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<mask> (born 7 January 1945) is a Kenyan politician who served as the Prime Minister of Kenya from 2008 to 2013. He is assumed as the Leader of Opposition in Kenya since 2013 as the New Constitution of Kenya does not prescribe for such a position. He was the Member of Parliament (MP) for Langata from 1992 to 2007. <mask> served in the Cabinet of Kenya as Minister for Energy from 2001 to 2002, and as the Minister for Roads, Public Works and Housing from 2003 to 2005. <mask> was appointed High Representative for Infrastructure Development at the African Union Commission in 2018. He was the main opposition candidate in the 2007 presidential election, running against the then incumbent Mwai Kibaki. In the subsequent presidential election 5 years later he placed second against Uhuru Kenyatta, garnering 5,340,546 votes, which represented 43.28% of the total votes cast.He made another attempt for the presidency in August 2017 against Uhuru Kenyatta. The electoral body declared Uhuru Kenyatta winner with 54% of the votes cast to <mask>'s 43%. This outcome was eventually annulled by the Supreme Court following findings that the election was marred by "illegalities and irregularities". A subsequent fresh election ordered by the Court was won by Uhuru Kenyatta when <mask> declined to participate citing inadequate reforms to enable a fair process in the repeat poll. Son of the first Vice President of Kenya, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, he draws a large chunk of his support from various regions in Kenya, most notably the Coastal Region and his native former Nyanza Province. <mask> is commonly known as "Baba", coincidentally, he was an MP at the same time as his father between 1992 and 1994. Other nicknames that have been associated with the premier are such as "Nyundo" which is hammer in Kiswahili, "Tinga" which means tractor in Kiswahili a symbol of his National Development Party (NDP) and "Agwambo" meaning a man who is unpredictable (enigma or mysterious) and 'Baba' which means a political father.<mask> first ran for president in the 1997 General Elections, coming third after President Daniel arap Moi of KANU and Mwai Kibaki of the Democratic Party (DP), respectively. He contested for the presidency again in the 2007 General Elections on an Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) ticket. In readiness for that poll, on 1 September 2007, <mask> was picked as ODM's presidential nominee to face off with PNU's Mwai Kibaki. He managed to garner significant support in that election. According to the he Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK), the electoral body at the time, he swept the majority of the votes in Rift Valley (Kenya's most populous area), Western, his native Nyanza, and Coast. Kibaki on the other hand won majority votes in Nairobi (the capital), North Eastern province, Central province and Eastern province, taking 4 provinces against <mask>'s 4. <mask>'s ODM party got 99 out of the 210 seats in the parliament, making it the single largest party in parliament.The Kriegler report, commissioned to investigate the violent aftermath of the 2007 elections and alleged vote-rigging, stated that about 1.2 million dead voters existed in the voters register, raising serious doubts to the integrity of the election. On 30 December 2007, then chairman of the Kenyan election commission the late Samuel Kivuitu, declared the incumbent, President Kibaki, the winner of the presidential election by a slim margin of about 230,000 votes. <mask> disputed the results, alleging fraud by the election commission. However he refused to follow due process of petitioning the courts, believing that the courts were under manipulation by Kibaki and so could not give a fair and impartial hearing. Most opinion polls had speculated that <mask> would defeat the president, though the margin kept narrowing as election day neared. Independent international observers have since stated that the poll was marred by irregularities in favor of both PNU and ODM, especially at the final vote-tallying stages. The announcement of Kibaki's win was followed almost immediately by rioting and violent protests, from both ODM and PNU supporters, and the post-election violence continued for several weeks resulting in over 1000 deaths and the displacement of 500,000 people.Besides his father, <mask> is identified as one of the leading forces behind the democratization process of Kenya, particularly during the repressive regime of President Daniel arap Moi (1978–2002) and the lead-up to the adoption of the new Constitution (2010) that re-affirmed many formerly neglected fundamental rights. In 2017, <mask> ran for the presidency a fourth time, but lost to Uhuru Kenyatta. Odinga contested the election result in the Supreme Court, which nullified the results and called new elections as a result of electoral irregularities. Despite the Supreme Court ruling, <mask> announced on 10 October 2017 that he would withdraw from the second Presidential election. Early life and education
<mask> <mask> was born at the Anglican Church Missionary Society Hospital, in Maseno, Kisumu District, Nyanza Province on 7 January 1945 to Mary Juma <mask> and Jaramogi Oginga <mask>. His father served as the first Vice President of Kenya under President Jomo Kenyatta. He is a member of the Luo ethnic group.He went to Kisumu Union Primary and Maranda High School where he studied until 1962, when he was transferred by his father to Germany. He spent the next two years at the Herder institution,which would train foreign students on the German language and was part of the philological faculty at the University of Leipzig in East Germany. He received a scholarship that in 1965 sent him to the Technical School, Magdeburg (now a part of Otto-von-Guericke University Magdeburg) in the GDR. In 1970, he graduated with a diplom (roughly equivalent to a Master's degree) in Mechanical Engineering and Welding. While studying in East Berlin during the Cold War, as a Kenyan he was able to visit West Berlin through the Checkpoint Charlie. When visiting West Berlin, he used to smuggle goods not available in East Berlin and bring them to his friends in East Berlin. He returned to Kenya in 1970.In 1971, <mask> established the Standard Processing Equipment Construction & Erection Ltd (later renamed East African Spectre), a company manufacturing liquid petroleum gas cylinders. In 1974, he was appointed group standards manager of the Kenya Bureau of Standards. In 1978 he was promoted to its deputy director, a post he held until his 1982 detention. Political career

Detention
In an era of unrelenting human rights abuse by the Kenya government, <mask> was placed under house arrest for seven months after evidence seemed to implicate him along with his late father Oginga <mask> for collaborating with the plotters of a failed coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi in 1982. Hundreds of Kenyan civilians and thousands of rebel soldiers died in the coup. Several foreigners also lost their lives. Odinga was later charged with treason and detained without trial for six years.A biography released 14 years later in July 2006 apparently with <mask>'s approval, indicated that <mask> was far more involved in the attempted coup than he had previously admitted. After its publication, some Members of Parliament in Kenya called for Odinga to be arrested and charged, but the statute of limitations had already passed and, since the information was contained in the biography did not amount to an open confession on his part. Among some of his most painful experiences was when his mother died in 1984 but the prison wardens took two months to inform him of her death. He was released on 6 February 1988 only to be rearrested in September 1988 for his pro-democracy and human rights agitation at a time when the country continued to descend deep into the throes of poor governance. and the despotism of single-party rule. multi-party democracy Kenya, was then, by law, a one-party state. His encounters with the authoritarian government generated an aura of intrigue about him and it was probably due to this his political followers, christened him "Agwambo", Luo for "The Mystery" or "Unpredictable", or "Jakom", meaning chairman.<mask> was released on 12 June 1989, only to be incarcerated again on 5 July 1990, together with Kenneth Matiba, and former Nairobi Mayor Charles Rubia, multiparty system and human rights crusaders . <mask> was finally released on 21 June 1991, and in October, he fled the country to Norway amid indications that the increasingly corrupt Kenyan government was attempting to assassinate him without success . Multi-party politics
At the time of <mask>'s departure to Norway, the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD), a movement formed to agitate for the return of multi-party democracy to Kenya, was newly formed. In February 1992, <mask> returned to join FORD, then led by his father Jaramogi Oginga <mask>. He was elected Vice Chairman of the General Purposes Committee of the party. In the months running up to the 1992 General Election, FORD split into Ford Kenya, led by <mask>'s father Jaramogi Oginga <mask>, and FORD-Asili led by Kenneth Matiba. <mask> became Ford-Kenya's Deputy Director of Elections.<mask> won the Langata Constituency parliamentary seat, previously held by Philip Leakey of KANU. <mask> became the second father of multi- party democracy in Kenya after Kenneth Matiba. When Jaramogi Oginga <mask> died in January 1994, and Michael Wamalwa Kijana succeeded him as FORD-Kenya chairman, <mask> challenged him for the party leadership. The elections were marred by controversy after which <mask> resigned from FORD-Kenya to join the National Development Party (NDP). In his first bid for the presidency in the 1997 General Election, <mask> finished third after President Moi, the incumbent, and Democratic Party candidate Mwai Kibaki. He however retained his position as the Langata MP. In a surprise move, <mask> decided to support Moi, his arch-enemy, even entering into a political merger between his party, NDP, and Moi's much-hated KANU party, which many Kenyans likened to the yoke of oppression.The merger was called New KANU. Previous admirers of <mask> now saw him as a sell-out to a cause he had once championed by closing ranks with a despot. He accepted a position in Moi's cabinet as Energy Minister, serving from June 2001 to 2002, during Moi's final term. In the subsequent KANU elections held later that year, he was elected the party's Secretary General (replacing Joseph Kamotho). It was apparent to many that <mask> hoped to ascend to the presidency through KANU and with Moi's support. In 2002, much to the chagrin of <mask> and many other hopefuls in the party, Moi endorsed Uhuru Kenyatta – son of Kenya's first president Jomo Kenyatta but a relative newcomer in politics – to be his successor. Moi publicly asked <mask> and others to support Uhuru as well.This was taken as an affront by many of the party loyalists who felt they were being asked to make way for a newcomer who, unlike them, had done little to build the party. <mask> and other KANU members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, George Saitoti and Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38-year-old Uhuru was politically inexperienced and lacked the leadership qualities needed to govern. Moi stood his ground, maintaining that the country's leadership needed to pass to the younger generation. Dissent ran through the party with some members openly disagreeing with Moi, despite his reputation as an autocrat. It was then that the Rainbow Movement was founded, comprising disgruntled KANU members who exited KANU. The exodus, led by <mask>, saw most big names fleeing the party. Moi was left with his handpicked successor almost alone with a party reduced to an empty shell with poor electoral prospects.The Rainbow Movement went on to join the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with opposition Mwai Kibaki's National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC). Amid fears that this opposition "super alliance", would fail to unite and rally behind a common candidate as in previous occasions thus easily hand victory to the government, <mask> declared "Kibaki tosha", Swahili for "Kibaki is sufficient", an endorsement of a Kibaki ticket. This resolved the matter of candidacy and Narc went on to defeat Moi's protege, Uhuru Kenyatta. The opposition won a landslide 67% of the vote, dealing a humiliating blow to Moi. <mask> led the campaign for Kibaki throughout the country while Kibaki was bedridden and incapacitated following an accident in which he sustained injuries. Dissent from within

On assuming office, President Kibaki did not appoint Odinga as Prime Minister in the new government, contrary to a pre-election memorandum Of understanding. (Kenya's constitution had no provision for Prime minister yet); neither did he give LDP (<mask>'s faction) half of the cabinet positions as per the MOU.He instead sought to entrench and increase his own NAK's side in cabinet, even appointing MPs from the opposition parties (KANU and FORD people) to the cabinet. The perceived "betrayal" started a simmering disquiet which in time led to an open rebellion and a split within the cabinet. A key point of disagreement was a proposed new constitution for the country, which was a major campaign issue that had united Kibaki's NAK and <mask>'s LDP in the campaign. This constitution included provisions to trim presidential powers to rein in what was seen as an autocratic presidency, a feature of both the Moi and first president Jomo Kenyatta's regimes which had led to a lot of power abuse and an unaccountable leadership. Once in power however, Kibaki's government instituted a Constitutional Committee which turned around and submitted a draft constitution that was perceived to consolidate presidential powers and weaken regional governments, contrary to the pre-election draft. <mask>, out of 8 provinces, only one ( Central Province where his tribe the Kikuyu are dominant) voted "yes" for the document, isolating his own tribe from the rest of Kenya and exposing his campaign as ethnic- based. A shell-shocked and disappointed President Kibaki sacked the entire cabinet on 23 November 2005. When it was reconstituted two weeks later, <mask> and the entire LDP group were left out. This led to the formation of a new opposition outfit, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) – an Orange was the symbol for the "No" vote in the constitutional referendum. In January 2006, <mask> was reported to have told police that he believed his life was in danger, having received assassination threats. Presidential elections

2007 presidential election
On 12 July 2007, with Kibaki's reelection bid drawing close, <mask> alleged that the government was withholding identity cards from voters in opposition strongholds with intention to skew the election in favour of Kibaki. He also claimed that the intended creation of 30 new constituencies was a means by the government to fraudulently engineer victory in the December 2007 parliamentary election.In August 2007, the <mask>'s own Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya suffered a setback when it split into two, with <mask> becoming head of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) while the other faction, the ODM-K, was headed by Kalonzo Musyoka who parted ways with Odinga. On 1 September 2007, the ODM elected <mask> as its presidential candidate in a National Delegates Conference held at the Moi International Sports Centre in Nairobi. <mask> received 2,656 votes; the only other candidates who received significant numbers of votes were Musalia Mudavadi with 391 and William Ruto with 368. Earlier, Najib Balala had withdrawn his candidature and endorsed <mask>. The defeated candidates expressed their support for <mask> afterward, and Mudavadi was named as his running mate. <mask> then launched his presidential campaign in Uhuru Park in Nairobi on 6 October 2007. <mask>'s bid for the presidency however failed when after the 27 December presidential election, the Electoral Commission declared Kibaki the winner on 30 December 2007, placing him ahead of <mask> by about 232,000 votes.Jeffrey Sachs (Professor of Economics and Director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University, and Special Advisor to former UN Secretary General) faulted the United States' approach to the post-election crisis and recommended an independent recount of the vote. <mask> and his ODM leaders rallied against the decision with James Orengo and Prof. Nyong'o calling for mass action. Later violence broke out in the country. The government's response was heavy-handed as it deployed police and paramilitary units to counter public protests. Following two months of unrest, which led to the death of about 1000 people and displacement of about 250, 000, a deal between <mask> and Kibaki, which provided for power-sharing and the creation of the post of Prime Minister, was signed in February 2008; it was brokered by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. <mask> was sworn in as Prime Minister, along with the power-sharing Cabinet, on 17 April 2008. The post of Prime Minister was last held by Jomo Kenyatta between 1963 and 1964 following independence.<mask> is thus the second person in Kenya's history to hold the position. 2013 presidential election

The next presidential election in which Odinga was to run was the 2013 March poll, involving Kibaki's handover of power. Uncertainty loomed over <mask>'s

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title: Raila Odinga

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 main rivals, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, who had both been indicted by the ICC of the Hague for their alleged role in the 2007 election violence. Despite their pending case, the duo had been nominated by the Jubilee party with Uhuru as presidential candidate and Ruto as running mate. Many felt they were unfit to run for office before clearing their names from such serious crimes while others felt that their opponents were trying to unfairly exploit the situation by eliminating them from the race and pave the way for their easy victory. A Synovate survey released in October 2012 found <mask> to enjoy a leading 45 percent approval rate against Uhuru and Ruto. <mask>'s party, Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) joined Kalonzo Musyoka's Wiper Party and Moses Wetangula's Ford Kenya (FK) in a CORD coalition (Coalition for Reforms and Democracy) for the presidential race with <mask> as the presidential candidate and Kalonzo as his running mate to face Jubilee's coalition ( Uhuru Kenyatta's (The National Alliance – TNA), William Ruto's (United Republican Party – URP), Charity Ngilu's (National Rainbow Coalition – NARC) and Najib Balala's (Republican Congress – RC)).A number of western countries were not in favour of the Uhuru and Ruto candidacy in view of their pending ICC cases and association with crimes against humanity. Former UN Secretary General Koffi Annan voiced his reservations, as did former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson who cautioned against the election of Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto. He was notably quoted as saying that "Choices have consequences, " referring to the fate of US-Kenyan relations, with a Uhuru administration. <mask> ran for president in the elections held on 4 March 2013 and garnered 5,340,546 votes (43.70%) out of the 12,221,053 valid votes cast. The winner, Uhuru Kenyatta garnered 6,173,433 votes (50.51%). As this was above the 50% plus 1 vote threshold, Uhuru won it on the first round without requiring a run-off between the top two candidates. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) therefore officially declared Uhuru Kenyatta the president elect on Saturday 9 March at 2:44 pm.Uhuru was set to take office as Kenya's 4th president. However, in a press conference shortly after the results were announced, <mask> said that the election had been marred by massive failures of the Biometric Voter Registration(BVR) kits, EVID (electronic voter identification or "Pollbooks"), RTS (results transmission system or "tallying system") and the RPS (results presentation or "transmissions system"). He claimed that the manual tallying was suspect leaving him no choice but to The Kenya Presidential Election Petition 2013 contest the result in Kenya's highest court, The Supreme Court. In anticipation of the legal challenge, <mask> and his lawyers George Oraro, Mutula Kilonzo, and James Orengo, secretly instructed Raj Pal Senna, a Management Consultant from Barcelona to carry out a forensic investigation of the technology used in the Kenyan General Election 2013, during which the IEBC made claims on TV and media that there were "technological challenges", that servers overloaded and that database crashed. Kenya's chief justice Dr. Willy Mutunga announced on Monday, 11 March that the Supreme Court was fully formed and ready to deliver its judgements within 14 days as stipulated by the constitution of Kenya. During the Petition hearing, Chief Justice Willy Mutunga made a finding rejecting second affidavit of Odinga which comprised 900 pages, on the basis that it amounted to "new evidence" which is not permitted under the Constitution. Subsequently, The Supreme Court issued a ruling dismissing the petition on 30 March 2013.The Supreme Court while declaring Uhuru the next President also declared that the IEBC should not have included the invalid/spoilt votes in the calculation of the final figures and percentages. Chief Justice Willy Mutunga also directed that the EACC (Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission) and the DPP (Director of Public Prosecutions) carry out a criminal investigation of the IEBC in relation to the BVR, EVID, RTS and RPS. After the supreme court dismissed his petition Odinga flew to South Africa to avoid attending the Inauguration of Uhuru Kenyatta, held on 9 April 2013 at Moi Sports Complex at Kasarani, Nairobi. The swearing ceremony marked the end of his premiership. In an important development, the full investigation findings were published as the OpCo Report on the website www.kenya-legal.com and inspired the documentary "50+1 – The Inside Story" by KTN journalists John Namu and Mohammed Ali. This documentary examines the history of election fraud and the history of corruption in the Judiciary, and in which Odinga claims that it can not be ruled out that it was a deliberate act or omission by the Court not to subject the technical evidence to scrutiny because the outcome would invalidate the entire election process and discredit the IEBC. 2017 presidential elections

Claims of election rigging
Odinga, through his lawyer James Orengo, Otiende Amollo and Clifford Ochieng claimed that forces associated with his main competitor Uhuru Kenyatta had hacked into the IEBC (Kenya's electoral body) server and tampered with its database.He stated that the results that were being transmitted by IEBC were false because they had been manipulated via a computer algorithm designed to maintain an 11% gap between him and Uhuru's votes. As such, he proved the votes were not real votes cast by human voters but the outcome of a computer generated formula producing artificial values. This intrusion into IEBC's system, he further said, affected not just the presidential results but the entire election, including the votes cast for MPs, Senators, Governors and Women Representatives. He called the alleged intrusion "the biggest vote theft in Kenya's history." Later while vote tallying was still in progress and the country was awaiting announcement of the final results, <mask> revealed that his team had received information from a confidential source in IEBC indicating that results from its server showed him leading with an unassailable 8 million votes over Uhuru's 7 million votes. Based on this, he demanded he be declared the 5th President of Kenya. The IEBC however rejected <mask>'s contention, saying the winner could not be announced before the tallying was complete and also being an independent body it could not be compelled by one of the candidates to announce the results.The IEBC finally announced the results declaring Uhuru the winner with 8.2 million votes against <mask>'s 6.7 million. The results showed massive losses for NASA, with Jubilee invading traditional NASA strongholds. NASA refused to recognize the results. Shortly after Uhuru's declared victory, violence was reported in some parts of the country which are opposition strongholds. However the violence was not of the scale witnessed in the 2007 election aftermath and broke out only sporadically. Both <mask> and President Kenyatta called for public calm. Annulment of the presidential election
After initially declining to take his case to court on the grounds that the court had previously made an unfavourable judgment against him, <mask> reconsidered and lodged a petition.After 2 days of hearing, the judges in a majority 4–2 decision returned a verdict on 1 September annulling the presidential results and ordered a new election to be held within 60 days. The court decision, read by Chief Justice David Maraga and widely viewed as unprecedented both in Africa and globally held that the IEBC failed to conduct the election in the manner provided by the Constitution and so could not stand. Despite the Supreme Court ruling, <mask> announced his withdrawal from the Presidential election, scheduled for 26 October, on 10 October. The reason for his withdrawal was his belief that the election would again not be free or fair, since no electoral process reforms had been made since the annulment of the last election, as well as various defections which occurred from his coalition. IEBC later stated that Odinga had not officially withdrawn from the race for presidency and his would still appear on the ballot on 26 October among other candidates who contested in the 8 August General Elections. This resulted to violent uproar in various parts of the country some few days before and after the repeat polls especially in the NASA dominated zones. Alleged police brutality was reported as independent medic research organization (IMLU) cited 39 deaths and high assault cases

Swearing in of People's President, and reconciliation
On 30 January, <mask> staged a swearing in ceremony in Nairobi where he named himself 'People's President.Following this ceremony TV stations across Kenya were taken off air. A month and a half later, on 9 March, <mask> and president Uhuru Kenyatta made a joint televised appearance in which they referred to each other as 'brothers,' and agreed to put aside political differences to allow Kenya to move forward. Post election

The Building Bridges Initiative
Following the March 2018 truce between Mr. Odinga and President Kenyatta, the two commissioned a joint task force that would collect views from Kenyans and report their findings. After touring the country and holding consultative sessions, the team compiled and submitted the report to President Kenyatta at State House Nairobi on 26 November 2019 which was followed by a public launch at the Bomas of Kenya the following day. The efforts by President Kenyatta and Mr. Odinga to bring peace and cohesion in the country were applauded by several leaders locally and internationally with the duo being invited to the International Lunch in Washington DC, USA in February 2020

Announcement For Fifth Bid For President
10 Dec 2021, Mr. Odinga announced that he will be eyeing a fifth stab at the presidency, putting an end to months of suspense after his surprise truce with President Kenyatta. His announcement was made while launching the Azimio La Umoja Convention - which would be his vehicle to State House - held at the Kasarani Stadium, Nairobi. Political positions

Economics
<mask>'s political ideology can be loosely styled as social democracy, more closely aligned with American left wing politics.His position was once in favour of a parliamentary system as seen when he initially backed a Constitution giving executive powers to a Prime Minister but he subsequently changed to a presidential system with a devolved power structure, which is reflected in Kenya's current constitution. Among others, <mask> is seen as one of the main force behind devolution now enshrined in Kenya's constitution as an essential part of Kenya's governance system. This was inspired by a feeling that all successive governments under the centralized power structure had consistently abused that power to favour certain areas along political or ethnic lines while denying many regions access to resources and development because of their ethnicity or perceived disloyalty. Devolution aimed to address this and guarantee regions their fair share of resources regardless of their political affiliation or ethnicity. Due to an economic downturn and extreme drought, <mask> has called for the suspension of taxes on fuels and certain foods that disproportionately impact the poor. <mask> has supported an element of state welfare in the form of cash-transfer programs to low-income people. This is currently implemented but in a limited way to poor, elderly people.Nevertheless, on social issues, <mask> has taken a more conservative line. On LGBT issues, Odinga stated that "the constitution is very clear on this issue and men or women found engaging in homosexuality will not be spared", adding that "If we find a man engaging in homosexuality or a woman in lesbianism, we'll arrest them and put them in jail". These comments were widely condemned from LGBT activists, who stated that his rhetoric put the lives of LGBT Kenyans in danger. In response, his office walked back <mask>'s statement, claiming he only meant to clarify that same-sex marriage is illegal under the constitution. Personal life

Baptised as an Anglican Christian in the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in his childhood, Odinga later became a Born-Again Christian and is a communicant member of All Saints' Cathedral in Nairobi. <mask> is married to <mask> (Ida Anyango Oyoo). They live in Karen, Nairobi and have a second home at central Farm, in Siaya County.The couple had four children: Fidel (1973–2015), Rosemary (born 1977), <mask> Jr. (born 1979) and Winnie (born 1990). Fidel was named after Fidel Castro and Winnie after Winnie Mandela. Winnie is currently studying Communication and International Area Studies as a double major student at Drexel University in Philadelphia. In an interview with BBC News in January 2008, <mask> asserted that he was the first cousin of US president Barack Obama through Obama's father. However, Barack Obama's paternal uncle denied any direct relation to Odinga, stating "<mask>'s mother came from this area, so it is normal for us to talk about cousins. But he is not a blood relative." <mask> briefly played soccer for Luo Union (now Gor Mahia) as a midfielder.<mask> was appointed by the African Union to mediate the 2010-2011 Ivorian crisis, which involved Alassane Ouattara and Laurent Gbagbo. <mask> wrote "Flame of Freedom" a 1040 paged autobiography which talks about his life from childhood. It was launched on 6 October 2013 in Kenya and subsequently in United States on 15 October 2013. He was accompanied by a section of Kenyan county governors. Controversy

Miguna Miguna claims
During his premiership, <mask> appointed Miguna Miguna as his advisor on coalition affairs, whom he later suspended in August 2011, citing "gross misconduct". The Daily Nation quoted his reason for suspension as being "accused of misrepresenting the office of the Prime Minister, possibly a reference to his having aired strong views which may have embarrassed the PM." Miguna Miguna later published controversial books about his working relationship with Odinga.According to one of Miguna Miguna's books, Peeling Back the Mask: A quest for justice in Kenya, instances of abuse of office, corruption, political trickery as well as public deception were planned, coordinated and covered up in Odinga's office in the three years where he worked there as an advisor of Odinga. His suspension came at a time when the electoral body, the IIEC, was in an uproar and unsettled by anonymously authored complaints which the commissioners characterise as a hate campaign but which raise troubling questions on corruption and nepotism. Later Miguna, after suspension, issued a statement that said he "was instructed to write my article on the IIEC chairman and the position he had taken with respect to the party's decision to kick out rebellious MPs and Councillors." He later denied, according to the Nairobi Star. Maize scandal
During <mask> <mask>'s tenure, The Office of the Prime Minister was implicated in the 'Kazi kwa Vijana scandal' where by a World Bank funded project was suspended due to embezzlement of funds. Similarly,The 'Maize scandal' where by aflatoxin contaminated maize was imported into Kenya was also linked to The Office of the Prime minister leading to the suspension of Odinga's top aides Permanent Secretary Mohammed Isahakia and Chief of Staff Caroli Omondi. 2019 Gold scam
Odinga has been reportedly linked to a 2019 multi-million dollar advance-fee scam of non-existent and "fake gold" in Kenya by a number of politicians from both sides of the political divide in Kenya.According to the reports UAE prime minister Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum's cousin lost money in disguised transactions for non-existent or otherwise "fake gold" in Kenya. In May 2019, in a leaked video recording, a voice of Moses Wetangula, the then Senator of Bungoma, appeared to implicate Odinga in a gold deal gone sour, a deal in which millions of dollars were lost by the UAE royal family in an advance fee scam of non-existent gold in Kenya In the same video as was reported wetangula claimed Odinga runs ODM like a gestapo where nothing happens without his concessions, and that Odinga met the president to explain the matter of the gold deal. In the same month Odinga claimed that he was the one that outed the cons to the Dubai-based complainants. Later in the same month a number of political leaders in Kenya called for Odinga to be investigated by the DCI for international conmanship. The legislators claimed they had compelling evidence against Odinga; According to them Odinga cannot be part of a criminal transaction and then claim to be a whistleblower at the same time, whilist being a direct individual beneficiary of proceeds of the scam

Honours and awards

Honorary degrees

See also
Luo people of Kenya and Tanzania
Raila Odinga Biography

References

Further reading

External links

Profile on BBC
Profile on Aljazeera
<mask> <mask> – Profile

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1945 births
Candidates for President of Kenya
Forum for the Restoration of Democracy – Kenya politicians
Kenyan Anglicans
Kenyan democracy activists
Kenyan Luo people
Kenyan Luo politicians
Leipzig University alumni
Living people
Members of the National Assembly (Kenya)
National Development Party (Kenya) politicians
Orange Democratic Movement politicians
People from Kisumu County
Prime Ministers of Kenya
Prisoners and detainees of Kenya
Alumni of Maranda High

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Ida Odinga
Raila
Odinga
Odinga
Odinga
Odinga
Odinga
Odinga
Raila
Odinga
Raila
Odinga


title: Frederick G. Coan

texts:
<mask><mask> (23 May 1859 – 23 March 1943) was a Christian missionary who was a witness to the Armenian genocide. Coan served as a missionary in Persia for over 50 years. He was an author of many books including Yesterdays in Persia and Kurdistan and has provided detailed eye-witness accounts of massacres of Armenians during the Armenian genocide. <mask> believed that the number of dead during the Armenian genocide exceeded one million people. He referred to the Ottoman government's policy towards the Armenians as one of "extermination". Early life
<mask> was born on 23 May 1859 in Urumia, Persia (presently the capital of West Azerbaijan Province, Iran). His parents, <mask> and Sarah (Power) <mask>, were both pioneering missionaries.<mask> grew up in Persia, then left for the United States for his education during the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). At Wooster University in Wooster, Ohio, Coan studied music and planned to become a professional musician. He also met his future wife, Ida Jane Speer, a Presbyterian minister's daughter, whom Coan married in 1885 before returning to the Ottoman Empire. During his sophomore year, <mask> helped organize a male quartet. He also played the organ at a local Lutheran Church where the quartet sang. Upon graduating from Wooster University in 1882, his mother convinced him to give up his musical dreams and instead continue his studies in order to become a missionary and return to the Ottoman Empire. Coan thus began studies at the Western Theological Seminary.There, he met Samuel H. Kellogg, a missionary from India, who rekindled <mask>'s missionary spirit. After graduating from the seminary, he continued his education at Princeton for two more years, graduating in 1884. In 1885, <mask> was ordained as a Presbyterian minister. On 25 July 1885, immediately after their marriage, <mask> and his wife sailed to the Middle East. The newlyweds toured Mosul and Baghdad, among other historic places, along the way. In 1904, <mask> took charge of the Urumia College, a position he held until 1912. Armenian genocide witness

Background
Armenian Christians had been an oppressed (and restive) minority in the Ottoman Empire, often turning to Eastern Orthodox Russia as well as Western Protestant missionaries for protection.Russian troops had been stationed in several Eastern Ottoman Provinces after the treaty ending the Russo-Turkish war, pending the Ottoman Empire's adoption of reforms, even as modified by the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Moreover, an Armenian nationalist movement which led riots in Constantinople and several Eastern provinces had been brutally suppressed in the Hamidian Massacres of 1894–1896. Ottoman military officers including Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and attempted to establish a constitutional monarchy in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. The collapsing Ottoman Empire lost its Balkan possessions after Orthodox Christian uprisings in  the First Balkan War of 1912–13. At least half a million Muslim Ottomans from the Empire's former Balkan possessions sought refuge in Turkey, some seeking revenge against Christians. Muslim Balkan refugees intensified Turkish fears that the Empire's Armenian Christian minority—with the assistance or encouragement of Western governments—might also attempt to establish an independent state and thus break up the Empire's Eastern provinces. As World War I began in July 1914, the Ottoman Empire's Eastern provinces, with their significant Armenian population, became strategically important, both because Russia continued to seek a warm water port and protect its southern border, and as it continued protecting fellow Christians.On 2 January 1915, Kurdish and Turkish regular troops advanced deep into Persia, breaking through Russian lines, and stationed themselves around the Urumia plain, where <mask> had been born and had long been stationed. Russian troops advanced across the Turkish border into the heavily Armenian-populated vilayet of Van in early 1915. The Turkish government blamed Armenian disloyalty, and adopted extreme measures later termed the Armenian genocide. Deportations and massacre
When the Kurdish and Turkish troops advanced into the Eastern Ottoman provinces in January 1915, an estimated 20,000 Armenians and other Christians sought protection in the Urumia plain. Coan managed to provide necessary shelter for these refugees and as many provisions as possible. After five months of caring for the refugees and hearing the Armenian deportations had just begun, Coan made a desperate attempt to travel around those districts and assess the Armenians' situation. Thus, in the summer of 1915, <mask> reported:

Then, through deportation, they determined to complete what had already been begun by the sword.The Turkish soldiers, in many cases offered by Germans, drove the Armenians across the plains, perpetrating upon them brutalities that were enough to break anyone's heart. I found one day a great mass of human bones, thirty feet high, and I said to my Turkish guide: "How do you account for this?" He replied: "We got tired of driving them, we got tired of hearing their moans and cries, and took them up that that precipice one day and flung them down to get rid of the job." <mask> later encountered a trench filled with the bones of human bodies:

There was a trench full of human bones, and I was told of the brave fight that 2,000 Armenians, standing for their homes and for the honor of their wives and daughters, had waged with their flintlock rifles against the Turkish troops. They held off a Turkish regiment for two weeks, until their ammunition was exhausted. Then the Turkish officer, taking an oath on the Koran, the most binding of all oaths to Moslems, promised the Armenian fighters that if they surrendered, he would, in deference to their courage, allowed them to go unharmed. These 2,000 men had no sooner surrendered than they were given picks and spades and told to dig a trench.When they had dug it they were shoved in with the bayonet. Upon seeing more human bones around a Church, <mask> asked the Turkish guide what had happened. The guide replied, "After we had killed off 30,000 in this district we came to this church and to our surprise found it filled with men, women and children who had sought refuge there, thinking that they might not be discovered." He continued describing the circumstances:

As soon as they saw us coming they barricaded the door. We sat around, making up our minds to starve them to death. We waited forty-eight hours for a sign of surrender, and not a sound came from the church. You might have thought it was a tomb.Then an officer went to the door and called to the priest to come and confer with him, and he said, 'I am here to offer you life and liberty. If you will come out one by one and following your priest repeat the Mohammedan creed, you shall go unscathed.' There was not a word of parley inside; the church door opened and the aged priest, with hoary locks and bared head, stood before that army without a plea, without a word. They understood the meaning, and with one flash of the sword he lay dead. Then several hundred men and women, mothers with their little babes in their arms, fathers and mothers with little boys and girls clinging to them, walked out of that church without a plea, without a tear, without a cry for mercy. When they exited the church, they were massacred. The Turkish guide said, "as we killed them, not even the children cried."He remarked that they died with a "smile on their face and a strange light in their eyes." Later life
<mask> returned to the United States in 1917 and appealed for the plight of the Armenians through public lectures. During his lectures, he continuously stressed the importance of relief for the Armenians in Syria. <mask> returned to the United States and lived in various cities, such a Minneapolis and Princeton, New Jersey. After finally settling in Claremont, California, <mask> had his first book published, Yesterdays in Persia and Kurdistan. <mask> retired from his missionary activities in 1932 after serving for over fifty years. His wife Ida died in 1939 in Claremont.<mask> died in Shreve, Ohio, on 23 March 1943 in the home of a friend. Both he and his wife are buried in the Wooster Cemetery in Wooster, Ohio. Works
Yesterdays in Persia and Kurdistan. Saunders Studio Press. 1939. (284 pp.) References

Bibliography

1859 births
1943 deaths
People from Urmia
American expatriates in Iran
American Presbyterian ministers
American Presbyterian missionaries
Presbyterian missionaries in Iran
Witnesses of the Armenian genocide
College of Wooster alumni
Western Theological Seminary alumni
Presbyterian missionaries in Asia
Presbyterian missionaries in the Ottoman Empire

masks:
Frederick G
. Coan
Coan
Frederick Gaylord Coan
George Whitefield
Kip Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Coan
Frederick Coan


title: Francis Dunnery

texts:
<mask> (born 25 December 1962) is an English musician, singer-songwriter, record producer and record label owner. <mask> was the lead singer and guitarist for British prog-pop band It Bites between 1982 and 1990. Since 1990 he has pursued a solo career, and has owned and run his own record label, Aquarian Nation, since 2001. He has collaborated with artists including Robert Plant, Ian Brown, Lauryn Hill, Santana and Anderson Bruford Wakeman Howe and as a producer and/or collaborator with David Sancious, Chris Difford (of Squeeze), James Sonefeld (Hootie and the Blowfish), Erin Moran, Steven Harris (ex-The Cult, Zodiac Mindwarp and the Love Reaction), and Ashley Reaks (Younger Younger 28s). <mask> was one of the candidates invited to audition as a lead singer and frontman for Genesis following Phil Collins' departure in 1996 (although the position ultimately went to Ray Wilson). He also played in the reformed 1960s beat/prog band The Syn between 2008 and mid-2009. Early life

<mask> grew up as part of a musical family in the small Cumberland town of Egremont (at 28 Queens Drive on the Gulley Flats estate).He is the younger son of <mask>, a former member of the Jimmy Shand band, and his wife, Kathleen. He displayed an interest in music from an early age, with his mother later recalling that "he was always drumming with his hands. Asking him what he wanted for his tea, he'd be drumming on something the whole time." His elder brother Barry "Baz" <mask> (whom <mask> cites as his greatest single influence) was a guitarist with heavy rock band Necromandus and subsequently Ozzy Osbourne's first post-Black Sabbath band and the ELO-spinoff Violinski. <mask> has described his family home as having been like "a bustling café" full of musicians and family friends of all generations, and recalls "my Mam and Dad were the greatest. They were kind, funny and gracious in a working class way. They were giving people.They had a way about them that made everyone feel welcome in our home... My Mam and Dad would feed them great food, share cigarettes and partake in humorous and interesting conversation." His childhood was blighted by his parents' mutual alcoholism. He described them as "binge drinkers, two weeks on and two months off... Once my Mam and Dad started drinking alcohol I never knew what was going to happen. Everything seems to happen fast. One minute it was paradise and the next minute it was sheer hell. It was horrific. ...Anyone who has lived under this nervousness will know exactly what I mean. I lived under this constant threat all my life." From the age of eleven, Frank spent four days a week living by himself on a trailer park to avoid problems at home, going to school during the day and bolstering his independence and living expenses by working as a musician at night. His first professional work was as half of an early teens duo with his friend Peter Lockhart which played local venues including the Tarnside Caravan Club and various cabaret venues. He recalls "we were the cute little duo that would open up for the main act... I would just bash along as Peter sang Elvis songs and played the organ." Adding guitar and singing to his musical skills, <mask> moved on to other projects of varying levels of commitment – "I played in a few local bands and with lots of different musicians, especially a group called Waving at Trains I was in with Don Mackay, who is a fantastic musician.He wrote some really good songs, too." Waving At Trains featured Mackay as frontman, <mask> on lead guitar and vocals, and Glyn Davies and Frank Hall on bass guitar and drums respectively (both of the latter having also played in bands with Frank's brother Barry, including Necromandus and Nerves). Regarding this period, <mask> commented "There was no one I could rely on... I somehow made sure that I had other places to live and spend my time (talk about the power of the human spirit) because I couldn't bear to be at home when my parents were drinking. I can still remember the smell of the house when my parents were drowning in hops. To this day the smell of Carlsberg Special Brew makes me want to vomit." Career

1982–1990: It Bites

In 1982, when he was nineteen, <mask> formed the rock band It Bites (taking the role of lead singer and guitarist).The other members of the band were his Egremont school friends Bob Dalton (drums, vocals) and Dick Nolan (bass, vocals) plus John Beck (keyboards, vocals) who came from Mirehouse; a suburb of Whitehaven. Following a career playing the pub and youth club circuit the band temporarily split, with <mask> moving to London. The band reformed some time later and left Egremont entirely to relocate to London in 1984, eventually signing a record contract with Virgin Records. It Bites released three studio albums, The Big Lad in the Windmill (1986), Once Around the World (1988) and Eat Me in St Louis (1989). It Bites' biggest hit single was "Calling All The Heroes" in 1986, which reached No. 6 in the UK Singles Chart. It Bites split up in 1990 in Los Angeles on the eve of recording their fourth studio album.Commenting on the breakup, <mask> said: "the band had come to the end. It was a natural process. We fell out over a few things, there wasn't one big issue or problem, it was daft little things. We had just drifted apart. It wasn't anyone's fault, but we split." Following <mask>'s departure, It Bites briefly continued with a new frontman (Lee Knott) and a succession of new names (including Navajo Kiss and Sister Sarah) but split up after failing to sign a new recording deal. A post-breakup It Bites live album (drawn mainly from 1989 concerts) called "Thank You and Goodnight," was released in 1991.1990–1995: Los Angeles and London

Following the 1990 break-up of It Bites, <mask> moved to Los Angeles, indulging what he later acknowledged to be a disastrously hedonistic lifestyle. During this period he recorded his first solo album, Welcome to the Wild Country, which was released on Virgin Records in 1991 and produced by David Hentschel. The record enjoyed little success and was released only in Japan. He regained the rights in 2001, re-issuing it on Aquarian Nation Records. He has since described Welcome to the Wild Country as "having been recorded at a time when I didn't know who I was". Towards the end of his time in Los Angeles, <mask> addressed his drugs and alcohol problems and cleaned up his lifestyle. He has subsequently been open about his problems with alcohol addiction and drug abuse during this period.In 1993 <mask> returned to the UK and joined Led Zeppelin singer Robert Plant's live band, performing on several tracks on Plant's 1993 album Fate of Nations and on the accompanying world tour. <mask> then released Fearless on Atlantic Records in 1994, promoting the album with his first solo tour of the UK. The Glasgow date of the tour was recorded for a live album, One Night in Sauchiehall Street, released in 1995. 1995–1999: New York and Vermont
In 1995, <mask> relocated to New York City. His third studio album, Tall Blonde Helicopter, was released on Atlantic that year. In 1996, <mask> was approached to audition as lead singer for Genesis. <mask>'s next album Let's Go Do What Happens, was released in 1998 on Razor and Tie Records, initially only in the United States.During this period, <mask> also played on Lauryn Hill's 1998 debut album The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill, and Carlos Santana's 1999 album Supernatural. <mask> went into semi-retirement as a musician later in 1998 and set up a new home in the Vermont mountains where he devoted the next few years to breeding and training horses (for which he studied under John Lyons, the "horse whisperer") as well as carpentry, astrology, and Jungian psychology. 2000–2003: Return to music

In 2000, inspired by watching a televised Shakti concert, <mask> later admitted he "realised there was still a musician in me, and that I had to be as true to that side of my character as I was being to the other sides." He decided to re-engage with the music business by returning to the UK for the first time in five years to play a few concerts, and by creating his own internet-based record label, Aquarian Nation, with the intention of releasing his future albums as well as albums by other artists. For the UK tour, <mask> formed a new backing band called The Grass Virgins, featuring second guitarist Dave Colquhoun, bass guitarist Matt Pegg, and singer/keyboard player Erin Moran, followed soon afterwards by a larger tour and support slots with Hootie and the Blowfish. <mask>'s first new album following his comeback was Man, released in 2001. On the album, <mask> said: "I was very depressed when I wrote the 'Man' CD.It was a difficult birth. I was going through such turmoil in my life. My mother was dying, my relationship was ending, and in complete contrast, my daughter Ava was being born. [But] I think I'm at peace with that side of my life now." <mask> toured the UK to promote Man, accompanied by Matt Pegg on bass guitar. A live album – Hometown 2001 – was recorded 14 June 2001 at the Whitehaven Civic Hall in Cumbria and released later the same year. During 2002, <mask> played on and produced several albums released on Aquarian Nation.The first of these releases was Chris Difford's I Didn't Get Where I Am, with whom <mask> also toured to promote the album. This was followed by John & Wayne's debut Nearly Killed Keith, and Songs From the Mission of Hope, the debut album by Stephen Harris. In 2003, <mask> performed with former It Bites

masks:
Francis Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Francis Dunnery
Charlie Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery


title: Francis Dunnery

texts:
 members John Beck, Dick Nolan and Bob Dalton at the Union Chapel, with the event was recorded and released on DVD as Live at the Union Chapel the following year. 2004–2007
In 2005, <mask> released The Gulley Flats Boys, a more sedate and acoustic album than its predecessor, featuring next to no drum or percussion parts and sparse use of electric guitar. It was recorded by <mask> with piano/keyboard player David Sancious and Dorie Jackson on backing vocals. In 2005, <mask> embarked on a "house concert" world tour, suggesting to fans that they book him to perform in their own homes for a paying audience, in a drug and alcohol-free environment. <mask> continues to perform house concerts to this day.In October 2007 <mask> released a free download of Feels Like Summertime, a song which had initially been written for It Bites shortly before the band's original split in 1990 and was reworked as part of the unsuccessful 2003 reunion. 2008–2011
In 2008, <mask> performed numerous solo performances and house concerts, this time centred on material from Tall Blonde Helicopter. His summer and fall schedule included a full-band tour, culminating in a performance in Seattle which was recorded by Flying Spot, Inc. for subsequent release as a special edition concert/documentary DVD. (Originally scheduled for a 2009 release and titled Louder Than Usual, this was finally released in September 2010 as a DVD with accompanying CD)

In 2010, <mask> released an "official video bootleg" DVD from the 2001 Man tour, titled In The Garden of Mystic Lovers, and produced and played on Snowman Melting, the first solo album by James Sonefeld of Hootie and the Blowfish. <mask> joined Steve Nardelli's revived 1960s progressive rock/beat band The Syn as guitarist, playing alongside Nardelli, keyboard player Tom Brislin and bass player Jamie Bishop as well as two members of American progressive rock band Echolyn, guitarist Brett Kull and drummer Paul Ramsey. There's a Whole New World Out There, released on 3 October 2009, featured a new group, The New Progressives, plus guest musicians performing reworkings of It Bites songs. The New Progressives toured the UK, American and Australia to promote the record, with guest appearances from other musicians.In 2009, Jem Godfrey (Frost*) announced on the Frost* Forum that he and <mask> had both contributed solos to the title track of Big Big Train's upcoming album, The Underfall Yard. 2011–present

On 12 August 2011, <mask> released Made in Space and supported the album with a tour of the UK, which featured himself and Dorie Jackson. He also announced that he would be recorded a cover version of Peter Gabriel's The Rhythm of the Heat as part of Sonic Elements, a new "fantasy rock" band put together by Dave Kerzner. In 2012, <mask> made a guest appearance on Steve Hackett's album Genesis Revisited II, singing on two tracks – "Dancing With the Moonlit Knight" and "Supper's Ready" (the "As Sure As Eggs Is Eggs (Aching Men's Feet)" section) – as well as contributing additional guitar. <mask> also made a guest appearance on Hackett's subsequent Genesis Revisited tour, singing at the Arcada Theater show in St Charles, Illinois on 20 September 2013, and at the Scottish Rites Auditorium in Collingswood, New Jersey. From late 2012 to autumn 2013, <mask> recorded Frankenstein Monster, a covers album featuring songs from his brother's former band Necromandus. Regarding the album, <mask> commented: "I must say that this has been one hell of a journey both emotionally and musically.I learned so much about my brother during the making of this album and so much about myself ... Listening back now as it comes into focus I am very pleased and proud of the results. We have kept very close to the originals, sometimes exact and where it need a little more musicality or space we were smart enough to add our own parts without ruining the song. I know exactly what Baz would have liked so I only added things I know he would have liked. In late 2013, <mask> put together The Sensational Francis Dunnery Electric Band, which toured both Necromandus songs and songs from the <mask> back catalogue. The band also featured on <mask>'s 2016 release Vampires, an album of re-recorded It Bites songs. Since January 2016, <mask> has presented "The <mask> Radio Show" on British progressive rock radio station Progzilla Radio.Musical style
 <mask>'s musical approach is diverse. His early musical influences were progressive rock (with Genesis being a particular inspiration) and jazz-rock fusion musicians including John McLaughlin, Soft Machine, Focus, Return to Forever and Jeff Beck. His aggressive and dramatic playing style merges hard rock, pop and funk stylings with a fluid, spiralling hammer-on lead-guitar technique inspired by Allan Holdsworth. He has criticised his lead guitar approach at that time as having been immature. He has also incorporated elements of jazz, classical and country fingerpicking into his style. On his songwriting, <mask> has said: "I cannot write songs on a nine-to-five basis. At the risk of sounding pretentious, my songs come from somewhere else and I have to wait for them, so it's not up to me when I receive them.When the songs start to come, they all come at the same time. I may get 20 songs in three to four days and then it all stops again." Aside from singing and playing the guitar, <mask> plays drums, bass guitar, organ, keyboards, percussion and tapboard (a guitar-related instrument). Personal life

<mask> has a daughter, Francine Nicholson from a relationship with Jackie O'Sullivan. He married American singer Julie Daniels (frontwoman of the rock band Star 69) on 8 December 1990 in Las Vegas, Nevada. He was later in a relationship with Helena Faccenda, with whom he had a daughter, Ava Faccenda-<mask>, in 1999. Around 2004 he met his girlfriend Erica Brilhart.During their relationship they had two children, Elsie (2012) and Frankie (2015) Dunnery. <mask>'s nephew, <mask>, has contributed to his uncle's live concerts and recordings. Charitable work
In 2002, <mask> founded the Charlie and Kathleen Dunnery Children's Fund a volunteer-run fundraising charity based in his hometown of Egremont, and named in honour of his late parents. Explaining his reasons for setting up the charity, <mask> has said "My mother was a wonderful woman... so this is my way of honouring her and my dad. A line in one of my songs is that the only thing you get to keep is what you give away – I like that idea. I think that by the time you are 40 if you aren't doing something to help others then you probably should be. People take all the time and I think it is nice to put something back."The fund raises money for projects and activities supporting the health, wellness and educational needs of children and young people in the Egremont area. He continues to support the charity via regular concerts in Egremont as well as participation in and publicity for various sponsored events. Discography

Studio albums
Welcome to the Wild Country (Virgin Records, 1991)
Fearless (Atlantic Records, 1994)
Tall Blonde Helicopter (Atlantic Records, 1995)
Let's Go Do What Happens (Razor and Tie Records, 1998)
Man (Aquarian Nation, 2001)
The Gulley Flats Boys (Aquarian Nation, 2005)
There's a Whole New World Out There (Aquarian Nation, 2009) (re-recordings of solo/It Bites songs, plus cover versions - remixed and reissued 2017 as Whole New World Remix)
Made in Space (Aquarian Nation, 2011)
Frankenstein Monster (Aquarian Nation, 2013) (cover versions and reworkings of Necromandus songs - remixed and reissued 2017 as Frankenstein Monster Remix)
Vampires (Aquarian Nation, 2016) (re-recordings of It Bites songs)
Return to the Wild Country (Aquarian Nation, 2016) (complete re-recording/reworking of Welcome to the Wild Country)
The Big Purple Castle (Aquarian Nation, 2021) - forthcoming

Live
One Night in Sauchiehall Street (Cottage Industry 1995)
Hometown 2001 (Aquarian Nation, 2001)

Singles
"American Life in the Summertime" (Atlantic Records, 1994)
"What's He Gonna Say?" Robert Plant – Fate of Nations (1993, Es Paranza) – rhythm guitar on 'Come into My Life, lead guitar on "Promised Land." Lauryn Hill – The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill (1998) – guitar on "Every Ghetto, Every City" & "Nothing Even Matters." Santana – Supernatural (1999) – rhythm guitar on "Do You Like The Way?" Ian Brown – Music of the Spheres (2001, Polydor Records) – guitars on all tracks, also co-wrote "El Mundo Pequeño."Big Big Train – The Underfall Yard (2009) – guest lead guitar on "The Underfall Yard." Steve Hackett – Genesis Revisited II (2012) – lead vocal songs "Supper's Ready", "Dancing with the Moonlit Knight." as producer
Chris Difford – I Didn't Get Where I Am (Aquarian Nation, 2002) – also co-wrote and played guitars and keyboards on all tracks. John & Wayne – Nearly Killed Keith (Aquarian Nation, 2002) – also co-wrote and played drums and organ on all tracks. Stephen Harris – Songs From The Mission of Hope (Aquarian Nation, 2002) – also co-wrote and played guitar, piano and Mellotron on all tracks. John Gilmour Smith – The Story We've Been Sold (Aquarian Nation, 2010) – also co-wrote, and sang on several tracks

References

External links
 Official Site
 Aquarian Nation Records
 It Bites Official Site

1962 births
Living people
English male singers
English rock guitarists
English male guitarists
English drummers
British male drummers
English record producers
English rock singers
English people of Irish descent
People from Egremont, Cumbria
It Bites

masks:
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Francis Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Francis Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery
John Dunnery
Dunnery
Dunnery


title: Nicole Galloway

texts:
<mask> (née Rogge; born June 13, 1982) is an American accountant and politician who has served as the State Auditor of Missouri since 2015. She was the Democratic nominee for Governor of Missouri in the 2020 election, losing to incumbent Republican Mike Parson. <mask> was appointed to the office of State Auditor by Governor Jay Nixon on April 14, 2015, following the death of Tom Schweich in February 2015. She was elected to a full term in the 2018 election. In 2018, following the electoral defeat of U.S. Senator Claire McCaskill to Josh Hawley, <mask> became both the only female state officeholder and the only Democratic statewide elected official in Missouri. On June 4, 2021, <mask> announced that she would not run for reelection as State Auditor in 2022.Early life and education
<mask> grew up in Fenton, Missouri and graduated high school from Ursuline Academy in Oakland, Missouri. She holds a bachelor's degree in applied mathematics and economics from Missouri University of Science and Technology in Rolla. During college, she was a member of the S&T soccer team, member of a service organization, and was a server at Applebee's. She has a master's degree in business administration from the University of Missouri. She is a Certified Public Accountant and Certified Fraud Examiner. Private sector career
Before working in government, she worked at the public accounting firm of Brown Smith Wallace in Creve Coeur, Missouri. At Brown Smith Wallace, she served as an auditor of national and international Fortune 500 companies and insurance companies.She has worked at Allstate Insurance as an actuarial analyst and at Shelter Insurance's Columbia headquarters as a corporate auditor. <mask> cites her experience in the private sector as key to being a "strong, independent watchdog for Missourians" in her role as auditor of Missouri. She served as secretary/treasurer of the Missouri Technology Corporation, helping invest in entrepreneurs to create jobs for Missourians. She held the same role for the Missouri County Employees' Retirement Fund to safeguard retirement benefits of 16,000 Missouri residents in 111 counties across the state and spearheaded the initiative to ensure equally protected benefits of county employees in same-sex marriages. Boone County Treasurer
<mask> served as treasurer of Boone County, Missouri from April 2011 until her appointment as state auditor four years later. As county treasurer, she managed a $100 million investment portfolio and issued all general obligation and revenue bonds for the county. <mask> developed a debt issuance policy in 2012 that provided increased transparency.In 2011, Boone County became the first Missouri county to maintain an online search and claim system for unclaimed property which oversaw the distribution of approximately $20,000 in unclaimed property in 2014. During her service as County Treasurer, <mask> served on the Missouri Technology Corporation and Missouri County Employees’ Retirement Fund. As a board member for retirement fund board she was the leader for expanding benefits to members’ same-sex spouses. Following <mask>'s resignation as Boone County Treasurer on April 27, 2015, Kay Murray was appointed as interim County Treasurer. Missouri State Auditor

Tenure
<mask> has said that her goals as State Auditor of Missouri are to hold her office and others to the highest professional standards and being accountable to Missourians. Upon taking the oath of office in 2015, <mask> said one of her first priorities as State Auditor of Missouri would be cybersecurity by making protection of Missourians' private data part of audit procedures for the State Auditor's Office. As State Auditor of Missouri, <mask> manages about 115 employees.The state auditor's staff is made up of CPAs, with about 65 percent of all audit staff having at least one professional license, certification or advanced degree. Employment as an auditor with the State Auditor's Office qualifies as mandatory experience required for licensure by the Missouri State Board of Accountancy as a certified public accountant. Additional responsibilities of the State Auditor's Office include serving as the independent, professional watchdog for government. The State Auditor's Office works to ensure the proper use of public funds and to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of Missouri government by performing audits of state agencies, boards and commissions, the circuit court system, the counties in Missouri that do not have a county auditor, and other political subdivisions upon petition by the voters. These audits examine financial accountability, waste, opportunities for fraud, and whether government organizations and programs are achieving their purposes and operating economically and efficiently. Callaway County
On September 24, 2018, Auditor <mask> released an audit showing $300,000 missing from the Callaway County Collector's Office from January 2016 to March 2018. The former county collector pleaded guilty in federal court to embezzling the funds.On March 4, 2019, former Callaway County Collector Pamela Oestreich was sentenced to two years and six months in federal prison without parole for embezzling more than $300,000 from taxpayers in Callaway County. Putnam County Hospital
In 2017, Auditor Galloway released an audit that uncovered a billing scheme in which Putnam County Memorial Hospital billed insurance companies for lab services conducted across the country. The questionable activity began in September 2016, after the Putnam County Hospital Board hired David Byrns and his company, Hospital Partners Inc., to take over day-to-day management of the hospital. The auditor's report uncovered $90 million in inappropriate lab billings. The findings of the audit were covered by national news outlets and resulted in calls for a federal investigation into hospital billing schemes. Following the audit, dozens of major insurers banded together to file lawsuits against affiliated hospitals in Missouri and other states, demanding hundreds of millions in restitution. The lawsuits describe the lab-billing operation as a "widespread fraudulent scheme".Audit of City of Viburnum
On June 21, 2017, Auditor <mask> released an audit showing that the city clerk of Viburnum, Missouri stole $100,000. Dana Mayberry served as the Viburnum City Clerk for 14 years. The city identified inconsistencies in accounts she oversaw after she lost her reelection bid in April 2016. At that time, most of the city and municipal division records disappeared in the Iron County town of less than 1,000 residents. Mayberry admitted to stealing city funds, after which the mayor notified the State Auditor's Office. An audit began in August 2016 after the Viburnum Board of Aldermen authorized one. The examination began to uncover a scheme in which the former clerk adjusted customer utility accounts and then destroyed records and other evidence.The former city Clerk was charged with receiving stolen property, a Class B Felony as a result of the audit. On August 15, 2018, the former city Clerk was sentenced to five years probation and ordered to pay the City of Viburnum $100,000. Missouri Alliance for Freedom v. Galloway

In May 2017, the 501(c)(4) non-profit Missouri Alliance for Freedom submitted multiple open-records requests to the Office of State Auditor. The requests sought a wide variety of communications, including those specifically concerning the auditor's scrutiny of the Missouri Department of Revenue. The auditor's office responded that non-substantial messages that relate to the office's business are not required to be produced in sunshine law requests. The State Auditor's Office produced approximately 47,000 pages at no charge to Missouri Alliance for Freedom, including 254 screenshots of text messages to and from the state auditor. In July 2017, the Missouri Alliance for Freedom sued the State Auditor's Office.The legal team working for Missouri Alliance for Freedom was Graves Garrett. In November 2017, the Missouri Alliance for Freedom filed a formal complaint with Republican Missouri attorney general Josh Hawley alleging that <mask> "unlawfully withheld public records from her State-provided cell phone." In February 2018, attorney general Hawley issued a report that found <mask> complied with the Missouri Sunshine Law. After the attorney general's report on February 7, 2018, the judge dismissed the majority of the claims against the State Auditor's Office, and ordered the Missouri Alliance for Freedom re-plead its claims. The Missouri Alliance for Freedom alleged that <mask> had her cell phone automatically delete text messages after 30 days. Because <mask>'s office had taken more than 30 days to respond to previous sunshine requests, it was unclear if <mask>'s office knowingly violated or subverted the Missouri sunshine law. Circuit Court Judge Jon Beetem ruled against the Missouri Alliance for Freedom on January 28, 2019, ending the suit in favor of <mask>.The judgement stated: "The Court finds in favor of Defendant State Auditor <mask> on all claims asserted by Plaintiff Missouri Alliance for Freedom, Inc."

Elections

2018 Missouri State Auditor election

<mask> was appointed to the post of Missouri State Auditor by Governor Jay Nixon in 2015 following the death of Republican Auditor Tom Schweich. She won election to a full term as Missouri State Auditor on November 6, 2018. She is not running for reelection in 2022, and her term will expire in January 2023. 2020 gubernatorial campaign

In August 2019, <mask> announced that she was seeking the Democratic nomination for the 2020 Missouri gubernatorial election and officially won the primary on August 4, 2020. <mask> faced incumbent Republican governor Mike Parson in what was anticipated to be a close race. Parson, a former lieutenant governor who assumed the post following the resignation of Eric Greitens in June, 2018, announced in September 2019 that he would seek a full term as governor. In her campaign announcement video, <mask> emphasized her record in exposing public corruption, pledged to reduce the influence of special interest groups on the Missouri legislature, and attacked the Parson administration for its efforts to curb the effects of a government transparency initiative that was passed by statewide ballot in 2018.<mask> is currently the only Democratic politician holding statewide office in Missouri, as well as the only female officeholder. She lost the election to incumbent Republican Governor Mike Parson by nearly 17% (almost half a million votes). Had she won the election, she would had become the state's first female governor. Endorsements
<mask>'s endorsements included former president Barack Obama, former vice president and 2020 presidential candidate Joe Biden, U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren, New Jersey Governor Phil Murphy, U.S. Representative from Missouri's 5th District Emanuel Cleaver, Kansas City, Missouri Mayor Quinton Lucas, former Georgia House of Representatives minority leader Stacey Abrams. Three famous St. Louis natives also campaigned with her: model Karlie Kloss, Bravo host Andy Cohen, and journalist Derek Blasberg. Her endorsements from national organizations or state chapters of national organizations included Sierra Club, EMILY's List, Planned Parenthood, Missouri AFL-CIO, End Citizens United, Let America Vote, the National Women's Political Caucus, and the Missouri Women's Leadership Council.The Editorial Boards at The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Missouri's most circulated newspaper; Kansas City Star, Missouri's second most circulated newspaper; and The St. Louis American, a newspaper that serves the St. Louis-area African-American community, all endorsed <mask>. Results

Personal life
A native of Fenton, Missouri, <mask> lives in Columbia, Missouri with her husband, <mask>, and their three sons. Jon served as press secretary to then-State Treasurer Clint Zweifel. In August 2016, she announced that she was pregnant with her third child, due in January 2017, and was the first statewide officeholder in Missouri history to become pregnant while in office. Her third son was born on January 6, 2017. <mask> has been a board member for the Heart of Missouri United Way and the finance committee of the Columbia Interfaith Resource Center. She also has been a mentor for children at Discovering Options in St. Louis and is a member of her local Rotary.References

External links

 Missouri State Auditor's Office website
 <mask> for Missouri campaign website

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1982 births
21st-century American politicians
21st-century American women politicians
American accountants
Mathematicians from Missouri
Living people
Missouri Democrats
Missouri University of Science and Technology alumni
Politicians from Columbia, Missouri
Politicians from St. Louis County, Missouri
State Auditors of Missouri
University of Missouri alumni
Women in Missouri politics
Candidates in the 2020 United States elections

masks:
Nicole Marie Galloway
Galloway
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Jon Galloway
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Nicole Galloway


title: John S. Conway (historian)

texts:
<mask> (December 31, 1929 – June 23, 2017) was Professor Emeritus of History at the University of British Columbia, where he taught for almost 40 years. His work focused on the role of the Vatican and German churches during the Holocaust; on 20th-century Christian–Jewish relations; and on the Holocaust in Hungary and Slovakia. Author of the landmark study The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933–1945 (1968), <mask> was one of the founding contributors, in 1970, to the Scholars' Conference on the Church Struggles and the Holocaust. He was awarded the Queen's Silver Jubilee Medal in 1977. Early life and education
<mask> was born, one of three boys, in London, England, to <mask>, a marine biologist, and her husband. He came from a family that prized education. His mother was a graduate of Glasgow University; his father had graduated from Cambridge.<mask>'s paternal grandfather was the classicist <mask> <mask>. Katharine Glasier, the teacher and Independent Labour Party politician, was his great aunt. After attending Sedbergh School, an independent school in Cumbria, <mask> joined the British Army in 1948 as a conscript, working in intelligence in Austria. After being allowed to leave the army six months early to pursue his studies, he began reading English literature at St John's College, Cambridge, before switching to history. He completed both his BA and PhD at St John's. Career
In 1955 <mask> moved to Canada and taught international relations at the University of Manitoba. He had to return to England to defend his thesis and met his wife, Ann, on the boat on the way back to Canada.In 1957 <mask> joined the history department at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in 1957, teaching modern European history and international relations. His 474-page study, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933–1945, was published in 1968 in London by Weidenfeld & Nicolson. The book examined the position of several Christian churches during the Third Reich, including the Catholics, Methodists, Baptists and Jehovah's Witnesses. <mask> also wrote papers on the role of the government and Jewish organizations during the Holocaust in Hungary and Slovakia, and about Rudolf Vrba, the Auschwitz escapee. On the role of the churches, he wrote:

<mask> spent nearly 40 years at UBC; he was appointed professor emeritus when he retired in 1995. In 1998 he became the Smallman Distinguished Visiting Professor in the Department of History at the University of Western Ontario. He sat on the editorial boards of Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte and the Journal of Holocaust and Genocide Studies; from 1995 he was also director of the Association of Contemporary Church Historians and editor of their newsletter.He delivered a lecture at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem in 1993. <mask> was a member of the Anglican Diocese of New Westminster's Refugee Liaison Committee. On the UBC campus, he had been long associated with the Student Christian Movement, and the World University Service of Canada (WUSC), for which he acted for many years as faculty advisor. He was a member of St James' Anglican Parish, Vancouver. Selected works

(1965). <mask>, <mask>. "The Silence of Pope Pius XII". The Review of Politics.27(1):105–131. (1968). <mask>, <mask>. The Nazi persecution of the Churches 1933–1945. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. . Reissued in 1997 and 2001 by Regent College Publishing, Vancouver. (1969). <mask>, <mask>. La Persécution Nazie des Églises, 1933–1945. Paris: Éditions France-Empire.(1969). <mask>, <mask>. Die Nationalsozialistische Kirchenpolitik 1933–1945: Ihre Ziele, Widersprüche und Fehlschläge. Munich: Kaiser. (1973). <mask>, <mask>. "The Vatican, Great Britain, and Relations with Germany, 1938–1940". The Historical Journal. 16(1): 147–167.(1973). <mask>, <mask>. "Between Apprehension and Indifference: Allied Attitudes to the Destruction of Hungarian Jewry". Wiener Library Bulletin. 1973/4: 37–48. (1974). <mask>, <mask>. "The Churches, the Slovak State and the Jews 1939–1945. The Slavonic and East European Review.52(126): 85–112. (1977). <mask>, <mask>. Visit to the Tibetan settlements in northern India, 1977. New Westminster, B.C. : Institute of Environmental Studies, Douglas College. (1978). <mask>, <mask>. Bourgeois German Pacifism during the First World War.Papers of the Canadian Historical Association. (1979). (1980). <mask>, <mask>. "The Holocaust and the Historians". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 450(1): 153–164. (1980).<mask>, <mask>. "The Churches", in Henry Friedlander and <mask> Milton (eds.). The Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy, and Genocide. Millwood, New York: Kraus International Publications. (1984). (1984). <mask>, <mask>. "The First Report about Auschwitz". Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, 1: 133–151.(1984). <mask>, <mask>. "Christians and Jews After the Holocaust: New Views in German Theology". Shofar. 2(3): 21–22. (1986). <mask>, <mask>. "The Holocaust in Hungary: Recent Controversies and Reconsiderations", in Randolph L. Braham (ed.). The Tragedy of Hungarian Jewry: Essays, Documents, Depositions.New York: Institute of Holocaust Studies, City University of New York. (1986). <mask>, <mask>. "Protestant Missions to the Jews 1810–1980: Ecclesiastical Imperialism or Theological Aberration?". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1(1):127–146. (1987). <mask>, <mask>. "Catholicism and the Jews during the Nazi Period and After", in Otto Dov Kulka and Paul R. Mendes-Flohr (eds.). Judaism and Christianity under the Impact of National Socialism.Jerusalem: Historical Society for Israel, 435–451. (1989). <mask>, <mask>. "Canada and the Holocaust", in Yehuda Bauer et al. (eds.). Remembering for the Future: Working Papers and Addenda. Vol. 1: Jews and Christians during and after the Holocaust.Oxford: Pergamon Press, 296–305. (1991). <mask>, <mask>. "Remembering the Holocaust". The Sewanee Review. 99(2): 286–295. (1994). <mask>, <mask>. "The Vatican, Germany and the Holocaust", in Peter Kent, <mask> Pollard (eds.).Papal Diplomacy in the Modern Age. Praeger. (1994). <mask>, <mask>. "The Stasi and the Churches: Between Coercion and Compromise in East German Protestantism, 1949–89". Journal of Church and State. (1995). <mask>, <mask>. "Christian-Jewish Relations during the Fifties".Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte''. 3(1): 11–27. (2002). (2005). References

External links

"Correspondence, articles and miscellaneous records", created by <mask>, Vancouver Holocaust Education Centre. 1929 births
2017 deaths
Alumni of St John's College, Cambridge
Canadian historians
Canadian male non-fiction writers
English historians
English male non-fiction writers
Historians of the Holocaust
University of British Columbia faculty
University of Manitoba faculty

masks:
John Seymour Conway
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Elsie Conway
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Robert Seymour
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title: Rosi Wolfstein

texts:
<mask> (after 1948, Rosi Frölich: 27 May 1888 - 11 December 1987) was a German socialist politician. After the murder of her friend and mentor, the communist pioneer Rosa Luxemburg, she inherited Luxemburg's copious collection of papers, and devoted much time to organising the archive. During the 1930s, with her partner Paul Frölich, <mask> worked on an important biography of Luxemburg. Life

Family provenance and early years
<mask> was born at Witten, then a rapidly growing industrial city west of Dortmund in the Ruhr region. Her father, <mask> (1843–1901), was a businessman. She was one of her parents' four recorded children. Her elder brother, Paul, later died in the First World War:  later still, in 1942, both her sisters, Wilhelmine and Bertha, would be deported to Auschwitz concentration camp and murdered.On leaving the local secondary school Wolfstein undertook a commercial training and embarked on a career as an office worker. In 1908 a change in the law legalised female participation in politics, and <mask> lost no time in joining the Social Democratic Party of Germany ("Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands" / SPD). She had already, the previous year, joined the "Women's and Girls' Workers' Education Association" ("Frauen- und Mädchen-Arbeiterbildungsverein") in Hagen. In 1910 she joined the National Employees Association ("Zentralverband der Angestellten" / ZdA), part of the Free Trade Union grouping. By 1913 she had become an SPD party activist in her native Lower Rhine region. Rosa Luxemburg
It was in 1910 that she first came across Rosa Luxemburg, four years her senior and already established and respected within the party. On meeting Luxemburg, <mask> later wrote she was at once in awe and initially disappointed, because Luxemburg was so small in stature and so different from the woman <mask> had expected her to be.Initial disappointment was quickly replaced by respect as the two became friends, each recognising in the other a shared political outlook. Between 1912 and 1913 <mask> studied as one of Luxemburg's pupils at the party academy in Berlin. For nine years, till 1919, the two of them worked closely together on political matters. One thing they had in common was a talent for public speaking, and the evening before the 1912 General Election - in which their SPD won twice as many votes as the next placed party - Luxemburg and <mask>, described by one admirer as a woman of small stature and extraordinary presence, shared a platform at the final major pre-election event. When war broke out in the late summer of 1914 <mask> was one of those in the SPD who opposed the party leadership decision to agree a political truce at the outbreak of the war and, more specifically, to vote in favour of "war credits". During the war she was an activist within the Spartacus League in the Duisburg region and, as a radical pacifist, was several times arrested, spending in total approximately a year in prison during the war. She took part in the illegal youth conference at Jena in Easter 1916, as a delegate from the Duisburg Socialist young Workers.In a secret police report dated 10 May 1917 <mask> was identified as a "fanatical individual" ("fanatische Persönlichkeit"):  she and her fellow campaigners in Duisburg were frequently characterised as "enemy agents" ("feindliche Agenten"). As the scale of the human slaughter on the front line and of the economic destitution on the home front mounted, the number of SPD politicians opposing the war increased, and it was primarily over this issue that the SPD (party) split in 1917. In 1917 <mask> was at the founding conference of the breakaway faction, launched as the Independent Social Democratic Party ("Unabhängige Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands" / USPD) at Gotha. She attended as a representative of the Spartacus League, which now became a quasi-autonomous element within the new party. After the war, revolution
War ended, formally, in November 1918 and was followed in Germany by an outburst of revolutionary events, especially in the cities, which lasted for about a year. Unusually, in view of her gender, <mask> was elected to the Soldiers' and Workers' Council in Düsseldorf, which had become the focus of the revolution for the Lower Rhine region. At the close of 1918 she and Rosa Luxemburg were among the five identifiable women among the 127 delegates at what became the founding congress of the German Communist Party in Berlin.Luxemburg was assassinated a couple of weeks later, but <mask> subsequently attended the Second World Congress of the Comintern, held in Moscow in July 1920. Getting to Petrograd and from there to Moscow through the chaos of the Russian Civil War involved disguising herself as a man and using a false passport. In Moscow she met, and according to one source quarreled, with Lenin. <mask> <mask> was away in Düsseldorf on 15 January 1919 when Rosa Luxemburg was murdered in Berlin. Together with her partner, Paul Frölich, for the next ten years she effectively worked as Luxemburg's literary executor, gathering together the various papers left behind into a coherent archive. One product of this was Frölich's biography of Luxemburg, "Rosa Luxemburg. Thoughts and Action" ("Rosa Luxemburg.Gedanke und Tat"), which was published, initially, in Paris in 1939. Party insider: party splits
Between 1921 and 1924 she sat as a "United Communist Party" member of the Prussian regional legislature ("Landtag"), where within the parliament she was deputy leader of the party group. Between 1921 and 1923 she was also a member of the party head office and organisation team, where she had responsibility for party publishers. However, use of the word "united" in the party name reflected a continuing propensity to party infighting through the 1920s, and in 1924, after the Ninth Party Congress, held in Frankfurt am Main, <mask> resigned her party and parliamentary posts in protest against the "ultra left-wing" party leadership around Ruth Fischer und Arkadi Maslow. During the second half of the 1920s she was able to devote more of her energies to her work as an editor with the Malik Publishing House. Together with Paul Frölich she also worked on producing the first collected edition of the writings of Rosa Luxemburg. Meanwhile, factionalism within the communist party continued, and in 1929, as the "hardline" faction around Ernst Thälmann, set about aligning the party more closely with the Stalinist faction in Moscow, <mask> was one of those identified as a right-wing deviant ("Rechtsabweichlerin"):  she was excluded from the party early in 1929.Between 1929 and 1932 she was active within the alternative communist party, known as the Communist Party of Germany (Opposition) ("Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (Opposition)" / KPDO) created under the leadership of fellow expellees,  Heinrich Brandler and August Thalheimer. The KPDO itself split in 1932 and <mask> <mask>, together with Paul Frölich and political allies such as Jacob Walcher and August Enderle, joined with the left-wing breakaway faction that now formed the Socialist Workers' Party ("Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands" / SAPD). A fellow member of the  SAPD was Willy Brandt who became a lifelong friend. Brandt is on record as commending <mask>'s "commitment to a combative and liberal socialism" ("Engagement für einen kämpferischen und freiheitlichen Sozialismus"). More than fifty years later, Brandt still used to visit <mask>-Frölich in the retirement home where she spent her final years:  his last visit to her was in March 1987, some nine months before she died. Nazi Germany:  exile
In January 1933, the political backdrop was transformed when the Nazi Party took power and eventually converted Germany into a one-party dictatorship. Political activity - except in support of the Nazi Party - became illegal.At the end of February, the Reichstag fire was instantly blamed on the Communists, and in March 1933 those identified as Communists began to be arrested. In March 1933, <mask> <mask>, susceptible to Nazi persecution both because of her political record and on account of her Jewishness, fled to Brussels in Belgium. During or before 1936, she relocated to Paris where it is known she was an activist member of the leadership of the exiled German SAPD (party). In Paris she was among the exiled socialists to sign the call, in December 1936, for a united Popular Front in order to "overthrow Hitler, and all who persecute the German people! For Freedom, Peace and Bread!" ("Sturz Hitlers und aller Peiniger des deutschen Volkes! Für Freiheit, Frieden und Brot!").She signed, however, not with her real name, but using the pseudonym "Marta Koch". War resumed, for France and Germany in September 1939. For eight months life in France felt little changed, but in May 1940 Germany invaded from the north. During the six weeks that it took for the German army to over-run the northern half of the country, the government set about identifying  as enemy aliens thousands of German refugees who had, for reasons of politics and/or race, fled to Paris from Nazi Germany. On 2 September 1940 <mask> and Frölich were arrested, detained and in due course placed in internment camps in the far south of the country. <mask> was accompanied by a report from the Paris police dated January 1941 and describing her as a "communist journalist and propagandist, dangerous to public order" ("journaliste  et  propagandiste  communiste  dangereuse  pour l'ordre public") . Detention facilities where she was held included Rieucros and finally Bompard.Paul Frölich was held at Vernet and Bassens. Many of the camps used for "enemy aliens"  had originally been set up to accommodate republican fighters returning from defeat in the Spanish Civil War, and initially the emphasis was not on security, but during 1941 the authorities began to formulate plans to separate out Jewish internees and ship them to equivalent facilities inside Germany where their circumstances would be more malign. Thanks to the actions of Varian Fry and his Emergency Rescue Committee, in February 1941 <mask> and Frölich were provided with emergency visas. They escaped together to New York City, travelling to North America by way of Lisbon and Martinique. Woflstein and Frölich lived together in New York from 1941 till 1950. In 1948 they married each other. She was actively involved in various New York based welfare organisations while Frölich focused on academic work.Final years
They returned to Germany in 1951, settling in Frankfurt am Main, which till 1949 had been in the American occupation zone and was now beginning to emerge as a major administrative and commercial hub in a new German state, the Federal Republic ("West Germany"). Disillusioned with Soviet mandated communism, she now rejoined the Social Democratic Party, forty three years after first having joined it. She nevertheless remained firmly on the left of the party, an advocate, like her husband, of the elusive "third way" between Communism and Capitalism, and convinced that for historical reasons only the SPD could deliver it. She was also active in the recently created printers' trades union, IG Druck und Papier and was involved in the establishment of the German Journalists' Union which originated in 1951 as a sub-section of the printers' union. After Paul Frölich died, his widow managed his literary estate and attended to the publication of some of his writings. She died at Frankfurt, half a year short of what would have been her one hundredth birthday. At her burial, which took place in the city's main cemetery, Holger Börner, the regional Minister-president, gave a speech of tribute, asserting that she "always fought with heart and mind for social causes" ("stets mit Herz und Verstand für die soziale Sache eingetreten") and celebrating her as "a second Rosa Luxemburg".References

People from Witten
People from Arnsberg
Politicians from North Rhine-Westphalia
People of the German Revolution of 1918–1919
Social Democratic Party of Germany politicians
Communist Party of Germany politicians
Communist Party of Germany (Opposition) politicians
Socialist Workers' Party of Germany politicians
1888 births
1987 deaths

masks:
Rosi Wolfstein
Rosi Wolfstein
Rosalie Wolfstein
Samuel Wolfstein
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