title: Hugo Kołłątaj

texts:
<mask>, also spelled Kołłątay (pronounced , 1 April 1750 – 28 February 1812), was a prominent Polish constitutional reformer and educationalist, and one of the most prominent figures of the Polish Enlightenment. He served as Deputy Chancellor of the Crown, 1791–92. He was a Roman Catholic priest, social and political activist, political thinker, historian, philosopher, and polymath. Biography

Early life
<mask> was born 1 April 1750 in Dederkały Wielkie (now in Western Ukraine) in Volhynia into a family of minor Polish nobility. Soon after, his family moved to Nieciesławice, near Sandomierz, where he spent his childhood. He attended school in Pińczów. He began his studies at the Kraków Academy, subsequently, Jagiellonian University, where he studied law and gained a doctorate.Afterwards, around 1775 he took holy orders. He studied in Vienna and Italy (Naples and Rome), where he would have encountered Enlightenment philosophy. He is thought to have gained two further doctorates abroad in philosophy and theology. Returning to Poland, he became a canon of Kraków, and parish priest of Krzyżanowice Dolne and Tuczępy. He was active in the Commission of National Education and the Society for Elementary Books, where he took a prominent role in the development of the national network of schools. He spent two years in Warsaw, but returned to Kraków where he reformed the Kraków Academy, on whose board he sat from 1777, and whose rector he was between 1783-1786. The reform of the Academy was very substantial.It established innovative standards. Notably, he substituted Polish for Latin which till then was used for lectures. The removal of Latin in favour of a national language in higher education was then still uncommon in Europe. The reform proved so controversial that his political enemies plotted successfully to have him temporarily removed from Kraków in 1781, on grounds of corruption and immorality. Although in 1782 the decision was rescinded. Reforms of the Great Sejm

Kołłątaj was also active politically. In 1786 he assumed the office of the Referendary of Lithuania, and moved to Warsaw.He became prominent in the reform movement, heading an informal group that was on the radical wing of the Patriotic Party, and labelled by their political enemies as "Kołłątaj's Forge". As leader of the Patriotic Party during the Great Sejm, he set out its programme in his Several Anonymous Letters to Stanisław Małachowski (1788–1789) and in his essay, The Political Law of the Polish Nation (1790). In his works he advocated a republican-tinged constitutional reform and the need for other social reforms. Among the goals he pursued were the strengthening of the king's constitutional position, a larger national army, abolition of the liberum veto, the introduction of universal taxation, and the emancipation of both townspeople and the peasantry. An organizer of the townspeople's movement, he edited a text that demanded reform and which was delivered to the king during the Black Procession of 1789. Kołłątaj co-authored the Constitution of 3 May 1791. He also founded the Friends of the Constitution to assist in the document's implementation.In 1786 he received the Order of Saint Stanislaus and in 1791, the Order of the White Eagle. In 1791-92 he served as Crown Vice Chancellor (Podkanclerzy Koronny). During the Polish-Russian war that broke out over the 3 May Constitution, Kołłątaj, along with other royal advisers, persuaded King Stanisław August, himself a co-author of the Constitution, to seek a compromise with their opponents and to join the Targowica Confederation that had been formed to bring down the Constitution. However, in 1792, when the Confederates' won, Kołłątaj emigrated to Leipzig and Dresden, where in 1793 he wrote, with Ignacy Potocki, an essay entitled, On the Adoption and Fall of the Polish May 3 Constitution. Exile and final years

In exile, his political views became more radical and he became involved with the preparation for an insurrection. In 1794 he took part in the Kościuszko Uprising, contributing to its Uprising Act on 24 March 1794 and to the Połaniec Manifesto on 7 May 1794. He headed the Supreme National Council's Treasury Department, and backing the Uprising's wing of Polish Jacobins.After the suppression of the Uprising in the same year, Kołłątaj was imprisoned by the Austrians until 1802. In 1805, with Tadeusz Czacki, he organized the Krzemieniec Lyceum in Volhynia. In 1807, after the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw, he was initially involved in its government, but was soon excluded from it through the intrigues of political opponents, and soon afterwards, was interned and imprisoned by the Russian authorities until 1808. On his release he found himself barred from public office. Despite that he sought to present a programme for rebuilding and developing Poland in his "Remarks on the Present Position of That Part of the Polish Lands that, since the Treaty of Tilsit, have come to be called the Duchy of Warsaw", (1809). In 1809 he became a member of the Warsaw Society of Friends of Learning. In the years 1809-1810 he was once again involved with the Kraków Academy, bringing it back from its temporarily Germanized form.In his The Physico-Moral Order (1811), Kołłątaj sought to create a socio-ethical system emphasizing the equality of all people, based on the physiocratic idea of a "physico-moral order". Steeped in the natural sciences, geology and mineralogy in particular, he went on to write A Critical Analysis of Historical Principles regarding the Origins of Humankind, published posthumously in 1842. In this work he put forward the first Polish presentation of ideas of social evolution based on geological concepts. This work is also seen as an important contribution to cultural anthropology. In The State of Education in Poland in the Final Years of the Reign of Augustus III, published posthumously in 1841, he argued against the Jesuit domination of education and presented a study of the history of education. He died on 28 February 1812, "forgotten and abandoned" by his contemporaries. He was buried in the Powązki Cemetery.Remembrance

Despite his lonely death, Kołłątaj became an influence on many subsequent reformers and is now recognized as one of the key figures of the Enlightenment in Poland, and "one of the greatest minds of his epoch". He is one of the figures immortalized in Jan Matejko's 1891 painting, Constitution of May 3, 1791. Several learned institutions in Poland are named in <mask>'s honour, including the Agricultural University of Cracow of which he was co-founder and patron. See also
 History of philosophy in Poland - Enlightenment
 Piotr Skarga
 Stanisław Staszic
 List of Poles

References

Further reading

 Władysław Tatarkiewicz, Historia filozofii (History of Philosophy), 3 vols., Warsaw, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1978. External links
 Works by <mask>j in digital library Polona

1750 births
1812 deaths
People from Shumsk Raion
Burials at Powązki Cemetery
Polish Roman Catholic priests
Polish nobility
18th-century Polish philosophers
19th-century Polish philosophers
Ecclesiastical senators of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
Jagiellonian University alumni
Polish historians
Polish male non-fiction writers
Canons of Kraków
Polish educational theorists
Enlightenment philosophers
Catholic philosophers
Polish political writers
Kościuszko insurgents
Polish anthropologists
Prisoners and detainees of Austria
Polish prisoners and detainees
Prisoners and detainees of Russia
Polish exiles
Rectors of the Jagiellonian University
Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle (Poland)

masks:
Hugo Stumberg Kołłątaj
Hugo Kołłątaj
Hugo Kołłątaj
Hugo Kołłąta


title: Samuel Mills Damon

type: original

texts:
<mask> (March 13, 1845 – July 1, 1924) was a businessman and politician in the Kingdom of Hawaii, through the Republic of Hawaii and into the Territory of Hawaii. <mask> was born  in Honolulu on March 13, 1845. His father was early missionary <mask> (1815–1885) and his mother was <mask> (1817–1890). They arrived in Honolulu in 1842. His maternal great-uncle was minister <mask>  (1783–1818), who took part in the Haystack Prayer Meeting which led to the formation of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, the group that sent the first American missionaries to Hawaii. He was educated at Punahou School from 1856 to 1863. On September 5, 1872 he married  Harriet Melinda Baldwin (1846–1932), daughter of missionary Dwight Baldwin  (1798–1886).Family and business
The <mask>s had four children: <mask> <mask> (born June 1, 1873), <mask> <mask> (born November 23, 1877), Henry Fowler <mask> (born January 16, 1883) and Douglas Wilfred <mask>. His wife's brother Henry Perrine Baldwin (1842–1911) founded Alexander & Baldwin. This was one of the "Big Five" corporations that dominated the economy of territorial Hawaii. <mask> started work as a clerk in the W. N. Ladd store in Honolulu, run by the son of the founder of ill-fated Ladd & Co. In 1871 he went to work for the bank of Charles Reed Bishop, the only one in the Hawaiian Islands at the time. By 1881 he became a full partner in Bishop's bank. He invested in and served on the board of directors of sugarcane plantations and the Oahu Railway and Land Company,  and was vice president of his brother-in-law's Hawaiian Sugar Company.In 1884, he inherited over  of the area known as Moanalua from Bernice Pauahi Bishop. She was the wife of his business partner, and a Hawaiian princess who inherited the land from King Kamehameha I.
<mask> was executor of Princess Pauahi's will, and trustee of the estate through 1916. Most of her land went to fund the Kamehameha Schools. He successfully appealed a lawsuit to the supreme court to demand exclusive fishing rights to the area offshore of Moanalua. In an even more unusual case, Charles Brenig, who had come to Hawaii under the name Simeon Weibert, died and left much of his estate to <mask>. The will was contested by Brenig's widow and son, but appeals were denied. When Bishop moved to San Francisco in 1893 <mask> acquired all shares of the Bishop bank.The bank later became the First Hawaiian Bank, and <mask>'s share was sold to BNP Paribas in 2001. Politics
On August 12, 1884 King Kalākaua made <mask> a member of the Privy Council, where he served until March 7, 1891. He became a member of the board of education on July 7, 1887 and board of Health December 28, 1887. He was appointed minister of finance on July 22, 1889, replacing amateur geologist and businessman William Lowthian Green. He served until being replaced by Godfrey Brown on June 17, 1890. He kept on good terms with Queen Liliuokalani (his father had performed her wedding ceremony). He was out of town when the Committee of Safety deposed her.Since he knew people on both sides, he helped negotiate a peaceful outcome, where Liliuokalani surrendered under protest to the US Government. After the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii, he was vice president of the Provisional Government of Hawaii from February 4, 1893 to May 29, 1893 when he again became minister of finance. He was also on the executive council of Sanford B. Dole (which replaced the privy council of the monarchy) until May 22, 1895. When it was apparent that the United States was not going to annex the islands immediately, he continued in the Republic of Hawaii government to September 12, 1896. James A. King replaced him temporarily in June 1896. He was made a special envoy to attend the diamond jubilee of Queen Victoria in London.On August 11, 1897 he held the post for a third time, until November 13, 1899. He was Hawaii's last minister of finance, serving once more from December 21, 1899 until June 14, 1900 after the Hawaiian Organic Act established the government of the Territory of Hawaii and the cabinet was abolished. Legacy

His son <mask> "Ned<mask> graduated from Punahou and then Yale. He studied accounting in Glasgow, Scotland where he married Gertrude Valentine Marr MacKinnon, daughter of William Mackinnon, an accountant at McClelland, Mackinnon & Blyth, and Elisabeth 'Bessie' Kerr Mackinnon née Marr on January 17, 1899. They had four children, although one died young. He returned to work in the family bank, but was stabbed to death on September 27, 1904. After S. M<mask> died July 1, 1924, his estate (then estimated worth over US$250 million) was left in trust to his grandchildren.At one time it was the fourth largest private landowner in Hawaii. Son Henry Fowler <mask> graduated from Yale; he married his brother <mask>'s widow Gertrude, they had four children: <mask> "Haku" Baldwin (1913–2003), Frances (<mask>) Holt, Joan (<mask>) Haig, and Henry E<mask>, and died December 19, 1926. Douglas Wilfred <mask> died September 21, 1936. The property became very valuable as Honolulu was developed in the 20th century. Parts of Moanalua became Fort Kamehameha, Honolulu International Airport, Tripler Army Medical Center, Moanalua High School, the Salt Lake, Hawaii development, and Moanalua Gardens. In 2003, the office buildings alone were sold to the Real estate investment trust HRPT for over $480 million. Trustees of the estate included retired General Frederick C. Weyand, great-grandson David M. Haig, former bank president Walter Dods, and local attorney Paul Mullin Ganley.His last surviving grandchild, <mask> Haig, died on November 9, 2004. The estate had about 20 beneficiaries with annual total income of over $34 million, as plans were made for its distribution. However, only one grandchild, (<mask> <mask>) survived from his son <mask>, while four descended from son Henry. A lawsuit was filed (appealed to the Supreme Court of Hawaii) to determine how to divide the shares: equal shares for each great-grandchild, five shares for each grandchild, or half for each set of descendants by his two children. The 1914 will had almost no punctuation in its ten pages. The US Supreme Court refused to hear the case, so the estate, estimated worth $900 million in 2006, was distributed with half to descendants of each son. The estate had bought Kahuku Ranch on Hawaii island for $1.3 million in 1958 from James W. Glover.It is located on the southwest rift zone of Mauna Loa volcano, with headquarters at . The estate sold about  of the ranch in 2003 to the US Government (with financing from the Nature Conservancy) to expand Hawaii Volcanoes National Park  for $22 million. It was the largest conservation land deal in Hawaii's history, enlarging the park by more than 50%. Some was sold for residences, and some remains as a tourist accommodation. In 2006 <mask>'s coin collection alone was auctioned off for $3,884,000 by Doyle New York. It included an 1876 proof set from the US centennial. In 2007, the estate donated a collection of artifacts to the Bernice P. Bishop Museum.<mask> was a founding trustee of the museum. See also
 Sugar plantations in Hawaii
 List of Missionaries to Hawaii
 Alexander & Baldwin Sugar Museum

References

External links
<mask> <mask> 1924 obituary in The Friend

Hawaiian Kingdom politicians
Republic of Hawaii politicians
Members of the Hawaiian Kingdom Privy Council
Hawaiian Kingdom Finance Ministers
Republic of Hawaii Finance Ministers
Businesspeople from Honolulu
1924 deaths
1845 births
Punahou School alumni
People associated with the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom
Politicians from Honolulu

masks:
Samuel Mills Damon
Life Damon
Samuel Chenery Damon
Julia Sherman Mills
Samuel John Mills
Damon
Samuel Edward
Damon
Mary Mills
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Damon
Samuel Edward
" Damon
. Damon
Damon
Samuel
Harriet Damon
Damon
Damon
. Damon
Damon
Joan Damon
Samuel Renny
Damon
Samuel
Damon
Damon
Samuel Mills
Damon


title: Michael Davitt

texts:
<mask> (25 March 184630 May 1906) was an Irish republican activist for a variety of causes, especially Home Rule and land reform. Following an eviction when he was four years old, Davitt's family migrated to England. He began his career as an organiser of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, which resisted British rule in Ireland with violence. Convicted of treason felony for arms trafficking in 1870, he served seven years in prison. Upon his release, Davitt pioneered the New Departure strategy of cooperation between the physical-force and constitutional wings of Irish nationalism on the issue of land reform. With Charles Stewart Parnell, he co-founded the Irish National Land League in 1879, in which capacity he enjoyed the peak of his influence before being jailed again in 1881. Davitt travelled widely, giving lectures around the world, supported himself through journalism, and served as Member of Parliament (MP) for the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) during the 1890s.When the party split over Parnell's divorce, Davitt joined the anti-Parnellite Irish National Federation. His Georgist views on the land question put him on the left wing of Irish nationalism, and he was a vociferous advocate of alliance between the Radical faction of the Liberal Party and the IPP. Early years

<mask> was born in Straide, County Mayo, Ireland, on 25 March 1846 during the Great Famine. He was the third of five children born to Martin and <mask>, tenant farmers of little means who spoke Irish as the family language. Martin had been involved in the Irish nationalist Ribbon movement in the 1830s. In 1850, when <mask> was four years old, his family was evicted due to arrears in rent. Davitt later claimed that this event, which he remembered, had brought about all of the family's ills.Like many other Irish people at the time, the family decided to emigrate to England. They took a ship to Liverpool and walked to Haslingden, East Lancashire, where they settled. His parents both worked selling fruit and at other odd jobs. Martin, who was literate and could speak English, ran a night school in their home, which they shared with other Irish families. The family endured the anti-Irish sentiment of the English working class, which believed that Irish immigrants undercut wages. Davitt began working at the age of nine as a labourer in a cotton mill. Two years later, his right arm was entangled in a cogwheel and mangled so badly it had to be amputated ten days later.As was typical for the era, he did not receive any compensation. According to biographer Carla King, the accident helped save Davitt from a lifetime of mill drudgery. When he recovered from his operation, a local philanthropist, John Dean, helped to send him to a Wesleyan school. In August 1861, at the age of 15, he found work in a local post office owned by Henry Cockcroft, who also ran a printing business. He joined the Mechanics' Institute and continued to read and study, attending lectures on various topics. The Chartist movement lasted longer in Lancaster than elsewhere, and Davitt later recalled that Chartist leader Ernest Charles Jones was the first Englishman Davitt had heard denounce landlordism in Ireland. Although he was on a path to be an "upwardly mobile working-class radical", in King's words, Davitt instead chose to join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in 1865.Irish Republican Brotherhood
The IRB was a secret society that promoted the use of violence to end British rule in Ireland. At the time it was popular among working-class Irish emigrants, and according to another IRB member, "every smart respectable young fellow" from the Irish community in Haslingden joined. Davitt enjoyed the approval of his parents and was soon elected leader of the local Rossendale chapter of about fifty IRB members. In February 1867, Davitt led fifty Fenians on a failed raid on Chester Castle to obtain arms for the planned Fenian Rising that took place later that year. He learned that the police had heard of the plan and were lying in wait and managed to extricate his men from the situation without being caught. In 1868, he left Cockcroft's printing firm to work full-time for the IRB, as organising secretary and arms agent for England and Scotland, posing as a travelling salesman as cover. Although he was wanted by the authorities from 1867, they did not grasp his importance to the IRB.In 1869, authorities obtained a letter that Davitt had written to IRB member Arthur Forrester, urging him not to go through with the execution of a suspected informer. Believing that a direct order would not be effective, Davitt asked Forrester to wait until Davitt could obtain the permission of two members of the IRB council. He therefore appeared to approve of the murder. After intensive police investigation, Davitt was arrested at Paddington Station in London on 14 May 1870, while awaiting a delivery of arms. Tried at Old Bailey in July, Davitt was convicted of treason felony for arms trafficking in support of insurrection and sentenced to fifteen years of penal servitude. He believed that he had had neither fair hearing nor adequate defence counsel. Imprisoned at Millbank, Dartmoor, and Portsmouth, Davitt was held for months in solitary confinement and endured hard labour and poor rations that permanently damaged his health.However, he frequently broke the prison rules and his main objection was that he was treated the same as criminals even though he considered himself a political prisoner. In 1872, he smuggled a letter out of the prison which was published in several newspapers and led to an inquiry by the Home Secretary into his allegations. Davitt was paroled on 19 December 1877, having served seven and a half years, following pressure from the Home Rule League for an amnesty for all Irish political prisoners. He and other freed prisoners were welcomed by Isaac Butt and the Political Prisoners Visiting Committee in London and returned to a "heroes' welcome" in Ireland. Davitt published a book about his prison experience, and began a campaign for the release of remaining Fenian prisoners. His popularity caused him to try his hand at writing and lecturing, which he discovered he had a talent for. He also rejoined the IRB, and became a member of its Supreme Council representing Northern England.Nevertheless, the success of the amnesty movement led him to appreciate the value of political, rather than physical force, approaches to achieving Irish republican goals. His experiences in prison made him a lifetime supporter of prison reform for humane conditions for all prisoners. This was in contrast to other Irish nationalists who had served prison time, who were only interested in the condition of "political" prisoners. Shortly before his arrest, Davitt had persuaded his family to emigrate to the United States. In July 1878, Davitt made a trip to visit them and raise money through a lecture tour to bring his mother and youngest sister back to Ireland (his father had since died). Upon his arrival in New York, he was welcomed by the United States-based republican organisation Clan na Gael and its leader, John Devoy. In its first such venture of the kind, the Clan organised Davitt's lecture tour, which lasted until December.In meetings with Irish-American Fenians, Davitt developed the strategy called the  "New Departure", an informal collaboration between the physical-force and parliamentary wings of Irish nationalism focusing on the land reform campaign. This collaboration was cemented during a meeting on 1 June 1879 in Dublin between <mask>, Devoy, and Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which advocated Home Rule achieved via Parliament. The Land War

Agrarian unrest in the west of Ireland was sparked by the 1879 famine, a combination of heavy rains, poor yields and low prices that brought widespread hunger and deprivation. Davitt played a role in the organisation of several large-scale meetings in Mayo to agitate for land reform. At one of the meetings, he called for the liberation of Ireland from "the land robbers who seized it". On 16 August 1879, the Land League of Mayo was founded in Castlebar. On 21 October it was superseded by the Irish National Land League based in Dublin.Parnell was made its president and <mask> was one of its secretaries. Through the Land League, <mask> attained the pinnacle of his political influence and power from 1879 through 1881. The league adopted the slogan "the land for the people", which was vague enough to be acceptable to Irish nationalists across the political spectrum. The runaway popularity of the Land League among Irish Catholics worried British authorities. On the other hand, <mask>'s cooperation with Parnell angered the IRB, which expelled <mask> from its Supreme Council in May 1880, although he continued to be a member of the organisation. One of the actions the Land League took during this period was the campaign of ostracism against the land agent Captain Charles Boycott in Lough Mask House outside Ballinrobe in the autumn of 1880. This campaign led to Boycott abandoning Ireland in December.In May 1880, following Parnell's tour of the United States, Davitt travelled there to raise funds for the Land League, specifically for political action to free Irish peasants "from the humiliation of a beggar's position". He attended the first convention of the Central Provisional Council of the American Land League, at which he was appointed secretary of the organisation. As secretary, Davitt was responsible for improving the Land League's organisation, helping set up local branches. For the thirteen weeks that Davitt was in the United States, he and Lawrence Walsh were effectively the only national leaders; they worked closely with Anna Parnell, who provided assistance. While in the United States he toured the country giving speeches as far afield as San Francisco. The Liberal government responded to the land agitation with the Protection of Persons and Property Act 1881, an extension of previous Coercion Acts, which would enable the internment without trial of those suspected of involvement in the Land War. In their fight against the act, the IPP MPs reached new heights of obstruction, but were ultimately unable to block it.It was <mask>'s idea to set up a Ladies' Land League to continue their work when the male Land League leaders were arrested, as expected. On 3 February 1881, Davitt's ticket of leave was rescinded; he was arrested in Dublin and returned to Millbank Prison in England. The IPP MPs protested so strongly in Parliament that thirty-six were expelled. Almost a thousand people were arrested under the Coercion Act, but agrarian crime continued to increase. In April, the government introduced the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881, which Liberal minister Joseph Chamberlain described as removing "the chief grievance" of the agitators by granting many of their demands: fair rent, free sale, and fixity of tenure. As it fell short of peasant proprietorship, it was criticised as insufficient by the Land League, although Davitt later claimed that it had "struck a mortal blow at Irish landlordism". Davitt served most of his second term of incarceration at Portland Prison, under much better conditions than previously, owing to his fame and concern over his health.He was allowed books and continued to study agrarian theory. He became enamoured of the ideas of Henry George and abandoned the idea of peasant proprietorship in favour of land nationalisation. He also read many liberal thinkers, such as John Stuart Mill, Adolphe Thiers, Augustin Thierry, François Guizot, William Edward Hartpole Lecky, and Thomas Babington Macaulay. In an 1882 by-election, he was elected Member of Parliament for Meath but was disqualified because he was in prison. In October 1881, Parnell and other IPP leaders were also arrested. The Land League responded with the No Rent Manifesto on 18 October, urging tenant farmers not to pay rent until they were released. Two days later, the British government banned the Land League.<mask> and his allies were released from prison in May 1882, according to the Kilmainham Treaty agreed between the IPP and the Liberal Party. Some 130,000 tenants in arrears, who had been excluded from the rent-fixing authorised by the 1881 act, were given amnesty. In return, the IPP withdrew its support for agrarian agitation and cancelled the No Rent Manifesto, bringing an end to the Land League. Travels and marriage
In June and July 1882, Davitt travelled to the United States on a lecture tour. Upon his return, Davitt toured Britain alongside Henry George in a campaign for land nationalisation and an alliance between the British working class, Irish labourers, and tenant farmers sponsored by the New York-based Irish World. Land nationalisation was extremely unpopular in Ireland, and strongly opposed by the IPP, which was becoming defined as a party for the interests of Irish tenant farmers. After a meeting with Parnell in September 1882, Davitt agreed to set aside his support for the cause and resume cooperation with the IPP as a founder of the new Irish National League.The League included a few of <mask>'s ideas, but was dominated by a conservative faction loyal to Parnell and emphasised Home Rule rather than further land reform. In addition, Parnell agreed to support a new organisation, the Irish Labour and Industrial Union, which aimed to help rural labourers acquire land and the franchise. The union was later replaced by the Irish Democratic Trade and Labour Federation, over whose formation <mask> presided in 1890 with <mask>. This organisation was later subsumed into D. D. Sheehan's Irish Land and Labour Association in 1894. With the demise of the Land League, agitation continued to be carried on by more extreme physical-force factions, such as the Fenian dynamite campaign, while the British government continued its crackdown. Davitt denounced both the bombings and the British government's excesses. As a result, he was arrested for sedition in February 1883 and served four months in jail, his last term in prison.Believing that the Plan of Campaign—renewed agrarian agitation between 1886 and 1891—was against the Kilmainham Treaty, Davitt acceded to Parnell's request and did not involve himself in it. Davitt was a frequent visitor to Scotland, and became closely associated with the crofters' struggles in the Highlands and Islands. He urged the Irish immigrant population to integrate into the politics of their adopted country and in particular the infant Labour movement. Davitt worked closely with John Ferguson, the Irish leader in Glasgow who had been involved in the Crofters' War agitation by Highland tenant farmers in the early 1880s and later in the Irish-Radical political alliance that was the forerunner of the Scottish Labour Party. <mask> Jones and E. Pan Jones brought Davitt to Wales in 1886 to campaign for land reforms, although Davitt's radicalism made him unpopular among would-be reformers, who thought the movement ought to be managed by Welsh people. Davitt married an Irish-American woman, Mary Yore, on 30 December 1886 in Oakland, California; he had met her on his 1880 tour. The couple settled in a cottage in Ballybrack, County Dublin, the only gift that Davitt ever accepted from his admirers.They had five children – three boys and two girls, one of whom, Kathleen, died of tuberculosis aged seven in 1895. One of their sons, Robert Davitt, became a TD (national legislator), while another, Cahir <mask>, became President of the High Court. From 1880, when he published his first pieces in Irish World, Davitt made his income from journalism. He had long aspired to edit his own paper, and founded the socialist penny weekly Labour World in September 1890. Davitt's paper covered a wide variety of topics, including foreign news, the plight of agricultural labourers, and women in the workplace. Although it was initially a success and sold 60,000 copies of its second edition, the Labour World stopped publishing the following year due to Davitt's illness, lack of funds, and other problems. When Parnell's extramarital affair with Katharine O'Shea was exposed in 1890, Davitt asked him to step down.He came to oppose Parnell's leadership for a number of reasons, including his belief that Parnell had misled him about the affair, insistence that the cause was more important that the individual, and fears that the revelations would harm the IPP–Liberal alliance. When Parnell refused to step down, Davitt sided with the anti-Parnellite Irish National Federation and became one of Parnell's most vociferous critics, "reveal[ing] a rather unpleasant talent for personal invective" according to Boyce. This put him in odd company, as the anti-Parnellites were dominated by social conservatives and proponents of Catholic clericalism, with whom Davitt had little in common. In his later writings, he balanced criticism of Parnell's failings with appreciation for his accomplishments. Parliamentary career

Throughout the 1880s, Davitt had refused to stand for Parliament, believing that he could be of more use to the movement as an agitator. He also believed that the IPP put too much stake in parliamentary politics and that it could accomplish more working outside of the system. He had a visceral

masks:
Michael Davitt
Michael Davitt
Catherine Davitt
Michael
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Michael Austin
Michael Daniel
Davitt


title: Michael Davitt

texts:
 dislike for Westminster, which he referred to as "parliamentary pentitentiary", and was aware that entering into Parliament alienated his Fenian supporters abroad.<mask> was elected for North Meath in the 1892 general election, but his election was overturned on petition because he had been supported by the Roman Catholic hierarchy. He stood unopposed for North East Cork at a by-election in February 1893, making his maiden speech in favour of the Home Rule Bill in April, which passed the House of Commons but was defeated in the Lords in September. The subsequent retirement of Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone, who had come to sympathise with Home Rule, delayed the cause for another two decades. Having invested much of his own money into his 1892 campaign, Davitt had to declare bankruptcy in 1893 and resign from the House of Commons. For seven months in 1895, Davitt toured Australia and New Zealand to restore his finances. The trip resulted in his second book, Life and Progress in Australasia (1896), with particular attention to governance and the situation of minorities such as Indigenous Australians and the Kanakas, Pacific Islanders brought in to work at very poor conditions in the colonies. Davitt noted that Western Australia had gotten its own Parliament with a population of some 45,000, while the five million people in Ireland had been denied Home Rule.What was then seven colonies had a substantial Irish population which had contributed to the Land League's efforts, providing an audience for Davitt's message. While abroad, he was returned for both South Mayo and East Kerry; he chose to sit for Mayo as that was his birthplace. On many issues, Davitt supported the British Labour leader Keir Hardie and favoured the foundation of a Labour Party, but his commitment to the Liberal Party for the sake of Home Rule prevented him joining the new party, resulting in a breach with Hardie. In Parliament, he pressed the Conservative government on its plans for improving the ongoing distress in western Ireland. In 1898, Parliament sidestepped Home Rule by granting full democratic control of all local affairs to County and District Councils under the Local Government (Ireland) Act. Davitt then co-founded, with William O'Brien, the United Irish League, an organisation that advocated the redistribution of grazing land to small farmers. At the time O'Brien was politically isolated due to the controversial nature of land redistribution and Davitt was one of the only veterans willing to work with him.Final years and death

Following a speech in which he denounced the Second Boer War and the fact Ireland had to pay £10 million to the war effort despite opposing it, Davitt left the Commons for good on 26 October 1899 in protest of "the greatest infamy of the nineteenth century". Obtaining commissions from William Randolph Hearst's New York American and the Irish paper Freeman's Journal, he travelled to South Africa to report on the war and lend support to the Boer cause. On 26 March 1900, he arrived in Pretoria and spent the next three months touring and visiting Irish units in the Boer army. Following the last session of the Volksraad, Davitt left the country as Lord Roberts' army advanced. The fact that the Boers were a "small nation of courageous fighters" facing off against the British Empire impressed Davitt. Nevertheless, of all his writings, The Boer Fight for Freedom (1902) has aged the least well; despite Davitt's concern for other indigenous peoples, he accepted the Boer narrative that Black Africans were "savages". The pro- and anti-Parnellite factions finally reconciled in 1900, but despite its explosive growth—the police estimated 989 branches and 100,000 members in August 1901—the United Irish League did not gain hegemony over the Irish nationalist movement.To combat the UIL, the British government introduced a new round of coercion and by September 1902 forty UIL leaders were jailed. <mask> and John Dillon were touring the United States to raise funds when the 1902 Land Conference was held, and by their return the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903, masterminded by O'Brien, was a fait accompli. Davitt criticised what he saw as the overly generous provisions for landlords to sell their estates to the tenants, the Irish Land Commission mediating to then collect land annuities instead of rents, on the grounds that the land rightfully belonged to the people. Later in 1906, after the Liberal Party came to power, his open support for their policy of state control of schooling, rather than denominational education, merged into a conflict between Davitt and the Catholic Church. This would be the last controversy that Davitt was involved in. Davitt died in Elpis Hospital, Dublin on 30 May 1906, aged 60, of septicaemia arising from complications in a tooth extraction. As he requested, his funeral took place without any public notice and he was buried in Straide.Nevertheless, The New York Times reported that Dublin businesses shuttered in respect while several MPs and "enormous crowds" attended the procession when his body was removed for transport. Additional mourners accompanied the train and a procession of almost  followed the coffin from the station in Foxford, Mayo to Straide. Davitt's estate was valued at £151; in his will, he wrote "To all my friends I leave kind thoughts, to my enemies the fullest possible forgiveness and to Ireland the undying prayer for absolute freedom and independence, which it was my life's ambition to try and obtain for her." Views
Although a member of the IPP, Davitt kept his own counsel and his ideas frequently diverged from the party line. In his politics, Davitt was more radical than Parnell and this brought them into conflict. Parnell saw land agitation primarily as a way to politicise Irish peasants, increase the popularity of the IPP, and advance the cause of Home Rule. In contrast, Davitt's highest priority was improving the lot of Irish farmers, especially the poorest.While Parnell was a gifted politician, <mask> excelled as an organiser and activist. An example of his greater militancy was his support for the Ladies' Land League after Parnell had denounced it in early 1882 and tried to cancel the No Rent Manifesto. According to IPP MP T. P. O'Connor, Davitt was also suspicious of Parnell because the latter was a landowner. Davitt's views on land reform were based on a pre-capitalist understanding of access to land for subsistence farming to be a human right that superseded property rights, the so-called "unwritten law". He believed that the landlord system was feudal in nature and had been imposed on Ireland by the British. His ideas were also heavily shaped by his association with Henry George, and he cited thinkers such as Herbert Spencer, Henry Fawcett and Bonamy Price in his writings advocating radical land reform. Davitt came to agree with George that tenancy reform would not achieve "land for the people".In addition, even peasant proprietorship would fall short of this goal. Davitt foresaw that public funds spent on land purchases would never benefit landless labourers, and believed that the resulting smallholdings would eventually be consolidated into estates. Instead, from 1882, Davitt advocated for compulsory land nationalisation with compensation for current owners, so that all ground rent could be reclaimed by the state and used on public projects to benefit all citizens. According to Marxist historian Peter Linebaugh, Davitt's ideas inspired James Connolly's "Celtic communism". Davitt's brand of Irish republicanism was heavily influenced by Chartism. For example, his 1878 manifesto had three main planks, the right to bear arms, self-government, and land reform to bring about "a system of small proprietorship similar to what at present obtains in France, Belgium, and Prussia". All three issues were advocated by Chartism.Davitt pioneered a line of argument aimed at securing the support of the British working classes, which claimed that Home Rule for Ireland, by improving conditions there, would reduce Irish emigration to Britain and economic competition with British workers. Due to his education in a Methodist school, Davitt accepted differences in creed. He was opposed to the influence of clergy in politics, and was determined to perpetuate the inclusive nationalism of the Young Ireland movement, rather than let Irish nationalism transmute into a sectarian Catholic movement. Davitt's left-wing views made him a natural ally of the Radical faction of the Liberal Party, and he supported the alliance between Home Rule supporters and the Liberal Party. Unlike many other Irish nationalist leaders, Davitt was in favour of women's suffrage. According to biographer T. W. Moody, hatred of the British Empire and landlordism "was in his blood", but having grown up in England, Davitt held positive views on English people and understood the priorities of the working class in England. Violence
According to English historian <mask>, Davitt's public renunciation of political violence made him "the Irish Republican Brotherhood's greatest apostate".Davitt opposed the random use of force, such as by the Ribbon societies. On the other hand, he never fully renounced violence and, according to Irish historian Paul Bew, was involved in smuggling arms for the IRB between his first release from prison and his expulsion from the IRB council in 1880. Because he considered the landlord system inherently violent, Davitt believed it was moral to use force against it. However, for political reasons he presented the Land League as a peaceful movement and denied that his anti-landlord speeches and comments consisted of incitement to violence. Davitt denounced agrarian crime as "a species of cowardly terrorism which would do irreparable injury to Ireland" and the Maamtrasna murders as "almost without a parallel for its atrocity in the annals of agrarian outrage". However, the Land League leaders were not in control of their rank-and-file, who frequently used violence to intimidate others into withholding rent and to frighten landlords and their agents. Between 1879 and 1881, crimes related to the Land War rose from 25% to 58% of all crime in Ireland, without the leaders calling for an end to the agitation.Davitt's "final break with the Fenians" did not come until the 1882 Phoenix Park murders of the Chief Secretary and Permanent Undersecretary for Ireland. Jews and Zionism

In 1903, Davitt travelled to Kishinev, Bessarabia in the Russian Empire as "special commissioner to investigate the massacres of the Jews" on behalf of Hearst's New York American, becoming one of the first foreign journalists to report on the Kishinev pogrom. In his notes, Davitt recorded sharp criticism of what he saw as Jewish failure to defend themselves, given that there were many more Jews in the city than pogromists, but did not mention this aspect in his publications. In his subsequent book, Within the Pale: The True Story of Anti-Semitic Persecutions in Russia (1903), Davitt declared his support for Zionism, believing that political independence was the only solution to the "Jewish Question" just as it was for the "Irish Question". In 1898 at a meeting in Tonypandy, Davitt launched what Biagini (2007) called an "anti-Semitic tirade" against George Goschen, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, arguing that he "represented that class of bond-holders, and usurers, and mostly money-lenders for whom that infamous Egyptian war was waged". Davitt opposed the 1904 Limerick boycott against the Limerick Jewish community organised by the Redemptorist priest John Creagh, stating in the Freeman's Journal that Limerick citizens would "not allow the fair name of Catholic Ireland to be sullied through an anti-Jewish crusade". While opposing "cowardly racial warfare" such as the Kishinev pogrom, Davitt announced that he was "resolutely in line with... [the] spirit and programme" of antisemitism when it stood "against the engineers of a sordid war in South Africa, or as the assailant of the economic evils of unscrupulous capitalism anywhere".Henry Hyndman reported that Davitt believed Russia would be better off without any Jews. Although Davitt recognised that Jews' business activity was related to their exclusion from many occupations, he nevertheless believed that Jews were racially predisposed to unscrupulous capitalism but also that the Jewish people were intellectually superior. According to Irish historian Aidan Beatty, Davitt was not an antisemite, because his anti-Jewish statements coexisted with others which were supportive of Jews. According to Stanford University historian Steven Zipperstein, Davitt "emerged as a folk hero among Jews" following his writings on Kishinev, with plays written about him in English and Yiddish. Moody considers that Davitt's "passion for social justice... transcended nationality". Reception

The American abolitionist James Redpath considered Davitt "the William Lloyd Garrison of the anti-landlord movement". Political scientist Eugenio Biagini views Davitt as "a social radical in the Tom Paine tradition" who was the "chief inspirer of the Land League and the greatest hero of popular nationalism".Freeman's Journal lead writer James Winder Good hailed <mask> as the man whose "hammer strokes destroyed a system of land tenure, which for over three centuries had been the most powerful instrument in encompassing the economic degradation of the Irish people, and ensuring their subjugation to alien rule." James Connolly considered Davitt "an unselfish idealist, who in his enthusiasm for a cause gave his name, and his services freely at the beck and call of men who despised his ideals". According to Moody, in the estimation of his "innumerable" admirers, his faults were outweighed by "his great-heartedness, his self-sacrifice, and his invincible courage". According to King, Davitt "may fairly be seen as a founding father of Irish democracy". Moody wrote that Davitt's habit of "reinterpreting his past actions and attitudes in accordance with altered conditions was partly the outcome of a longing for integrity in his political conduct". An alternative interpretation is that this inconsistency is evidence of "Davitt's devious character", in the words of English historian Pamela Horn. The historical value of Davitt's books, such as the "deeply influential" The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland (1904) has been hotly debated in the century since it was written.His view of Irish history was deeply shaped by his family's experiences during the Great Famine, and Davitt subscribed to the popular view that it was an "artificial famine" which the British government chose not to alleviate. His version of the Land War, that it was an uncomplicated struggle between landlords and tenants, was widely accepted, but has been complicated by later scholarship. Moody, who disagreed with Davitt's conclusions, admitted that the book "contains a wealth of information", is reliable for facts, and far exceeds the work of his contemporaries. In his obituary, The Times wrote that, "Anything more misleading than his presentation of what he calls The Boer Fight for Freedom cannot be imagined, unless it be his still wilder travesty of history, grotesquely named The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland." An alternative view, of (among others) Conor Cruise O'Brien, historian of Parnellism, holds that Davitt's work is invaluable if partisan. At Straide in County Mayo, an old penal church was converted into a museum. In 2016, The Irish Times reported that the museum received no state funding and relied on visitor donations.The Michael Davitt Bridge connects Achill Island to the mainland. Davitt inaugurated the first bridge in 1887, and it was replaced in 1947 but retained the name. The centenary of Davitt's death saw the unveiling of a plaque at the Portree Hotel, Portree, Isle of Skye, commemorating his role in the Highland land agitation of the 1880s. The unveiling was carried out by his grandson, Fr. Tom Davitt. On 29 May 2019, Dearcán Media's Irish-language documentary, <mask>tt: Radacach (<mask>tt: Radical) premiered on TG4. Works

References

Notes

Citations

Print sources

Web sources

Further reading

External links

<mask> Portrait Gallery: UCC Multitext Project in Irish History

The Michael Davitt Museum, Straide, Foxford, Co. Mayo

1846 births
1906 deaths
19th-century Irish people
Anti-imperialism in Europe
Anti-Parnellite MPs
Foreign correspondents in Africa
Georgist politicians
Historians of the Land War
Irish agrarianists
Irish amputees
Irish journalists
Irish land reform activists
Irish non-fiction writers
Irish male non-fiction writers
Irish Parliamentary Party MPs
Irish Zionists
Kishinev pogrom
Members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for County Cork constituencies (1801–1922)
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for County Kerry constituencies (1801–1922)
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for County Mayo constituencies (1801–1922)
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for County Meath constituencies (1801–1922)
Patrons of the Gaelic Athletic Association
People convicted of treason against the United Kingdom
Politicians from County Mayo
UK MPs 1880–1885
UK MPs 1892–1895
UK MPs 1895–1900
United Irish League

masks:
Davitt
Davitt
Davitt
Michael Kelly
Davitt
Michael Davi
Michael Davi
Michael Davitt


title: Roberto Manzin

texts:
<mask> (born 8 July 1966) is an alto, tenor and soprano saxophones, clarinet, EWI, piano player and composer. Biography
<mask>la di Musica Villa Simonetta. During the 1980s Manzin begun playing in several music clubs in Milan, and during the 1990s was part of the Tony Scott Jazz Quintet (Scott being an American bebop clarinet player who performed with Charlie Parker and Billie Holiday). Manzin became a successful session player, contributing to eight albums in 1992 alone, with leading Italian artists as well as featuring in several TV commercials (Invicta, BMW, TV Sorrisi e Canzoni, etc.). Manzin performed regularly in Milan jazz clubs such as Il Capolinea, Le Scimmie, Tangram, with Italian jazz musicians such as Renato Sellani, Bruno De Filippi, Gianni Cazzola, Tullio De Piscopo, Giorgio Buratti and Marco Ratti. In the same period he toured with the Italian singer Enzo Jannacci and the American artist Gene Anthony Ray (who played the role of Leroy Johnson in Fame).<mask> also worked extensively in TV where he played with, among others, James Brown, Zucchero Fornaciari and Manu Katché. In the late 1990s <mask> migrated to London, where he continued his musical activity. Over the years <mask> has performed and/or recorded with Martha Reeves and the Vandelas, Donna Summer, Dave Weckl, Jim Mullen, Harvie S, Pino Palladino, Trilok Gurtu, Kai Eckhardt, Dennis Rollins, <mask>la, Roland Perrin, Richard Bailey, Ernesto Simpson, Nicolas Meier, Jason Rebello, Ska Cubano, Manolín "El Médico de la salsa", Jesus Cutiño, Omar Puente, Alejandro Sanz, Rumer, Ismael Rivera Jr, Max Carletti, Carmel, Mario Biondi, Space UK, Dave Land, Adrian Reid; Maysa Leak, Francesco Lo Castro, Sid Gauld and Francesco Mendolia (from Incognito) and many others. <mask> continues to be a popular session player (he recorded on eight albums in 2010, ranging in style from Pop to Latin, Rock/Blues, Ska and Jazz) and appears in music festivals throughout Europe, as well as performing regularly at many venues around Europe. 1' RedReverend 2010
 Contigo en la distancia 'Contigo en la distancia' RTZ 2010
 Ska Cubano 'Mambo Ska' Casino Sounds 2010
 Federico Malaman 'Enjoy with me!' 2010
 Jon Scott 'Give Me A Call' Brown Babes Music 2009
 Mario Biondi (musician) 'If' Tattica 2009
 Gino Marcelli 'Suoni Confusi' Do It Yourself Music Group S.r.l. 2009
 Stephen Dale Petit 'Guitararama' 333 Records Ltd. 2007
 Luciano Gattinoni 'La mela rossa' Rugginenti Editore 2007
 'ZoogaJazz Three' Zoog a Music 2007
 Mauro Gazzola 'On The Road.2' Bebas Record 1994
 B.o.b.

masks:
Roberto Manzin
Roberto Manzinuo
Manzin
Manzin
Manzin
Roberto P
Manzin


title: John E. Rankin

texts:
<mask> (March 29, 1882 – November 26, 1960) was a Democratic politician from Mississippi who served sixteen terms in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1921 to 1953. He was co-author of the bill for the Tennessee Valley Authority and from 1933 to 1936 he supported the New Deal programs of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, which brought investment and jobs to the South. After 1937 he was active in the Conservative Coalition that largely controlled domestic policy. Rankin proposed a bill to prohibit interracial marriage and opposed a bill to prohibit state use of the poll tax, which southern states had used since the turn of the century to disenfranchise most blacks and many poor whites. He used his power to support segregation and deny federal benefits programs to African Americans. For instance, in 1944, following the Port Chicago disaster, the U.S. Navy asked Congress to authorize payments of $5,000 to each of the victims' families. But when Rankin learned most of the dead were black sailors, he insisted the amount be reduced to $2,000; Congress settled the amount at $3,000 per family.He was the main House sponsor of the G.I. Bill. <mask> insisted that its administration be decentralized, which led to continued discrimination against black veterans in the South and their virtual exclusion from one of the most important postwar programs to build social capital among United States residents. In the South, black veterans were excluded from loans, training and employment assistance. The historically black colleges were underfunded and could accept only about half the men who wanted to enroll. On the floor of the House, <mask> expressed racist views of African Americans, Japanese Americans, and Jews, accusing <mask> of being a communist agitator. During World War II, <mask> supported a bill to incarcerate all Japanese Americans in the US and its territories in camps; almost all ethnic Japanese on the West Coast were incarcerated in inland camps.In the late 20th century, Congress authorized payment of reparations to survivors and their descendants. Early life
<mask> was born near Bolands in Itawamba County, Mississippi to a family that had planter ancestors with large holdings before the Civil War. His parents were Thomas Braxton <mask>, a schoolteacher and resident of Tupelo, and Venola Modeste (née Rutledge), born in Arkansas as the daughter of Robert Rutledge and <mask> (née Conoway) Rutledge. His paternal ancestors had come to Mississippi from South Carolina in 1840. After attending local schools and a normal school, <mask> attended college, graduating from the University of Mississippi law school in 1910. He established a practice in Clay County near where he grew up. He married Annie Laurie Burrous; the couple had a daughter, Annie Laurie <mask>.He became prosecuting attorney of Lee County in 1912, a position he held until 1915. Military service
Rankin served in the United States Army during World War I. Political career

Election to Congress
In 1920, <mask> was elected to the House as a Democrat. Since passage of a new constitution in 1890 that effectively disenfranchised African Americans, Mississippi had become a one-party state dominated by Democrats. <mask> served sixteen consecutive terms (March 4, 1921 – January 3, 1953) as Mississippi's First District Representative. Appointed to the Census Committee as a freshman congressman, <mask> played an important role in opposing a reapportionment bill that would have reduced the representation of Mississippi, as well as one to reduce the overall representation of the South. Both bills were based on the fact that Southern states had disenfranchised most of their black voters but kept apportionment based on total population in each state, resulting in outsize representation for their white populations.The powerful Democrats consistently defeated northern representatives' effort to reduce southern apportionment. <mask> coauthored the bill to create the Tennessee Valley Authority, bringing major investment into the rural South. He was a supporter of the Rural Electrification Administration under President Roosevelt's administration, which also benefited many Southerners. He strongly supported Roosevelt's New Deal and advocated economic intervention in poor rural communities, but expected that most benefits would flow to southern whites. He supported racial segregation and opposed civil rights legislation. After 1937, he became active in the Conservative Coalition that largely controlled domestic policy. <mask> opposed the creation of the UN, stating, "The United Nations is the greatest fraud in all History.Its purpose is to destroy the United States." Veteran's affairs
<mask> chaired the Committee on World War Veterans' Legislation (Seventy-second through Seventy-ninth Congresses)) and the Committee on Veterans' Affairs (Eighty-first and Eighty-second Congresses). In  the first role he was the main House sponsor of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, known as the G.I. Bill of Rights. <mask> says it was <mask> "who served as the primary force behind the version of the bill that actually got passed into law." He insisted on a provision that the federal program would be administered in a decentralized manner by the states. This ensured that southern states could continue to practice discrimination against black veterans.According to historian Gavin Wright, "In a comprehensive econometric analysis, Sarah Turner and <mask> find that although the GI Bill had substantial positive benefits for black and white veterans outside the South, those from the South made no significant gains in educational attainment." Rankin sought to prevent the desegregation of VA hospitals. He argued for treating black veterans in rural, isolated all-black hospitals. House Un-American Activities Committee
<mask> helped establish the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) as a standing committee in Congress in February 1945 by leading the conservative  coalition of Republicans and Southern Democrats. In the postwar years, he was active in probing the Communist Party, USA. He was criticized for failing to investigate violence and murder perpetrated by chapters of the Ku Klux Klan. After HUAC's chief counsel <mask> announced: "The committee has decided that it lacks sufficient data on which to base a probe," Rankin added: "After all, the KKK is an old American institution."Bigotry

African Americans
<mask> introduced a bill in 1920 to prohibit interracial marriage. During that decade, he opposed bills to make lynching a federal crime; although such a bill overwhelmingly passed the House, it was not approved by the Senate. In these positions, he was similar to other southern Democrats: he opposed other bills to support African American civil rights, such as any efforts toward desegregation and the elimination of poll taxes for federal elections. Poll taxes had been used by southern states to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites since the turn of the century. <mask> argued that equal opportunity hiring practices (as required by the Roosevelt administration for defense contractors) "persecuted" whites, anti-lynching bills encouraged rape, and racial equality would destroy "the white man's civilization throughout the world." During World War II, <mask> alleged that the U.S. Army's loss of a certain battle was due to the cowardice of black soldiers. Fellow Representative Helen Gahagan Douglas replied that many black soldiers had been decorated for bravery despite serving in a segregated Army.<mask> was known to use the slur "nigger" on the floor of the House. When African American Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was elected to Congress from New York in 1944, <mask> vowed to avoid sitting next to him. In 1945, Powell, a fellow Democrat, called for <mask>'s impeachment. Although freshmen congressmen were expected not to speak during their first year in office, Powell rose after one of <mask>'s outbursts to say that "the time has arrived to impeach Rankin, or at least expel him from the party." During a debate about the 1949 Peekskill Riots in Cortlandt Manor, Westchester County, New York, <mask> again used the word "nigger" while addressing the House. Violence had erupted after a racist mob of white anti-communists attacked people leaving a concert where the African American singer and political radical Paul Robeson had been performing. Rankin condemned Robeson for inciting the trouble because of his civil rights activism.The next person to speak was Representative Jacob Javits (R-New York) who instead condemned the white mob in Peekskill for violating constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and free assembly. Angered by these comments, <mask> bellowed, "It was not surprising to hear the gentleman from New York defend the Communist enclave." He then wanted it known that the American people are not in sympathy "with that nigger Communist and that bunch of Reds who went up there." On a point of order, Representative Vito Marcantonio (R-New York) protested to House Speaker Sam Rayburn (D-Texas) that "the gentleman from Mississippi used the word 'nigger.' I ask that the word be taken down and stricken from the RECORD inasmuch as there are two members in this house of Negro race." Rayburn claimed that Rankin had not said "nigger" but "Negro"; but Rankin yelled over him, saying "I said Niggra! Just as I have said since I have been able to talk and shall continue to say."Speaker Rayburn defended Rankin, ruling that "the gentleman from Mississippi is not subject to a point of order... referred to the Negro race and they should not be afraid of that designation." American Jews
Rankin was antisemitic and frequently combined racism against African Americans with invective against American Jews. In a 1943 speech on the floor of the House quoted in both The Jewish News of Detroit and the antisemitic magazine The Defender of Wichita he said,

In a paper by William L. Strickland, professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, he observes that "Rankin was an equal opportunity bigot" as he once—on the floor of the House of Representatives—called the Jewish newspaper columnist Walter Winchell "the little kike." This incident, reported by Time magazine in its February 14, 1944 issue, inspired the novelist Laura Z. Hobson to write her story about antisemitism, Gentleman's Agreement (1947). Rankin claimed that the Immigration and Nationality Act was opposed solely by American Jews:
They whine about discrimination. Do you know who is being discriminated against? The white Christian people of America, the ones who created this nation ...I am talking about the white Christian people of the North as well as the South ... Communism is racial. A racial minority seized control in Russia and in all her satellite countries, such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, and many other countries I could name. They have been run out of practically every country in Europe in the years gone by, and if they keep stirring race trouble in this country and trying to force their communistic program on the Christian people of America, there is no telling what will happen to them here. In late 1945, <mask> backed calls for the United States to break off diplomatic relations with Spain's leader Francisco Franco, because the Spanish dictator had been an ally of Adolf Hitler. Rankin condemned <mask> on the floor of Congress, calling him a "foreign-born agitator" who sought "to further the spread of Communism throughout the world." An article in an ADL Bulletin, entitled "The Plot Against Anna M. Rosenberg", attributed the attacks on Rosenberg's loyalty to "professional anti-Semites and lunatic nationalists," including the "Jew-baiting cabal of <mask>, Benjamin H. Freedman and Gerald Smith."During the 1951 espionage trial of Julius and <mask>, who were charged and convicted of passing information about the atomic bomb to the Soviet Union, <mask> was condemned by Jewish groups for repeatedly calling the Rosenbergs a pair of "communist kikes". Japanese Americans
In his first term as representative, <mask> introduced an anti-miscegenation bill to prevent whites from marrying "Mongolians" and African Americans. A decade later, in 1930 he lobbied against Hawaii's bid for statehood on the grounds that it would add "two Jap senators" to Congress. <mask> was one of the few Southern congressmen to support West Coast politicians and lobbyists calling for the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans, proposing that every person of Japanese ancestry in the United States be deported at the end of the war. He reintroduced a defeated "concentration camp bill" to remove ethnic Japanese from the country and all U.S. territories. (Most ethnic Japanese Americans were removed from the West Coast.) As the war progressed, he continued to speak out against Japanese Americans, testifying in favor of labeling Japanese and African American blood donations to prevent them from "contaminating" white recipients and limiting the segregated 442nd Regimental Combat Team to labor battalions instead of active combat.Senatorial aspirations
In 1947 <mask> ran for the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate that was vacated by the death of Theodore G. Bilbo in office. He finished last among five major candidates with 13% of the vote. Final years and death
In 1952, <mask> was defeated for re-election to the House by Congressman Thomas G. Abernethy, also a Democrat, after their districts were joined through redistricting. At that time, most blacks in Mississippi were still disenfranchised, a status that would persist until after Congressional passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. <mask> died at his home in Tupelo on November 26, 1960. He is interred in Greenwood Cemetery in West Point, Mississippi. See also
 List of members of the House Un-American Activities Committee

References

Citations

Further reading

Katznelson, Ira.When Affirmative Action Was White, New York: W.W. Norton, 2005, pp. 113–40
Onkst, David H. "First a Negro...Incidentally a Veteran: Black World War II Veterans and the GI Bill in the Deep South, 1944-1948", Journal of Southern History 31 (1998), pp. 517–43
Turner, Sarah J. and <mask>. "Closing the Gap or Widening the Divide: The Effects of the GI Bill and World War II on the Educational Outcomes of Black Americans", Journal of Economic History 63 (2003), pp. 145–77, via JSTOR
Vickers, Kenneth Wayne. "<mask>in: Democrat and Demagogue." M. A. Thesis, Mississippi State University, 1993.Whayne, Jeannie H. A New Plantation South: Land, Labor, and Federal Favor in Twentieth-Century Arkansas, pp. 167, 175, 216 (about administration of federal programs), University of Virginia Press, 1996

External links

 Historical Highlights History.House.gov
 The University of Southern Mississippi Manuscript Collection

1882 births
1960 deaths
20th-century American politicians
United States Army personnel of World War I
American prosecutors
American white supremacists
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives
Members of the United States House of Representatives from Mississippi
Mississippi Democrats
Mississippi lawyers
People from Itawamba County, Mississippi
Politicians from Tupelo, Mississippi
Politics and race in the United States
University of Mississippi alumni
Old Right (United States)
20th-century American lawyers
American anti-communists

masks:
John Elliott Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Albert Einstein
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Ellen
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Edward Humes
Rankin
John Bound
Rankin
Ernest Adamson
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Albert Einstein
Einstein
John Rankin
Ethel Rosenberg
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
Rankin
John Bound
John Rank


title: James H. Schmitz

texts:
<mask> (October 15, 1911 – April 18, 1981) was an American science fiction writer born in Hamburg, Germany of American parents. Life
<mask> was educated at a Realgymnasium in Hamburg, and grew up speaking both English and German. The family spent World War I in the United States, then returned to Germany. <mask> traveled to Chicago in 1930 to go to business school, then switched to a correspondence course in journalism. Unable to find a job because of the Great Depression, he returned to Germany to work with his father's company. <mask> lived in various German cities, where he worked for the International Harvester Company, until his family left shortly before World War II broke out in Europe. During World War II, Schmitz served as an aerial photographer in the Pacific for the United States Army Air Forces.After the war, he and his brother-in-law managed a business which manufactured trailers until they ended the business in 1949. After the war, he made his home in California, where he lived until his death. <mask> died of congestive lung failure in 1981 after a five-week stay in hospital in Los Angeles. He was survived by his wife, Betty Mae <mask>. Writing

<mask> wrote mostly short stories, which sold chiefly to Galaxy Science Fiction and Astounding Science-Fiction (which later became Analog Science Fiction and Fact). Gale Biography in Context called him "a craftsmanlike writer who was a steady contributor to science fiction magazines for over 20 years." <mask> is best known as a writer of "space opera", and for his strong female characters (such as Telzey Amberdon and Trigger Argee) who did not conform to the "damsel in distress" stereotype typical of science fiction of the time.His first published story was "Greenface", published in August 1943 in Unknown. Most of his works are part of the "Hub" series and feature characters with telepathy. However, the novel that "is usually thought of as <mask>'s best work" is The Witches of Karres, concerning juvenile "witches" with genuine psi-powers and their escape from slavery. The Witches of Karres was nominated for a Hugo Award. In recent years, his novels and short stories have been republished by Baen Books, edited and with notes by Eric Flint. In an introductory essay comparing <mask> with contemporary author A. E. van Vogt, Gardner Dozois wrote, "Although he lacked van Vogt's paranoid tension and ornately Byzantine plots, the late <mask><mask> was considerably better at people than van Vogt was, crafting even his villains as complicated, psychologically complex, and non-stereotypical characters, full of surprising quirks and behaviors that you didn't see in a lot of other Space Adventure stuff." Dozois added:

John Clute writes in The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction,

Greg Fowlkes, editor-in-chief of Resurrected Press, said, "During the 50s and 60s "Space Opera" and <mask>. Schmitz were almost synonymous.He was famous for his tales of interstellar secret agents and galactic criminals, and particularly for heroines such as Telzey Amberdon and Trigger Argee. Many of these characters had enhanced "psionic" powers that let them use their minds as well as their weapons to foil their enemies. All of them were resourceful in the best heroic tradition." In an essay in the anthology The Good Old Stuff (1998), Dozois laments that the book Agent of Vega is "long out-of-print, alas, but one which – if you can find it – delivers as pure a jolt of Widescreen Space Opera Sense of wonder as can be found anywhere." However, the website Free Speculative Fiction Online freely offers Agent of Vega, along with several of Schmitz's other stories, including "Greenface", "Balanced Ecology", "Lion Loose", "Goblin Night", and many more. <mask> wrote the introduction to the concordance The Universes of E. E. Smith. Legacy

Gardner Dozois has said, in prefacing the Schmitz tale "The Second Night of Summer", in which humans on the planet Noorhut face an attack from aliens and are, unbeknownst to themselves, saved by the actions of a single woman with psi powers, Granny Wannattel, with the sole help of a friendly alien she calls her pony:

With his popular equality-between-the-sexes fiction, Schmitz eased the way for later writers such as Joanna Russ, <mask>, Jr., Kit Reed, Connie Willis, Sheri S. Tepper, and other science fiction authors who used female protagonists and feminine point-of-view more than half the time.Of "The Second Night of Summer", Dozois went on to write, "the hero of the piece is not only a woman, but an old woman ... a choice that most adventure writers wouldn't even make now, in 1998, let alone in 1950, which is when Schmitz made it!" Mercedes Lackey places her first meeting with science fiction at age 10 or 11, when she happened to pick up her father's copy of <mask><mask>'s Agent of Vega. Short works
Listed chronologically, with month and year of publication, as well as the magazine, listed in parentheses. <div style="float:left; width:48%;">
Agent of Vega
Includes: Agent of Vega; The Illusionists; The Truth About Cushgar; The Second Night of Summer
Hardcover, 1960, Gnome Press, listed on cover as "<mask>. Schmitz"
Paperback, June 1962, Permabook
Paperback, June 1964, Mayflower
Paperback, 1973, Tempo Books/Grosset & Dunlap
Paperback, 1982, Ace BooksAgent of Vega & Other StoriesIncludes: Agent of Vega; The Illusionists; The Second Night of Summer; The Truth About Cushgar; The Custodians; Gone Fishing; The Beacon to Elsewhere; The End of the Line; Watch the Sky; Greenface; Rogue Psi. Paperback, November 2001, Baen BooksThe Best of <mask>. SchmitzIncludes: Grandpa; Lion Loose...; Just Curious; The Second Night of Summer; Novice; Balanced Ecology; The Custodians; Sour Note on Palayata; Goblin Night. Hardcover, 1991, NESFA PressEternal FrontierIncludes: The Big Terrarium; Summer Guests; Captives of the Thieve-Star; Caretaker; One Step Ahead; Left Hand, Right Hand; The Ties of Earth; Spacemaster; The Altruist; Oneness; We Don't Want Any Trouble; Just Curious; Would You? ; These Are the Arts; Clean Slate; Crime Buff; Ham Sandwich; Where the Time Went; An Incident on Route 12; Swift Completion; Faddist; The Eternal Frontiers.Paperback, September 2002, Baen BooksThe Hub: Dangerous TerritoryIncludes: The Searcher; Grandpa; Balanced Ecology; A Nice Day for Screaming; The Winds of Time; The Machmen; The Other Likeness; Attitudes; Trouble Tide; The Demon Breed. Paperback, 2001, Baen BooksThe Lion GameIncludes: Goblin Night; Sleep No More; The Lion Game. Paperback, 1973, DAW Books
Hardcover, 1976, Sidgwick & Jackson
Paperback, 1979, <mask>lyn
Paperback, 1982, Ace Books
</div>
A Nice Day for Screaming and Other Tales of the Hub
Includes: Balanced Ecology; A Nice Day for Screaming; The Tangled Web; The Machmen; The Other Likeness; The Winds of Time. Hardcover, 1965, Chilton
A Pride of Monsters
Includes: Lion Loose; The Searcher; The Winds of Time; The Pork Chop Tree; Greenface. Hardcover, 1970, MacMillan
Paperback, 1973, Collier
Telzey Amberdon
Includes: Novice; Undercurrents; Poltergeist; Goblin Night; Sleep No More; The Lion Game; Blood of Nalakia; The Star Hyacinths. Paperback, April 2000, Baen Books
The Telzey Toy
Includes: The Telzey Toy; Resident Witch; Compulsion; Company Planet. Paperback, 1973, DAW Books
Hardcover, 1976, Sidgwick & Jackson
Hardcover, 1978, Sidgwick & Jackson, in a 3-in-1 collection titled Special 24
Paperback, 1982, Ace Books
Paperback, 1983, <mask>lyn
The Universe Against Her
Includes: Novice; Undercurrents.Paperback, 1964, Ace Books
Paperback, 1979, Ace Books
Hardcover, 1981, Gregg Press
T'nT: Telzey & Trigger
Includes: Company Planet; Resident Witch; Compulsion (includes The Pork Chop Tree as prolog); Glory Day; Child of the Gods; Ti's Toys; Symbiotes. Paperback, July 2000, Baen Books
Trigger & Friends
Includes: Lion Loose; Harvest Time; Forget It; Aura of Immortality; Legacy; A Sour Note on Palayata. Paperback, January 2001, Baen Books
The Winds of Time
Includes: An Incident on Route 12; Watch the Sky; The Winds of Time; Lion Loose. Paperback, February 2008, Wildside Press

Novels
Listed by title, with chronological publishing list. The Demon Breed (retitle of The Tuvela)
Hardcover, 1968, Ace Books/SFBC
Paperback, 1968, Ace Books
Hardcover, 1969, MacDonald
Hardcover, 1971, UK SFBC/Newton Abbot
Paperback, 1974, Orbit Books
Paperback, 1979, Ace Books/SFBC
Paperback, 1981, Ace Books
The Eternal Frontiers
Hardcover, 1973, G. P. Putnam's Sons
Paperback, 1973, Berkley Books
Hardcover, 1974, Sidgwick & Jackson
Hardcover, 1976, Sidgwick & Jackson (in a 3-in-1 compilation titled Special 18)
Legacy (retitle of A Tale of Two Clocks, paperback, 1979, Ace Books) (available from gutenberg)
A Tale of Two Clocks
Hardcover, 1962, Torquil Books/SFBC
Paperback, 1965, Belmont
The Witches of Karres
Hardcover, 1966, Chilton
Paperback, 1966 (twice), Ace Books
Paperback, 1977, Ace Books
Paperback, 1981, Ace Books
Paperback, 1988, Gollancz
Hardcover, 1992, Baen Books/SFBC
Related books
The Wizard of Karres, by Mercedes Lackey, Eric Flint and Dave Freer, 2004
This is a sequel of The Witches of Karres which follows the continuing adventures of Captain Pausert, Goth, and the Leewit. The Sorceress of Karres, by Eric Flint and Dave Freer, 2010
This is a sequel of The Wizard of Karres which follows the continuing adventures of Captain Pausert, Goth, and the Leewit. The Shaman of Karres, by Eric Flint and Dave Freer, 2020
This is a sequel of The Sorceress of Karres which follows the continuing adventures of Captain Pausert, Goth, and the Leewit.References

 External links

 <mask><mask> obituary
 The James H. Schmitz Encyclopedia
 SciFan database
 Major characters, with illustrations

 <mask><mask>'s online fiction at Free Speculative Fiction Online''

1911 births
1981 deaths
20th-century American novelists
American male novelists
American science fiction writers
Writers from Hamburg
United States Army Air Forces soldiers
United States Army Air Forces personnel of World War II
American male short story writers
20th-century American short story writers
20th-century American male writers
American expatriates in Germany
World War II photographers

masks:
James Henry Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
Chapman Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
Schmitz
James H
. Schmitz
James H
Schmitz
James Tiptree
James H
. Schmitz
James A
James H
Ham
Ham
James H
. Schmitz
James H
. Schmitz


title: Laura Maczka

texts:
<mask> was the Mayor of Richardson, Texas from 2013 to 2015. She had previously become the first woman elected to the post of Mayor Pro Tem in the City's 57-year history as a home rule city. <mask> was initially elected to the Richardson City Council, Place 4 in May 2011, defeating Karl Voigtsberger by 74.97% to 25.03%. She is believed to be only the 6th woman elected to the city council in the last 40 years. In 2013, <mask> was elected mayor in the first direct election of the mayor since the city became a home rule city in 1956. Following her resignation in a corruption scandal, Maczka was convicted of bribery and wire fraud. Her conviction, along with her husband's, was vacated over misconduct allegations by a court bailiff.However, a second jury in 2021 acquitted former mayor of honest services wire fraud and conspiracy to commit honest services wire fraud, charges of which she was convicted during the first trial, instead, convicting her only of bribery and tax fraud. She faces a 10-year prison sentence. <mask> was born <mask> in Liberal, Kansas. Her family moved to Denver, Colorado, during her elementary
school years, but by the time she entered 7th grade, her family had relocated to Richardson, Texas. <mask> is currently the Executive Director of the Network for Teaching Entrepreneurship (NFTE) Greater Dallas, a non-profit whose mission is to provide programs that inspire young people from low-income communities to stay in school, to recognize business opportunities and to plan for successful
futures. Under her leadership, the organization has grown in four years from serving 700 middle and high school students per year to more than 2000. <mask> was previously the Development Officer for St. Luke's Episcopal Hospital/Texas Heart Institute (Houston Texas) and Director of Fund Development for the United Way of the Texas Gulf Coast.According to LinkedIn, the Executive Director of NFTE since July 2014 is Karen Ezell. However, Ms Maczka's LinkedIn page still shows herself as having that role as of April 7, 2015. According to the Local Government Officer Conflicts Disclosure Statement  filed March 19, 2015 by her, Ms. <mask> is now employed by JP Realty Partners/Sooner Management in Leasing, Marketing and Communications. Political career
<mask> initially served as the Place 4 representative on the Richardson City Council, but switched to run for Place 7 in her campaign for the mayor's spot (Place 7). City Council Race in 2011
In 2011, Gary Slagel, a 24-year veteran of the Richardson City Council, decided not to run for re-election,
leaving his seat (Place 4) open. In the ensuing election, <mask> <mask> and Karl Voigtsberger both ran for the open
seat. <mask> was endorsed by the Richardson Coalition, a political action group that had supported Slagel, and
Voigtsberger was supported by the Richardson Citizens Alliance (RCA), a political action group that wanted to
oust all incumbents.Despite mudslinging and numerous false charges launched by the RCA against the Coalition's slate of candidates, Maczka's and Voigtsberger's race was free of such controversy. She won the election to Place 4 with 5,772 (74.97%) votes to Voigtsberger's 1,927 (25.03%). In 2013, Voigtsberger endorsed <mask> in her campaign for
mayor. City Council Race in 2013
On November 27, 2012, <mask> announced her intention to run for mayor. Because of the recent Richardson Charter change that set the mayor's place to be Place 7, <mask> left her current Place 4 open in the 2013 election. Her open place was eventually filled by fellow Councilmember Kendal Hartley (formerly Place 5) in an uncontested race. On May 11, 2013, <mask> was elected by an overwhelming majority to become the first directly elected mayor in Richardson.Thanks to a Charter change in 2012, the mayor was no longer elected from the Council, but was elected directly by the people. The Charter change set the mayor's place to be Place 7. <mask> won Place 7 by defeating fellow member of the Council Amir Omar by 10,167 to 4,172 (70.90% to 29.10%). The vote was canvassed (officially accepted) at the May 20, 2013 Council meeting, which marked the beginning of <mask>'s term as mayor. City Council Race in 2015
Mayor <mask> drew no opponents in the 2015 election and would have served two years as mayor. However, on April 2, 2015 she announced she would not serve that term as she posted on Facebook: 'There have been questions about my role as mayor for the City of Richardson for the next term. After much prayer and conversations with my family, I have made the decision that I will not serve as mayor for the 2015–2017 term and intend to submit a declination of such office at the city council meeting at which the election canvass will be conducted.My focus will be on my family, my health and professional career.' Scandal in 2015
While in office, <mask> was alleged to have had an affair with the real-estate developer of a highly controversial project in Richardson. The details of the scandal were unclear prior to filing for reelection, which lead to <mask> running unopposed for reelection. However, as the scandal unfolded, many citizens demanded that she resign from office, which she did not do. However, <mask> was forced to not serve the additional term for which she had just been reelected. Moreover, it became public knowledge that she had taken a job with the development company that was in charge of the controversial project which she helped get approved through the city council. Ethics Investigation 2015
A special called City Council meeting was scheduled for April 28, 2015.The purpose of the meeting was to hear the report of the independent investigator into allegations that  the mayor and/or members of the council violated either state law or the Richardson Code of Ethics or the city charter in terms of the Palisades rezoning development. In addition, four specific complaints from Richardson citizens were submitted to the Independent Investigator who was chosen by the Richardson City Attorney (as allowed by the City Charter). Investigation Results
At the April 28, 2015 specially called council meeting, the independent investigator, George A. Staples, presented his report and conclusions on the initial investigation. His summary paragraphs states:

In conclusion, we have found no evidence of any ethical violation under state law, the
City Charter, or the Code of Ethics by Mayor <mask> or any member of the City Council with
respect to the referenced City Council votes or the Mayor's announced intention to decline
another term of office. Mr. Staples' report goes on to say:

However, the overriding interest of the Code of Ethics as stated in
Section 2-I is to ensure, "that such officers of the City shall at all times strive to avoid even the appearance of impropriety."While the facts in this case do not reveal a cognizable violation of the Code of Ethics, it is certainly understandable that the sum of the Mayor's actions would be viewed by the public as offending the overriding interest of the Code of Ethics. Nevertheless, a failure to avoid the appearance of impropriety does not constitute a violation of the Code of Ethics, City Charter, or state law. Mr. Staples did note that there was the possibility that the mayor withheld some emails that perhaps had public information that was required to be turned over per the Texas Public Information Act, but that these allegations, if genuine, needed to be followed up by the Public Integrity Unit of the Dallas District Attorney's Office. Given his report, Mr. Staples said that no action should be taken by the council, and none was. Then Mr.Staples reported on his investigations of the four complaints lodged against the mayor and the council. He told the council:

After an initial review of the complaints, it was my opinion that they failed to allege a
violation of the Code of Ethics and did not contain any evidence which would constitute a
violation, were vague and lacked detail. Mr. Staples asked the complainants for follow-up and evidence of wrongdoing, but none was provided. He therefore stated:

It is my opinion that the complaints are insufficient in detail and fail to allege a prima
facie violation of the Code of Ethics. Again, he recommended that no action be taken by the council, and none was. After the initial report, Ms. Maczka gave her side of the story.In essence, she  divorced in December 2014, but that she and her ex-husband had worked out an agreement by which she and the children would be able to stay in the house, by having her parents cosign the loan. This support would also have allowed Ms. Maczka to continue to serve as mayor, so, urged by her family, she decided to file to run for re-election. Ms. Maczka said that it was quite by surprise when several months after the loan process began, the loan company - Wells Fargo - told Ms. Maczka that despite the cosigners, that she herself would have to qualify for the loan based on her income, which at this point was virtually zero. This revelation came after it was too late to drop out of the race. To complicate matters, Ms. Maczka, who had undergone treatment for melanoma eight years before. It also drove home the point that she had to have health insurance now. These two factors convinced her that she needed to give up the mayor's spot (hence, not take the oath of office, because it was  too late to get off the ballot), and get a job with health benefits immediately.A position  at JP Realty (the company doing the Palisades project for which vote she was criticized) came open, and she took it. Result of May 2015 Canvass of Votes
On May 18, 2015, the Richardson City Council met to canvass the votes from the May 9th election. "Canvassing" the vote in Texas means that the elected body meets and formally accepts the election report from the local election department. As previously indicated, Ms. Maczka submitted a letter to the City Secretary declining the office of mayor to which she had been elected. After the other council members had been sworn in, the council elected a new mayor pro tem, who was automatically, per charter changes made in 2012, made mayor. Paul Voelker is now the new mayor of Richardson. Subsequently, Mark Solomon was elected the new mayor pro tem.Indictment May 2018

On May 10, 2018 <mask> and developer Mark Jordan, Maczka's current husband, were indicted for various federal charges including bribery and honest services wire fraud. The indictment says that in exchange for Jordan's (Maczka) support of the developer's project, he offered her and she accepted: monetary payments, payments to renovate her house, luxury hotel stays, flight upgrades, meals, a lucrative job, and intimate sexual contact. Conviction March 2019

On March 7, 2019 Maczka and developer Mark Jordan, Maczka's current husband, were found guilty in federal court of four counts of bribery and honest services wire fraud. Maczka remains free on bond pending sentencing while Jordan was taken into custody due to fears he may flee. Appeal and second trial
In 2020, a court of appeal threw out Maczka's conviction after it emerged that a bailiff had had a conversation with the judge that may have affected the outcome. Prosecutors subsequently filed a new indictment against <mask> and Jordan on federal bribery and tax charges. The trial began on July 6, 2021.After a three-week trial, both defendants were found guilty of bribery, tax fraud and conspiracy. <mask> faces a prison sentence of up to ten years. Council  Assignments
 In 2011 to 2013, Maczka was the Council liaison to the Environmental Advisory Commission. Maczka also served on both the City Council Education committee and the Chair of the Audit Committee. State and Local Appointments
 (appointed by Texas Governor Perry) Commission on State Emergency Communications, State of Texas
 Regional Transportation Council
 City of Richardson Parks & Recreation Commission, Vice Chair (appointed 2010) Commissioner (appointed 2007)
 Texas Municipal League Legislative Committee

Other Civic Activities
 Richardson Chamber of Commerce Young Professionals Advisory Committee
 Leadership Richardson, Class XXII (2006 – 2007), Advisor (ROC), (2007-2010) Curriculum Chair, Alumnus/Volunteer of the Year  (2010)
 Leadership Richardson Advisory Board
 Leadership Richardson Alumni Association Board
 Altrusa International
 Friends of Library Board
 Junior League of Houston, Junior League of Richardson, Junior League of Dallas
 RISD Council of PTA's Board and Local PTA Boards (Prairie Creek Elementary, North Junior High, and JJ Pearce
 High School) – numerous positions including President multiple times, VP Hospitality,  auction chair, VP Ways
 and Means, Legislative Chair, etc. Received PTA Lifetime Membership Award
 RISD Excellence in Education Foundation Board – various positions held
 Inside RISD – Charter Class
 Chair, Discovery Point – raised $160,000 in private funds for outdoor classroom in public park
 Texas Recreation and Parks Society (TRAPS) Board, Citizen Branch Chair for the State of Texas
 Co-Chair, Vote YES! Bond Campaign (010) –  successful $66 million campaign

Education
<mask> received a B.S.from Texas A&M University in 1987. References

External links
City of Richardson official website
<mask> Gibbs Maczka 2013 campaign website

Living people
People from Richardson, Texas
People from Liberal, Kansas
Texas A&M University alumni
Texas city council members
Year of birth missing (living people)
Women city councillors in Texas
21st-century American politicians
21st-century American women politicians

masks:
Laura Gibbs Maczka Jordan
Maczka
Maczka
Personal Maczka
Laura Gibbs
Career Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Laura Gibbs
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Mayor Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Maczka
Laura