with a motion to expedite consideration of the petition. The motion and the petition were both denied before the election in November 1980. 448 U. S. 914 and 918 (1980). Even though the 1980 election is over, the case is not moot. See Storer v. Brown, 415 U. S. 724, 737, n. 8 (1974).
14 America Votes, A Handbook of Contemporary American Election Statistics 18-19, 312, 317 (1981).
The Court of Appeals quite properly concluded that our summary affirm-ances in Sweetenham v. Gilligan and Pratt v. Begley were “a rather slender reed” on which to rest its decision. 664 F. 2d, at 560. We have often recognized that the precedential effect of a summary affirmance extends no further than “the precise issues presented and necessarily decided by those actions.” A summary disposition affirms only the judgment of the court below, and no more may be read into our action than was essential to sustain that judgment. Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U. S. 173, 182-183 (1979); Mandel v. Bradley, 432 U. S. 173, 176 (1977); see Fusari v. Steinberg, 419 U. S. 379, 391-392 (1975) (BURGER, C. J., concurring). Neither Sweetenham nor Pratt involved state-imposed filing deadlines for Presidential candidates. See Juris. Statement in Pratt v. Begley, O. T. 1972, No. 70-48, p. 4 (independent candidates for U. S. House of Representatives); Juris. Statement in Sweetenham v. Rhodes, O. T. 1972, No. 70-15, p. 5 (independent candidates for Governor of Ohio and U. S. House of Representatives). Further, Sweetenham arose on review of the District Court’s refusal to grant injunctive relief placing appellants on the ballot. The court relied at least in part on appellants’ failure to take steps to become candidates before the primary, a date 90 days after the challenged filing deadline, or indeed to tender nominating petitions at any time before filing suit. See id, at 30. In Pratt, the District Court dismissed a complaint seeking declaratory as well as injunctive relief, concluding that the early filing deadline was reasonable, but it could have refused to place appellants on the ballot on the equitable ground that they had not submitted nominating petitions until more than two and a half months after the party nominees were chosen in the primary. 352 F. Supp., at 329.
As the Court of Appeals acknowledged, our remand in Mandel v. Bradley, swpra, does not control this case. Plaintiff, who had sought to run as an independent candidate for United States Senator from Maryland, challenged a Maryland code provision imposing both an early filing deadline and a numerical signature requirement. Neither of the parties addressed the constitutionality of the filing date standing alone. The District Court improperly relied on a prior summary affirmance by this Court to strike down the restriction, and failed to undertake an independent examination of the merits. We remanded for factual findings. Id., at 177-178. On remand, the District Court found that the early filing deadline imposed unconstitutional burdens on the plaintiff. Bradley v. Mandel, 449 F. Supp. 983, 986-989 (Md. 1978).
Anderson also prevailed on First Amendment and Equal Protection Clause grounds in Anderson v. Hooper, 498 F. Supp. 898, 905 (NM 1980), and on state-law grounds in Greaves v. Mills, 497 F. Supp. 283 (ED Ky. 1980), rev’d in part on other grounds, 664 F. 2d 600 (CA6 1981).
In this case, we base our conclusions directly on the First and Fourteenth Amendments and do not engage in a separate Equal Protection Clause analysis. We rely, however, on the analysis in a number of our prior election cases resting on the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. These cases, applying the “fundamental rights” strand of equal protection analysis, have identified the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights implicated by restrictions on the eligibility of voters and candidates, and have considered the degree to which the State’s restrictions further legitimate state interests. See, e. g., Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S. 23 (1968); Bullock v. Carter, 405 U. S. 134 (1972); Lubin v. Panish, 415 U. S. 709 (1974); Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, supra.
See Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S., at 31 (“The right to form a party for the advancement of political goals means little if a party can be kept off the election ballot and thus denied an equal opportunity to win votes”); id., at 41 (Harlan, J., concurring in result) (“[B]y denying the appellants any opportunity to participate in the procedure by which the President is selected, the State has eliminated the basic incentive that all political parties have for conducting such activities, thereby depriving appellants of much of the substance, if not the form, of their protected rights”); Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U. S., at 186 (“[A]n election campaign is a means of disseminating ideas as well as attaining political office. . . . Overbroad restrictions on ballot access jeopardize this form of political expression”).
We have upheld generally applicable and evenhanded restrictions that protect the integrity and reliability of the electoral process itself. The State has the undoubted right to require candidates to make a preliminary showing of substantial support in order to qualify for a place on the ballot, because it is both wasteful and confusing to encumber the ballot with the names of frivolous candidates. Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U. S. 431 (1971); American Party of Texas v. White, 415 U. S. 767 (1974); cf. Storer v. Brown, 415 U. S., at 738-746; Mandel v. Bradley, 432 U. S. 173 (1977) (remand to assess burden placed by State’s signature-gathering requirements on independent candidates). The State also has the right to prevent distortion of the electoral process by the device of “party raiding,” the organized switching of blocs of voters from one party to another in order to manipulate the outcome of the other party’s primary election. Rosario v. Rockefeller, 410 U. S. 752 (1973); cf. Kusper v. Pontikes, 414 U. S. 51, 59-61 (1973).
We have also upheld restrictions on candidate eligibility that serve legitimate state goals which are unrelated to First Amendment values. See Clements v. Fashing, 457 U. S. 957 (1982) (incumbent Justice of the fieace may not seek election to state legislature; persons holding specified state and county offices are deemed automatically to resign from present office if they run for another elective office).
See American Party of Texas v. White, supra, at 780-781; Illinois Elections Bd. v. Socialist Workers Party, supra, at 188-189 (Blackmun, J., concurring); cf. Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, 458 U. S. 718, 724 (1982).
As Professor Bickel has written:
“Never has it been as evident as in 1968 that unforeseen occurrences in the early portion of an election year can fundamentally affect all political expectations. For administrative reasons, there has to be a cutoff date sometime, but there is more than a little of the capricious in laws that force a commitment to act (within or without the major parties) in at least two states before such an upheaval as President Johnson’s withdrawal on March 31, 1968, and in many states before important primaries, not to mention such an event as the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy on June 5, 1968.” A. Bickel, Reform and Continuity 88 (1971).
Indeed, because it takes time for an independent Presidential candidate and his supporters to gather the requisite 5,000 signatures on nominating petitions, the independent must decide to run well in advance of the March filing deadline. In contrast, Ohio law provides for the automatic inclusion of the Presidential nominees of the major parties on the general election ballot, Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3505.10 (Supp. 1982), even if they have never filed a statement of candidacy in Ohio. Their identities are not established until after the major-party conventions in August.
Five individuals were able to qualify as independent Presidential candidates in Ohio in 1980. 499 F. Supp., at 143-144. But their inclusion on the ballot does not negate the burden imposed on the associational rights of independent-minded voters. These candidates — Gus Hall of the Communist Party, Richard Congress of the Socialist Workers Party, Deirdre Griswold of the Workers World Party, Ed Clark of the Libertarian Party, and Barry Commoner of the Citizen’s Party — represented ideologically committed minor parties which did not proceed through the “minor party” provisions of the Ohio Election Code. Their candidacies corresponded to the protected First Amendment interests of some Ohio voters. But, unlike Anderson’s, they were unlikely adequately to satisfy the voting and associational interests of voters whose independent political leanings crystallized as a result of developments in the course of the primary campaigns. Cf. Developments in the Law — Elections, 88 Harv. L. Rev. 1111, 1143, n. 130 (1975) (“From the standpoint of potential supporters, minor parties and independent candidates differ in that the latter are free from ties and obligations to party organizations, and support for them is not so total a commitment of political allegiance because it does not require renunciation of major party affiliation”).
Our focus on the assoeiational rights of independent-minded voters distinguishes the burden imposed by Ohio’s early filing deadline from that created by the California disaffiliation provision upheld in Storer v. Brown, 415 U. S. 724 (1974). Although a disaffiliation provision may preclude such voters from supporting a particular ineligible candidate, they remain free to support and promote other candidates who satisfy the State’s disaffiliation requirements.
See generally App. to Brief for American Civil Liberties Union as Ami-cus Curiae 10a-12a; Bickel, supra n. 11, at 87.
See Bradley v. Mandel, 449 F. Supp., at 986-987 (findings of fact of three-judge District Court on remand from this Court).
In Bullock v. Carter, 405 U. S., at 144, the Court noted that the disparity in voting power created by high candidate filing fees “cannot be described by reference to discrete and precisely defined segments of the community as is typical of inequities challenged under the Equal Protection Clause.” Indeed, the impact fell on an undetermined number of voters. Id., at 149. Yet the filing fees were unconstitutional because of the “obvious likelihood that this limitation would fall more heavily on the less affluent segment of the community, whose favorites may be unable to pay the large costs required by the Texas system.” Id., at 144.
See also L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law 774-775 (1978). As Professor Tribe explains, although candidate eligibility requirements may exclude particular candidates, it remains possible that an eligible candidate will “adequately reflect the perspective of those who might have voted for a candidate who has been excluded.” Id., at 774, n. 2. But courts quite properly “have more carefully appraised the fairness and openness of laws that determine which political groups can place any candidate of their choice on the ballot.” Id., at 774. Cf. Developments in the Law — Elections, supra n. 12, at 1218, and n. 5.
In addition, because the interests of minor parties and independent candidates are not well represented in state legislatures, the risk that the First Amendment rights of those groups will be ignored in legislative deci-sionmaking may warrant more careful judicial scrutiny. Id., at 1136, n. 87; see generally United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U. S. 144, 152, n. 4 (1938); J. Ely, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review 73-88 (1980).
See generally V. Key, Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups 278-303 (3d ed. 1952). As Professor Bickel has observed,
“Again and again, minor parties have led from a flank, while the major parties still followed opinion down the middle. In time, the middle has moved, and one of the major parties or both occupy the ground reconnoitered by the minor party; ....
“[A]s an outlet for frustration, often as a creative force and a sort of conscience, as an ideological governor to keep major parties from speeding off into an abyss of mindlessness, and even just as a technique for strengthening a group’s bargaining position for the future, the minor party would have to be invented if it did not come into existence regularly enough.” Bickel, supra n. 11, at 79-80.
The Constitution expressly delegates authority to the States to regulate the selection of Presidential electors. U. S. Const., Art. II, § 1; see McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U. S. 1, 35 (1892). But, as we have emphasized, “we must reject the notion that Art. II, § 1, gives the States power to impose burdens on the right to vote, where such burdens are expressly prohibited in other constitutional provisions.” Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S., at 29.
As the District Court recognized in this case:
“The goal of voters such as plaintiff Eisenstat in states where Anderson will appear on the ballot is to amass enough electoral votes to elect Anderson. Ohio’s deadline, by denying Anderson a place on the ballot, removes the sixth largest slate of electors from Anderson’s reach and thereby reduces the total pool of electoral votes for which he may compete nationwide by 25 electors.” 499 F. Supp., at 126.
In approximately two-thirds of the States and the District of Columbia, filing deadlines for independent Presidential candidates occur in August or September. The deadlines in a number of other States are in June or July. Anderson was barred by early filing deadlines in Ohio and four other States; he succeeded in obtaining court orders requiring placement on the ballot in all five. See supra, at 784 and 786, and n. 6.
“The importance of this interest was made clear at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, where the delegates debated extensively the means of selecting the President. The alternatives that received the most attention in the early debates were appointment by the national legislature and election by the people at large. The former would have made it impossible to guarantee an independent executive. Election by the people was also disfavored, in part because of concern over the ignorance of the populace as to who would be qualified for the job.” 664 F. 2d, at 563-564.
See Williams v. Rhodes, supra, at-43-44 (Harlan, J., concurring in result) (“The [Electoral] College was created to permit the most knowledgeable members of the community to choose the executive of a nation whose continental dimensions were thought to preclude an informed choice by the citizenry at large”).
See 1 A. Beveridge, The Life of John Marshall 250-287 (1916).
See K. Lockridge, Literacy in Colonial New England 1-43, 72-87 (1974); L. Soltow & E. Stevens, The Rise of Literacy and the Common School in the United States: A Socioeconomic Analysis to 1870, pp. 28-57 (1981).
Cf. Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U. S. 112 (1970) (upholding Act of Congress forbidding States to disqualify voters in Presidential elections for failure to meet state residency requirements).
A similar analysis applies to the Court of Appeals’ assertion that the State promotes informed voter choices by assuring that the voters are apprised “by a date certain of most of their options.” 664 F. 2d, at 564-565. This reasoning assumes that the most relevant point of decision occurs in March, although the voter is not actually required to make a final choice among eligible candidates until November.
Moreover, as a matter of practical politics, the electoral process contains its own cure for voters’ ignorance about a particular candidate. Unknown candidates simply do not win large numbers of votes. A key goal of every political campaign is to promote the candidate’s name identification among the electorate.
It is true, of course, that Ohio permits “write-in” votes for independents. We have previously noted that this opportunity is not an adequate substitute for having the candidate’s name appear on the printed ballot.
“It is suggested that a write-in procedure, under § 18600 et seq., without a filing fee would be an adequate alternative to California’s present filing-fee requirement. The realities of the electoral process, however, strongly suggest that ‘access’ via write-in votes falls far short of access in terms of having the name of the candidate on the ballot. ... [A candidate] relegated to the write-in provision, would be forced to rest his chances solely upon those voters who would remember his name and take the affirmative step of writing it on the ballot.” Lubin v. Panish, 415 U. S., at 719, n. 5.
Indeed, in the 1980 Presidential election, only 27 votes were cast in the State of Ohio for write-in candidates. 14 America Votes, swpra n. 4, at 317.
The Court of Appeals recognized the significance of the flexibility that results from being able to make a later decision, but concluded that the right to select a nominee for the Presidency at a convention conducted in the late summer is a right possessed by the political party, not a right possessed by the nominee personally. “By contrast,” the court reasoned, “the independent’s candidacy has no existence apart from that of the candidate, and no interest in flexibility in choosing its nominee.” 664 F. 2d, at 567. Not only did the Court of Appeals err by ignoring the associational rights of voters who desire to support the independent’s candidacy, but its rationale simply has no bearing on the State’s asserted “equality” interest.
Respondent conceded in the District Court that the nominating petitions filed on March 20 remain unprocessed in his office until June 15, when he transmits them to county boards of election. The boards do not begin to verify the signatures until the period July 1 to July 15. Finally, the Secretary of State does not certify the names of Presidential candidates, including independents, for inclusion on the ballot until late August, after the party nominating conventions. According to the District Court, based on the stipulated facts, it appears that no more than 75 days are necessary to perform these tasks. 499 F. Supp., at 133-134, 142.
This particular interest in “political stability” must not be confused with the interest that is implicated by rules designed to prevent “party raiding,” see n. 9, supra. That interest, sufficient to sustain the chai-lenged restriction in Rosario v. Rockefeller, 410 U. S. 752 (1973), is applicable only to party primaries; but this case involves restrictions on access to the general election ballot. Nor is it the same interest that justifies a rule disqualifying a person who voted in a party primary from signing a petition supporting the candidacy of an independent. Such a rule reflects a “policy of confining each voter to a single nominating act — either voting in the partisan primary or a signature on an independent petition.” Storer v. Brown, 415 U. S., at 743; see American Party of Texas v. White, 415 U. S., at 785-786.
Even though the drafting of election laws is no doubt largely the handiwork of the major parties that are typically dominant in state legislatures, it does not follow that the particular interests of the major parties can automatically be characterized as legitimate state interests.
Section 3513.25.7 is a filing deadline, not a “sore loser” statute. It blocks access to the general election ballot 75 days before the primary, at a time when, by definition, no candidate has yet lost the party primary. Ohio has a separate “sore loser” statute, which is admittedly inapplicable to Anderson because he made a timely withdrawal from the Ohio Republican primary. See n. 2, supra. Furthermore, as the District Court observed, “it is clear that R.C. 3513.257 acts as a disaffiliation provision only by mere happenstance, not by any reasonably discernible legislative design.” 499 F. Supp., at 135.
Hall and Tyner, the Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates, apparently complied with the one-year disaffiliation provision. Storer, 415 U. S., at 738. The disaffiliation statute was challenged by Storer and Frommhagen, who wished to run as independents for the United States House of Representatives.
What follows is an opinion from the Supreme Court of the United States. Your task is to determine whether the decision of the court whose decision the Supreme Court reviewed was itself liberal or conservative. In the context of issues pertaining to criminal procedure, civil rights, First Amendment, due process, privacy, and attorneys, consider liberal to be pro-person accused or convicted of crime, or denied a jury trial, pro-civil liberties or civil rights claimant, especially those exercising less protected civil rights (e.g., homosexuality), pro-child or juvenile, pro-indigent pro-Indian, pro-affirmative action, pro-neutrality in establishment clause cases, pro-female in abortion, pro-underdog, anti-slavery, incorporation of foreign territories anti-government in the context of due process, except for takings clause cases where a pro-government, anti-owner vote is considered liberal except in criminal forfeiture cases or those where the taking is pro-business violation of due process by exercising jurisdiction over nonresident, pro-attorney or governmental official in non-liability cases, pro-accountability and/or anti-corruption in campaign spending pro-privacy vis-a-vis the 1st Amendment where the privacy invaded is that of mental incompetents, pro-disclosure in Freedom of Information Act issues except for employment and student records. In the context of issues pertaining to unions and economic activity, consider liberal to be pro-union except in union antitrust where liberal = pro-competition, pro-government, anti-business anti-employer, pro-competition, pro-injured person, pro-indigent, pro-small business vis-a-vis large business pro-state/anti-business in state tax cases, pro-debtor, pro-bankrupt, pro-Indian, pro-environmental protection, pro-economic underdog pro-consumer, pro-accountability in governmental corruption, pro-original grantee, purchaser, or occupant in state and territorial land claims anti-union member or employee vis-a-vis union, anti-union in union antitrust, anti-union in union or closed shop, pro-trial in arbitration. In the context of issues pertaining to judicial power, consider liberal to be pro-exercise of judicial power, pro-judicial "activism", pro-judicial review of administrative action. In the context of issues pertaining to federalism, consider liberal to be pro-federal power, pro-executive power in executive/congressional disputes, anti-state. In the context of issues pertaining to federal taxation, consider liberal to be pro-United States and conservative pro-taxpayer. In miscellaneous, consider conservative the incorporation of foreign territories and executive authority vis-a-vis congress or the states or judcial authority vis-a-vis state or federal legislative authority, and consider liberal legislative veto. The lower court's decision direction is unspecifiable if the manner in which the Supreme Court took jurisdiction is original or certification; or if the direction of the Supreme Court's decision is unspecifiable and the main issue pertains to private law or interstate relations