title: Josef Vratislav Monse

texts:
<mask> (June 15, 1733 – February 6, 1793) was a Moravian lawyer and historian. He was a leading enlightenment figure in the Habsburg Monarchy and an early exponent of the Moravian Revival in Moravia. <mask> played a key role in the development of modern Moravian historiography. He was a professor of law and, in 1780, the rector at the University of Olomouc. Biography

Early life, studies in Prague and Vienna
<mask> was the eighth of nine children born into the family of a municipal legal official in the Vysočina Region. His parents were <mask> and <mask> (née Moudrá). The family lived at house number eight on the main square at Nové Město na Moravě ().<mask> attended the local school. When <mask> was 14, his father died. His uncle, a local priest also named <mask>, sent him to study at a Jesuit gymnasium (school) in Telč. He covered the (normally) six year high school curriculum in four years  and then, in 1752 he left for Prague, where he studied at the Faculty of Philosophy of Charles University, gaining a master's degree. By this time <mask> was becoming interested in the history of his own nation, which, since the Battle of White Mountain back in 1620, had been subjected to Catholicisation and Germanisation, while the Czech language had become no more than a means of communication between the peasants. <mask> left Prague for Vienna, where he attended the Faculty of Law at the University of Vienna and obtained a doctorate "juris utriusque" (of both civil and canon law) in 1762. While still in Vienna, <mask> published his dissertation (in Latin), married Marie Anna and mastered Italian.Professor of law at University of Olomouc

In 1764 <mask> moved to Olomouc, where he became an advocate. In 1768 he was appointed a professor of law at the University of Olomouc for which he received 900 gulden a year, lecturing on public and natural law. He still also found time to continue with his advocacy work. After Professor <mask> Sommer, died in 1774, <mask> added to his responsibilities Sommer's courses on Roman and Canon law. 1774 was also the year in which he changed his middle name from Vít to <mask>, a determined reflection of his "motto": "Return the Old Glory to the Homeland!" (). The lectures on Canon law for theology students were given separately at the Faculty of Theology until 1771, after which they started to be officially taught by the secular professors of law.Classes normally comprised some 50 law students, but for Monse's Canon law classes, some 300 theology students of theology also took to attending. By this time Monse had become a fierce proponent of the newly developing enlightenment ideals. In his lectures he defended the reforms of Joseph II. While the traditional theologians were merely resentful of to his spoken lectures, the publication of his ideas evoked real outrage. The Catholics leadership incited the town's poor against Monse, spreading malicious gossip that the altar-bread fell out of his mouth during Communion, and that the burning of a nearby village represented God's punishment for Monse's teachings. The theologians' fury peaked when Monse published the work of an anonymous 13th century French author entitled in , a dialogue between a priest and a soldier discussing the relative status of popes and of kings. The treatise was found by one of the Monse's former students in a library at Znojmo monastery.He sent the work to <mask>, who translated it, adding an introduction and commentary while preserving the original content, and published it. Well aware that the ideas in the thesis were still controversial even 500 years after they had first been written, he added at the end of the book that it was published with the best of intentions, and "not to irritate". That did not help much. <mask> received harsh criticism not only from Olomouc, but also from Prague and Vienna, and came close to being ousted from the University. <mask>'s advocacy of the suppression of church institutions in favour of the secular state was nevertheless welcomed at the royal court, and he was able to retain the professorship of secular law, but was nonetheless prevented from giving lectures on canon law. Despite the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773, the Catholics maintained a strong grip over the University of Olomouc. In the second half of the 1770s some shortcomings by the University management were uncovered, which was used by the emperor as pretext to move the University beyond the reach of the church at Olomouc, and the university was for a few years, until 1782, relocated to Brno.At the same time as this relocation the Directorate of Law was established (replacing the previously existing Professorate of Law) and <mask> became its head. However <mask> was not able now to continue with his advocacy career. In Brno <mask> started to publish works about history of Moravia, this time in German. Rector of the University, elevation to noble status
In 1780 <mask> was appointed Rector of the University; he gave his inauguration speech on the history of Moravia. He was also elevated to noble status (together with his family) on December 1, 1780. Despite these achievements, or maybe because of them, <mask> remained the main target of catholic reaction. In the same year <mask> started the lectures about Moravian history according to  () written by Ctibor Tovačovský z Cimburka in the 1490s.He also started writing his own history of Moravia, although this work only reaches to 1306. <mask> became a member of the learned societies of Hesse-Homburg (1780), Burghausen (1782) and Prague (1785). (He was lawyer-member in the first two societies, and a historian-member of the Prague society.) He was also in frequent contact with other figures of enlightenment in Habsburg Monarchy, such as Riegger and <mask>ský and many others. In 1782 the first Archbishop of Olomouc Antonín Theodor Colloredo-Waldsee enforced relocation of the University back to Olomouc by decree of Emperor Joseph II. At the same time the institution lost its university status, becoming a mere three-year Lyceum. The Emperor had decided to retain only three universities, in Prague, Vienna, and Lviv.The Collegium Nobilium was also dissolved by the emperor. Back in Olomouc, <mask> started publishing in Czech (Moravian) language. At the same time <mask> insisted upon the establishment of a Department of National (=Moravian) Law and History: however this department lasted only until 1786, when it was dissolved. Meanwhile, in 1784, the Directorate of Law became Faculty of Law. <mask>'s health was by now deteriorating and he ceased lecturing in 1792. The persisting issues with the catholic reaction as well as his health problems led to a reduction in <mask>'s publishing activity. He died in Olomouc on February 6, 1793.With his death the lectures on Moravian law and history also ended. Legacy
Through his interest in both Moravian humanism and Benedictine historiography <mask> linked the earlier Societas eruditorum incognitorum in terris Austriacis in Olomouc with the Société patriotique in Brno. The record of his lectures demonstrates an increasing willingness to link the early Enlightenment claims made on behalf of natural law with an appreciation of the virtues of the historical law of Moravia. This reveals the influence both of a critical historical perception and of the judicial theory of the renowned jurist, Joseph von Sonnenfels. <mask> also saw the need for an ideological basis capable of uniting the new educated middle class with the Enlightened intelligentsia's interest in the arts and sciences. He found such a basis in critical historiography, and eventually created the platform for a Moravian patriotic revival, enriched by historical Renaissance humanism. Do morawskýho Gazyka přeložil Vpřjmný Milownjk swé Wlasti (translation; about witches, superstitions, etc.), Olomouc 1792

See also
Karel Ferdinand Irmler
Kryštof <mask>t
Johann Heinrich Bösenselle
Societas eruditorum incognitorum in terris Austriacis

References

Czech lawyers
Czech jurists
Czech educators
Enlightenment scientists
Enlightenment philosophy
Age of Enlightenment
1733 births
1793 deaths
Enlightenment philosophers
People from Nové Město na Moravě
Palacký University Olomouc faculty
Rectors of the Palacký University Olomouc

masks:
Josef Vratislav Monse
Monse
Josef Vít Monse
Johann Karl Monse
Anna Monse
Josef Monse
Monse
Josef Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Josef Antonín
Monse
Vratislav
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Josef Dobrov
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Monse
Josef Holland


title: Arthur J. Finkelstein

type: original

texts:
<mask> (May 18, 1945 – August 18, 2017) was a New York State-based Republican Party (GOP) consultant who worked for conservative and right-wing candidates in the United States, Canada, Israel, Central and Eastern Europe over four decades. With his brother, Ronald, Finkelstein ran a political consulting and survey-research firm based in Irvington, New York. His specialties were polling, strategy, message, media, ad placement, and advising on general campaign management. Early life and education
<mask> grew up in a lower-middle-class Jewish family, living in Brooklyn's East New York section until age 11, then in Levittown, New York, and later Queens. He and his two brothers attended local public schools; Finkelstein ultimately graduated from Forest Hills High School. Their parents were immigrants from Eastern Europe, and the father worked as a cabdriver and did various jobs in the garment trade. While a student at Columbia University, Finkelstein interviewed and helped produce radio programs for author/philosopher Ayn Rand, and was a volunteer at the New York headquarters of the Draft Goldwater Committee in 1963–64 (the famous "Suite 3505").He eventually earned a bachelor's degree in economics and political science from Queens College in 1967. Career

1968–76 - Buckley, Nixon, Helms, Reagan
In 1968, Finkelstein did behind-the-scenes election analysis for NBC News, part of the network's team working under former Census director Richard M. Scammon and exit-polling pioneer Irwin A. "Bud" Lewis. In 1969–70, he worked as a computer programmer in the Data Processing department of the New York Stock Exchange at its offices on 11 Wall Street in lower Manhattan. During this period, he was a familiar face in Greenwich Village, where he often argued politics from a street-corner soapbox. In his spare time, he aided State Senator <mask> in his unsuccessful Republican-Conservative campaign for Mayor of New York City in 1969. F. Clifton White, mastermind of the Draft Goldwater Committee, was Finkelstein's political patron and consulting partner in the early 1970s in the firm, DirAction Services.The young pollster's first electoral success came at age 25 in 1970, with the independent Conservative campaign of <mask>. Buckley for senator from New York. This was one of several New York statewide contests where he was able to maneuver his clients to victory in three-way scenarios. Buckley won a plurality upset victory over GOP incumbent Charles Goodell and favored Democrat Richard Ottinger. Of that election night, Buckley later wrote, "By 10 pm, ... <mask> (my volunteer analyst who called the final results within one-tenth of one percent based on a Sunday-night telephone survey) assured me that I had won." <mask> encapsulated Buckley's message in the catchphrase, "Isn't it about time we had a Senator?" <mask>'s work in New York led to his serving in 1971-72 as one of several pollsters for President Richard M. Nixon's re-election campaign developing sophisticated demographic analysis. The 1972 election also saw the first of his three victorious campaigns to elect <mask>s as U.S. senator from North Carolina.After the election, Finkelstein worked with Helms political aides Tom Ellis and Carter Wrenn to establish a permanent conservative organization, the National Congressional Club, which lasted until 1995. <mask> and White went their separate ways in the mid-1970s, and he founded his own firm, Arthur J. Finkelstein & Associates (often later shortened to AJF & Associates). In the 1976 presidential primaries, White supported Gerald Ford, while Finkelstein worked for Ronald Reagan's insurgent campaign. He helped Helms's Congressional Club turn around the faltering Reagan effort with a victory in the April North Carolina primary. His work continued in the subsequent Texas primary. "<mask> had been a key figure in 1976, when he helped orchestrate Reagan's campaign-saving comeback in North Carolina" which was crucial in Reagan's further political advancement. At <mask>'s urging, Reagan made a major issue of the impending Panama Canal Treaties, which Gerald Ford was negotiating and which infuriated conservative voters.(This proved to be Reagan's signature issue throughout the late 1970s.) As <mask> later reported, "Tens of thousands of Wallace voters were gradually cut adrift during his slide [in the primaries] ... and Reagan media man <mask> recruited a Wallaceite from Fort Worth to radio and television spots for Reagan ... It was dynamite." The Associated Press's Mike Robinson wrote Finkelstein was "viewed by many as instrumental in Gov. Reagan's 1976 primary successes in North Carolina and Texas." 1975–80 - NCPAC, Senate, Reagan
Passage of the post-Watergate Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) amendments, and the subsequent 1976 Supreme Court decision in Buckley v. Valeo, drastically altered the rules by which Presidential and Congressional contests were waged. Finkelstein was among the first to sense an opportunity, and pioneered the concept and execution of independent expenditure campaigns, which would operate as a third force in an election beyond the control of candidate or party officials.Beginning in 1975, Finkelstein was the chief strategist behind the most successful IE operation of this period, the National Conservative Political Action Committee (NCPAC). Its Executive Director was Finkelstein protégé Terry Dolan. In 1981 New Right activist Richard Viguerie wrote, "NCPAC relies heavily on research and polling, a reflection of one of its founders, conservative pollster <mask>." In 1978, NCPAC was instrumental in the defeat of Democrats Dick Clark in Iowa and Thomas J. McIntyre in New Hampshire. Both liberal senators were replaced by committed conservatives. NCPAC ran hard-hitting ads for television, radio and newspapers, crafted by Finkelstein. A central idea behind the strategy was to expose the liberal words and actions in Washington of elected officials, usually senators, whose moderate or conservative public image at home was at odds with their actual voting record.NCPAC hit its peak in 1980, operating IEs in six states, its ads and organizing efforts helping to topple liberal Democrats in Iowa (<mask>ver), Indiana (Birch Bayh), Idaho (Frank Church) and South Dakota (George McGovern). Less well-known were NCPAC's TV ads in the presidential contest, both negative (one featuring <mask> in a 1976 debate, another with Edward Kennedy shouting "And no more <mask>!") and positive (footage of Ronald Reagan speaking on values); Finkelstein concentrated these ad buys in closely contested Southern states (e.g., Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama), all of which switched from Carter to Reagan in 1980. Finkelstein believed in the usefulness of third forces to help conservatives win elections, but not a conservative third party (a much-discussed option in the mid-1970s). At a February 1977 conference, he told activists, "The development of a third party may very well hurt conservative options in the future by diluting them," warning that traditional and emotional ties to party labels would keep many conservatives in their present parties. He said the Watergate scandal had cost the GOP the one clear advantage it had over the Democrats - the perception by voters that it was the more honest of the two parties. Nevertheless, he counseled against third-party option, saying this would succeed only in drawing conservatives out of both parties, creating a weak satellite party and leaving the major parties more liberal.Besides NCPAC, Finkelstein found particular success during this period in guiding individual Senate and House campaigns. Reagan backer and political unknown Orrin Hatch won a resounding 56% victory in Utah in 1976 against a three-term Democratic incumbent. In 1978, he was consultant to the successful re-election campaigns of <mask> in North Carolina and Strom Thurmond in South Carolina — the latter being Thurmond's last seriously contested race (he served until 2002, age 100). That same year, Finkelstein shepherded Carroll Campbell to his first win in South Carolina's Greenville-area 4th Congressional District. After a brief interlude early in 1979 as adviser to conservative Congressman Phil Crane, <mask> returned as one of the pollsters advising Ronald Reagan's primary campaign. His services were also reportedly sought by the George H.W. Bush campaign.In 1980, he engineered the improbable Senate victory of Long Island supervisor Alfonse D'Amato over incumbent <mask>, another three-way contest where the Democrat (Congresswoman Liz Holtzman) was favored. He advised the successful campaign of 31-year-old State Senator Don Nickles for U.S. Senate from Oklahoma. Most unlikely was the victory (aided by National Congressional Club allies) of <mask> in the North Carolina Senate contest;<ref name="Allen, Kenneth S. 1988">Allen, Kenneth S., St. Petersburg Times, April 11, 1988, "Attack politics' specialist to lead Mack campaign"</ref> East was a little-known professor who used a wheelchair, recruited for the race by <mask>s and elected through the efforts of Ellis, Wrenn, Finkelstein and the Helms organization. Besides Campbell, House winners included Duncan Hunter in California and Denny Smith in Oregon (both 1980), the latter toppling House Ways and Means Committee chair Al Ullman. <mask> also had his share of Senate losses, including two by previous client <mask> (1976, New York, and 1980, Connecticut), and with Avi Nelson (1978, Massachusetts). Finkelstein was also pollster-strategist for Maryland Congressman Robert Bauman, who narrowly lost his seat after he was charged in DC with homosexual solicitation, one month before the November election. 1980s
During the 1980 campaign <mask> was a Reagan pollster and had been "aboard the Reagan campaign" since mid-1979.from the early primary days all the way through November. Having ridden (and driven) the Republican wave of 1977–80, he found the 1980s a period of consolidation, helping clients grow their base and win re-election. In 1981, <mask> was one of four pollsters designated to do work on behalf of the Reagan White House, paid by the Republican National Committee. (The others were Richard Wirthlin, Robert Teeter and Tully Plesser). Newsweek reported in 1982 that "each of the President's top three advisers has his own numbers man: "Wirthlin became Edwin Meese's pollster, Teeter became <mask>'s and now <mask> has become Michael Deaver's." Throughout Reagan's first term and into the 1984 re-election campaign, Finkelstein advised Deaver, conducting polls and planning events and visuals (e.g. Reagan's trip to France for the 40th anniversary of D-Day).As The Washington Post reported: "For the White House, Finkelstein is more of an idea man than a pollster, specializing in media events such as the president's "spontaneous" drop-ins on disadvantaged individuals and institutions." He also began dabbling in gubernatorial contests—in New Jersey (1981), for <mask> (defeated by Tom Kean in the GOP primary); and in New York (1982), for Paul Curran (defeated by Lewis Lehrman for the nomination). In 1982, Finkelstein client Orrin Hatch sailed to re-election in Utah, while in Florida, banker Connie Mack III won his first campaign for the House. But his efforts on behalf of Democrat-turned-Republican Congressman Eugene Atkinson of Pennsylvania ended in defeat, as did the Congressional campaign in Westchester County of <mask>, chairman of Oppenheimer Funds. That year, NCPAC (with Finkelstein as pollster-strategist) was successful in only one targeted race (helping to oust Democrat Howard Cannon in Nevada), failed in several others (e.g. Maryland), and thereafter declined in influence. The pitfalls of running IEs and campaigns at the same time were illustrated when NCPAC was sued for running ads in early 1982 against New York Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan—around the same time as Finkelstein was working for GOP Senate candidate Bruce Caputo.In 1986, a federal court ruled against NCPAC, and The Washington Post editorialized, "Both NCPAC and the Caputo campaign used the same pollster, <mask>. They could hardly be said to be independent unless the Caputo side of Mr. Finkelstein's brain refrained from communicating with the NCPAC side." (<mask> himself was not sued or charged; ironically, Caputo's campaign had imploded after revelations he'd lied about serving in the military, and Moynihan was never seriously challenged.) As late as 1987, Finkelstein was doing surveys for NCPAC (e.g. in New Mexico). During the early 1980s, Finkelstein became involved in international polling, for groups such as Canada's National Citizens Coalition and (in 1986) the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario after losing their majority in the Ontario Legislature following the 1985 elections. The 1984 election cycle saw him involved in three pitched battles for the Senate, the most heralded being the challenge of Democratic Governor <mask> to Helms in North Carolina.The Ellis-Wrenn-Finkelstein team used the permanent assets of the National Congressional Club to wage a three-year campaign to undermine Hunt, including a groundbreaking opposition-research and advertising effort that redefined the popular governor as a tax-raising national Democrat. Helms won with 52%, in what was then the most expensive Senate race in history. However, this was the last Helms campaign on which Finkelstein would serve as pollster. Before Helms' 1990 re-election campaign, Finkelstein told the North Carolina team he couldn't work for the Senator any more. According to Carter Wrenn the New Yorker was polite about it, didn't offer a reason and recommended one of his proteges, <mask>, handle the survey and strategy work. At the time, Helms was becoming one of the leading critics of the gay rights movement. "I took it that <mask> wasn't comfortable with <mask>'s stand on the social issues," Wrenn said, and chalked it up to Finkelstein's libertarian views.in November 1984, Finkelstein also found success in New Hampshire, as he aided freshman conservative Sen. Gordon Humphrey in overcoming a tough challenge from long-time Democratic Congressman Norman D'Amours. But in Massachusetts, after winning a contested primary against Elliot Richardson, businessman Ray Shamie lost a close uphill battle to Lt. Gov. <mask> for the Senate seat vacated by Paul Tsongas. Another client, Congressman Tom Corcoran, failed to dislodge incumbent Charles Percy from the Senate nomination in Illinois, despite tough ads (attributed to Finkelstein) suggesting Percy was personally close to PLO leader Yasser Arafat. His Congressional clients in 1984 included three New Yorkers -- <mask> (who won election in Westchester County), Robert Quinn (who lost in Nassau County) and Serphin Maltese (who lost a close race for Geraldine Ferraro's seat in Queens). He helped guide Bill Cobey to an upset victory for Congress in North Carolina against incumbent Ike Andrews. In 1985, Finkelstein polled for the gubernatorial campaign of Virginia Attorney General Marshall Coleman, losing the nomination to Wyatt Durrette (who was then defeated by Democrat Gerald Baliles).Republicans lost their Senate majority in the November 1986 midterm elections. Nevertheless, Finkelstein's leading clients won re-election — Alfonse D'Amato in New York, and Don Nickles in

masks:
Arthur Jay Finkelstein
Finkelstein
John Marchi
James L
Finkelstein
Finkelstein
Finkelstein
Jesse Helm
Finkelstein
Finkelstein
Finkelstein
Jules Witcover
Arthur Finkelstein
Arthur Finkelstein
John Cul
Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
Jesse Helms
Finkelstein
Jacob Javits
John East
Jesse Helm
Finkelstein
James Buckley
Finkelstein
Finkelstein
James Baker
Finkelstein
Jim Wallwork
John Fossel
Arthur Finkelstein
Finkelstein
Jim Hunt
John McLaughlin
Arthur
Jesse
John Kerry
Joseph DioGuardi


title: Arthur J. Finkelstein

texts:
 Oklahoma. However, his candidate to succeed <mask> in North Carolina, David Funderburk, lost his primary, and he fared no better in Ohio, where Congressman Tom Kindness made little headway against incumbent Sen. <mask> as well as in Illinois, where state legislator <mask> failed to dislodge Senator Alan Dixon. Finkelstein also steered Californian Elton Gallegly to his initial victory for Congress, but failed to push State Sen. Ed Davis to victory in the California U.S. Senate primary. In 1985–87, <mask> was part of the team advising former U.N. Ambassador <mask> Kirkpatrick for a possible campaign for the Presidency.Edsall, Thomas B., "Kirkpatrick Indicates Interest in White House; Kemp May Suffer if Ex-Envoy Runs", The Washington Post, October 17, 1987. Kirkpatrick ultimately declined to run.The Florida Senate contest of 1988 — closest in the country that year — was among <mask>'s signature efforts. Congressman Connie Mack III won a tougher-than-expected primary, but his campaign did not wait for the results of the early-October Democratic runoff. <mask> determined (correctly) that Congressman Buddy MacKay would emerge from the bitter face-off, and began running TV and radio ads re-defining MacKay through his liberal voting record, with the tagline, "Hey Buddy, You're a Liberal." MacKay's primary and runoff campaign had focused on ethics — appropriate for defeating Democrat Bill Gunter, but useless against Mack — and he failed to blunt the ideological attack. Still, the "Hey Buddy" ads were unpopular with the press, and 22 of 23 Florida daily newspapers endorsed MacKay. Mack continued to press the liberal vs. conservative contrast in debates and ads, closing with endorsements by the highly popular Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, plus footage of MacKay endorsing various tax increases.A slight majority of voters casting ballots on Election Day backed MacKay, but an aggressive GOP absentee-voter program had already banked a margin of tens of thousands of votes, and Mack was elected senator by a total of 34,512 votes out of 4 million cast. Finkelstein also advised <mask> in his campaign against Massachusetts Sen. Edward Kennedy; Malone lost with 34%, but gained enough positive recognition that, in 1990, he was elected Treasurer in the overwhelmingly Democratic state. Another client, <mask>, lost his congressional re-election contest in New York, 47.5% to 50.3%, to Nita Lowey. But, in another tight contest decided by absentee voters, Denny Smith won re-election to Congress in Oregon. 1989–94 - Focus on New York
Brooklyn native Finkelstein had long advised local and state party organizations in New York (e.g., the powerful GOP committees of Westchester, Nassau and Suffolk Counties, then dominant in all three suburban areas). In 1989, he dove into the contentious world of New York City politics. Rudolph Giuliani's initial candidacy for Mayor was met with a primary challenge by cosmetics billionaire Ronald Lauder, backed by Sen. D'Amato and guided by Finkelstein.The Giuliani-D'Amato feud had begun in 1988 over the selection of Rudy's successor as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York; it colored Republican politics in the Empire State for the next several years. In this first skirmish, Lauder's millions of dollars' worth of hard-hitting advertising failed to prevent Giuliani's winning the GOP nomination. (Giuliani later blamed Lauder's primary ads for his narrow loss to David Dinkins that November.) A year later, in the disastrous 1990 gubernatorial election, GOP nominee Pierre Rinfret nearly finished in third place (behind Conservative Party of New York State upstart Herbert London). D'Amato, and by extension Finkelstein, assumed dominance over the moribund state party apparatus. Long-time Rensselaer County activist William Powers, a staunch D'Amato ally, was named chairman, and began the rebuilding process. (D'Amato allies had started their own state PAC in 1989, the Committee for New York, in order to aid Republicans independent of the decaying party team.)At this time, the Reaganite <mask> was not a fan of the current Administration of George H.W. Bush. In a rare public appearance in February 1991, after the GOP's poor national showing in the November 1990 elections, he reminded a conservative audience that Reagan prospered through unabashed ideological appeals that drew crossover votes from sympathetic Democrats. But Bush and other GOP candidates "kicked that away" in 1990 by raising taxes, sidestepping abortion and other social issues, and soft-pedaling their anti-communism while rooting for Mikhail Gorbachev to succeed. "We are going to have to go back to the things that got us here," Finkelstein said. Meanwhile, D'Amato faced mounting ethical problems, and these occupied much of <mask>'s time in 1990 and 1991. Though the New York senator was ultimately cleared by the Senate Ethics Committee in 1991, he was the subject of ceaseless negative news stories and editorials.When CBS's 60 Minutes ran a highly damaging story on D'Amato, Finkelstein produced a response program that refuted many of its charges and misstatements. All the while, D'Amato's aggressive casework program and advocacy for New York interests was emphasized in paid and earned media. Nevertheless, going into his 1992 re-election campaign, D'Amato was shown in surveys to be a near-certain loser to most prospective challengers. The indictment of his brother, Armand D'Amato, on two dozen counts of mail fraud in March 1992 darkened the clouds further. When the Democrats nominated Attorney General Robert Abrams in September, Finkelstein's polls showed D'Amato down 25 points, just seven weeks before the election. With the huge lead enjoyed by Democratic presidential nominee Bill Clinton in New York, the Bush-Quayle ticket was a positive drag on D'Amato. As with the Mack-MacKay race in 1988, Finkelstein moved to define Abrams by his liberal positions on issues.Support for a single-payer national health scheme was translated into "a 6% tax on every job in America"—a contention never challenged. His backing for other tax increases was documented and publicized in TV and radio ads, with the tagline, "Bob Abrams: Hopelessly liberal". The D'Amato campaign was no less bold on the ethics issue, repeating pay-for-play charges made by ex-Rep. Geraldine Ferraro during the Democratic primary, with ads featuring excerpts from the Abrams-Ferraro debate. When news stories late in the campaign revealed the nominee's disallowed business-tax deductions, <mask>'s closing ad ran: "Bob Abrams never met a tax he didn't like ... except his own." On Election Day 1992, as Bill Clinton was winning New York State by 16 points, D'Amato won re-election by 1.2 points, a margin of 80,794 votes — with a wave of Clinton-D'Amato split-ticket voting in Brooklyn, Queens and Buffalo the deciding factor. <mask> had several other results that day. In North Carolina, he helped the Ellis-Wrenn-Congressional Club team guide businessman and former Democrat Lauch Faircloth to victory over incumbent Sen. Terry Sanford.Don Nickles easily won a third term as senator from Oklahoma. But in Illinois, the candidacy of Rich Williamson failed to defeat Democrat Carol Moseley Braun to replace Sen. Alan Dixon. D'Amato's comeback win had demonstrated the Republicans' window of opportunity in New York City's outer boroughs, among working-class Catholics and (especially) Jewish voters angered by Democratic leaders' handling of the Crown Heights violence and subsequent incidents. The senator's ticket-splitting performance had the effect of shielding downticket candidates from the Bush debacle, and Republicans actually made Congressional gains in strong D'Amato areas — e.g., working-class Buffalo (<mask>), and suburban Long Island (Rick Lazio) — while holding the majority in the powerful State Senate, which strengthened the hand of D'Amato, <mask> and Powers going into 1993 and 1994. Giuliani's second Mayoral campaign in 1993 benefited from the resurgent New York GOP. He had made a point of endorsing the Senator for re-election, and D'Amato and Finkelstein did not again back a primary challenger. This time, Giuliani ran a more effective race, riding to victory on a wave of discontent with incumbent David Dinkins, with even stronger turnout among ethnic Catholics and Jewish voters than in 1989, and in the same areas where D'Amato had done well a year earlier.In New York City in November 1993, <mask> and Ronald Lauder also guided to victory a measure limiting the terms of elected city officials. The New York Times called this vote "a terrific defeat for the city's mostly Democratic political establishment, which had fought in court throughout the summer to kill the referendum, only to have the state's highest court order it on the ballot just two weeks [before the election]." <mask> had specialized in federal elections to this point, and it was uncertain how he would adapt to the localized issues and personal style of a gubernatorial contest. Reluctantly at first, and only after considering several alternative candidates, he and D'Amato settled on supporting little-known State Senator George Pataki of Peekskill for Governor in 1994. They guided him through the State Convention in May, and to a smashing 3-to-1 primary victory in September over Nelson Rockefeller's longtime political wheelhorse Richard Rosenbaum. The main challenge was defining the race against Cuomo. <mask>'s first ad radiated disappointment and sowed seeds of disbelief: "Desperate candidates do desperate things ... Mario Cuomo could have been senator or President..." Subsequent spots, often as brief as 10 seconds, highlighted Cuomo-era failures (e.g.snarled traffic and record-high utility rates in Long Island),Fisher, Ian,  "THE 1994 CAMPAIGN: ISSUES; Clamor Over Death Penalty Dominates Debate on Crime", The New York Times, October 9, 1994. and especially the litany of tax increases over his 12 years. The persistent tagline: "Mario Cuomo: Too liberal for too long." Pataki introduced himself in ads first as a gentle reformer, then angry in responding to Cuomo attacks, and finally enthusiastic (in excerpts from rally speeches at campaign's close). Cuomo defended his record and played up D'Amato's sponsorship of Pataki's campaign (to the tune of Paul Simon's "You Can Call Me Al"), but had trouble overcoming the anti-incumbent tide. Pataki had a slight lead in public surveys when, on October 24, Giuliani endorsed Cuomo, with attacks on his fellow Republican quickly becoming a staple on evening news programs. Poll numbers fluctuated wildly, with <mask>'s own tracking survey showing a Cuomo lead ballooning to 13 points within days. It required a swift response.He elected to attack Giuliani's endorsement as a corrupt deal with Cuomo, the ad using headlines citing suspiciously timed New York State grants to the City to suggest the Governor had used taxpayer money to buy the Mayor's backing. Pataki relentlessly pushed this argument in public appearances. The pendulum swung back, with negative reaction to Giuliani especially strong Upstate and in the Metro North and Long Island suburbs. (GOP protestors even chased the Mayor's plane on an airport tarmac during a statewide flyaround for Cuomo.) Pataki closed the sale with an energetic tour of the state, appearing alone on a WCBS-TV Election Eve program when Cuomo refused a one-on-one debate. The final result: Pataki defeated Cuomo by 4 points. In an historic Republican landslide year, Mario Cuomo was the most prominent Democrat to fall.As Todd Purdum of The New York Times wrote that November, "For good or ill, Mr. Pataki's campaign [wa]s almost entirely a creation of Mr. Finkelstein." Delaware provided another win for Finkelstein in November 1994, as longtime Senator Bill Roth coasted to victory for his fifth term, 56% to 44%. 1995–98 NRSC, Netanyahu, "Outed", New York
Following Election Day 1994, D'Amato and Finkelstein were handed new challenges and opportunities, as the 14-year incumbent was named by his Senate peers as chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC), one of the four permanent GOP campaign operations in Washington. They had a tough act to follow—Phil Gramm of Texas had just piloted Republicans to a 7-seat gain and recaptured control of the Senate. For Finkelstein, it was his first bow as an inside player on a Washington campaign committee, his dealings previously being as representative of an individual candidate. Now he and D'Amato were responsible for helping to direct Senate campaigns in 33 states simultaneously.One of their first moves was to break the cycle of hiring parochial-minded Senate aides to manage the sprawling committee; their choice for Executive Director was <mask> (later a top executive with Gateway Computers and head of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation). Other key hires were <mask> B. Barnhart as Political Director, and Gordon Hensley as Communications Director. (Barnhart was a long-time aide and campaigner for Sen. William Roth, and later served as Commissioner of the Social Security Administration.) All three were singled out by Roll Call newspaper in 1996 as among national "Politics' Fabulous Fifty." The NRSC faced several challenges beyond their control, many emanating from the two dominant Republicans of 1995-96, House Speaker Newt Gingrich and Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole. The Oklahoma City bombing had given President Bill Clinton an opportunity to marginalize his opponents, and slowed the momentum of the reform-minded Republican Congress. By late 1995, unrelenting Democratic/press attacks, and his own missteps, had turned Gingrich into a pariah through much of the country (2-to-1 unfav-fav ratio in surveys); meanwhile, Dole was running for President, and allowing ambition to overshadow his Senate work.In mid-1996, Dole resigned from the Senate to campaign full-time, but by then he was behind Clinton to stay, and eventually polled less than 41% nationwide. D'Amato remained personally devoted to Dole, but <mask> and the NRSC team urged Republican Senate candidates to cut loose from unpopular national leaders and carve their own individual profiles on issues. D'Amato remained a champion fundraiser and the committee found new legal ways to deliver assistance to Senate campaigns and local parties. The NRSC paid particular attention to blunting the wave of millionaire political unknowns (e.g., Tom Bruggere in Oregon, Elliott Close in South Carolina) recruited that year by the Democrats. It shored up many endangered incumbents, including Bob Smith (New Hampshire), <mask> (Virginia), 75-year-old <mask> (North Carolina) and 94-year-old Strom Thurmond (South Carolina). On Election Night, as Clinton defeated Dole by nearly 9 points and Gingrich's House Republicans lost a net 8 seats, Senate Republicans won open seats in Alabama, Arkansas and Nebraska, while losing South Dakota. In a poor GOP year, the D'Amato-Finkelstein NRSC had gained a net 2 seats (and narrowly missed another gain in the Max Cleland - Guy Millner race in Georgia).<mask> was not a consultant to the Dole Presidential campaign, despite his closeness to several of its top staffers. But, in the election's waning days, Time magazine reporter Erik Pooley detected the New Yorker's influence on strategy, writing:

For

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title: Arthur J. Finkelstein

texts:
 <mask>, this week might have been a vindication: Bob Dole finally started labeling Bill Clinton a "spend-and-tax liberal," using a crude but often effective strategy known as "Finkel-think" by some Dole advisers, because the secretive Republican strategist has been deploying it on behalf of his clients for 20 years ... These days, Finkelstein is exercising a kind of remote control. The Senator's latest brain trust is dominated by "Arthur's Boys" ... And Dole is rushing around the country chanting the Finkelstein mantra. "Liberal! Liberal! Liberal!"he cried in St. Louis, Missouri. His own statewide clients in 1996 showed a mixed record, with Senator Larry Pressler (South Dakota) and ex-Senator Rudy Boschwitz (Minnesota) both losing, albeit in close races. Bob Smith survived with a 49% plurality win. New Jersey Congressman Dick Zimmer was defeated in his Senate bid against Robert Torricelli.Earlier in 1996, he also helped Benjamin Netanyahu oust Shimon Peres as Prime Minister of Israel in a close upset. According to The Jerusalem Post, "<mask> was largely responsible for the strategy that brought Netanyahu victory in the 1996 general elections." According to the Times of Israel, "<mask> was behind the "Peres will divide Jerusalem" slogan that helped Netanyahu overcome Shimon Peres who had been forecast to sweep to power in the wake of the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin the previous November. That election was credited with changing the tone of Israeli campaigns, bringing more American-style, aggressive and negative campaigning to Israel."But his expertise helped in subtler ways as well; biographer Neill Lochery wrote in 2016 that Finkelstein was behind such ideas as dyeing Netanyahu's salt-and-pepper hair gray to give him a more statesmanlike appearance. <mask> of The Jerusalem Post, a harsh critic of Finkelstein and Netanyahu, called the strategist "the brains behind Netanyahu's first election victory in 1996. Netanyahu's campaign back then, from which he has never wavered, was that you're either for him or an enemy of the people. His campaign slogan at the time, 'Netanyahu is good for the Jews,' encapsulated this. By implication, if you're not for Netanyahu then you're not good for the Jews, and therefore an enemy. And if Netanyahu is good for the Jews, then this also not-so-subtly hints that Netanyahu's bad for the Arabs, regardless of the fact that they are supposedly citizens of equal standing who comprise around 20% of the country's population." But <mask>'s greatest personal challenge that year came with the August issue of Boston magazine, which revealed his private life as a homosexual; the ostensible excuse for the outing was that several Finkelstein clients had voted against gay-rights measures in Congress, and his work to elect them was therefore inconsistent and/or hypocritical.In September, D'Amato said, "I don't think a person's sexual orientation, his private life — a person's private life should be brought up and I think the question is offensive, it's wrong. He's a wonderful, decent person and whatever his sexual orientation is, that's his business." <mask>'s next two years anchored him again in New York, for the simultaneous re-election campaigns of Senator D'Amato and Governor Pataki in 1998. The contests were as different as the candidates themselves, with the calm, earnest Pataki winning high approval ratings and discouraging stronger Democrats from challenging him. New Yorkers' approval of Republican executives was signaled with the landslide re-election of Giuliani as Mayor in November 1997. <mask> crafted a highly positive campaign for Pataki, focusing on fulfillment of promises from 1994 (e.g., tax cuts) and policy innovations (the STAR tax program for seniors) Raising $21 million, Pataki defeated New York City Council President Peter Vallone by 21 percentage points, polling 54.3%, the largest share by a Republican for Governor since Nelson Rockefeller in 1958. D'Amato was another matter; since his narrow victory in 1992, his profile had grown more partisan Republican in this still-heavily Democratic state.Summoning First Lady Hillary Clinton to testify before his Senate committee in 1995, and aggressive campaigning for Dole in 1996, damaged D'Amato in a state where Bill Clinton crushed the Kansan by nearly 2-to-1 (59.5% to 30.6%), doubling his 1992 margin over Bush. D'Amato's decision to divorce his wife after a long separation and announce his engagement to a young socialite did not help his favorable ratings, while others recalled his mock-Japanese impression of O. J. Simpson case Judge Lance Ito in 1995 (for which he was forced to apologize on the Senate floor). D'Amato raised a record $26 million for the 1998 campaign, and <mask> went to work early shoring up his client's "Senator Pothole" image of close attention to local needs and the problems of individual New Yorkers (as he had done successfully in 1992). State polls showed a swing back to such issues as health care and social concerns, which needed to be addressed. The tagline of these ads: "Al D'Amato Cares, Al D'Amato Makes a Difference, Al D'Amato Gets Things Done." The Democratic primary was ultimately between Queens politician Geraldine Ferraro and U.S. Representative Charles Schumer of Brooklyn. <mask> prepared for both eventualities.When Schumer won by a surprisingly large margin, he immediately began ads that raised questions about the candidate's work ethic. (As Congressman, Schumer had missed an inordinate number of committee meetings.) The unexpected line of attack stymied the Democrat in late September and early October, and despite his weaknesses D'Amato gamely held onto a lead. All this collapsed in late October, after a remarkable show of hubris and bad judgment at a closed-door meeting with Jewish supporters in Brooklyn. First, D'Amato did a waddling impression of then-obese Democratic U.S. Rep. <mask> Nadler. Later in the meeting, he referred to Schumer as a "putzhead" (a mangling of the Yiddish vulgarism "putz"). He later denied using this characterization, during questions from reporters (but was swiftly contradicted by his own supporters, present at the meeting, including Ed Koch).Film of the denial was turned into a Schumer TV ad within days. <mask>'s tracking survey the night of D'Amato's "putzhead" comment showed the senator leading Schumer by 10 points with two weeks to go. But the meltdown was quick and decisive, especially among Jewish voters, with Schumer's ads relentlessly driving the message of D'Amato's dishonesty and dislikeability. The Democrat's closing tagline was itself a homage to Finkelstein: "D'Amato: Too many lies for too long." Schumer won, 54.6% to 44.1%—a 20-point turnaround. In other races that year, Sen. Lauch Faircloth—who had earlier replaced <mask> for his 1998 reelection campaign in North Carolina — brought him back into the fold in the closing weeks of the race. (Faircloth ultimately lost a close contest to Democrat <mask>.)Later clients and campaigns, 1999–2017
International
In the 2000s, Finkelstein spent more time working overseas than in previous decades, with clients in Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Kosovo, Ukraine and Azerbaijan (the last, in coordination with George Birnbaum.) He continued to consult in Israeli elections, working again for Benjamin Netanyahu   in 1999, Ariel Sharon (whom he helped become Prime Minister in 2001), and finally Avigdor Lieberman and his Yisrael Beytenu party. Florida
Having twice steered Connie Mack III to Senate victories in 1988 and 1994, <mask> was in demand for the 2000 Florida contest upon Mack's retirement. His candidate was 10-term Congressman Bill McCollum, and he helped clear the Republican field early in anticipation of a tough general election against Insurance Commissioner Bill Nelson. It was a nail-biter with many echoes of the 1988 Senate campaign, but with a different outcome. As enthusiasm among Republican voters faltered in the final days (after revelations of George W. Bush's 1976 DUI conviction), GOP coattails and McCollum's slim lead disappeared, and Nelson was elected, 51% to 46%. McCollum ran for the other Florida Senate seat on Democrat Bob Graham's retirement in 2004, but succumbed to eventual Senator Mel Martinez after low fundraising allowed the challenger to overcome his early lead.But McCollum was more successful in 2006, when he was the consensus GOP choice for Attorney General, and defeated Democrat Skip Campbell, 52.7% to 47.3%, polling well in a poor year for Republicans. In 2009 and 2010, <mask> helmed McCollum's campaign for Florida Governor, where he was the favorite of the state's GOP Establishment. These plans were upended by the surprise candidacy of wealthy businessman Rick Scott, whose bottomless spending that year ($75 million from his personal coffers) led to a furious contest for the nomination. McCollum fought gamely, but lost the bid to Scott, 43.5% to 46.3%, who went on to win election to the Statehouse that November against Democrat Alex Sink. A 2004 open seat in Florida's 14th Congressional District allowed Finkelstein to help create a political dynasty, as he steered State Rep. Connie Mack IV to a narrow victory in a four-way primary, then general-election wins in 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010. Finkelstein served as strategist for Mack's Senate campaign in 2012; a late entrant in the primary, the Congressman won the GOP nomination with 58%, but was defeated by incumbent Bill Nelson by a million votes in the Obama re-election year. (Mack IV later became a lobbyist, whose clients included the government of Hungary, whose leader Viktor Orbán was a leading Finkelstein client in the 2010s.)New York
Pataki's third gubernatorial campaign, in 2002, provided some fresh challenges to Finkelstein, including a contest for the Conservative Party of New York State nomination, a still-shrinking Republican base, and a strong third-party challenge from millionaire B. Thomas Golisano, running again on the Independence Party line. <mask> positioned Pataki as an economic conservative but far more moderate on social and spending issues than in previous campaigns. This shift won the endorsement of influential union leaders such as Dennis Rivera and Randi Weingarten. Pataki enjoyed a 15-point victory, polling 48.3% to 32.7% for state Comptroller H. Carl McCall, and 14% for Golisano. <mask> tried to make use of Pataki's likely coattails by helming the campaign of David Cornstein for the state Comptroller slot being vacated by McCall. Cornstein, a successful businessman and Giuliani's appointed chief of Off-Track Betting, brought personal resources and a strong finance team to the table. He was a longtime ally of both the Mayor and Governor, with a City/Long Island base and unusual appeal as a Jewish Republican running as a moderate-conservative.But party regulars instead fell in decisively behind former Upstate Assemblyman <mask>, a onetime legislative leader for the GOP minority, and Cornstein abandoned his run in 2001. (Faso further failed to expand his appeal beyond the limited Republican base, losing with 46.5% in November 2002; in his subsequent 2006 bid for Governor of New York, Eliot Spitzer crushed him, Faso polling just 29.2%.) In 2017, Cornstein was named U.S. Ambassador to Hungary. Back in New York, Finkelstein in April 2005, Finkelstein announced the organization of Stop Her Now, a 527 committee dedicated to defeating then-Senator Hillary Clinton in the 2006 New York U.S. Senate race. Clinton sailed to an easy re-election, and the PAC was not a factor in the contest. In the titanic struggle over new stadium construction on Manhattan's West Side, <mask> was hired to defeat the proposal by Cablevision, MSG and its allies; they ultimately prevailed, and the new Yankee Stadium was instead built in the Bronx, next to the old ballfield site, opening in 2009.It was the only time that the Finkelstein firm filed disclosure forms as a lobbyist (the filer was <mask>, not <mask>). Finkelstein advised former Congressman Rick Lazio during his campaign for the 2010 Republican nomination for New York Governor. : Lazio lost the GOP nomination contest to businessman Carl Paladino. North Carolina
<mask> continued to partner with Carter Wrenn on Tar Heel State races after the demise of the National Congressional Club. In 2000, former Charlotte mayor (and UNC basketball star) Richard Vinroot sought the Governorship, to succeed the term-limited Democrat <mask>. Vinroot won a contested fight for the GOP nomination, but the drop in Republican-voter enthusiasm in the closing days (noted above in Florida) hurt here as well, and Vinroot was defeated by Mike Easley, 44.2% to 52.4%. In one of <mask>'s last major races before his death, he worked with Wrenn in 2016 to win a spirited primary fight between two sitting Congressmen -- George Holding and Renee Ellmers.Wrenn had helped Ellmers pull one of the shocking House upsets of the 2010 election, but she abandoned the veteran consultant after her swearing-in and allied herself closely with House GOP leaders. In this primary, Wrenn backed Holding (a former US Attorney he'd guided to victory in 2012 and 2014), after a court-ordered redistricting combined the constituencies of the two suburban-Raleigh members. Aided by Wrenn's management and Finkelstein's polling and advice, Holding crushed Ellmers, 53.4% to 23.6%, and went on to a 56% re-election in November against Democrat <mask>. McNeil. Other States and Presidential
In Delaware, <mask> continued as pollster in 2000 to Senator Bill Roth, but the 30-year lawmaker fell to a 56%-44% defeat that November to Thomas Carper. Texas businessman David Dewhurst first approached Finkelstein in 1993 about running for Governor; he advised Dewhurst against challenging George W. Bush, who stormed to victory a year later. In 1998, he shepherded the millionaire to victory for the post of state Land Commissioner, then to two successive wins in 2002 and 2006 for the job of Lieutenant Governor. In 2012, <mask> worked against Dewhurst in the U.S. Senate primary, polling for the campaign of former ESPN broadcaster <mask>.<mask> also served as pollster for the 2004 primary challenge by conservative Pennsylvania Congressman Pat Toomey against moderate incumbent Sen. Arlen Specter, pairing with strategist <mask>. Specter averted defeat narrowly only after massive assistance from the NRSC and Bush White House (and then switched parties after the 2008 election); Toomey was elected to Specter's seat in 2010 and 2016. In 2005, Finkelstein polled for the gubernatorial campaign of Doug Forrester in New Jersey; he was defeated by <mask>. Connie Mack IV's 2007 marriage to Congresswoman Mary Bono led to <mask>'s aiding her sharply contested (but successful) California campaign in November 2008, defeating Democrat <mask> in Obama's triumphant year. Bono finally lost in 2012, after her Riverside County seat was redistricted, falling to Raul Ruiz. <mask> returned to New Hampshire in 2009-10, taking on the insurgent campaign of Bill Binnie for the GOP Senate nomination. Binnie was defeated by former Attorney General Kelly Ayotte, who went on to election that November.In May 2011, Finkelstein told an audience in Prague that three presidential candidates had asked him to serve as pollster on their

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title: Arthur J. Finkelstein

texts:
 campaign for the 2012 Republican nomination, and he had turned all three down. (He further noted that Ron Paul was not one of those three.) Campaign style and reviews
<mask> was known for his hard-edged political campaigns, which often focused on a single message with great repetition. He is credited with helping to make "liberal" a dirty word in the United States during the late 1980s and 1990s through the use of commercial messages such as this, intended to damage the image of <mask>:

While often successful (as with NCPAC's attacks on seemingly moderate Democrats, or the D'Amato and Pataki campaigns in New York), <mask>'s tactics sometimes backfired – in 1996, his repeated attacks against Minnesota U.S. Senator Paul Wellstone (calling him "Embarrassingly liberal. Decades out of touch.") may have helped galvanize Wellstone's liberal grass-roots base.Republican Sen. Rod Grams eventually condemned <mask>'s negative ads against Wellstone as excessive; however, his client (former Sen. Rudy Boschwitz) came closer that year than any GOP challenger to defeating a Democratic incumbent. <mask> refused the notion he engaged in negative campaigning, a phrase he said connotes false accusations: "It just means that you speak about the failings of your opponent as opposed to the virtues of your candidate"—a strategy he called "rejectionist voting"—a formula based on slogans that disparaged adversaries. Time magazine in October 1996 reported the Liberal-branding strategy was dubbed "Finkel-think" by leading Bob Dole advisers, and the presidential nominee was (belatedly) employing it against President Bill Clinton. Political scientist Darrell M. West, in 1996 said ". . .He uses a sledgehammer in every race ... I've detected five phrases he uses — ultraliberal, superliberal, embarrassingly liberal, foolishly liberal and unbelievably liberal." Philip Friedman, a Manhattan consultant who got his start working for Finkelstein's frequent Democratic rival David Garth, described the pollster as "the ultimate sort of Dr. Strangelove, who believes you can largely disregard what the politicians are going to say and do, what the newspapers are going to do, and create a simple and clear and often negative message, which, repeated often enough, can bring you to victory". Republican strategist Roger Ailes, who worked with Finkelstein on numerous races in the 1980s, described "Art" as "a polling guy with creative talents",

<mask>, chairman of Oppenheimer Funds, characterized him as "basically sort of a mad scientist".Finkelstein polled in Fossel's unsuccessful Republican Congressional campaign in Westchester County in 1982. "We had a knock-down, drag-out over whether busing was an issue in Westchester. His polls told him it was. I said, 'I don't think it is, but if it is, it isn't to me,' and we didn't use it." Carter Wrenn, who worked on Republican campaigns for 44 years with Finkelstein in North Carolina, called him "one of the most creative people I have ever worked with ... He is brilliant in terms of analyzing polls and numbers. He has a unique combination of an analytical and creative mind ...This guy's a workaholic. He must work 18 hours a day ... If you need him, he comes." Tom Ellis, cofounder of the National Congressional Club said "Just knock on his head, and he'll give you an idea." In 1990, Randall Rothenberg of The New York Times documented the rise of political and other ads intended to create controversy (in and of themselves), as well as to persuade. While Roger Ailes was credited by some as pioneering the tactic, "other Washington political hands give credit to <mask>, another Republican consultant, who deployed numerous news-generating commercials in his 1982 work for the National Conservative Political Action Committee." Finkelstein's early style is described in an scholarly account of a Congressional primary race in Arizona, published in 1979 in the "Quarterly Journal of Speech".Finkelstein gave advice to political candidates or elected officials to perform the "dance of the honest man", a metaphor for responding to "questions about transparency, honesty, or integrity" by imagining oneself as a typical, honest voter. Britain's The Daily Telegraph credited Finkelstein with using polling data to pinpoint the division of Jerusalem as an issue over which Israelis would reject a deal with the Palestinians, during the 1996 election in Israel. The newspaper attributed Benjamin Netanyahu's victory in part to Finkelstein's "scare-mongering". Other businesses
Finkelstein's office shared a small building with Diversified Research, a separate but related firm that executes telephone surveys and packages their results for political and business consultants (including some media pollsters). The firm, long based in Irvington, New York, had formerly been located in nearby Mount Kisco. Finkelstein also had interests in Murphy-Powers Media Inc. (whimsically named for two young campaign-manager proteges), and Multi-Media Services (a media-buying firm helmed for years by Tony Fabrizio). "Arthur's Kids"
Over four decades, Finkelstein was responsible for the early hiring and training of many successful Republican consultants, operatives and managers—collectively called "Arthur's Kids" or "Arthur's Boys"—including Tony Fabrizio, Alex Castellanos, <mask>, Craig Shirley, George Birnbaum, Beth Myers, Mitch Bainwol, Ari Fleischer, Carter Wrenn, Tim Kelly, Kieran Mahoney, Zenia Mucha, <mask>, Rick Reed, Patrick Hillmann, <mask>, the pollster brothers <mask> and <mask>, Rob Cole, and Adam Stoll.Others who worked with Finkelstein and have gone on to have successful independent careers include Frank Luntz, Larry Weitzner, Charles R. Black <mask>., Roger Stone, Chris Mottola,<mask>, Barney Keller, Gordon Hensley, and Gary Maloney. Personal life
In 1996, Boston Magazine'' outed <mask> as a homosexual in a feature story. In April 2005, Finkelstein acknowledged that in December 2004, he had married his partner of forty years in a civil ceremony at his home in Massachusetts. Finkelstein was a self-identified libertarian conservative. (He once did polling work for the Free Libertarian Party.) In his final years he increasingly distanced himself personally from social conservative elements within the Republican Party (while nevertheless still working for many conservative candidates). In a 1979 interview, he denied he was "a hard-core right-winger," but noted there was hardly "a serious conservative over the last 10 years [i.e.1969-79] whom I haven't been involved with." Finkelstein died of lung cancer on August 18, 2017, aged 72, in Ipswich, Massachusetts. Survivors included his husband, Donald Curiale, of Ipswich and Fort Lauderdale; two daughters, <mask> of Danvers, Mass., <mask> of Alpharetta, Ga.; two brothers; and a granddaughter Maryn BairdKelly. Quotes
 "A crook always beats a fool." (frequent saying)
 VARIANT of above: "When you allow people to choose between the corrupt and the stupid, they will go for the corrupt." (Said in reference to a 2003 Israeli campaign)
 "The most overwhelming fact of politics is what people do not know." (frequent saying)
 "Stupid people say stupid things."(Hebrew language paper Maariv in 1999)
 "I have been criticized for 20 years for running ideologically arched campaigns. I plead guilty. I will continue to run ideologically arched campaigns as long as there are more conservatives than there are liberals, rather than more Democrats than there are Republicans." (Speech to Conservative Political Action Conference, 1991)
 Finkelstein insisted he never lied -- "I do not slander somebody without proof." "In politics, it's what you perceive to be true that's true, not truth. If I tell you one thing is true, you will believe the second thing is true. A good politician will tell you a few things that are true before he will tell you a few things that are untrue, because you will then believe all the things he has said, true and untrue."(2011 speech in Prague)
 "The political center has disappeared, and the Republican Party has become the party of the Christian right more so than in any other period in modern history ... Bush's victory not only establishes the power of the American Christian Right in this candidacy, but in fact established its power to elect the next Republican president." "From now on, anyone who belongs to the Republican Party will automatically find himself in the same group as the opponents of abortion, and anyone who supports abortion will automatically be labeled a Democrat." "She will put off Democrats from the center. In terms of the Republicans, Hillary Clinton is a wonderful candidate for the presidency." (Maariv, 11/04)
 "I think I'm the playwright or the director, and not the actor. And the actors need to be onstage, not the director. And I think it's absurd that people who do what I do become as important, as celebrated, as the ones who are running."Speaking to GOP congressional hopefuls in 1978: "If any of you do get elected, and chances are 19-to-1 you won't ... don't run your own campaign; don't let your spouse do it; and don't listen to the nice lady who praises the brilliance of your speech—she probably was the only one in the audience who thought so." He said Proposition 13 (just passed in California) shouldn't be interpreted as "evidence people want services cut. They want taxes cut," and voters aren't sophisticated enough to understand that one leads to the other. He cited the 1965 New York mayoral campaign of <mask>, elected because "he promised to cut the budget in half and double the services. Four years later, when it was apparent that he had doubled the budget and cut services; Lindsay said, 'Yes, I made a mistake,' but he was re-elected when he promised to help end the Vietnam War." Said in 1979 that there are three kinds of candidates' wives—the wife "who hates politics and refuses to come out of the house," the wife who is reluctant but "will do what she is asked," and the wife "who wants to be the candidate and loves politics more than her husband does." He put Rosalynn Carter and Arlene (Mrs. Phil) Crane in the last category.After being praised for his winning advice in a Nassau County election: "I'm a hero, but the first time a town clerk loses an election after my figures show him winning, I will be over the hill and a bum." Longtime associate George Birnbaum: "I would always say, '<mask>, do you realize how much we're changing history?' He would say, 'I don't know how much we're changing history; we're touching history." In 2011, in one of his last public speeches, he said: "I wanted to change the world. I did this. I made it worse." References

External links

 Romanian journalist Cristi Şuţu photo of Finkelstein
  (2011 Lecture in Prague by Finkelstein)
  (News report in Hungarian concerning Finkelstein and Viktor Orbán)

1945 births
2017 deaths
20th-century American Jews
American political consultants
American libertarians
Businesspeople from Brooklyn
Columbia University alumni
People from East New York, Brooklyn
LGBT businesspeople from the United States
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Queens College, City University of New York alumni
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Pollsters
People from Irvington, New York
People from Levittown, New York
Deaths from lung cancer
Deaths from cancer in Massachusetts
Forest Hills High School (New York) alumni
21st-century American Jews
21st-century LGBT

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Arthur


title: Kiki Camarena

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Enrique "<mask><mask> (July 26, 1947 – February 9, 1985) was an American intelligence officer for the United States Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). In February 1985 <mask> was kidnapped by drug traffickers hired by Mexican politicians in Guadalajara, Mexico. He was interrogated under torture and murdered. Three leaders of the Guadalajara drug cartel were eventually convicted in Mexico for Camarena's murder. The U.S. investigation into <mask>'s murder led to ten more trials in Los Angeles for other Mexican nationals involved in the crime. The case continues to trouble U.S.–Mexican relations, most recently when one of the three convicted traffickers, Rafael Caro Quintero, was released from a Mexican prison in 2013. Early life and career
<mask> was born on July 26, 1947, in the border city of Mexicali, Mexico.The family—three brothers and three sisters—immigrated to Calexico, California, when Camarena was a child. <mask>'s parents divorced when he was young and the family endured considerable poverty after their move. His oldest brother Eduardo joined the Marines and was killed while serving in Vietnam in 1965. His other brother Ernesto had a troubled police record, including drug problems. Despite the family's difficulties, <mask> graduated from Calexico High School in 1966. After graduating from high school, <mask> joined the Marines. Following his discharge in 1970, he returned to Calexico and joined the police department.From regular police work, he moved on to undercover narcotics work as a Special Agent on the Imperial County Narcotic Task Force (ICNTF). After the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was established in 1973, it quickly instituted a hiring program for Spanish speaking agents. Both Camarena and his sister Myrna joined the new agency in 1974, Myrna as a secretary and Enrique as a special agent in the DEA's Calexico resident office. In 1977, Camarena transferred to the agency's Fresno field office, where he worked undercover on smuggling activities in the San Joaquin Valley. Author Elaine Shannon describes Camarena as "a natural in the theater of the street", able to "slip effortlessly into a Puerto Rican accent or toss off Mexican gutter slang—whatever the role demanded." Colleagues described him as driven, even by the standards of job-focused DEA agents. In 1980, a colleague and close friend who had moved from Fresno to the DEA resident office in Guadalajara suggested that Camarena also apply for an assignment at the office, where a position was open.Foreign assignments were important for job advancement in the DEA and the Guadalajara office was seeing a surge in work, foreshadowing the explosion in drug trafficking of the 1980s. By this time, <mask> was married and had three sons. Guadalajara's spring-like weather and the city's American school and favorable exchange rate convinced Camarena and his family that the move would be good for the family as well. Mexican background
American anti-narcotic efforts in Mexico long predate the Camarena case. Mexican heroin and marijuana production became a concern to U.S. drug enforcement by the 1960s, but the first major American joint actions with the Mexican government did not begin until the 1970s. Early anti-narcotic efforts in Mexico
When the French heroin connection was shut down in the early 1970s, Mexico took its place as an important source of American heroin. Mexican marijuana production boomed in the early 1970s as well, and was later a major component of the Guadalajara cartel's production and trafficking.At this point Mexico was not yet a major transshipment point for cocaine, which is produced primarily in the Andean countries of Peru and Bolivia. In response to strong American pressure, and to domestic law enforcement concerns, Mexico began eradication programs of opium and marijuana plantations, with large infusions of U.S. assistance. The first programs were on a smaller scale and used mostly manual eradication, such as "Operation Cooperation" in 1970. As plantation sizes grew, the eradication efforts also grew. In 1975, Mexican president Luis Echeverría approved "Operation Trizo", which used aerial surveillance and spraying of herbicides and defoliants from a fleet of dozens of planes and helicopters. The spraying programs required extensive American involvement, both for funding and operations. DEA pilots performed important operational roles; in addition to training Mexican pilots, they helped spot fields for spraying and verified that spraying runs had destroyed targeted fields.As part of the program, DEA was allowed to freely fly Mexican airspace. These flights produced positive results, reducing acreage planted and eventually a reduction in Mexican heroin quality and quantity. Mexican law enforcement on the ground also had some positive results. Alberto Sicilia Falcon, a major trafficker who was one of the first to transship cocaine through Mexico, was arrested in 1975. Pedro Aviles, an important Sinaloa trafficker was killed in a shoot-out with Mexican Federal Police in 1978. DEA personnel abroad
As part of these efforts, the first American narcotics law enforcement office was opened in Mexico City in the mid-1960s by the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, a branch of the Treasury Department. A Guadalajara office was opened in 1969.These and other offices opened by various agencies remained in place as American drug enforcement agencies first proliferated, then finally merged into the DEA. While the offices were opened with Mexican government permission, they later became controversial, particularly during the Camarena case. DEA agents stationed in Mexico and other countries then and now are subject to a number of restrictions by the host country. They have no law enforcement powers, instead of performing intelligence, liaison, and advisory functions, collecting and passing along information on drug trafficking, and advising on local anti-narcotics programs. In Mexico, although there had been an informal agreement with the Mexican federal government that agents could carry personal weapons, it was illegal for foreigners to do so and local officials were free to arrest them for this. DEA agents accredited to the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City had full diplomatic status, but agents in the resident offices did not and could be arrested and imprisoned without any official protections. American law also restricts DEA activities abroad.As a practical result of host country restrictions, DEA policy prohibits agents from doing undercover work abroad. A law is known as the Mansfield amendment, introduced by Senator Mike Mansfield and passed by Congress in 1975, prohibited DEA personnel to even be present at the scene of an arrest outside the U.S. It also banned agents from using force, except where lives were threatened. This later complicated DEA efforts in the investigation of <mask>'s death. Camarena in Guadalajara
By the time <mask> took up his post in Guadalajara in the summer of 1980, drug trafficking in Mexico was on the rise. There were several reasons for this. Under Mexican President José López Portillo, the aerial spotting and eradication endorsed by President Echeverría were curtailed, and American participation in these activities ended in 1978.This made it easier for producers to build the large plantations discovered later in the 1980s and harder to verify that areas identified had actually been sprayed. In addition, during the late 1970s and early 1980s, cocaine trafficking, driven mostly by Colombian smugglers, grew rapidly in the United States and became a primary target of DEA, leaving Mexican enforcement a secondary concern. Finally, during Camarena's four-and-a-half years in Guadalajara, major traffickers arose to take the place of the figures arrested and killed in the 1970s. The best known of these were Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo, Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo and Rafael Caro Quintero. These three often coordinated their production and operations, and formed the core of what came to be called the Guadalajara Cartel. All three were eventually found guilty of having participated in Camarena's kidnap and murder. Resident agent
Many of Camarena's investigations involved the major marijuana plantations that sprang up beginning in the early 1980s.Earlier plantations were usually located in remote mountain areas where they were hard to spot and irrigation did not require drilling wells. Yields were relatively low, quality varied, and transportation was expensive. The new plantations were seeded with an improved variety of marijuana, developed by American cultivators, called "sinsemilla" (seedless). This more powerful, higher-quality variety brought much higher prices in North American markets. The plantations were located in remote desert areas, where transportation was much less expensive. The new plantations faced several problems. Desert production required well drilling for irrigation, and Mexico had strict laws governing well digging, a problem that was eventually solved by massive bribery.It was also easier to spot plantations in the barren deserts; the larger the farm, the easier to spot. With an end to solo American overflights as part of the eradication program, however, money and intimidation allowed farms to grow dramatically without coming to official notice. Prohibited from solo overflights and undercover work, DEA agents in Mexico concentrated on cultivating informants, an often difficult task, especially as informing became more and more dangerous. Camarena, however, excelled at working with informants; Shannon writes that "Nobody else in the Guadalajara office could match Kiki's charisma with informants. He had a way of convincing a man to screw up his courage and venture where he never dreamed he would go." Camarena's work with an informant they called "Miguel Sanchez" led to the first discovery of one of the new style plantations in 1982. "Sanchez" became friends with the man running the plantation, who told "Miguel" it was outside a small, isolated town called Vanegas in the state of San Luis Potosi, just across the border from the state of Zacatecas.According to "Miguel"'s information, the main financier of the plantation was cartel member Juan José Esparragoza Moreno. Camarena and "Miguel" finally located the plantation in August 1982. Camarena arranged two surreptitious solo overflights to confirm that it was a major plantation. He then briefed Mexican authorities, who raided the plantation in September. Astonishingly, the plantation was over 200 acres, employing hundreds of growers. The Guadalajara DEA estimated over four thousand tons of sinsemilla marijuana were destroyed in the raid, making it the largest plantation discovered up to that time. Abduction and murder
In 1984, acting on information from the DEA, 450 Mexican soldiers backed by helicopters destroyed a  marijuana plantation in Allende (Chihuahua), known as "Rancho Búfalo", with an estimated annual production of $8 billion.<mask>, who was suspected of being the source of the information, was abducted in broad daylight on February 7, 1985, by corrupt Mexican officials working for the major drug traffickers in Mexico. <mask> was taken to a residence located at 881 Lope de Vega in the colonia of Jardines del Bosque, in the western section of the city of Guadalajara, owned by Rafael Caro Quintero, where he was tortured over a 30-hour period and then murdered. His skull was punctured by a metal object, and his ribs were broken. <mask>'s body was found wrapped in plastic in a rural area outside the small town of La Angostura, in the state of Michoacán, on March 5, 1985. Investigation
<mask>'s torture and murder prompted a swift reaction from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and launched Operation Leyenda (legend), the largest DEA homicide investigation ever undertaken. A special unit was dispatched to coordinate the investigation in Mexico, where government officials were implicated—including Manuel Ibarra Herrera, past director of Mexican Federal Judicial Police, and Miguel Aldana Ibarra, the former director of Interpol in Mexico. Investigators soon identified Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo and his two close associates, Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo and Rafael Caro Quintero, as the primary suspects in the kidnapping and that under pressure from the U.S. government, Mexican President Miguel de la Madrid quickly apprehended Carillo and Quintero, but Félix Gallardo still enjoyed political protection.The United States government pursued a lengthy investigation of <mask>'s murder. Due to the difficulty of extraditing Mexican citizens, the DEA went as far as to detain two suspects, Humberto Álvarez Machaín, the physician who allegedly prolonged Camarena's life so the torture could continue, and Javier Vásquez Velasco; both were taken by bounty hunters to the United States. Despite vigorous protests from the Mexican government, Álvarez was brought to trial in Los Angeles, in 1992. After the government presented its case, the judge ruled that there was insufficient evidence to support a guilty verdict and ordered Álvarez's release. Álvarez subsequently initiated a civil suit against the U.S. government, charging that his arrest had breached the U.S.–Mexico extradition treaty. The case eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled that Álvarez was not entitled to relief. The four other defendants, Vásquez Velasco, Juan Ramón Matta-Ballesteros, Juan José Bernabé Ramírez, and Rubén Zuno Arce (a brother-in-law of former President Luis Echeverría), were tried and found guilty of Camarena's kidnapping.Zuno had known ties to corrupt Mexican officials, and Mexican officials were implicated in covering up the murder. Mexican police had destroyed evidence on Camarena's body. Legacy
In November 1988, Time magazine featured Camarena on the cover. <mask> received numerous awards while with the DEA, and he posthumously received the Administrator's Award of Honor, the highest award given by the organization. In Fresno, the California Narcotic Officers' Association (CNOA) hosts a yearly memorial golf tournament named after him and presents an annual scholarship to graduating high school seniors. A school, a library and a street in his home town of Calexico, California, are named after him. <mask> Junior High School of the Calexico Unified School District opened in 2006.Additionally <mask> Elementary School in Mission, Texas, of the La Joya Independent School District, is named after him and had its dedication ceremony in 2006. The nationwide annual Red Ribbon Week, which teaches school children and youths to avoid drug use, was established in his memory. In 2004, the Enrique S. Camarena Foundation was established in Camarena's memory. <mask>'s wife Mika and son Enrique Jr. serve on the all-volunteer board of directors together with former DEA agents, law enforcement personnel, family and friends of Camarena's, and others who share their commitment to alcohol, tobacco and other drug and violence prevention. As part of their ongoing Drug Awareness program, the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks awards an annual Enrique Camarena Award at local, state and national levels to a member of law enforcement who carries out anti-drugs work. In 2004, the Calexico Police Department erected a memorial dedicated to Camarena. The memorial is located in the halls of the department, where Camarena served.Several books have been written on the subject. Camarena is the subject of the book ¿O Plata o Plomo? The abduction and murder of DEA Agent <mask> (2005), by retired DEA resident agent in charge James H. Kuykendall. Roberto Saviano's non-fiction book Zero Zero Zero (2015) deals in part with Camarena's undercover work and his eventual fate. Personal life
<mask> and his wife Mika had three sons. Media depictions
Drug Wars: The Camarena Story (1990) is an American television miniseries about Camarena, starring Steven Bauer as Camarena. Heroes Under Fire: Righteous Vendetta (2005) is a History Channel documentary that chronicles the events associated with and features interviews with family members, DEA agents, and others involved in the investigation.In the Netflix drama Narcos, Camarena's death and its aftermath are recapped in news footage in the first-season episode "The Men of Always". The first season of the spin-off series Narcos: Mexico is dedicated entirely to the Camarena story from his arrival to Mexico through his career there and the eventual murder. He is played by American actor Michael Peña. Miss Bala (2011) is a Mexican film that portrays a fictionalized version of Camarena's murder. The Last Narc, released in 2020 on Amazon Prime Video, is a miniseries which depicts the kidnapping of Camarena and the events leading up to it. On December 21, 2020, retired DEA agent James Kuykendall filed a lawsuit over the show's claims that he was involved in Camarena's murder. See also

 Jaime Zapata
 Javier Barba-Hernández
 Mexican drug war
 United States v. Alvarez-Machain
 Hispanics and Latinos in the United States Marine Corps
 Torture murder
 Michele Leonhart

References

Further reading

Andreas Lowenfeld, "Mexico and the United States, an Undiplomatic Murder", in Economist, 30 March 1985.Andreas Lowenfeld, "Kidnapping by Government Order: A Follow-Up", in American Journal of International Law 84 (July 1990): 712–716. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Drug Enforcement Administration Reauthorization for Fiscal Year 1986: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Crime. May 1, 1985 (1986). External links
DEA biography of <mask>

Zaid, Mark S. "Military might versus sovereign right: the kidnapping of Dr. Humberto Alvarez-Machain and the resulting fallout". Houston Journal of International Law. Northern hemisphere Spring of 1997. 1947 births
1985 deaths
1985 murders in North America
American people murdered abroad
American torture victims
Deaths by beating
Drug Enforcement Administration agents
Formerly missing people
Mexican drug war
Mexican emigrants to the United States
Murdered Mexican Americans
People from Mexicali
People from Calexico, California
People murdered by Mexican drug cartels
People murdered in Mexico
United States Marines
American police officers
Naturalized citizens of the United States
Mexico–United States relations

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