title: Enoch Powell

texts:
 Labour government published its Bills for the new session, <mask> was angry at Heath's acceptance of the plan drawn up by the Conservative Iain Macleod and Labour's Richard Crossman to reform the Lords, titled the Parliament (No.2) Bill. Crossman, opening the debate on 19 November, said the government would reform the Lords in five ways: removing the voting rights of hereditary peers; making sure no party had a permanent majority; ensuring the government of the day usually passed its laws; weakening the Lords' powers to delay new laws; and abolishing the power to refuse subordinate legislation if it had been passed by the Commons. <mask> spoke in the debate, opposing these plans. He said the reforms were "unnecessary and undesirable" and that there was no weight in the claim that the Lords could "check or frustrate the firm intentions" of the Commons. He claimed that only election or nomination could replace the hereditary nature of the Lords. If they were elected it would pose the dilemma of which House was truly representative of the electorate. He also had another objection: "How can the same electorate be represented in two ways so that the two sets of representatives can conflict and disagree with one another?"Those nominated would be bound to the Chief Whip of their party through a sort of oath and <mask> asked "what sort of men and women are they to be who would submit to be nominated to another chamber upon condition that they will be mere dummies, automatic parts of a voting machine?" He also stated that the inclusion in the proposals of thirty crossbenchers was "a grand absurdity", because they would have been chosen "upon the very basis that they have no strong views of principle on the way in which the country ought to be governed". <mask> claimed the Lords derived their authority not from a strict hereditary system but from its prescriptive nature: "It has long been so, and it works". He then added that there was not any widespread desire for reform: he indicated a recent survey of working-class voters that showed that only one-third of them wanted to reform or abolish the House of Lords, with another third believing the Lords were an "intrinsic part of the national traditions of Britain". <mask> deduced from this, "As so often, the ordinary rank and file of the electorate have seen a truth, an important fact, which has escaped so many more clever people—the underlying value of that which is traditional, that which is prescriptive". Following more speeches against the Bill during early 1969, and faced with the fact a bloc of left-wing Labour members were also against reforming the House of Lords as they desired its abolition altogether, Harold Wilson announced on 17 April that the Bill was being withdrawn. Wilson's statement was brief, with <mask> intervening: "Don't eat them too quickly", which provoked much laughter in the House.Later that day <mask> said in a speech to the Primrose League:

<mask>'s biographer, Simon Heffer, described the defeat of Lords reform as "perhaps the greatest triumph of <mask>'s political career". In 1969, when it was first suggested that the United Kingdom should join the European Economic Community, <mask> spoke openly of his opposition to such a move. Departure from the Conservative Party
A Gallup poll in February 1969 showed <mask> to be the "most admired person" in British public opinion. In a defence debate in March 1970, <mask> claimed that "the whole theory of the tactical nuclear weapon, or the tactical use of nuclear weapons, is an unmitigated absurdity" and that it was "remotely improbable" that any group of nations engaged in war would "decide upon general and mutual suicide", and advocated enlargement of the UK's conventional forces. However, when fellow Conservative Julian Amery later in the debate criticised <mask> for his antinuclear pronouncements, <mask> responded: "I have always regarded the possession of the nuclear capability as a protection against nuclear blackmail. It is a protection against being threatened with nuclear weapons. What it is not a protection against is war".The 1970 general election took place on 18 June and was unexpectedly won by the Conservatives, with a late surge in their support. <mask>'s supporters claim that he contributed to this surprise victory. In "exhaustive research" on the election, the American pollster Douglas Schoen and University of Oxford academic R. W. Johnson believed it "beyond dispute" that <mask> had attracted 2.5 million votes to the Conservatives, but the Conservative vote had increased by only 1.7 million since 1966. <mask> had voted against the Schuman Declaration in 1950 and had supported entry into the European Coal and Steel Community only because he believed that it was simply a means to secure free trade. In March 1969, he opposed the UK's joining the European Economic Community. Opposition to entry had hitherto been confined largely to the Labour Party but now, he said, it was clear to him that the sovereignty of Parliament was in question, as was UK's very survival as a nation. This nationalist analysis attracted millions of middle-class Conservatives and others, and as much as anything else it made <mask> the implacable enemy of Heath, a fervent pro-European; but there was already enmity between the two.During 1970, <mask> gave speeches about the EEC in Lyons (in French), Frankfurt (in German), Turin (in Italian) and The Hague. The Conservatives had promised at the 1970 general election in relation to the Common Market. "Our sole commitment is to negotiate; no more, no less". When Heath signed an accession treaty before Parliament had even debated the issue, the second reading of the Bill to put the Treaty into law was passed by just eight votes on second reading, and it became clear that the British people would have no further say in the matter, <mask> declared his hostility to his party's line. He voted against the government on every one of the 104 divisions in the course of the European Communities Bill. When finally he lost this struggle, after three years of campaigning on the question, he decided he could no longer sit in a parliament that he believed was no longer sovereign. A Daily Express opinion poll in 1972 showed <mask> to be the most popular politician in the country.In mid-1972, he prepared to resign the Conservative whip and changed his mind only because of fears of a renewed wave of immigration from Uganda after the accession of Idi Amin, who had expelled Uganda's Asian residents. He decided to remain in parliament and in the Conservative Party, and was expected to support the party in Wolverhampton at the snap general election of February 1974 called by Edward Heath. However, on 23 February 1974, with the election only five days away, <mask> dramatically turned his back on his party, giving as the reasons that it had taken the United Kingdom into the EEC without having a mandate to do so, and that it had abandoned other manifesto commitments, so that he could no longer support it at the election. The monetarist economist Milton Friedman sent <mask> a letter praising him as principled. <mask> had arranged for his friend Andrew Alexander to talk to Joe Haines, the press secretary of the Labour leader Harold Wilson, about the timing of <mask>'s speeches against Heath. <mask> had been talking to Wilson irregularly since June 1973 during chance meetings in the gentlemen's lavatories of the "aye" lobby in the House of Commons. Wilson and Haines had ensured that <mask> would dominate the newspapers of the Sunday and Monday before election day by having no Labour frontbencher give a major speech on 23 February, the day of <mask>'s speech.<mask> gave this speech at the Mecca Dance Hall in the Bull Ring, Birmingham, to an audience of 1,500, with some press reports estimating that 7,000 more had to be turned away. <mask> said the issue of British membership of the EEC was one where "if there be a conflict between the call of country and that of party, the call of country must come first":

<mask> went on to criticise the Conservative government for obtaining British membership despite the party having promised at the general election of 1970 that it would "negotiate: no more, no less" and that "the full-hearted consent of Parliament and people" would be needed if the UK were to join. He also denounced Heath for accusing his political opponents of lacking respect for Parliament while also being "the first Prime Minister in three hundred years who entertained, let alone executed, the intention of depriving Parliament of its sole right to make the laws and impose the taxes of this country". He then advocated a vote for the Labour Party:

This call to vote Labour surprised some of <mask>'s supporters who were more concerned with beating socialism than the supposed loss of national independence. On 25 February, he made another speech at Shipley, again urging a vote for Labour, saying he did not believe the claim that Wilson would renege on his commitment to renegotiation, which <mask> believed was ironic because of Heath's premiership: "In acrobatics Harold Wilson, for all his nimbleness and skill, is simply no match for the breathtaking, thoroughgoing efficiency of the present Prime Minister". At this moment a heckler shouted "Judas!" <mask> responded: "Judas was paid!Judas was paid! I am making a sacrifice!" Later in the speech <mask> said, "I was born a Tory, am a Tory and shall die a Tory. It is part of me ... it is something I cannot alter". In 1987, <mask> said there was no contradiction between urging people to vote Labour while proclaiming to be a Tory: "Many Labour members are quite good Tories". <mask>, in an interview on 26 February, said he would be voting for Helene Middleweek, the Labour candidate, rather than the Conservative Nicholas Budgen. <mask> did not stay up on election night to watch the results on television, and when on 1 March he picked up his copy of The Times from his letterbox and saw the headline "Mr Heath's general election gamble fails", he reacted by singing the Te Deum.He later said: "I had had my revenge on the man who had destroyed the self-government of the United Kingdom". The election result was a hung parliament. Although the Tories had won the most votes, Labour finished five seats ahead of the Conservatives. The national swing to Labour was 1 per cent; 4 per cent in <mask>'s heartland, the West Midlands conurbation; and 16 per cent in his old constituency (although Budgen won the seat). According to the Telegraph journalist Simon Heffer, both <mask> and Heath believed that <mask> had been responsible for the Conservatives' losing the election. Ulster Unionist

1974–1979
In a sudden general election in October 1974, <mask> returned to Parliament as Ulster Unionist MP for South Down, having rejected an offer to stand as a candidate for the far-right National Front, formed seven years earlier and fiercely opposed to non-white immigration. He repeated his call to vote Labour because of their policy on the EEC.Since 1968, <mask> had been an increasingly frequent visitor to Northern Ireland, and in keeping with his general British nationalist viewpoint, he sided strongly with the Ulster Unionists in their desire to remain a constituent part of the United Kingdom. From early 1971, he opposed, with increasing vehemence, Heath's approach to Northern Ireland, the greatest breach with his party coming over the imposition of direct rule in 1972. He strongly believed that it would survive only if the Unionists strove to integrate completely with the United Kingdom by abandoning devolved rule in Northern Ireland. He refused to join the Orange Order, the first Ulster Unionist MP at Westminster never to be a member (and, to date, one of only four, the others being Ken Maginnis, Danny Kinahan and Sylvia Hermon), and he was an outspoken opponent of the more extremist loyalism espoused by Ian Paisley and his supporters. In the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) on 21 November 1974, the government passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act. During its second reading, <mask> warned of passing legislation "in haste and under the immediate pressure of indignation on matters which touch the fundamental liberties of the subject; for both haste and anger are ill counsellors, especially when one is legislating for the rights of the subject". He said terrorism was a form of warfare that could not be prevented by laws and punishments but by the aggressor's certainty that the war was impossible to win.When Heath called a leadership election at the end of 1974, <mask> claimed they would have to find someone who was not a member of the Cabinet that "without a single resignation or public dissent, not merely swallowed but advocated every single reversal of election pledge or party principle". During February 1975, after winning the leadership election, Margaret Thatcher refused to offer <mask> a Shadow Cabinet place because "he turned his back on his own people" by leaving the Conservative Party exactly 12 months earlier and telling the electorate to vote Labour. <mask> replied she was correct to exclude him: "In the first place I am not a member of the Conservative Party and secondly, until the Conservative Party has worked its passage a very long way it will not be rejoining me". <mask> also attributed Thatcher's success to luck, saying that she was faced with "supremely unattractive opponents at the time". During the 1975 referendum on British membership of the EEC, <mask> campaigned for a 'No' vote. <mask> was one of the few prominent supporters of the 'No' camp, with Michael Foot, Tony Benn, Peter Shore, and Barbara Castle. The electorate voted 'Yes' by a margin of more than two to one.On 23 March 1977, in a vote of confidence against the minority Labour government, <mask>, along with a few other Ulster Unionists, abstained. The government won by 322 votes to 298, and remained in power for another two years. <mask> said that the only way to stop the Provisional IRA was for Northern Ireland to be an integral part of the United Kingdom, treated the same as any other of its constituent parts. He said the ambiguous nature of the province's status, with its own parliament and prime minister, gave hope to the PIRA that it could be detached from the rest of the UK:

Nonetheless, in the 1987 general election that he lost, <mask> campaigned in Bangor for James Kilfedder, the devolutionist North Down Popular Unionist Party MP and against Robert McCartney, who was standing as a Real Unionist on a policy of integration and equal citizenship for Northern Ireland. In <mask>'s later career as an Ulster Unionist MP he continued to criticise the United States and claimed that the Americans were trying to persuade the British to surrender Northern Ireland into an all-Irish state because the condition for Irish membership of NATO, <mask> claimed, was Northern Ireland. The Americans wanted to close the 'yawning gap' in NATO defence that was the southern Irish coast to northern Spain. <mask> had a copy of a State Department Policy Statement from 15 August 1950, in which the American government said that the "agitation" caused by partition in Ireland "lessens the usefulness of Ireland in international organisations and complicates strategic planning for Europe"."It is desirable", the document continued, "that Ireland should be integrated into the defence planning of the North Atlantic area, for its strategic position and present lack of defensive capacity are matters of significance." Though he voted with the Conservatives in a vote of confidence that brought down the Labour government on 28 March, <mask> did not welcome the victory of Margaret Thatcher in the May 1979 election. "Grim" was <mask>'s response when he was asked what he thought of Thatcher's victory because he believed she would renege like Heath did in 1972. During the election campaign, Thatcher, when questioned, again repeated her vow that there would be no position for <mask> in her cabinet if the Conservatives won the forthcoming general election. In the days after the election, <mask> wrote to Callaghan to commiserate on his defeat, pay tribute to his reign and to wish him well. 1979–1982
After a riot in Bristol in 1980, <mask> asserted that the media were ignoring similar events in south London and Birmingham, and claimed: "Far less than the foreseeable New Commonwealth and Pakistan ethnic proportion would be sufficient to constitute a dominant political force in the United Kingdom able to extract from a government and the main parties terms calculated to render its influence still more impregnable. Far less than this proportion would provide the bases and citadels for urban terrorism, which would in turn reinforce the overt political leverage of simple numbers".He attacked "the false nostrums and promises of those who apparently monopolise the channels of communication. Who then is likely to listen, let alone to respond, to the proof that nothing short of major movements of population can shift the lines along which we are being carried towards disaster?" In the 1980s, <mask> began espousing the policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament. In a debate on the nuclear deterrent on 3 March 1981, <mask> claimed that the debate was now more political than military; that the UK did not possess an independent deterrent and that through NATO the UK was tied to the nuclear deterrence theory of the United States. In the debate on the address shortly after the general election of 1983, <mask> picked up on Thatcher's willingness, when asked, to use nuclear weapons as a "last resort". <mask> presented a scenario of what he thought the last resort would be, namely that the Soviet Union would be ready to invade the UK and had used a nuclear weapon on somewhere such as Rockall to demonstrate their willingness to use it:

<mask> went on to say that if the Soviet invasion had already begun and the UK resorted to a retaliatory strike the results would be the same: "We should be condemning, not merely to death, but as near as may be the non-existence of our population". To <mask>, an invasion would take place with or without the UK's nuclear weapons and therefore there was no point in retaining them.He said that after years of consideration, he had come to the conclusion that there were no "rational grounds on which the deformation of our defence preparations in the United Kingdom by our determination to maintain a current independent nuclear deterrent can be justified". On 28 March 1981, <mask> gave a speech to Ashton-under-Lyne Young Conservatives where he criticised the "conspiracy of silence" between the government and the opposition over the prospective growth through births of the immigration population, and added, We have seen nothing yet' is a phrase that we could with advantage repeat to ourselves whenever we try to form a picture of that future". He also criticised those who believed it was "too late to do anything" and that "there lies the certainty of violence on a scale which can only adequately be described as civil war". He also said that the solution was "a reduction in prospective numbers as would represent re-emigration hardly less massive than the immigration which occurred in the first place". The Shadow Home Secretary, Labour MP Roy

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title: Enoch Powell

type: original

texts:
 Hattersley, criticised <mask> for using "Munich beer-hall language". On 11 April, there was a riot in Brixton and when on 13 April an interviewer quoted to <mask>'s remark that "We have seen nothing yet", she replied: "I heard him say that and I thought it was a very very alarming remark. And I hope with all my heart that it isn't true".In July, a riot took place in Toxteth, Liverpool. On 16 July 1981, <mask> gave a speech in the Commons in which he said the riots could not be understood unless one takes into consideration the fact that in some large cities between a quarter and a half of those under 25 were immigrant or descended from immigrants. He read out a letter he had received from a member of the public about immigration that included the line: "As they continue to multiply and as we can't retreat further there must be conflict". A Labour MP, Martin Flannery, intervened, saying <mask> was making "a National Front speech". <mask> predicted "inner London becoming ungovernable or violence which could only effectively be described as civil war", and Flannery intervened again to ask what <mask> knew about inner cities. <mask> replied: "I was a Member for Wolverhampton for a quarter of a century. What I saw in those early years of the development of this problem in Wolverhampton has made it impossible for me ever to dissociate myself from this gigantic and tragic problem".He also criticised the view that the causes of the riots were economic: "Are we seriously saying that so long as there is poverty, unemployment and deprivation our cities will be torn to pieces, that the police in them will be the objects of attack and that we shall destroy our own environment? Of course not". Dame Judith Hart attacked his speech as "an evil incitement to riot". <mask> replied: "I am within the judgment of the House, as I am within the judgment of the people of this country, and I am content to stand before either tribunal". After the Scarman Report on the riots was published, <mask> gave a speech on 10 December in the Commons. <mask> disagreed with Scarman, as the report stated that the black community was alienated because it was economically disadvantaged: the black community was alienated because it was alien. He said tensions would worsen because the non-white population was growing: whereas in Lambeth it was 25 per cent, of those of secondary school age it was 40 per cent.<mask> said that the government should be honest to the people by telling them that in thirty years' time, the black population of Lambeth would have doubled in size. John Casey records an exchange between <mask> and Thatcher during a meeting of the Conservative Philosophy Group:

Falklands conflict
When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands in April 1982, <mask> was given secret briefings on Privy Councillor terms on behalf of his party. On 3 April, <mask> said in the Commons that the time for inquests on the government's failure to protect the Falkland Islands would come later and that although it was right to put the issue before the United Nations, the UK should not wait upon that organisation to deliberate but use forceful action now. He then turned to face Thatcher: "The Prime Minister, shortly after she came into office, received a sobriquet as the 'Iron Lady'. It arose in the context of remarks which she made about defence against the Soviet Union and its allies; but there was no reason to suppose that the right hon. Lady did not welcome and, indeed, take pride in that description. In the next week or two this House, the nation and the right hon.Lady herself will learn of what metal she is made". According to Thatcher's friends this had a "devastating impact" on her and encouraged her resolve. On 14 April, in the Commons, <mask> said: "it is difficult to fault the military and especially the naval measures which the Government have taken". He added: "We are in some danger of resting our position too exclusively upon the existence, the nature and the wishes of the inhabitants of the Falkland Islands ... if the population of the Falkland Islands did not desire to be British, the principle that the Queen wishes no unwilling subjects would long ago have prevailed; but we should create great difficulties for ourselves in other contexts, as well as in this context, if we rested our action purely and exclusively on the notion of restoring tolerable, acceptable conditions and self-determination to our fellow Britons on the Falkland Islands. ... I do not think that we need be too nice about saying that we defend our territory as well as our people. There is nothing irrational, nothing to be ashamed of, in doing that.Indeed, it is impossible in the last resort to distinguish between the defence of territory and the defence of people". <mask> also criticised the United Nations Security Council's resolution calling for a "peaceful solution". He said while he wanted a peaceful solution, the resolution's meaning "seems to be of a negotiated settlement or compromise between two incompatible positions—between the position which exists in international law, that the Falkland Islands and their dependencies are British sovereign territory and some other position altogether ... It cannot be meant that one country has only to seize the territory of another country for the nations of the world to say that some middle position must be found. ... If that were the meaning of the resolution of the Security Council, the charter of the United Nations would not be a charter of peace; it would be a pirates' charter. It would mean that any claim anywhere in the world had only to be pursued by force, and points would immediately be gained and a bargaining position established by the aggressor".On 28 April, <mask> spoke in the Commons against the Northern Ireland Secretary's (Jim Prior) plans for devolution to a power-sharing assembly in Northern Ireland: "We assured the people of the Falkland Islands that there should be no change in their status without their agreement. Yet at the very same time that those assurances were being repeated, the actions of the Government and their representatives elsewhere were belying or contradicting those assurances and showing that part at any rate of the Government was looking to a very different outcome that could not be approved by the people of the islands. Essentially, exactly the same has happened over the years to Northern Ireland". He further claimed that power-sharing was a negation of democracy. The next day <mask> disagreed with the Labour Party leader Michael Foot's claim that the British government was acting under the authority of the United Nations: "The right of self-defence—to repel aggression and to expel an invader from one's territory and one's people whom he has occupied and taken captive—is, as the Government have said, an inherent right. It is one which existed before the United Nations was dreamt of". On 13 May <mask> said the task force was sent "to repossess the Falkland Islands, to restore British administration of the islands and to ensure that the decisive factor in the future of the islands should be the wishes of the inhabitants" but the Foreign Secretary (Francis Pym) desired an "interim agreement": "So far as I understand that interim agreement, it is in breach, if not in contradiction, of each of the three objects with which the task force was dispatched to the South Atlantic.There was to be a complete and supervised withdrawal of Argentine forces ... matched by corresponding withdrawal of British forces. There is no withdrawal of British force that 'corresponds' to the withdrawal from the territory of the islands of those who have unlawfully occupied them. We have a right to be there; those are our waters, the territory is ours and we have the right to sail the oceans with our fleets whenever we think fit. So the whole notion of a 'corresponding withdrawal', a withdrawal of the only force which can possibly restore the position, which can possibly ensure any of the objectives which have been talked about on either side of the House, is in contradiction of the determination to repossess the Falklands". After British forces successfully recaptured the Falklands, <mask> asked Thatcher in the Commons on 17 June, recalling his statement to her of 3 April: "Is the right hon. Lady aware that the report has now been received from the public analyst on a certain substance recently subjected to analysis and that I have obtained a copy of the report? It shows that the substance under test consisted of ferrous matter of the highest quality, that it is of exceptional tensile strength, is highly resistant to wear and tear and to stress, and may be used with advantage for all national purposes?"She replied, "I think that I am very grateful indeed to the right hon. Gentleman. I agree with every word that he said". Their mutual friend Ian Gow printed and framed this and the original question and presented it to Thatcher, who hung it in her office. <mask> wrote an article for The Times on 29 June, in which he said: "The Falklands have brought to the surface of the British mind our latent perception of ourselves as a sea animal. ... No assault on a landward possession would have evoked the same automatic defiance, tinged with a touch of that self sufficiency which belongs to all nations". The United States' response was "very different but just as deep an instinctual reaction ... the United States have an almost neurotic sense of vulnerability ... its two coastlines, its two theatres, its two navies are separated by the entire length of the New World ... she lives with ... the nightmare of having one day to fight a decisive sea battle without the benefit of concentration, the perpetual spectre of naval 'war on two fronts'."<mask> added: "The Panama Canal from 1914 onwards could never quite exorcise the spectre. ... It was the position of the Falkland Islands in relation to that route which gave and gives them their significance—for the United States above all. The British people have become uneasily aware that their American allies would prefer the Falkland Islands to pass out of Britain's possession into hands which, if not wholly American, might be amenable to American control. In fact, the American struggle to wrest the islands from Britain has only commenced in earnest now that the fighting is over". <mask> then said there was "the Hispanic factor": "If we could gather together all the anxieties for the future which in Britain cluster around race relations ... and then attribute them, translated into Hispanic terms, to the Americans, we would have something of the phobias which haunt the United States and addressed itself to the aftermath of the Falklands campaign". Writing in The Guardian on 18 October, <mask> asserted that due to the Falklands War, "Britain no longer looked upon itself and the world through American spectacles" and the view was "more rational; and it was more congenial; for, after all, it was our own view".He quoted an observation that Americans thought their country was "a unique society ... where God has put together all nationalities, races and interests of the globe for one purpose—to show the rest of the world how to live". He denounced the "manic exaltation of the American illusion" and compared it to the "American nightmare". <mask> also disliked the American belief that "they are authorised, possibly by the deity, to intervene, openly or covertly, in the internal affairs of other countries anywhere in the world". The UK should dissociate herself from American intervention in the Lebanon: "It is not in Britain's self-interest alone that Britain should once again assert her own position. A world in which the American myth and the American nightmare go unchallenged by question or by contradiction is not a world as safe or as peaceable as human reason, prudence and realism can make it". Speaking to the Aldershot and North Hants Conservative Association on 4 February 1983, <mask> blamed the United Nations for the Falklands War by the General Assembly resolution of December 1967 that stated "its gratitude for the continuous efforts made by the Government of Argentina to facilitate the process of decolonisation" and further called on the UK and Argentina to negotiate. <mask> said that "it would be difficult to imagine a more cynically wicked or criminally absurd or insultingly provocative action".As 102 had voted for this resolution, with only the UK voting against it (with 32 abstentions), he claimed it was not surprising that Argentina had continually threatened the UK until this threatening turned into aggression: "It is with the United Nations that the guilt lies for the breach of the peace and the bloodshed". The UN knew that no international forum had ruled against British possession of the Falklands but had voted its gratitude to Argentina who wanted to annexe the Islands from their rightful owners. It was therefore "disgraceful" for the UK to belong to such a body that engaged in "pure spite for spite's sake against the United Kingdom": "We were, and are, the victims of our own insincerity. For over thirty years we have sanctimoniously and dishonestly pretended respect, if not awe, for an organisation which all the time we knew was a monstrous and farcical humbug. ... The moral is to cease to engage in humbug, which almost all have happily and self-righteously engaged in for a generation". 1983 general election
In an article for the Sunday Telegraph on 3 April, <mask> expressed his opposition to the Labour Party's manifesto pledge to outlaw fox hunting.He claimed that angling was much crueller and that it was just as logical to ban the boiling of live lobsters or eating live oysters. The ceremonial part of fox hunting was "a side of our national character which is deeply antipathetic to the Labour party". In the 1983 general election, <mask> had to face a DUP candidate in his constituency and Ian Paisley denounced <mask> as "a foreigner and an Anglo-Catholic". On 31 May <mask> gave a speech at Downpatrick against nuclear weapons. <mask> claimed that war could not be banished because "War is implicit in the human condition". The "true case against the nuclear weapon is the nightmarish unreality and criminal levity of the grounds upon which its acquisition and multiplication are advocated and defended". Thatcher had claimed nuclear weapons were our defence "of last resort".<mask> said he supposed this to mean "that the Soviet Union, which seems always to be assumed to be the enemy in question, proved so victorious in a war of aggression in Europe as to stand upon the verge of invading these islands. ... Suppose further, because this is necessary to the alleged case for our nuclear weapon as the defence of last resort, that, as in 1940, the United States was standing aloof from the contest but that, in contrast with 1940, Britain and the Warsaw Pact respectively possessed the nuclear weaponry which they do today. Such must surely be the sort of scene in which the Prime Minister is asserting that Britain would be saved by possession of her present nuclear armament. I can only say: 'One must be mad to think it'." <mask> pointed out that the UK's nuclear weaponry "is negligible in comparison with that of Russia: if we could destroy 16 Russian cities she could destroy practically every vestige of life on these islands several times over. For us to use the weapon would therefore be equivalent to more than suicide: it would be genocide—the extinction of our race—in the literal and precise meaning of that much abused expression.Would anybody in their senses contemplate that this ought to be our choice or would be our choice?" <mask> further stated that the continental nations held the nuclear weapon in such esteem that they had conventional forces "manifestly inadequate to impose more than brief delay upon an assault from the East. The theory of nuclear deterrence states that, should Warsaw Pact forces score substantial military successes or make substantial advances this side of the Iron Curtain, the United States would initiate the suicidal duel of strategic nuclear exchanges with the Soviet Union. One can only greet this idea with an even more emphatic 'One must be mad to think of it'. That a nation staring ultimate military defeat in the face would choose self-extermination is unbelievable enough; but that the United States, separated from Europe by the Atlantic Ocean, would regard the loss of the first pawn in the long game as necessitating harakiri is not describable by the ordinary resources of language". The reason why governments, including in the US, supported nuclear weapons was that "enormous economic and financial interests are vested in the continuation and elaboration of nuclear armaments. I believe, however, that the crucial explanation lies in another direction: the nuclear hypothesis provides governments with an excuse for not doing what they have no intention of doing anyhow, but for reasons which they find it inconvenient to specify".On 2 June, <mask> spoke against the stationing of US cruise missiles in the UK and asserted that the United States had an obsessive sense of mission and a hallucinatory view of international relations: "The American nation, as we have watched their proceedings during these last 25 years, will not, when another Atlantic crisis, another Middle East crisis or another European crisis comes, wait upon the deliberations of the British Cabinet, whose point of view and appreciation of the situation will be so different from their own". In 1983, his local agent was Jeffrey Donaldson, later an Ulster Unionist MP before defecting to the DUP. 1983–1987
In 1984, <mask> alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency had murdered Earl Mountbatten of Burma and that the assassinations of the MPs Airey Neave and Robert Bradford were carried out at the direction of elements in the Government of the United States of America with the strategic objective of preventing Neave's policy of integration of Ulster fully into the United Kingdom. In 1986, <mask> stated that the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) had not killed Neave but that "MI6 and their friends" were responsible: <mask> cited as his sources information that had been disclosed to him from within the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Margaret Thatcher, however, rejected and dismissed these assertions. In 1985, race riots between the black community and the police broke out in London and in Birmingham, leading <mask> to repeat his warning that ethnic civil conflict would be the ultimate outcome of foreign mass migration into the British Isles, and re-issue his call for a government sponsored programme of repatriation. <mask> later came into conflict with Thatcher in November 1985 over her support for the Anglo-Irish Agreement.On the day it was signed, 14 November, <mask> asked her in the Commons: "Does the Right Hon. Lady understand — if she does not yet understand she soon will — that the penalty for treachery is to fall into public contempt? ", the Prime Minister replying that she found his remarks "deeply offensive". Along with other Unionist MPs, <mask> resigned his seat in protest and then narrowly regaining it at the ensuing by-election. Despite once having been the youngest university professor in the entire British Empire, <mask> was upstaged by the former Irish

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title: Enoch Powell

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 schoolteacher Seamus Mallon who was a new entrant to the House of Commons in 1986. During his maiden speech, Mallon quoted the renowned Dutch philosopher Baruch Spinoza, saying "Peace is not an absence of war. It is … a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice."<mask>, sitting close to Mallon, hissed an objection. When Mallon enquired why, <mask> claimed that he had misquoted Spinoza. Mallon insisted he had not and, to reconcile the standoff between two stubborn gentlemen, the supercilious classics professor and the Ulsterman, they both repaired to the library to verify the quote. The Christian Brothers-educated Mallon was found to have been correct. In 1987, Thatcher visited the Soviet Union, which signified to <mask> a "radical transformation which is in progress in both the foreign policy and the defence policy of the United Kingdom". In a speech in the Commons on 7 April, <mask> claimed the nuclear hypothesis had been shaken by two events. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative or "Star Wars": "Star wars raised the terrible prospect that there might be an effective means of neutralising the inter-continental ballistic missile, whereby the two great giants who held what had become to be seen as the balance of terror would contract out of the game altogether: the deterrent would be switched off by the invulnerability of the two providers of the mutual terror".America's "European allies were brought along to acquiesce in the United States engaging in the rational activity of discovering whether there was after all some defence against nuclear attack ... by the apparent assurance obtained from the United States that it was only engaged in experiment and research, and that, if there were any danger of effective protection being devised, of course the United States would not avail itself of that protection without the agreement of its European allies. That was the first recent event which shook to its foundations the nuclear deterrent with which we had lived these last 30 years". The second event was Mikhail Gorbachev's offer of both the Soviet Union and the United States agreeing to abolish intermediate-range ballistic missiles. <mask> said that Thatcher's "most significant point was when she went on to say that we must aim at a conventional forces balance. So, after all our journeys of the last 30 or 40 years, the disappearance of the intermediate range ballistic missile revived the old question of the supposed conventional imbalance between the Russian alliance and the North Atlantic Alliance". <mask> further claimed that even if nuclear weapons had not existed, the Russians would still not have invaded Western Europe: "What has prevented that from happening was ... the fact that the Soviet Union knew ... that such an action on its part would have led to a third world war—a long war, bitterly fought, a war which in the end the Soviet Union would have been likely to lose on the same basis and in the same way as the corresponding war was lost by Napoleon, by the Emperor Wilhelm and by Adolf Hitler. It was that fear, that caution, that understanding, that perception on the part of Russia and its leaders that was the real deterrent against Russia committing the utterly irrational and suicidal act of plunging into a third world war in which the Soviet Union would be likely to find itself confronting a combination of the greatest industrial and economic powers in the world".<mask> said, "In the minds of the Russians the inevitable commitment of the United States in such a war would have come not directly or necessarily from the stationing of American marines in Germany, but, as it came in the previous two struggles, from the ultimate involvement of the United States in any war determining the future of Europe". Thatcher's belief in the nuclear hypothesis "in the context of the use of American bases in Britain to launch an aggressive attack on Libya, that it was 'inconceivable' that we could have refused a demand placed upon this country by the United States. The Prime Minister supplied the reason why: she said it was because we depend for our liberty and freedom upon the United States. Once let the nuclear hypothesis be questioned or destroyed, once allow it to break down, and from that moment the American imperative in this country's policies disappears with it". At the start of 1987 general election, <mask> claimed the Conservatives' prospects did not look good: "I have the feeling of 1945". During the final weekend of the election campaign <mask> gave a speech in London reiterating his opposition to the nuclear hypothesis, calling it "barmy", and advocating a vote for the Labour Party, which had unilateral nuclear disarmament as a policy. He claimed that Chernobyl had strengthened "a growing impulse to escape from the nightmare of peace being dependent upon the contemplation of horrific and mutual carnage.Events have now so developed that this aspiration can at last be rationally, logically and—I dare to add—patriotically seized by the people of the United Kingdom if they will use their votes to do so". However, <mask> lost his seat in the election by 731 votes to the Social Democratic and Labour Party's Eddie McGrady, mainly because of demographic and boundary changes that resulted in there being many more Irish Nationalists in the constituency than before. The boundary changes had arisen due to his own campaign for the number of MPs representing Northern Ireland to be increased to the equivalent proportion for the rest of the United Kingdom, as part of the steps towards greater integration. McGrady paid tribute to <mask>, recognising the respect he was held by both Unionists and Nationalists in the constituency. <mask> said, "For the rest of my life when I look back on the 13 years I shall be filled with affection for the Province and its people, and their fortunes will never be out of my heart". He received a warm ovation from the mostly Nationalist audience and as he walked off the platform, he said the words Edmund Burke used on the death of candidate Richard Coombe: "What shadows we are, what shadows we pursue". When a BBC reporter asked <mask> to explain his defeat, he replied: "My opponent polled more votes than me".He was offered a life peerage, which was regarded as his right as a former cabinet minister, but declined it. He argued that as he had opposed the Life Peerages Act 1958, it would be hypocritical for him to take one, but even if he was willing to accept a hereditary peerage (which would have been extinct upon his death as he had no male heir), Thatcher was unwilling to court the controversy that might have arisen as a result. Post-parliamentary life

1987–1992

<mask> was critical of the Special Air Service (SAS) shootings of three unarmed IRA members in Gibraltar in March 1988. <mask> claimed in an article for The Guardian on 7 December 1988 that the new Western-friendly foreign policy of Russia under Mikhail Gorbachev heralded "the death and burial of the American empire". Chancellor Helmut Kohl of West Germany had decided to visit Moscow to negotiate German reunification, signalling to <mask> that the last gasp of American power in Europe to be replaced by a new balance of power not resting on military force but on the "recognition of the restraints which the ultimate certainty of failure places upon the ambitions of the respective national states". In an interview for the Sunday People in December 1988, <mask> said the Conservative Party was "rejoining <mask>" on the European Community but repeated his warning of civil war as the consequence of immigration: "I still cannot forsee how a country can be peaceably governed in which the composition of the population is progressively going to change. I am talking about violence on a scale which can only be described as civil war.I cannot see there can be any other outcome". It would not be a race war but "about people who revolt against being trapped in a situation where they feel at the mercy of a built-in racial majority, whatever its colour" and claimed that the government had made contingency plans for such an event. The solution, he said, was repatriation on a large scale and the cost of doing this in welfare payments and pensions was well worth paying. In early 1989, he made a programme (broadcast in July) on his visit to Russia and his impressions on that country. The BBC originally wanted him to do a programme on India but the Indian high commission in London refused him a visa. When he visited Russia, <mask> went to the graves of 600,000 people who died during the siege of Leningrad and saying that he could not believe a people who had suffered so much would willingly start another war. He also went to a veterans' parade (wearing his own medals) and talked with Russian soldiers with the aid of an interpreter.However, the programme was criticised by those who believed that <mask> had dismissed the Soviet Union's threat to the West since 1945 and that he had been too impressed with Russia's sense of national identity. When German reunification was on the agenda in mid-1989, <mask> said that the UK urgently needed to create an alliance with the Soviet Union in view of Germany's effect on the balance of power in Europe. After Thatcher's Bruges speech in September 1988 and her increasing hostility to a European currency in the last years of her premiership, <mask> made many speeches publicly supporting her attitude to Europe. When Heath criticised Thatcher's speech in May 1989 <mask> called him "the old virtuoso of the U-turn". When inflation crept up that year, he condemned the Chancellor Nigel Lawson's policy of printing money so sterling would shadow the German deutschmark and said that it was for the UK to join the European Monetary System. In early September 1989, a collection of <mask> <mask> on 1992 (1992 being the year set for the creation of the Single Market by the Single European Act of 1986). In a speech at Chatham House for the launch of the book on 6 September, he advised Thatcher to fight the next general election on a nationalist theme as many Eastern European nations previously under Russian rule were gaining their freedom.At the Conservative Party conference in October, he told a fringe meeting, "I find myself today less on the fringe of that party than I have done for 20 years". After Thatcher resisted further European integration at a meeting at Strasbourg in November <mask> asked her parliamentary private secretary Mark Lennox-Boyd to pass to her "my respectful congratulations on her stand ... she both spoke for Britain and gave a lead to Europe—in the line of succession of Winston Churchill and William Pitt. Those who lead are always out in front, alone". Thatcher replied, "I am deeply touched by your words. They give me the greatest possible encouragement". On 5 January 1990, addressing Conservatives in Liverpool, <mask> said that if the Conservatives played the "British card" at the next general election, they could win; the new mood in the UK for "self-determination" had given the newly independent nations of Eastern Europe a "beacon", adding that the UK should stand alone, if necessary, for European freedom, adding: "We are taunted—by the French, by the Italians, by the Spaniards—for refusing to worship at the shrine of a common government superimposed upon them all ... where were the European unity merchants in 1940? I will tell you.They were either writhing under a hideous oppression or they were aiding and abetting that oppression. Lucky for Europe that Britain was alone in 1940". The Conservative Party would have to ask, preferably at the next election: "Do you intend still to control the laws which you obey, the taxes you pay and the policies of your government?" Five days after this speech, in an interview for The Daily Telegraph, Thatcher praised <mask>: "I have always read <mask> <mask>'s speeches and articles very carefully. ... I always think it was a tragedy that he left. He is a very, very able politician.I say that even though he has sometimes said vitriolic things against me". On the day of the Mid-Staffordshire by-election, <mask> said that the government should admit that the community charge was "a disaster" and that what mattered most to the people of Mid-Staffordshire was the question of who should govern the UK and that only the Conservative Party was advocating that the British should govern themselves. Thatcher had been labelled "dictatorial" for wanting to "go it alone" in Europe: "Well, I do not mind somebody being dictatorial in defending my own rights and those of my fellow countrymen ... lose self-government, and I have lost everything, and for good". This was the first election since 1970 in which <mask> was advocating a vote for the Conservative Party. However, the Labour Party won the seat from the Conservative Party, mainly, it was said, because of the community charge. After Iraq invaded Kuwait on 2 August 1990, <mask> said that since the UK was not an ally of Kuwait in the "formal sense" and because the balance of power in the Middle East had ceased to be a British concern after the end of the British Empire, the UK should not go to war. <mask> said that "Saddam Hussein has a long way to go yet before his troops come storming up the beaches of Kent or Sussex".On 21 October, he wrote, "The world is full of evil men engaged in doing evil things. That does not make us policemen to round them up nor judges to find them guilty and to sentence them. What is so special about the ruler of Iraq that we suddenly discover that we are to be his jailers and his judges? ... we as a nation have no interest in the existence or non-existence of Kuwait or, for that matter, Saudi Arabia as an independent state. I sometimes wonder if, when we shed our power, we omitted to shed our arrogance". When Thatcher was challenged by Michael Heseltine for the leadership of the Conservative Party during November 1990, <mask> said he would rejoin the party, which he had left in February 1974 over the issue of Europe, if Thatcher won, and would urge the public to support both her and, in <mask>'s view, national independence. He wrote to one of Thatcher's supporters, Norman Tebbit, on 16 November, telling him Thatcher was entitled to use his name and his support in any way she saw fit.Since she resigned on 22 November, <mask> never rejoined the Conservatives. <mask> wrote the following Sunday: "Good news is seldom so good, nor bad news so bad, as at first sight it appears". Her downfall was due to having so few like-minded people on European integration amongst her colleagues and that as she had adopted a line that would improve her party's popularity, it was foolish of them to force her out. However he added, "The battle has been lost, but not the war. The fact abides that, outside the magic circle at the top, a deep rooted opposition has been disclosed in the UK to surrendering to others the right to make our laws, fix our taxes, or decide our policies. Running deep beneath the overlay of years of indifference is still the attachment of the British public to their tradition of democracy. Their resentment on learning that their own decisions can be overruled from outside remains as obstinate as ever".Thatcher had relit the flame of independence and "what has happened once can happen again ... sooner or later those who aspire to govern ... will have to listen". In December 1991, <mask> said that "Whether Yugoslavia dissolves into two states or half a dozen states or does not dissolve at all makes no difference to the safety and well being of the United Kingdom". The UK's national interests determined that the country should have "a foreign policy which befits the sole insular and oceanic state in Europe". During the 1992 general election <mask> spoke for Nicholas Budgen in his old seat of Wolverhampton South West. He praised Budgen for his opposition to the Maastricht Treaty and condemned the rest of the Conservative Party for supporting it. Final years

In late 1992, aged 80, <mask> was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease. In 1994, he published The Evolution of the Gospel: A New Translation of the First Gospel with Commentary and Introductory Essay.On 5 November, the European printed an article by <mask> in which he said he did not expect the European Communities Act 1972 to be amended or repealed but added, "Still, something has happened. There has been an explosion. Politicians, political parties, the public itself have looked into the abyss ... the British people, somehow or other, will not be parted from their right to govern themselves in parliament". In 1993, the twenty-fifth anniversary of <mask>'s "Rivers of Blood" speech, <mask> wrote an article for The Times, in which he claimed the concentration of immigrant communities in inner cities would lead to "communalism", which would have grave effects on the electoral system: "communalism and democracy, as the experience of India demonstrates, are incompatible". In May, he spoke for Alan Sked of the Anti-Federalist League (the forerunner of the United Kingdom Independence Party) who was standing at the Newbury by-election. Sked went on to lose his deposit at the by-election, polling only 601 votes (1.0 per cent). At Michael Portillo's 40th birthday party the same month, Thatcher greeted him enthusiastically and asked him: "<mask>, I haven't seen you since your eightieth-birthday dinner.How are you?" <mask> replied, "I'm eighty-one". <mask>'s opinion of Thatcher had declined after she endorsed John Major at the 1992 general election, which he believed to be a repudiation of her fight against European integration after the Bruges speech. On 16 May 1994, <mask> spoke at the Bruges Group and said Europe had "destroyed one Prime Minister and will destroy another Prime Minister yet" and demanded powers surrendered to the European Court of Justice to be repatriated. In June 1994, he wrote an article for the Daily Mail, where he stated that "Britain is waking from the nightmare of being part of the continental bloc, to rediscover that these offshore islands belong to the outside world and lie open to its oceans". Innovations in contemporary society did not worry him: "When exploration has run its course, we shall revert to the normal type of living to which nature and instinct predispose us. The decline will not have been permanent.The deterioration will not have been irreversible". In his book The Evolution of the Gospel, published in August 1994, <mask> said he had arrived at the view that Jesus Christ was not crucified but stoned to death by the Jews. Bishop John Austin Baker commented "He is a great classicist, but theology is out of his academic field." Following his death, <mask>'s friend Richard Ritchie recorded in 1998 that "during one of the habitual coal crises of recent years he told me that he had no objection to supporting the coal industry, either through the restriction of cheap coal imports or subsidy, if it were the country's wish to preserve local coal communities". In the 1990s, <mask> endorsed three UKIP candidates in parliamentary elections. He also turned down two invitations to stand for the party in elections, citing retirement. In April 1995, he said in an interview that for the Conservatives "defeat [at the next election] would help.It helps one to change one's

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 tune". The party was just "slithering around". The same month, he took part at a debate on Europe at the Cambridge Union and won. In July 1995, there was a leadership election for the Conservative Party, in which Major resigned as leader of the party and stood in the election. <mask> wrote, "He says to the Sovereign: I no longer am leader of the majority party in the House of Commons; but I am carrying on as your Prime Minister. Now I don't think anybody can say that—at least without inflicting damage on the constitution". To seek to offer advice to the Queen while unable to feel they could command a majority in the Commons was "tantamount to treating the monarch herself with disrespect and denying the very principle in which our parliamentary democracy is founded".After Major's challenger, John Redwood, was defeated, <mask> wrote to him, "Dear Redwood, you will never regret the events of the last week or two. Patience will evidently have to be exercised—and patience is the greatest of the political virtues—by those of us who want to keep Britain independent and self-governed". During the final years of his life, he managed occasional pieces of journalism and co-operated in a BBC documentary about his life in 1995 (Odd Man Out was broadcast on 11 November). In April 1996, he wrote an article for the Daily Express, in which he said: "Those who consented to the surrender made in 1972 will have to think again. Thinking again means that activity most unthinkable for politicians—unsaying what has been said. The surrender ... we have made is not irrevocable. Parliament still has the power (thank God) to reclaim what has been surrendered by treaty.It is time we told the other European nations what we mean by being self-governed". In October, he gave his last interview, to Matthew d'Ancona in the Sunday Telegraph. He said: "I have lived into an age in which my ideas are now part of common intuition, part of a common fashion. It has been a great experience, having given up so much to find that there is now this range of opinion in all classes, that an agreement with the EEC is totally incompatible with normal parliamentary government. ... The nation has returned to haunt us". When Labour won the 1997 general election, <mask> told his wife, Pamela Wilson, "They have voted to break up the United Kingdom."She rejoined the Conservative Party the next day, but he did not. By then, <mask> had been hospitalised several times as a result of a succession of falls. Death
A few hours following his final admission to hospital, he asked where his lunch was. On being told that he was being fed intravenously, he remarked, "I don't call that much of a lunch." These were his last recorded words. On 8 February 1998 <mask> died aged 85 at the King Edward VII's Hospital Sister Agnes in Westminster, London. His study of the Gospel of John remained unfinished.Dressed in a brigadier's uniform, <mask>'s body was buried in his regiment's plot in Warwick Cemetery, Warwickshire, ten days after a family funeral service at Westminster Abbey and public services at St. Margaret's, Westminster and the Collegiate Church of St Mary, Warwick. Over 1,000 people turned up to <mask>'s funeral, and during the ceremony he was hailed as a man of prophecy, political sacrifice and as a great parliamentarian. During the mass, Lord Biffen said that <mask>'s nationalism "certainly did not bear the stamp of racial superiority or xenophobia". After <mask>'s death, many Conservative politicians paid tribute to him, including former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who said, "There will never be anybody else so compelling as <mask> <mask>. He was magnetic. Listening to his speeches was an unforgettable privilege. He was one of those rare people who made a difference and whose moral compass led us in the right direction."Other mourners at the service included socialist Labour MP Tony Benn who, despite criticising the Rivers of Blood speech, maintained a close relationship with <mask>, and when asked why he had attended the funeral, simply responded with "he was my friend." Other politicians, including his rivals, also paid tribute to him, including former Labour party leader Tony Blair who said, "However controversial his views, he was one of the great figures of 20th-century British politics, gifted with a brilliant mind. However much we disagreed with many of his views, there was no doubting the strength of his convictions or their sincerity, or his tenacity in pursuing them, regardless of his own political self-interest." He was survived by his widow and two daughters. Personal life

<mask> was reading Ancient Greek by the age of five, which he learned from his mother. At the age of 70, he began learning his 14th and final language, Hebrew. Despite his earlier atheism, <mask> became a devout member of the Church of England, thinking in 1949 "that he heard the bells of St Peter's Wolverhampton calling him" while walking to his flat in his (then future) constituency.Subsequently, he became a churchwarden of St. Margaret's, Westminster. On 2 January 1952, the 39-year-old <mask> married 26-year-old Margaret Pamela Wilson, a former colleague from the Conservative Central Office. Their first daughter, Susan, was born in January 1954, and their second daughter, Jennifer, was born in October 1956. <mask> firmly believed that William Shakespeare of Stratford on Avon was not the writer of the plays and poems of Shakespeare. He appeared on an episode of Frontline, "The Shakespeare Mystery," 19 April 1989, in which he said, "My astonishment was to discover that these were the works of someone who'd 'been in the kitchen.' They are written by someone who has lived the life, who has been part of a life of politics and power, who knows what people feel when they are near to the centre of power. Near to the heat of the kitchen."He called the traditional biography a "Stratfordian fantasy." On the subject of Shakespeare's will, he says, "That is a will in which this great spirit, this man of immense learning and vision, not only bequeathed no books..." but he also neglected to bequeath "the most valuable thing he had to bequeath, the remaining manuscripts of his plays which were eventually to be published seven years after his death." <mask> calls the Droeshout portrait of Shakespeare in the First Folio, and the monument to Shakespeare in Stratford "a mask," "a fix," "a spoof" to conceal the identity of the true author. <mask>'s rhetorical gifts were also employed, with success, beyond politics. He was a poet of some accomplishment, with four published collections to his name: First Poems; Casting Off; Dancer's End; and The Wedding Gift. His Collected Poems appeared in 1990. He translated Herodotus' Histories and published many other works of classical scholarship.He published a biography of Joseph Chamberlain, which treated the split with William Gladstone over Irish Home Rule in 1886 as the pivotal point of his career, rather than the adoption of tariff reform, and contained the famous line: "All political lives, unless they are cut off in midstream at a happy juncture, end in failure, because that is the nature of politics and of all human affairs". His political publications were often as critical of his own party as they were of Labour, often making fun of what he saw as logical fallacies in reasoning or action. His book Freedom & Reality contained many quotes from Labour party manifestos or by Harold Wilson that he regarded as nonsensical. When asked by BBC interviewer Michael Parkinson what he regarded as his achievements, he replied "it is doubtful whether any man can say how the world was altered because he was in it." In August 2002, <mask> appeared 55th in the List of 100 Greatest Britons of all time (voted for by the public in a BBC nationwide poll). In March 2015, The Independent reported that <mask> was one of the MPs whose activities had been investigated as part of Operation Fernbridge. His name had been passed to police by Paul Butler, the Bishop of Durham, after allegations of <mask>'s involvement in historic child abuse had been made by one individual in the 1980s to the then Bishop of Monmouth, Dominic Walker.Simon Heffer, who has published a biography of <mask>, has described the allegation as a "monstrous lie" and criticised the Church of England's actions in "putting this smear into the public domain", while the church stated that it had simply responded to an inquiry from the press and confirmed that allegations about <mask>, which related to an alleged satanic cult rather than any criminal activity, had been passed to the police. David Aaronovitch of The Times wrote in April 2015 that the 1980s claims about <mask> originated from fabricated claims invented by a conman, Derry Mainwaring Knight, whose false assertions had become known to the clergy, but had been unwittingly conveyed to the police in good faith. According to Michael Bloch, in his old age, <mask> confessed to Canon Eric James, a former Trinity College Chaplain, that he had been in love with a fellow male undergraduate at Cambridge, whom Bloch identifies as "probably Edward Curtis of Clare College", and that this infatuation had inspired love verses published in his First Poems. This confession was revealed by James in a letter to The Times on 10 February 1998. Following his appointment as Professor of Greek at the University of Sydney in 1937, he wrote to his parents (on 22 May and 16 June 1938) that he was repelled by his female students, while feeling "an instant and instinctive affection" for young Australian males. This, he added, might be "deplored, but it cannot be altered", and it therefore had to be "endured - and (alas!) camouflaged."The letters are now in the Churchill College Archives (POLL 1/1/1). Following a long illness, <mask> died in November 2017 at the age of 91, 19 years after her husband. Political beliefs

<mask> delivered his Rivers of Blood speech on 20 April 1968. A poll which was taken after the speech reported that 74 per cent of Britons agreed with <mask>'s opinions on mass immigration. In The Trial of <mask> <mask>, a Channel 4 television broadcast in April 1998, on the thirtieth anniversary of his Rivers of Blood speech (and two months after his death), 64 per cent of the studio audience voted that <mask> was not a racist. Some in the Church of England, of which <mask> was a member, took a different view. Upon <mask>'s death, black Barbados-born Wilfred Wood, then Bishop of Croydon, said "<mask> <mask> gave a certificate of respectability to white racist views which otherwise decent people were ashamed to acknowledge".Conservative commentator Bruce Anderson has claimed that the Rivers of Blood speech would have come as a complete surprise to anyone who had studied <mask>'s record: he had been a West Midlands MP for 18 years but had said hardly anything about immigration. On this view, the speech was merely part of a badly miscalculated strategy to become party leader if Heath fell. Anderson adds that the speech had no effect on immigration, except to make it more difficult for the subject to be discussed rationally in polite society. <mask>'s opponents claimed he was far-right, fascist and racist. His supporters claim that the first two charges clash with his voting record on most social issues, such as homosexual law reform (he was actually a co-sponsor of a bill on this issue in May 1965 and opposed the death penalty, both reforms unpopular among Conservatives at the time; however, he kept a low profile to his stance on these non-party "issues of conscience"). <mask> voted against the reinstitution of the death penalty several times between 1969 and 1987. By the early 1960s, <mask> was in support of the campaign for immigration controls.The earliest and only statement from then by <mask> on immigration was in August 1956, when, in Wolverhampton, <mask> said that "a fundamental change in the law is necessary" in the UK's citizenship law. However, he explained that a change was not needed at that time, but did not rule out the possibility of a future change. In the late 1950s, when other Conservatives were advocating a campaign for immigration control following race riots, <mask> declined to join them, remarking that it was no good discussing the details when the "real issue" of the citizenship laws had remained unchanged. In November 1960, <mask> became one of nine members of the ministerial committee which wanted to introduce controls of Commonwealth immigration; he submitted a letter in April 1961 which said "if we desire to limitations or conditions on the entry of coloured British subjects into this country" a change in the existing legal definition of a "British subject" was needed, since the British Nationality Act of 1948 considered all those from independent Commonwealth countries listed under the UK's nationality law to be British subjects. Concerns raised about effects of coloured immigration in communities in his constituency played a part in his commentary. In March 1968, the month before the "Rivers of Blood" speech, he made his first public references to them in a speech in Walsall, when he described the concern of an anonymous constituent whose daughter was the only white child in her primary school class and suffered bullying from non-white pupils. When Wolverhampton Express and Star journalists failed to find the child or the class, the paper's editor and a then personal friend, Clement Jones, challenged him, stating Jones himself had similar anonymous complaints that were traced to members of the National Front (NF).<mask> would not accept the explanation, and told Jones he had received "bags of supporting mail" as a result of the Walsall speech. During an interview with the Birmingham Post, a fortnight after <mask>'s "Rivers of Blood" speech, he was asked whether or not he was a racialist. He replied:

<mask> accepted an invitation to appear on David Frost's evening television programme on 3 January 1969. Frost asked <mask> whether or not he was a racialist, to which <mask> replied:

During the 1970 election, Tony Benn declared in a speech that <mask>'s approach to immigration was 'evil', and said "The flag of racialism which has been hoisted in Wolverhampton is beginning to look like the one that fluttered over Dachau and Belsen." In response, when a television reporter told <mask> at a meeting of Benn's comments, he snatched the microphone and replied "All I will say is that for myself, in 1939 I voluntarily returned from Australia to this country, to serve as a private soldier against Germany and Nazism. I am the same man today." Similarly, <mask> responded to student hecklers at a speech in Cardiff: "I hope those who shouted 'Fascist' and 'Nazi' are aware that before they were born I was fighting against Fascism and Nazism."In November 1968, <mask> also suggested that the problems that would be caused if there were a large influx of Germans or Russians into the UK "would be as serious – and in some respects more serious – than could follow from the introduction of a similar number of West Indies or Pakistanis". <mask> said his views were neither genetic nor eugenic, and that he never arranged his fellow men on a merit according to their origins. <mask> said in a 1964 speech:

In a speech in November 1968 he said:

In 1944, when <mask> was visiting Poona with another member of the Joint Intelligence Committee, an Indian, General (later Field Marshal) K. M. Cariappa, he refused to stay at the Byculla club once it became clear that Cariappa as an Indian would not be allowed to stay there. Close friends also recall that <mask> took great pleasure in speaking Urdu when dining at Indian restaurants. Nevertheless, <mask>'s nationalism and accusations of racialism sometimes trod a fine line. In 1996, BBC journalist Michael Cockerell asked him about the language he used in the "Rivers of Blood" speech, arguing that it could be used by self-proclaimed racialists against non-whites. In defence of the language he used in the speech, <mask> replied:

<mask> further went on to say that "it's not impossible but it's difficult, for a non-white person to be British."Victoria Honeyman, Lecturer in Politics at the University of Leeds in England, wrote of <mask>'s beliefs on immigration:

<mask>'s speeches and TV interviews throughout his political life displayed a suspicion towards "the Establishment" in general, and by the 1980s there was a regular expectation that he would make some sort of speech or act in a way designed to upset the government and ensure he would not be offered a life peerage (and thus be transferred to the House of Lords), which, some believe, he had no intention of accepting so long as Edward Heath sat in the Commons. (Heath remained in the Commons until after <mask>'s death.) He had opposed the Life Peerages Act, and felt it would be hypocritical to accept a life peerage himself since no Prime Minister ever offered him a hereditary peerage. According to Libertarian theorist Murray Rothbard, Powellism was seen as a proper step toward free markets in the early 1970s, writing:

Portraits

<mask> sat for sculptor Alan Thornhill for a portrait in clay. The correspondence file relating to the <mask> portrait bust is held as part of the Thornhill Papers (2006:56) in the archive of the Henry Moore Foundation's Henry Moore Institute in Leeds and the terracotta remains in the collection of the artist. English photographer Allan Warren photographed many portraits of <mask>. There are 24 images of <mask> in the National Portrait Gallery Collection including work by Bassano's studios, Anne-Katrin Purkiss, and a 1971 cartoon by Gerald Scarfe.Dramatic portrayals

 <mask>'s "Rivers of Blood" speech was subject of the play What Shadows by Chris Hannan, staged in Birmingham from 27 October to 12 November 2016, with <mask> portrayed by Ian McDiarmid and Clem Jones by George Costigan. In their 1969 song, <mask> <mask>, the Beatles turned their song Get Back into a criticism of growing anti-immigration sentiment in the UK with lyrics such as "Get back to where you once belonged" and "<mask> <mask> said to the folks, He said you wear the color of your skin, He said he don't care what it's All about...So Ted Heath said to <mask> <mask> ....He said you'd better get out or else you'll go to trial...<mask> <mask>, <mask> you better go home...Commonwealth...Commonwealth... if you don't want trouble you better go back to home." Works

 . Elections contested
UK Parliament elections

See also
 Nigel Hastilow

References

Bibliography
 Paul Corthorn, <mask> <mask>: Politics and Ideas in Modern Britain, OUP Oxford, 2019. Olivier Esteves et Stéphane Porion, The Lives and Afterlives of <mask> <mask>, London, Routledge, 2019. Lewis, Roy (1979), <mask> <mask>. Principle in Politics, Cassell, London.Raheem Kassam, <mask> Was Right, London, Independently published, 2018. Schofield, Camilla (2013), <mask> <mask> and the Making of Postcolonial Britain, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
 Schoen, Douglas E. (1977), <mask> <mask> and the Powellites, Macmillan, London. Further reading
 Clarke, Peter (7 March 2013). "I am a classical scholar, and you are not." London Review of Books, vol. 35, no. 5. pp.31–32. . Archived from the original. External links

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title: Berenice Sydney

texts:
<mask> (1944–1983), born <mask>, and professionally known as '<mask>', was a British artist who produced a substantial body of work from 1964 until her death in 1983. Her oeuvre consists of paintings on canvas and paper, drawings, prints, children's books, costume design, and performance. A memorial exhibition of her work was held at the Royal Academy in 1984 followed by solo shows in Italy, Abu Dhabi, Bahrain, Switzerland, and Britain. Her work continues to be featured in print and watercolour shows held in Burlington House. Her work is in over 100 private and public collections. Biography
<mask> was born in Esher, Surrey in 1944 and educated from the age of six at the Lycée Français Charles de Gaulle in London. From her early years, she studied ballet with Marie Rambert and classical guitar with Adele Kramer.As an adult, she balanced a busy work schedule in her studio by training at the Dance Centre in Covent Garden and attending flamenco dance studios in Hampstead and New York City. <mask> was married to the Italian photographer Romano Cagnoni from 1970 until they divorced in February 1983. In addition to reading the classics and studying mythology, she was fluent in five languages. She was enrolled at the Central School of Art and Design but left formal art education to set up a studio in Chelsea. She participated in over 40 exhibitions before her death of an asthma attack at the age of 39. She is buried in the eastern section of Highgate Cemetery. Her father, the documentary filmmaker <mask> Frieze, died a few months later and is buried with her.Lord McAlpine gave the eulogy at her funeral which was also attended by Dr. David Brown then the Assistant Keeper in Modern Collections at the Tate Gallery. Career
<mask> <mask>pine Gallery of the Ashmolean Museum. Her first professional exhibition was held at the Drian Galleries in 1968 and included Susanna and the Elders with Charlie the Pigeon, Coffee Pot and 3 Yellow Flowers and The Drummer Boy. She began to exhibit her works on paper including Dancing Nymphs, Hermaphroditus, Pan and Two Nymphs, The Marriage of Psyche and Eros, Naiads Surprised by Satyrs, in 1968. Linocuts were also exhibited that year and included Aphrodite and Ares, Nymphs Dancing, Psyche and Eros, Nude Fiddling with Toe, Pan and Two Nymphs and Hebe and Artemis. She continued to explore themes relating to Persian mythology, Christian symbolism and Greek mythological subjects as well as referencing Ancient Egyptian art, creating a hieroglyph of her professional name and working on papyrus.Responding to the exhibition Salute to Berenice <mask> held at the Royal Academy Max Wykes-Joyce wrote: In the Spring of 1968 I was much charmed by a first one-person show at the Drian Galleries of large, lively paintings which evidenced the artist's interest in dance and music, and a group of black and white drawings on mythological  made in her late teens and very early twenties by the young self-taught <mask> <mask>. I praised them greatly:  show of her work were in turn singled out for admiration in Arts Review by Marina Vaizey, Pat Gilmour, Oswell Baakeston and Charles Bone. And these praises were more recently joined by those of Kenneth Garlick of the Ashmolean Museum and David Brown of the Tate Gallery. Her painting evolved from figuration to an apparent abstraction which was, in truth, a dance of colours, an expression of natural exuberance. She was continually researching new means of printmaking and mixed media works, each kind of which is represented in this, her memorial exhibition. Painting
Sydney's work developed from representational to semi-abstract, and she soon established her style in purest abstract form starting with tiny delicate Persian Garden designs, miniatures in naturalistic colours that become abstract etchings: Bakhtiari, The Sultan's Garden, Shirvan Kabistan II, Hachly Moons, Little Squares, Saruk, which were exhibited in 1969. From 1973 her oils on canvas also began to develop into conceptual abstractions.From discernible figures worked in flowing brush strokes her forms became multi-faceted describing movement in hundreds of colour mutations and shapes. <mask>'s later paintings were developed in series, based on specific organic forms, such as leaves (see illustration), that provided a dynamic structural frame for the buildup of paint across large canvasses. Colour combined with vortex-like compositions, starting from a central point to expand outwards, enabled the artist to explore the kinesthetic qualities of visual experience in a way that relates to Bridget Riley's later work. Printmaking
Sydney continued to experiment in oils and other media and produced etching, engravings in steel (Art in Steel exhibition 1972), copper and perspex monoprints. One of her influences was Stanley William Hayter and her etchings would then use multiple colours on a single plate. She also produced aquatints and lithographs using one plate for each colour process. Her work in serigraphy was also extensive and first exhibited in 1974.Drawing
<mask>'s drawing consistently used acrylic and oil pastels, ink and brush creating a series of works on Gemini paper. She produced a series of intensely detailed pen drawings merging the calligraphic with the figurative in a humorous way, as in Pen drawing with Jester, 1976. Children's books
<mask> wrote and illustrated a Book of Nonsense Verse 1982/3 later titled Book of Fools which she dedicated to the First of April. A page from this work featuring the poem The Ant who Danced and Pranced is featured in the catalogue to the exhibition Homage to Berenice Sydney. In it the art historian, Florian Rodari's appraisal of <mask>'s work appears in French with a translation in English by Charlotte Frieze. The black and white illustrations to the Book of Fools are aquatints etched in a delicately delineated style. The text is written in French and English.Four artist's proofs of the book subsequently titled Book of Fools were printed. The French version of A Book of Fools was purchased by the Bibliothèque Nationale Paris in October 1982 in addition to a number of the artist's earliest etchings, now kept in the Cabinet des Estampes. An audio cassette recording of the artist giving a reading of the Book of Fools was made at the Musée d'Elysée in Lausanne as the artist performed with castanets, accompanied by Gypsy Flamenco musicians and rendered in parts with a Yorkshire accent in homage to her father's family origins. Exhibitions
Exhibitions during her lifetime 1968–1982

1968
Drian Galleries, First One Person Show, London
Leicester Galleries, - Group Show, London
Edinburgh Festival Costume Designs for Workshops Production of Clown - Televised, Grampian Productions
Magdelene Street Gallery. Group Show, Cambridge
1969 Traverse Theatre Gallery, Group Show, Edinburgh
Lumley Cazalet Gallery, Group Show, London
Camden Arts Centre Group Show, London
Tib Lane Gallery, Group Show, Manchester
Royal Institute Galleries, Group Show F.I.B.A., London WI
1971
International Student House, One Person Show, London
Leicester Galleries. Group Show, London WI
Richard Demarco Gallery, Group Show, Edinburgh
Tib Lane Gallery, Group Show, Manchester
1972
Galleria Stellaria One Person Show, Florence
Zella 9 Gallery, Group Show, London
Art in Steel Exhibition, Group Show, Millbank, London
F.B.A. Galleries, Group Show, London SWI
Magdelene Gallery, Group Show, Cambridge
1973
Christopher Drake Gallery, Group Show, London
Kenwood House Museum, Two Person Show, London, mounted by the Greater London Council
Bear Lane Gallery, One Person Show, Oxford
Van Dyke Gallery.One Person Show, Bristol University
Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Group Show, Paris
Artists from Five Continents" Group Show, Swiss Cottage Central Library
1974
Education Gallery, One Person Show, Leeds City Art Gallery
Willis Museum and Art Gallery. One Person Show, Basingstoke
Biennale della Grafica d'Arte, Florence, Italy representing Great Britain
Haworth Art Gallery, Accrington, One Person Show
1975
McAlpine Gallery, One Person Show, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
County Museum, One Person Show, Warwick
Museum and Art Gallery. Three Person Show, Leicester
Galleria d'Arte, One Person Show, Milan
St Catherine's College, Oxford One Person Show, Oxford
Trinity College, Oxford. One Person Show
Leicester Museum & Art Gallery. Prints
1976
Biennale Européan de la gravure, Group Show, Mulhouse
Galeria Peters, Group Show, Buenos Aires
Gallery of Modern Art, Two Person Show, Buenos Aires
Cardiff University, One Person Show, Cardiff
Leeds Art Gallery, Series of 6 lectures and demonstrations of etching techniques
1982
The Society of Graphic Artists
Hampstead Artists Council
Free Painters and Sculptors
Chelsea Art Society

Posthumous exhibitions 1984 onward

1984
Salute to Berenice Royal Academy.

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Berenice Sydney
Berenice Frieze
Berenice
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Joseph Sydney
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Sydneyl
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Berenice
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