title: Stephen Patrick DeMaine Kelly

texts:
<mask> (born November 21, 1994 in Lutherville, Maryland) is an American lacrosse player who plays for Archers Lacrosse Club of the Premier Lacrosse League (PLL). <mask> plays as a midfielder and face-off specialist and scored the first goal in PLL history in 2019. <mask> was selected to play in the 2021 PLL All Star Game in San Jose, California. Prior to joining the Archers, <mask> played for the Chesapeake Bayhawks in the Major League Lacrosse (MLL). He was selected to the MLL All-Star Team in 2018, and helped lead them to an overtime victory over Team USA. <mask> attended University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill (UNC) from 2014 to 2017 where he played college lacrosse. In 2016, <mask> was named co-MVP of the National Championship team and was awarded the Turnbull Trophy.In 2017, <mask> was named team captain and helped lead UNC to an ACC Championship. <mask> is ranked 2nd in all-time face-off wins (718) and 3rd in all-time most ground balls (378) at UNC. <mask> played high school lacrosse at Calvert Hall College High School where he was a two-time high school All-American and helped lead Calvert Hall to an MIAA championship in 2012. He was the youngest member of the 2012 USA Under 19 Lacrosse Team, helping the team win the gold medal at the FIL World Championship in Turku, Finland. Bio

Early years
<mask> was born at the Greater Baltimore Medical Center in Baltimore, Maryland, to Gayle and <mask> III. He started playing lacrosse at age 6 at the Lutherville-Timonium Rec Council (LTRC). <mask> also played for the Fellowship of Christian Athletes (FCA) National Team which won the 2009 US Lacrosse U15 National Championship and he was named to the All-Tournament Team.<mask> continued playing lacrosse at Calvert Hall College High School, where he was a four-year letterman playing as a midfielder and face-off specialist. He was named team captain his Senior year. <mask> also captained the football team at Calvert Hall where he was a three-year starter. He helped lead the team to their first football championship in 28 years. <mask> was named first-team All-MIAA as a running back and All-State as a defensive back in 2012. College career
<mask> played college lacrosse at UNC where he was a four-year starter at face-off and team captain his senior year. <mask> was awarded the Holmes Harden Sr. Memorial Award all four years for leading the team in ground balls and was a two-time All-American.He ranks second in all time faceoff wins and third in all-time most ground balls in UNC Lacrosse history. Professional career

MLL - Chesapeake Bayhawks
<mask> was one of the six UNC players to be selected in the MLL Draft as a sixth round draft pick (#48) Midfielder/Face-off Specialist for the Bayhawks in 2017. <mask> was selected to play in the 2018 MLL All-Star game against Team USA. PLL - Archers
On March 4, 2019 the PLL released their six team roster with <mask> as one of the Archer's Face-off Specialist. <mask> quickly made history on the League opening game (June 1, 2019 at Gillette Stadium in Foxborough, Massachusetts) against the Chrome Lacrosse Club winning the first face-off, first ground ball, and scoring the first goal in PLL history eleven seconds into the game. He currently ranks (July 2019) third in League History for Ground Balls. Career statistics

Collegiate

MLL

PLL

Awards and honors

High school lacrosse
 4 year letterman: midfielder and face-off specialist
 2013 Under Amour All-American
Inside Lacrosse Magazine: No.2 ranked No. <mask> currently lives in Atlanta, Georgia working as a Director of Corporate Development at OneDigital Health and Benefits. He is a co-owner of k-2 Lacrosse Training with his brother, <mask>. Some of his interests outside of lacrosse are golf, tennis and hiking. <mask> has 3 siblings; Frankie IV, Jackie Lee, and JK. He is engaged to marry Caroline Dilli. References

1994 births
Living people
Premier Lacrosse League players
North Carolina Tar Heels men's lacrosse players
Major League Lacrosse players
People from Lutherville, Maryland
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill alumni
Calvert Hall College High School alumni
Sportspeople from Baltimore County, Maryland
Chesapeake Bayhawks players

masks:
Stephen Patrick DeMaine Kelly
Kelly
Kelly
Kelly
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Kelly
Kelly
Kelly
Kelly
Stephen Kelly
Frank Kelly
Kelly
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Kelly
Kelly
Kelly
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Stephen Kelly
Kelly
Stephen Kelly
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Frankie Kelly
Kelly


title: Lew Tendler

type: original

texts:
"Lefty" <mask> (September 28, 1898, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania – November 5, 1970, in Atlantic City, New Jersey) was an American boxer. He is generally considered one of the best boxers to never have won a world title, though he was a top rated contender for both the world light and welterweight championships. Statistical boxing website BoxRec lists <mask> as the #10 ranked lightweight of all time, while The Ring Magazine founder Nat Fleischer placed him at #9. He is a member of the International Jewish Sports Hall of Fame, the Ring Magazine Hall of Fame, the World Boxing Hall of Fame,  and the International Boxing Hall of Fame. Early life and career
<mask> was born in the South Philadelphia Jewish ghetto on September 28, 1898. His father died of a long illness only two years after he was born,  leaving the family in desperate financial straits. At only six, he started selling newspapers on a city street corner, using his fists to defend his territory against tough competition.He began boxing as an amateur around twelve, often competing in tournaments at local burlesque houses. Turning pro in 1913 at the age of fifteen, he began his career as a bantamweight. His first bout on November 6, 1918, against Mickey Brown, was arranged by Phil Glassman and the Philadelphia Newsboy Association. In an important early career win, <mask> decisively defeated future world bantamweight champion Pete Herman on February 28, 1916, in six rounds, repeatedly scoring points with his right. Herman had difficulty mounting an effective defense, and bled from his nose through much of the bout where he caught frequent rights from <mask>. Herman would take the world bantamweight championship the following year and hold it almost continuously for four years. Close bouts with champion Johnny Dundee, 1917
On October 1, 1917, <mask> defeated future world junior lightweight champion Johnny Dundee in a close six-round newspaper decision in Philadelphia.<mask> took the lead in most of the fighting, used his reach advantage to dominate at long range, and landed more blows to take the decision. He finished strong in the sixth. On March 26, 1917, <mask> had previously defeated Dundee in another very close six-round newspaper decision of two Philadelphia papers, though one reporter felt the power of Dundee's blows to the head and body should have won him the decision. Future world lightweight champion Rocky Kansas fell to <mask> on October 29, 1917 in a somewhat decisive six-round newspaper decision in Philadelphia according to a decision of the Philadelphia Record. <mask> scored with straight lefts, upper cuts and right crosses, and had the better of much of the fighting. In a closer first round, Kansas landed a powerful right to <mask>'s ear. In two other meetings with Kansas, <mask> won a ten-round newspaper decision on New Years Day, 1919, but dropped a fifteen-round points decision on October 21, 1921 at New York's  Madison Square Garden.<mask> first decisively defeated Willie Jackson, a leading contender for the lightweight title in a six-round newspaper decision in Philadelphia, on January 7, 1918. <mask> forced the fighting from the opening round, showed better defense, and gave Jackson a beating in nearly every round. Jackson was able to score only when coming out of clinches at close range. <mask> defeated Jackson again that year in a fifteen-round points decision in New Haven, and continued to gain victory over Jackson in Philadelphia and Milwaukee by newspaper decisions once a year from 1919 to 1921. George "KO" Chaney first fell to <mask> on September 18, 1918 in a six-round newspaper decision in Philadelphia. <mask> knocked down Chaney for a count of six in the third round. <mask> scored best in the first three and final rounds.<mask> would also defeat Chaney in a first-round knockout on June 4, 1919 at Philadelphia's Shibe Park. A left to the jaw preceded by a hard right to the same spot put Chaney down for the count only 1:12 into the first round. Chaney was one of <mask>'s more skilled early opponents. <mask> first defeated fellow Jewish boxer Frankie Callahan, another leading contender for the lightweight title, on July 6, 1918 in an eight-round newspaper decision in Atlantic City. In three other meetings, <mask> won a six-round newspaper decision in Philadelphia, a ninth-round technical knockout in Boston where Callahan broke his wrist, and a rough fifth-round technical knockout at an open-air arena in Lawrence, Massachusetts, on September 18, 1920, where Callahan told his manager he had broken a rib in the second round. Callahan fought through three more rounds, but was unable to answer the bell for the sixth. Attempts at lightweight championship against Benny Leonard, 1922-3
On July 27, 1922, <mask> fell to fellow Jewish boxer Benny Leonard in a twelve-round newspaper decision in Jersey City in a lightweight world title match, that may have been the most remarkable bout of <mask>'s career.Before a record audience of over 60,000 enthralled fans, Leonard won five rounds, <mask> four, with three even. <mask> may have led in the first five rounds, as Leonard could not adjust to or penetrate his unique Southpaw stance, style, and defense. In the eighth, <mask> crashed a terrific left to the midsection which had followed a left to the head, and Leonard held on to <mask> as he sank to one knee. Then Leonard rose and distracted <mask> by mumbling a few words, then going to a clinche to rest for much of the remainder of the round. <mask> never delivered the follow up knockout blow, and Leonard, getting time to recover, dominated the next seven rounds. In their last meeting on July 24, 1923, Leonard won a unanimous fifteen-round decision at Yankee Stadium before an extraordinary crowd of 58,000. The bout took place in the Bronx in another lightweight world title match.Leonard excelled in the speed and precision of his attack, while still managing to ward off most of his opponent's blows, particularly <mask>'s strong left. Leonard demonstrated his mastery of ring tactics against an opponent who became sluggish, and was unable to mount the offensive he had shown in their bout the previous July. By one account, Leonard managed to land three blows for every one of <mask>'s, demonstrating his speed and mastery of tactics. With the huge crowd, Leonard's take home pay exceeded $130,000, an extraordinary sum for the era. <mask> first defeated Sailor Friedman, a highly rated lightweight, on December 16, 1921, in an eight-round newspaper decision at New York's Madison Square Garden. <mask> floored Friedman four times in the second round in the Garden. Friedman came back hard in the fourth, staggering <mask> with a left to the jaw, and performed well in the fifth.The combatants went back and forth in the following rounds, though Friedman continued do land a few solid blows as late as the twelfth and fourteenth. In three previous meetings that year, on September 13, August 24, and February 28, <mask> won in newspaper decisions in Milwaukee, and Philadelphia. <mask> defeated reigning world light heavyweight champion Pinky Mitchell in their last meeting on February 18, 1924 in a close ten-round newspaper decision in Milwaukee. The Wisconsin State Journal considered the non-title bout slow and wrote that <mask>'s blows lacked steam. Had Mitchell been two pounds lighter, and been knocked out, <mask> would have taken the junior welterweight championship. <mask> had defeated Mitchell in a previous meeting on May 19, 1920 in another ten-round newspaper decision in Milwaukee. <mask> got his range in the final seven rounds, and won points for taking the offense through most of the bout.His defense was exceptional, though Mitchell's defense kept him from harm and he benefited somewhat from greater reach. Attempt at welterweight championship against Mickey Walker, 1924

<mask> fell to Mickey Walker in a ten-round unanimous decision on June 2, 1924 in an attempt at the National Boxing Association (NBA) world welterweight championship. The Pittsburgh Post gave Walker five rounds with only the seventh and eighth to Tendler. In a fast and exciting bout, <mask> drove Walker from rope to rope in the seventh with rights and lefts to the body and head, looking like he might take the decision. Walker had an edge in the final two rounds, however, as <mask> tired, and scored most frequently with blows to the body. <mask> was knocked out only once in his career on January 19, 1925 against Jack Zivic in Pittsburgh. In the fifth round, a left by Zivic sent <mask> spinning to the floor for a count of nine.Another left hurt <mask>, and than a barrage of lefts and rights sent him to the canvas again. <mask>'s manager Phil Glassman threw in the towel ending the fight. In a rematch, however, in Philadelphia five months later before 30,000 fans, <mask> dominated in a ten-round unanimous decision at Shibe Park. The Pittsburgh Gazette Times gave <mask> seven of ten rounds, particularly the last half of the bout, and wrote that he "outboxed, outslugged, and outpunched" Zivic, particularly in the closing rounds. In one of his last bouts with a top talent on July 16, 1925, <mask> drew with future world welterweight champion Joe Dundee by decision, in ten fast and hard-fought rounds before 10,000 at Shibe Park in Philadelphia. <mask> was rocked several times by the younger Dundee's rapid right, and took a serious beating in several rounds. Dundee caught <mask> off balance in the ninth with a left hook, and he fell briefly to his hands.The more skilled ring veteran <mask> was forced to clinch at times. The Philadelphia Inquirer believed Dundee had the better of the bout, and many in the audience felt the same. <mask> mounted an effective defense, however, and often went on the offensive during the fast bout. Life after boxing

After retiring from boxing in 1928, <mask> opened a restaurant in Philadelphia in 1932 which specialized in steaks, known as Tendler's Tavern. He later opened branches in Atlantic City and Miami Beach. Around 1911, he married Celia Lasker, with whom he had three sons. <mask> and Celia remained married throughout his life.<mask> died on November 7, 1970 at Shore Memorial Hospital in Somers Point, a suburb of Atlantic City, New Jersey, of an arterial clot. His memorial service was in Philadelphia, and he was buried in nearby Roosevelt Memorial Park in Trevose, Pennsylvania, a Philadelphia suburb. He left nine grandchildren. Notable bouts

See also
List of select Jewish boxers

References

External links

International Boxing Hall of Fame - <mask> Tendler
Cyber Boxing Zone - <mask> Tendler

1898 births
1970 deaths
Boxers from Philadelphia
Lightweight boxers
Welterweight boxers
Jewish American boxers
Jewish boxers
American male boxers
20th-century American Jews

masks:
Lew Tendler
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Lew
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Lew
Lew


title: Joseph Chamberlain

texts:
<mask> (8 July 1836 – 2 July 1914) was a British statesman who was first a radical Liberal, then, after opposing home rule for Ireland, a Liberal Unionist, and eventually served as a leading imperialist in coalition with the Conservatives. He split both major British parties in the course of his career. He was father, by different marriages, of Nobel Peace Prize winner <mask> and of Prime Minister <mask>. <mask> made his career in Birmingham, first as a manufacturer of screws and then as a notable mayor of the city. He was a radical Liberal Party member and an opponent of the Elementary Education Act 1870 on the basis that it could result in subsidising Church of England schools with local ratepayers' money. As a self-made businessman, he had never attended university and had contempt for the aristocracy. He entered the House of Commons at 39 years of age, relatively late in life compared to politicians from more privileged backgrounds.Rising to power through his influence with the Liberal grassroots organisation, he served as President of the Board of Trade in Gladstone's Second Government (1880–85). At the time, <mask> was notable for his attacks on the Conservative leader Lord Salisbury, and in the 1885 general election he proposed the "Unauthorised Programme", which was not enacted, of benefits for newly enfranchised agricultural labourers, including the slogan promising "three acres and a cow". <mask> resigned from Gladstone's Third Government in 1886 in opposition to Irish Home Rule. He helped to engineer a Liberal Party split and became a Liberal Unionist, a party which included a bloc of MPs based in and around Birmingham. From the 1895 general election the Liberal Unionists were in coalition with the Conservative Party, under <mask>'s former opponent Lord Salisbury. In that government <mask> promoted the Workmen's Compensation Act 1897. He served as Secretary of State for the Colonies, promoting a variety of schemes to build up the Empire in Asia, Africa, and the West Indies.He had major responsibility for causing the Second Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and was the government minister most responsible for the war effort. He became a dominant figure in the Unionist Government's re-election at the "Khaki Election" in 1900. In 1903, he resigned from the Cabinet to campaign for tariff reform (i.e. taxes on imports as opposed to the existing policy of free trade with no tariffs). He obtained the support of most Unionist MPs for this stance, but the Unionists suffered a landslide defeat at the 1906 general election. Shortly after public celebrations of his 70th birthday in Birmingham, he was disabled by a stroke, ending his public career. Despite never becoming Prime Minister, he was one of the most important British politicians of his day, as well as a renowned orator and municipal reformer.Historian David Nicholls notes that his personality was not attractive: he was arrogant and ruthless and much hated. He never succeeded in his grand ambitions. However, he was a highly proficient grassroots organiser of democratic instincts, and played the central role in winning the Second Boer War. He is most famous for setting the agenda of British colonial, foreign, tariff and municipal policies, and for deeply splitting both major political parties. Early life, business career and marriage
<mask> was born in Camberwell to <mask> (1796–1874), a successful shoe manufacturer, and Caroline (1806–1875), daughter of cheese (formerly beer) merchant Henry Harben. His younger brother was <mask>, later also a Liberal politician. Raised at Highbury, a prosperous suburb of North London, he was educated at University College School 1850–1852, excelling academically and gaining prizes in French and mathematics.The elder <mask> was not able to provide advanced education for all his children, and at the age of 16 <mask> was apprenticed to the Worshipful Company of Cordwainers and worked for the family business (their warehouse having been at Milk Street, London for three generations) making quality leather shoes. At 18 he joined his uncle's screw-making business, Nettlefolds of Birmingham, in which his father had invested. The company became known as Nettlefold and Chamberlain when <mask> became a partner with <mask>. During the business's most prosperous period it produced two-thirds of all metal screws made in England, and by the time of <mask>'s retirement from business in 1874 it was exporting worldwide. In July 1861, <mask> married Harriet Kenrick, the daughter of holloware manufacturer Archibald Kenrick, of Berrow Court, Edgbaston, Birmingham; they had met the previous year. Their daughter <mask> was born in May 1862. Harriet, who had had a premonition that she would die in childbirth, became ill two days after the birth of their son Austen in October 1863, and died three days later.<mask> devoted himself to business, while the children were brought up by their maternal grandparents. In 1868 <mask> married Harriet's cousin Florence Kenrick, daughter of Timothy Kenrick. <mask> and Florence had four children: the future Prime Minister Neville in 1869, Ida in 1870, Hilda in 1871 and Ethel in 1873. The teaching of these four children was taken on by their elder half sister Beatrice who was destined to make her mark as an educationalist. On 13 February 1875 Florence gave birth to their fifth child, but she and the child died within a day. Though a Unitarian during his lifetime, the experiences <mask> endured with losing both wives in childbirth resulted in him losing personal faith, rejecting religious creeds and not requiring religious adherence of any of his children. In 1888 <mask> married for the third time in St. John's Episcopal Church, New York.His bride was Mary Crowninshield Endicott (1864–1957), daughter of the US Secretary of War, William Crowninshield Endicott. They had no children, but she eased his acceptance into upper-class society in the second half of his career. Early political career

Calls for reform
<mask> became involved in Liberal politics, influenced by the strong radical and liberal traditions among Birmingham shoemakers and the long tradition of social action in <mask>'s Unitarian church. There was pressure to redistribute parliamentary seats to cities and to enfranchise a greater proportion of urban men. In 1866, Earl Russell's Liberal administration submitted a Reform Bill to create 400,000 new voters, but the Bill was opposed by the "Adullamite" Liberals for disrupting the social order, and criticised by Radicals for not conceding the secret ballot or household suffrage. The Bill was defeated and the government fell. <mask> was one of the 250,000, including the Mayor, who marched for Reform in Birmingham on 27 August 1866; he recalled that "men poured into the hall, black as they were from the factories...the people were packed together like herrings" to listen to a speech by John Bright.Lord Derby's minority Conservative administration passed a Reform Act in 1867, nearly doubling the electorate from 1,430,000 to 2,470,000. The Liberal Party won the 1868 election. <mask> was active in the election campaign, praising Bright and George Dixon, a Birmingham MP. <mask> was also influential in the local campaign in support of the Irish Disestablishment bill. In the autumn of 1869 a deputation headed by William Harris invited him to stand for the Town Council; and in November he was elected to represent St. Paul's Ward. <mask> and Jesse Collings had been among the founders of the Birmingham Education League in 1867, which noted that of about 4.25 million children of school age, 2 million children, mostly in urban areas, did not attend school, with a further 1 million in uninspected schools. The government's aid to Church of England schools offended Nonconformist opinion.<mask> favoured free, secular, compulsory education, stating that "it is as much the duty of the State to see that the children are educated as to see that they are fed", and attributing the success of the US and Prussia to public education. The Birmingham Education League evolved into the National Education League, which held its first Conference in Birmingham in 1869 and proposed a school system funded by local rates and government grants, managed by local authorities subject to government inspection. By 1870, the League had more than one hundred branches, mostly in cities and peopled largely by men of trades unions and working men's organisations. William Edward Forster, Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education, proposed an Elementary Education Bill in January 1870. Nonconformists opposed the proposal to fund church schools as part of the national educational system through the rates. The NEL was angered by the absence of school commissions or of free, compulsory education. <mask> arranged for a delegation of 400 branch members and 46 MPs to visit the prime minister William Ewart Gladstone at 10 Downing Street on 9 March 1870, the first time the two men had met.<mask> impressed the Prime Minister with his lucid speech, and during the Bill's second reading Gladstone agreed to make amendments that removed church schools from rate-payer control and granted them funding. Liberal MPs, exasperated at the compromises in the legislation, voted against the government, and the Bill passed the House of Commons with support from the Conservatives. <mask> campaigned against the Act, and especially Clause 25, which gave school boards of England and Wales the power to pay the fees of poor children at voluntary schools, theoretically allowing them to fund church schools. The Education League stood in several by-elections against Liberal candidates who refused to support the repeal of Clause 25. In 1873 a Liberal majority was elected to the Birmingham School Board, with <mask> as chairman. Eventually, a compromise was reached with the church component of the School Board agreeing to make payments from rate-payer's money only to schools associated with industrial education. <mask> espoused enfranchisement of rural workers and a lower cost of land.In an article written for the Fortnightly Review, he coined the slogan of the "Four F's: Free Church, Free Schools, Free Land and Free Labour". In another article, "The Liberal Party and its Leaders", <mask> criticised Gladstone's leadership and advocated a more Radical direction for the party. Mayor of Birmingham
In November 1873, the Liberal Party swept the municipal elections and <mask> was elected mayor of Birmingham. The Conservatives had denounced his Radicalism and called him a "monopoliser and a dictator" while the Liberals had campaigned against their High Church Tory opponents with the slogan "The People above the Priests". The city's municipal administration was notably lax with regards to public works, and many urban dwellers lived in conditions of great poverty. As mayor, <mask> promoted many civic improvements, promising the city would be "parked, paved, assized, marketed, gas & watered and 'improved'". The Birmingham Gas Light and Coke Company and the Birmingham and Staffordshire Gas Light Company were locked in constant competition, in which the city's streets were continually dug up to lay mains.<mask> forcibly purchased the two companies on behalf of the borough for £1,953,050, even offering to purchase the companies himself if the ratepayers refused. In its first year of operations the new municipal gas scheme made a profit of £34,000. The city's water supply was considered a danger to public health – approximately half of the city's population was dependent on well water, much of which was polluted by sewage. Piped water was only supplied three days per week, compelling the use of well water and water carts for the rest of the week. Deploring the rising death rate from contagious diseases in the poorest parts of the city, in January 1876, <mask> forcibly purchased Birmingham's waterworks for a combined sum of £1,350,000, creating Birmingham Corporation Water Department, having declared to a House of Commons Committee that "We have not the slightest intention of making profit...We shall get our profit indirectly in the comfort of the town and in the health of the inhabitants". Despite this noticeable executive action, <mask> was mistrustful of central authority and bureaucracy, preferring to give local communities the responsibility to act on their own initiative. In July 1875, <mask> tabled an improvement plan involving slum clearance in Birmingham's city centre.<mask> had been consulted by the Home Secretary, Richard Assheton Cross during the preparation of the Artisan's and Labourers' Dwellings Improvement Act 1875, during Disraeli's social improvement programme. <mask> bought 50 acres (200,000 m2) of property to build a new road, (Corporation Street), through Birmingham's overcrowded slums. Over-riding the protests of local landlords and the Commissioner of the Local Government Board's inquiry into the scheme, <mask> gained the endorsement of the President of the Local Government Board, George Sclater-Booth. <mask> raised the funds for the programme, contributing £10,000 himself. However, the Improvement Committee concluded that it would be too expensive to transfer slum-dwellers to municipally built accommodation, and so the land was leased as a business proposition on a 75-year lease. Slum dwellers were eventually rehoused in the suburbs and the scheme cost local government £300,000. The death-rate in Corporation Street decreased dramatically – from approximately 53 per 1,000 between 1873 and 1875 to 21 per 1,000 between 1879 and 1881.During <mask>'s tenure of office, public and private money was used to construct libraries, municipal swimming pools and schools. Birmingham Museum & Art Gallery was enlarged and a number of new parks were opened. Construction of the Council House was begun, while the Victoria Law Courts were built on Corporation Street. The mayoralty helped make <mask> a national as well as local figure, with contemporaries commenting upon his youthfulness and dress, including "a black velvet coat, jaunty eyeglass in eye, red neck-tie drawn through a ring". His contribution to the city's improvement earned <mask> the allegiance of the so-called "Birmingham caucus" for the rest of his public career. His biographer states:
Early in his political career, <mask> constructed arguably his greatest and most enduring accomplishment, a model of "gas-and-water" or municipal socialism widely admired in the industrial world. At his ceaseless urging, Birmingham embarked on an improvement scheme to tear down its central slums and replace them with healthy housing and commercial thoroughfares, both to ventilate the town and to attract business.This scheme, however, strained the financial resources of the town and undermined the consensus in favour of reform. National politics

Member of Parliament and the National Liberal Federation
The Sheffield Reform Association, an offshoot of the Liberal Party in the city, invited <mask> to stand for election as an MP soon after the beginning of his tenure as Mayor of Birmingham. <mask>'s first Parliamentary campaign (the 1874 general election) was a fierce one; opponents accused him of republicanism and atheism, and even threw dead cats at him on

masks:
Joseph Chamberlain
Austen Chamberlain
Neville Chamberlain
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Joseph Chamberlain
Richard Chamberlain
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Joseph
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Joseph Nettlefold
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Beatrice Chamberlain
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title: Joseph Chamberlain

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 the speaking platform. <mask> came in third place, a poor result for a leading urban Radical. <mask> eventually rejected the possibility of standing in Sheffield again, and when George Dixon retired from his Birmingham seat in May 1876, <mask> was returned unopposed (17 June 1876) for the Birmingham constituency, after a period of anxiety following his nomination in which he denounced the Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, accusing him of being 'a man who never told the truth except by accident.' After <mask> came under heavy attack for the insult he apologised publicly. When elected, <mask> resigned as mayor of Birmingham, and was introduced to the House of Commons by John Bright and <mask>, an M.P.for Newcastle upon Tyne. Almost immediately, <mask> began to organise the Radical MPs, intending to displace Whig dominance of the Liberal Party. On 4 August 1876, <mask> made his maiden speech in the House of Commons during a debate on elementary schools. He spoke for twenty minutes on the maintenance of clause 25, while Disraeli was present, and using his experience on the Birmingham School Board to make an impressive speech. Many of <mask>'s other speeches were on the subject of free public education and female teachers, and on alcohol licensing and army discipline. Early difficulties in creating a coherent Radical group convinced <mask> of the need to establish a more effective organisation for the Liberal Party as a whole, especially in the localities. <mask> hoped to harness the public agitation against Turkey's Bulgarian atrocities for a Radical agenda.<mask> closed ranks with Gladstone to profit from the returned Liberal leader's increasing popularity. With the Liberal Party actively opposing Disraeli's foreign policy during the Russo-Turkish War, Gladstone addressed approximately 30,000 people at Bingley Hall on 31 May 1877 to found the National Liberal Federation, a federation of the country's Liberal Associations. The body was dominated by Birmingham politicians, with <mask> himself as president. The Federation was designed to tighten party discipline and campaigning, and it subsequently enlisted new party members, organised political meetings and published posters and pamphlets. Contemporary commentators made (often disparaging) comparisons between the techniques of the Federation and those employed in American politics. The Federation enhanced <mask>'s influence in the Liberal Party and gave him a nationwide platform to promote Radicalism. <mask> criticised Disraeli's forward foreign policy for diverting attention from domestic reform.Unlike many Liberals, <mask>'s was not an anti-imperialist, for although he berated the government for its Eastern policy, the Second Afghan War of 1878 and the Zulu War of 1879, he had supported Disraeli's purchase of Suez Canal Company shares in November 1875. At this stage of his career, <mask> was eager to see the protection of British overseas interests, but placed greater emphasis on a conception of justice in the pursuit of such interests. <mask> joined the Liberal denunciations of the Conservative Party's foreign policy in the 1880 general election, and Gladstone returned as Prime Minister with assistance from the NLF. President of the Board of Trade
Despite having sat in Parliament for only four years, <mask> hoped for a cabinet position, and told Sir William Harcourt that he was prepared to lead a revolt and field Radical candidates in borough elections. Although Gladstone did not regard the NLF highly, he recognised the part it had played in winning the 1880 election, and was eager to reconcile <mask> and other Radicals to the mainly Whig cabinet. Having taken the counsel of Bright, Gladstone invited <mask> on 27 April 1880 to become President of the Board of Trade. <mask>'s scope for manoeuvre was restricted between 1880 and 1883 by the Cabinet's preoccupation with Ireland, Transvaal Colony and Egypt, but he was able to introduce the Grain Cargoes Bill, for the safer transportation of grain, an Electric Lighting Bill, enabling municipal corporations to establish electricity supplies, and a Seaman's Wages Bill, which ensured a fairer system of payment for seamen.After 1883, <mask> was more productive. A Bankruptcy Bill established a Board of Trade Bankruptcy Department for inquiring into failed business deals. A Patents Bill subjected patenting to Board of Trade supervision. <mask> also sought to end the practice of ship owners overinsuring their vessels – 'coffin ships' – while under-manning them, ensuring a healthy profit whether the ship arrived safely or sank. Despite being endorsed by Tory Democrats Lord Randolph Churchill and John Eldon Gorst, the Liberal government was unwilling to grant <mask> its full support and the Bill was withdrawn in July 1884. <mask> took a special interest in Ireland. The Irish Land League promoted fair rents, fixity of tenure and free sale for Irish Catholic peasants, in opposition to (often absentee) Anglo-Irish landlords.<mask> agreed with suggestions that a Land Bill would counter agitation in Ireland and Fenian outrages in the British Isles and would quieten demands for Irish Home Rule, which he opposed strongly, reasoning that it would lead to the eventual break up of the British Empire. He opposed the Chief Secretary for Ireland, W.E. Forster's policy of coercion, believing that coercive tactics before a land settlement would provoke Irish malcontents. In April 1881, Gladstone's government introduced the Irish Land Act, but in response, Charles Stewart Parnell, leading the Irish nationalists, encouraged tenants to withhold rents. As a result, Parnell and other leaders, including John Dillon and William O'Brien, were imprisoned in Kilmainham Gaol on 13 October 1881. <mask> supported their imprisonment rather than further concessions, and used their incarceration to bargain with them in 1882. In the ensuing 'Kilmainham Treaty', the government agreed to release Parnell in return for his co-operation in making the Land Act work.Forster resigned and the new Chief Secretary, Lord Frederick Cavendish, was killed by members of the Irish National Invincibles - a small radical faction of the Irish Republican Brotherhood - on 6 May 1882, leaving the 'Kilmainham Treaty' almost useless. Many, including Parnell, believed that <mask>, having brokered the agreement, would be offered the Chief Secretaryship, but Gladstone appointed Sir George Trevelyan instead. Nevertheless, <mask> maintained an interest in Irish affairs, and proposed to the Cabinet an Irish Central Board that would have legislative powers for land, education and communications. This was rejected by the Whigs in Cabinet on 9 May 1885. Called a dangerous "Jack Cade"
After his success in municipal politics, <mask> was frustrated at his inability to introduce more creative legislation at the Board of Trade. Early into the Gladstone ministry, <mask> suggested without success that the franchise should be extended, with the Prime Minister arguing that the matter should be deferred until the end of the Parliament's lifespan. In 1884, the Liberals proposed a Third Reform Bill, which would give hundreds of thousands of rural labourers the vote.<mask> earned a reputation for provocative speeches during the period, especially during debate on the 1884 County Franchise Bill, which was opposed by the Whig Liberals Lord Hartington and George Goschen, as well as the Conservative leader Lord Salisbury, who argued that the Bill gave the Liberals an unfair electoral advantage and was prepared to block the Bill in the House of Lords unless it was accompanied by redistribution of seats into the suburbs. At Denbigh, on 20 October 1884, <mask> famously declared in a speech that Salisbury was "himself the spokesman of a class – a class to which he himself belongs, who toil not neither do they spin." In response, Salisbury branded <mask> a "Sicilian bandit" and Stafford Northcote called him "Jack Cade". When <mask> suggested that he would march on London with thousands of Birmingham constituents to protest against the House of Lords' powers, Salisbury remarked that "Mr. <mask> will return from his adventure with a broken head if nothing worse." Radical Programme of July 1885
The Third Reform Act of 1884 was followed by a Redistribution Act in 1885, negotiated by Gladstone and Lord Salisbury. <mask> campaigned to capture the newly enfranchised voters for Radicalism with public meetings, speeches and, notably, articles written in the Fortnightly Review by <mask>'s associates, including Jesse Collings and John Morley. <mask> wrote the preface to the Radical Programme (July 1885), the first campaign handbook of British political history.It endorsed land reform, more direct taxation, free public education, the disestablishment of the Church of England, universal male suffrage, and more protection for trade unions. It was much inspired by his friend Frederick Maxse's 1873 pamphlet The Causes of Social Revolt. <mask>'s utopian vision fell foul of practical politics, as in the education question. <mask> proposed to separate the goal of free education for every child from the religious question. His policy was rejected by groups on all sides, who were using education as a political weapon, including the National Liberal Federation, Nonconformists, Catholics and more generally, the taxpayers. The Radical Programme earned the scorn of Whigs and Conservatives alike. <mask> had written to Morley that with Radical solidarity 'we will utterly destroy the Whigs, and have a Radical government before many years are out.'Seeking a contest with the Whigs, <mask> and Sir Charles Dilke presented their resignations to Gladstone on 20 May 1885, when the Cabinet rejected <mask>'s scheme for the creation of National Councils in England, Scotland and Wales and when a proposed Land Purchase Bill did not have any provision for the reform of Irish local government. The resignations were not made public, and the opportunity for <mask> to present his Radicalism to the country was only presented when the Irish Parliamentary Party endorsed a Conservative amendment to the budget on 9 June, which passed by 12 votes. The Gladstone ministry resigned, and Salisbury formed a minority administration. Liberal split
In August 1885, the Salisbury ministry asked for a dissolution of Parliament. At Hull on 5 August, <mask> began his election campaign by addressing an enthusiastic crowd in front of large posters declaring him to be "Your coming Prime Minister". Until the campaign's end in October, <mask> denounced opponents of the "Radical Programme" and endorsed the cause of rural labourers and offered to make smallholdings available to workers by funds from local authorities, using the slogan "Three Acres and a Cow". <mask>'s campaign attracted large crowds and enthralled the young Ramsay MacDonald and David Lloyd George, but disconcerted leading Liberals like Goschen who called it the "Unauthorised Programme".The Conservatives denounced <mask> as an anarchist, with some even comparing him to Dick Turpin. In October 1885, <mask> and Gladstone met at Hawarden Castle to reconcile their respective electoral programmes. The meeting, although good natured, was largely unproductive, and Gladstone neglected to tell <mask> of his negotiations with Parnell over proposals to grant Home Rule to Ireland. <mask> discovered the existence of such negotiations from Henry Labouchere, but unsure of the precise nature of Gladstone's offer to Parnell, did not press the issue, although he had already stated his opposition to Home Rule, declaring that "I cannot admit that five millions of Irishmen have any greater right to govern themselves without regard to the rest of the United Kingdom than the five million inhabitants of the metropolis (i.e. London)". The Liberals won the general election in November 1885, but fell just short of an overall majority against the Conservatives and the Irish Nationalists, the latter holding the balance between the two parties. On 17 December, Herbert Gladstone revealed that his father was prepared to take office to implement Irish Home Rule, an action termed "flying the Hawarden Kite" by the press.At first, <mask> was reluctant to anger his Radical followers by joining forces with the anti-Home Rule Whigs and Conservatives. He awaited the development of events while saying little about the topic publicly, but <mask> privately damned Gladstone and the concept of Home Rule to colleagues, believing that maintaining the Conservatives in power for a further year would make the Irish question easier to settle. The Liberals returned to power in January 1886, after a Radical-inspired amendment by Collings was carried by 79 votes in the House of Commons, although Hartington, Goschen and 18 Liberals had voted with the Conservatives. <mask> declined Gladstone's offer of the office of First Lord of the Admiralty. Gladstone rejected <mask>'s request for the Colonial Office and eventually appointed him President of the Local Government Board. A dispute over the amount to be paid to Collings, <mask>'s Parliamentary Secretary, worsened relations between Gladstone and <mask>, although the latter still hoped that he could alter or block Gladstone's Home Rule proposal in Cabinet, so that his programme of Radicalism could be given more attention. <mask>'s renewed scheme for National Councils was not discussed in Cabinet, and only on 13 March were Gladstone's proposals for Ireland revealed.<mask> argued that the details of the accompanying Land Purchase Bill should be made known in order for a fair judgment to be made on Home Rule. When Gladstone stated his intention to give Ireland a separate Parliament with full powers to deal with Irish affairs, <mask> resolved to resign, writing to inform Gladstone of his decision two days later. In the meantime, <mask> consulted with Arthur Balfour, Salisbury's nephew, over the possibility of concerted action with the Conservatives, and contemplated similar co-operation with the Whigs. His resignation was made public on 27 March 1886. Liberal Unionist Association
Chamberlain in March 1886 launched a ferocious campaign against Gladstone's Irish proposals. His motivations combined imperial, domestic, and personal themes. Imperial, because they threatened to weaken Parliament's control over the United Kingdom; domestic, because they downplayed his own programme; and personal because they weakened his own standing in the party.<mask>'s immediate chances of attaining the leadership of the Liberal Party had declined dramatically and in early May, the National Liberal Federation declared its loyalty to Gladstone. On 9 April, <mask> spoke against the Irish Home Rule Bill in its first reading before attending a meeting of Liberal Unionists, summoned by Hartington, hitherto the subject of <mask>'s anti-Whig declarations on 14 May. From this meeting arose the Liberal Unionist Association, originally an ad hoc alliance to demonstrate the unity of anti-Home Rulers. Meanwhile, to distinguish himself from the Whigs, <mask> founded the National Radical Union to rival the NLF; it faded away by 1888. During the second reading on 8 June, the Home Rule Bill was defeated by 30 votes, by the combined opposition of Conservatives, Chamberlainite

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 radicals and Whigs. In all 93 Liberals, including <mask> and Hartington, voted against Gladstone. Liberal Unionist
Parliament was dissolved, and in the ensuing 1886 general election, the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists agreed to an alliance.<mask>'s position was more awkward than Hartington's, for the former was intensely mistrusted by, and unable to influence, the Conservatives, while he was despised by the Gladstonians for voting against Home Rule. Gladstone himself observed that "There is a difference between Hartington and <mask>, that the first behaves like and is a thorough gentleman. Of the other it is better not to speak." With the general election dominated by Home Rule, <mask>'s campaign was both Radical and intensely patriotic. The Conservatives and Liberal Unionists took 393 seats in the House of Commons and a comfortable majority. <mask> did not enter the Unionist government, aware that the hostility to him in the Conservative ranks meant that an agreement with them could extend merely to Ireland and not wishing to alienate his Radical support base. The Liberal mainstream cast <mask> as a villain, shouting "Judas!"and "Traitor!" as he entered the House of Commons chamber. Unable to associate himself decisively with either party, <mask> sought concerted action with a kindred spirit from the Conservative Party, Lord Randolph Churchill. In November 1886, Churchill announced his own 'Unauthorised Programme' at Dartford, the content of which had much in common with <mask>'s own recent manifesto, including smallholdings for rural labourers and greater local government. Next month, Churchill resigned as Chancellor of the Exchequer over military spending, and when the Conservative mainstream rallied around Salisbury, Churchill's career was effectively ended, along with <mask>'s hope of creating a powerful cross-party union of Radicals. The appointment of Goschen to the Treasury isolated <mask> further and symbolised the good relationship between non-Radical Liberal Unionists and the Conservatives. After January 1887, a series of Round Table Conferences took place between <mask>, Trevelyan, Harcourt, Morley and Lord Herschell, in which the participants sought an agreement about the Liberal Party's Irish policy.<mask> hoped that an accord would enable him to claim the future leadership of the party and that he would gain influence over the Conservatives simply from the negotiations occurring. Although a preliminary agreement was made concerning land purchase, Gladstone was unwilling to compromise further, and negotiations ended by March. In August 1887, Lord Salisbury invited <mask> to lead the British delegation in a Joint Commission to resolve a fisheries dispute between the United States and Newfoundland. The visit to the USA renewed his enthusiasm for politics, and enhanced his standing with respect to Gladstone. In November, <mask> met 23-year-old Mary Endicott, the daughter of President Grover Cleveland's Secretary of War, William C. Endicott, at a reception in the British legation. Before he left the United States in March 1888, <mask> proposed to Mary, describing her as 'one of the brightest and most intelligent girls I have yet met'. In November 1888, <mask> married Mary in Washington, D.C., wearing white violets, rather than his trademark orchid.Mary became a faithful supporter of his political ambitions. The Salisbury ministry was implementing a number of Radical reforms that pleased <mask>. Between 1888 and 1889, democratic County Councils were established in Great Britain. By 1891, measures for the provision of smallholdings had been made, and the extension of free, compulsory education to the entire country. <mask> wrote that "I have in the last five years seen more progress made with the practical application of my political programme than in all my previous life. I owe this result entirely to my former opponents, and all the opposition has come from my former friends." The Liberal Association in Birmingham could no longer be relied upon to provide loyal support, so <mask> created the Liberal Unionist Association in 1888, associated with the National Radical Union, having extracted his supporters from the old Liberal organisation.1892 election
In the 1892 general election, the Liberal Unionists did well in Birmingham and made gains in neighbouring towns in the Black Country. By now, <mask>'s son, Austen, had also entered the House of Commons unopposed for East Worcestershire. However the national returns showed the limits of the Liberal Unionist Party's strategy. In an age of increasingly well-organised, mass politics it was reduced to only 47 seats. <mask>'s standing was accordingly weakened. Gladstone returned to power and did not want <mask> back. The Liberal Unionists realized that they needed a closer relationship with the Conservatives.When Hartington took his seat in the House of Lords as the Duke of Devonshire, <mask> assumed the leadership of the Liberal Unionists in the House of Commons, resulting in a productive relationship with Balfour, leader of the Conservatives in the Commons. Obliged to compromise with the Irish Nationalists, Gladstone introduced the Second Home Rule Bill in February 1893. Although the Bill passed the House of Commons, the Lords rejected Home Rule by a huge margin. With his party divided, Gladstone prepared to dissolve Parliament on the issue of the House of Lords' veto, but was compelled to resign in March 1894 by his colleagues. He was replaced by Lord Rosebery, who neglected the topic of Home Rule. <mask> continued to form alliances with the Conservatives. <mask> worried about the threat of socialism, even though the Independent Labour Party had only one MP, Keir Hardie.<mask> warned of the dangers of socialism in his unpublished 1895 play The Game of Politics, characterising its proponents as the instigators of class conflict. In response to the socialist challenge, he sought to divert the energy of collectivism for the good of Unionism, and continued to propose reforms to the Conservatives. In his 'Memorandum of a Programme for Social Reform' sent to Salisbury in 1893, <mask> made a number of suggestions, including old age pensions, the provision of loans to the working class for the purchase of houses, an amendment to the Artisans' Dwellings Act to encourage street improvements, compensation for industrial accidents, cheaper train fares for workers, tighter border controls and shorter working hours. Salisbury was guardedly sympathetic to the proposals. On 21 June 1895, the Liberal Government was defeated on a motion that criticised the Secretary of State for War, Henry Campbell-Bannerman, for shortages of cordite, and Salisbury was invited to form a government. Statesman

Colonial Secretary

Having agreed to a set of policies, the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists formed a government on 24 June 1895. Salisbury offered four Cabinet posts to Liberal Unionists.Devonshire became Lord President of the Council, and Salisbury and Balfour offered <mask> any Cabinet position except Foreign Secretary, which Salisbury wanted for himself, or Leader of the House of Commons. To their surprise he declined the Exchequer, unwilling to be constrained by conservative spending plans, and also refused the office of Home Secretary, instead asking for the Colonial Office. <mask> had adjusted his political strategy after losing a dispute over a seat at Leamington Spa, agreeing to enter the cabinet in a subordinate role and putting his program of social reform on the back burner. Unexpectedly, he used the Colonial Office to become one of the dominant figures in politics. <mask> used the Colonial Office to gain international recognition amidst European competition for territory and popular imperialism. He wanted to expand the British Empire in Africa, the Americas and Asia, reorder imperial trade and resources, and foster closer relations between Britain and the settler colonies. He envisioned a remodelled empire as a federation of Anglo-Saxon nations; in this he had support from Conservative backbenchers.<mask> had once been an outspoken anti-imperialist but now he reversed course. In 1887 he declared that "I should think our patriotism was warped and stunted indeed if it did not embrace the Greater Britain beyond the seas". Much had been proposed with regard to an imperial federation, a more coherent system of imperial defence and preferential tariffs, yet by 1895 when <mask> arrived at the Colonial Office, little had been achieved. His own proposals met resistance from Canada and other settler colonies and went nowhere. <mask> took formal charge of the Colonial Office on 1 July 1895, with victory assured in the 1895 general election. He had control of numerous colonies, but not of India nor Canada. He had once been an anti-imperialist but now strongly advocated imperial unity and promoted development projects.Believing that positive government action could bind the empire's peoples closer to the crown, <mask> stated confidently that "I believe that the British race is the greatest of the governing races that the world has ever seen... It is not enough to occupy great spaces of the world's surface unless you can make the best of them. It is the duty of a landlord to develop his estate." Accordingly, <mask> advocated investment in the tropics of Africa, the West Indies and other underdeveloped possessions, a policy that earned him the nickname "<mask> Africanus" among the press. Reform projects
He was instrumental in recognising the need to handle the unfamiliar tropical diseases that ravaged Britain's subject peoples. In 1899, with <mask>'s support, Patrick Manson founded the world's second medical facility dedicated to tropical medicine (the Liverpool School having been established the previous year). The London School of Tropical Medicine was located in Albert Dock Seamen's Hospital, which itself had opened in 1890 and would later become known as the Hospital for Tropical Diseases.<mask> had not abandoned his dedication to social reforms designed to help the working man. He was instrumental in adapting Bismarck's German model to set up a system of compensation for injuries on the job. His Workmen's Compensation Act 1897 was a key domestic achievement of the Unionists at the end of the century. It cost the Treasury nothing since compensation was paid for by insurance that employers were required to take out. The system operated from 1897 to 1946. <mask> also tried to design an old age pension programme, but it was too expensive to meet with Conservative approval. He came to realize that a new source of revenue, such as tariffs on imports, would be required.Further opposition came from friendly societies, which were funded by their own pension program for their members. Jameson Raid

Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and managing director of the British South Africa Company, was eager to extend British dominion to all of South Africa, and encouraged the disenfranchised Uitlanders of the Boer republics to resist Afrikaner domination. Rhodes hoped that the intervention of the company's private army, assembled in the Pitsani Strip (part of the Bechuanaland Protectorate and bordering the Transvaal, which had been ceded to the British South Africa Company by the Colonial Office, officially for the protection of a railway through the territory, in November 1895), could initiate an Uitlander rebellion and the overthrow of the Transvaal government. <mask> informed Salisbury on Boxing Day that a rebellion was expected, but was not sure when the invasion would be launched. The subsequent Jameson Raid resulted in the surrender of the invaders. <mask>, at Highbury, received a secret telegram from the Colonial Office on 31 December informing him of the beginning of the Raid. <mask>, sympathetic to the ultimate goals but uncomfortable with the timing, remarked that "if this succeeds it will ruin me.I'm going up to London to crush it". <mask> ordered Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor-General of the Cape Colony, to repudiate the actions of Leander Starr Jameson and warned Rhodes that the company's Charter would be in danger if it was discovered that the Cape Prime Minister was involved in the Raid. The prisoners were returned to London for trial, and the Transvaal government received considerable compensation from the company. During the trial of Jameson, Rhodes' solicitor, Bourchier Hawksley, refused to produce cablegrams that had passed between Rhodes and his agents in London in November and December 1895. According to Hawksley, these demonstrated that the Colonial Office 'influenced the actions of those in South Africa' who embarked on the Raid, and even that <mask> had transferred control of the Pitsani Strip to facilitate an invasion. Nine days before the Raid, <mask> had asked his Assistant Under-Secretary to encourage Rhodes to 'Hurry Up' because of the deteriorating Venezuelan situation. In June 1896, <mask> offered his resignation to Salisbury, having shown the Prime Minister one or more of the cablegrams implicating him in the Raid's planning.Salisbury refused to accept the offer, possibly reluctant to lose the government's most popular figure. Salisbury reacted aggressively in support of <mask>, endorsing the Colonial Secretary's threat to withdraw the company's charter if the cablegrams were revealed. Accordingly, Rhodes refused to reveal the cablegrams, and as no evidence was produced, the Select committee appointed to investigate the Jameson Raid had no choice but to absolve <mask> of responsibility. West Africa
<mask> believed that West Africa had great economic potential, and shared Salisbury's suspicions of the French, who were Britain's principal rival in the region. <mask> sanctioned the conquest of the Ashanti in 1895, with Colonel Sir Francis Scott successfully occupying Kumasi and annexing the territory to the Gold Coast. Using the emergency funds of the colonies of Lagos, Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast, he ordered the construction of a railway for the newly conquered area. The Colonial Office's bold strategy brought it into conflict with the Royal Niger Company, chaired by Sir George Goldie, which possessed title rights to large stretches of the River Niger.Interested in the area as an economic asset, Goldie had yet to assume governing responsibilities, leaving the territory open to incursion by the French, who sent small garrisons to the area with the intention of controlling it. Though Salisbury wished to subordinate the needs of West Africa to the requirement of establishing British supremacy on the River Nile, <mask> believed that every territory was worth competing for. <mask> was dismayed to learn in 1897 that the French had expanded from Dahomey to Bussa, a town claimed by Goldie. Further French growth in the region would have isolated Lagos from territory in the hinterland, thereby limiting its economic growth. <mask> therefore argued that Britain should "even at the cost of war – to keep an adequate Hinterland for the Gold Coast, Lagos & the Niger Territories." Influenced by <mask>, Salisbury sanctioned Sir Edmund Monson, British Ambassador in Paris, to be more assertive in negotiations. The subsequent concessions made by the French encouraged <mask>, who

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 arranged for a military force, commanded by Frederick Lugard, to occupy areas claimed by Britain, thereby undermining French claims in the region.In a risky 'chequerboard' strategy, Lugard's forces occupied territories claimed by the French to counterbalance the establishment of French garrisons in British territory. At times, French and British troops were stationed merely a few yards from each other, increasing the risk of war. Nevertheless, <mask> assumed correctly that French officers in the region were ordered to act without fighting the British, and in March 1898, the French proposed to settle the issue – Bussa was returned to Britain, and the French were limited to the town of Bona. <mask> had successfully imposed British control over the Niger and the inland territories of Sokoto, later joining them together as Nigeria. Sierra Leone
In 1896 Britain extended its rule inland from the coastal colony of Sierra Leone. It imposed a hut tax; the Mende and Temne tribes responded with the Hut Tax War of 1898. <mask> appointed Sir David Chalmers as a special commissioner to investigate the violence.Chalmers blamed the tax, but <mask> disagreed, saying African slave traders instigated the revolt. <mask> used the revolt to promote his aggressive "constructive imperialism" in West Africa. Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: first attempt
On 29 March 1898, Hermann von Eckardstein, who had described <mask> as "unquestionably the most energetic and enterprising personality of the Salisbury ministry", arranged a meeting between the Colonial Secretary and the German Ambassador in London, Paul von Hatzfeldt. The conversation was strictly unofficial, being nominally about colonial matters and the subject of China. <mask> surprised Hatzfeldt by assuring him that Britain and Germany had common interests, that the rupture over the Jameson Raid and the Kruger Telegram was an abnormality and that a defensive alliance should be formulated between the two countries, with specific regards to China. This was difficult for Hatzfeldt, for the Reichstag was scrutinising Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz's First Navy Bill, which characterised Britain as a threat to Germany. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Bernhard von Bülow, did not believe that Britain would be a reliable ally because any future Cabinet could reverse the diplomatic policy of its predecessors, and because Parliament and public opinion often made difficulties about Britain's alliance commitments.Von Bülow preferred the co-operation of Russia in China to that of Britain. Hatzfeldt was instructed to make an agreement appear likely without ever conceding to <mask>. No commitments were made, and on 25 April Hatzfeldt asked for colonial concessions from <mask> as a precursor to a better relationship. <mask> rejected the proposal, thereby terminating the first talks for an Anglo-German alliance. Though Salisbury was unsurprised by the German attitude, <mask> was disappointed, and spoke publicly of Britain's diplomatic predicament at Birmingham on 13 May, saying that "We have had no allies. I am afraid we have had no friends ... We stand alone." Samoa and Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: second attempt
An 1888 treaty established an Anglo-US-German tripartite protectorate of Samoa, and when King Malietoa Laupepa died in 1898, a contest over the succession ensued.The German candidate, Mataafa, was strongly opposed by the Americans and the British, and civil war began. Salisbury rejected a German suggestion that they ask the US to withdraw from Samoa. Meanwhile, <mask>, smarting from the dismissal of his alliance proposal with Germany, refused the suggestion that Britain withdraw from Samoa in return for compensation elsewhere, remarking dismissively to Eckardstein "Last year we offered you everything. Now it is too late." Official and public German opinion was incensed by Britain's bullishness, and <mask> worked hard to improve Anglo-German relations by facilitating a visit to Britain by Kaiser Wilhelm II. Salisbury's decision to attend to his sick wife allowed <mask> to assume control of British policy in July 1899. In November, an agreement was made with the Germans about Samoa in which Britain agreed to withdraw in return for Tonga and the Solomon Islands, and the ending of German claims to British territory in West Africa.On 21 November 1899, at a banquet in St. George's Hall, Windsor Castle, <mask> reiterated his desire for an agreement between Britain and Germany to Wilhelm II. The Kaiser spoke positively about relations with Britain but added that he did not want to exacerbate relations with Russia, and indicated that Salisbury's traditional strategy of reneging on peacetime commitments made any Anglo-German agreement problematic. <mask>, rather than Salisbury whose wife had just died, visited von Bülow at Windsor Castle. <mask> argued that Britain, Germany and the USA should combine to check France and Russia, yet von Bülow thought British assistance would be of little use in a war with Russia. Von Bülow suggested that <mask> should speak positively of Germany in public. <mask> inferred from von Bülow's statement that he would do the same in the Reichstag. The day after the departure of the Kaiser and von Bülow, on 30 November, <mask> grandiloquently spoke at Leicester of "a new Triple Alliance between the Teutonic race and the two great trans-Atlantic branches of the Anglo-Saxon race which would become a potent influence on the future of the world."Though the Kaiser was complimentary, Friedrich von Holstein described <mask>'s speech as a "blunder" and the Times attacked <mask> for using the term "alliance" without inhibition. On 11 December, von Bülow spoke in the Reichstag in support of the Second Navy Bill, and made no reference to an agreement with Britain, which he described as a declining nation jealous of Germany. <mask> was startled but von Hatzfeldt assured him that von Bülow's motivation was to fend off opponents in the Reichstag. Although <mask> was irritated by von Bülow's behaviour, he still hoped for an agreement. South Africa

<mask> and the British government had long wished for the federation of South Africa under the British crown, but it appeared that the growing wealth of the Transvaal would ensure that any future union of Southern African states would be as a Boer dominated republic outside the British Empire. <mask> sought British domination of the Transvaal and Orange Free State by endorsing the civil rights of the disenfranchised Uitlanders. Britain also exerted steady military pressure.In April 1897, <mask> asked the Cabinet to increase the British garrison in South Africa by three to four thousand men – consequently, the quantity of British forces in the area grew during the next two years. The government appointed Sir Alfred Milner to the posts of High Commissioner and Governor-General of the Cape in August 1897 to pursue the issue more decisively. Within a year, Milner concluded that war with the Transvaal was inevitable, and he worked with <mask> to publicise the cause of the Uitlanders to the British people. A meeting between President Kruger and Milner at Bloemfontein in May 1899 failed to resolve the Uitlander problem – Kruger's concessions were considered inadequate by Milner, and the Boers left the conference convinced that the British were determined to settle the future of South Africa by force. By now, British public opinion was supportive of a war in support of the Uitlanders, allowing <mask> to ask successfully for further troop reinforcements. By the beginning of October 1899, nearly 20,000 British troops were based in the Cape and Natal, with thousands more en route. On 12 October, following a Transvaal ultimatum (9 October) demanding that British troops be withdrawn from her frontiers, and that any forces destined for South Africa be turned back, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State declared war.Boer War: early defeat and false dawn

<mask> was in charge of the war from his base in the Colonial Office. The Prime Minister rubber-stamped his decisions. Boer regular army units outnumbered the British 3:1 on the front lines and quickly besieged the towns of Ladysmith, Mafeking and Kimberley. Some ten thousand Cape Afrikaners joined the Boers. In mid-December 1899, during 'Black Week', the British Army suffered reverses at Stormberg, Magersfontein and Colenso. <mask> was critical privately of the British Army's military performance and was often vexed by the attitude of the War Office. When the Boers bombarded Ladysmith with Creusot ninety-four pounder siege guns, <mask> asked for the dispatch of comparable artillery to the war, but was exasperated by the Secretary of State for War, Lord Lansdowne's argument that such weapons required platforms that needed a year of preparation, even though the Boers operated their "Long Tom" without elaborate mountings.<mask> made a number of speeches to reassure the public, and worked to strengthen bonds between Britain and the self-governing colonies, gratefully receiving over 30,000 troops from Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The slogan One Flag, One Queen, One Tongue expressed their loyalty to the Empire, although they each had some Opposition to the Second Boer War. In particular, the contributions of mounted men from these settler colonies helped fill the British Army's shortfall of mounted infantry, vital in fighting the mobile Boers (who were an entirely mounted force of skilled marksmen). <mask> managed the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act through the House of Commons, hoping that the newly established federation would adopt a positive attitude towards imperial trade and fighting the war. Wishing to reconcile the British and Afrikaner populations of the Cape, <mask> was resistant to Milner's desire to suspend the constitution of the colony, an act that would have given Milner autocratic powers. <mask>, as the government's foremost defender of the war, was denounced by many prominent anti-war personalities, including David Lloyd George, a former admirer of the Colonial Secretary. When in January 1900 the government faced a vote of censure in the House of Commons concerning the management of the war, <mask> conducted the defence.On 5 February, <mask> spoke effectively in the Commons for over an hour while referring to very few notes. He defended the war, espoused the virtues of a South African federation and promoted the empire; speaking with a confidence which earned him a sympathetic hearing. The vote of censure was subsequently defeated by 213 votes. British fortunes changed after January 1900 with the appointment of Lord Roberts to command British forces in South Africa. Bloemfontein was occupied on 13 March, Johannesburg on 31 May and Pretoria on 5 June. When Roberts formally annexed the Transvaal on 3 September, the Salisbury ministry, emboldened by the apparent victory in South Africa, asked for the dissolution of Parliament, with an election set for October. Zenith

The Khaki Election
With Salisbury ill, <mask> dominated the Unionist election campaign in 1900.Salisbury did not speak at all, and Balfour made few public appearances, causing some to refer to the event as 'Joe's Election'. Fostering a cult of personality, <mask> began to refer to himself in the third person as 'the Colonial Secretary', and he ensured that the Boer War featured as the campaign's single issue, arguing that a Liberal victory would result in defeat in South Africa. Controversy ensued over the use of the phrase "Every seat lost to the government is a seat sold to the Boers" as the Unionists waged a personalised campaign against Liberal critics of the war – some posters even portrayed Liberal MPs praising President Kruger and helping him to haul down the Union Jack. <mask> was in the forefront of such tactics, declaring in a speech that "we have come practically to the end of the war... there is nothing going on now but a guerrilla business, which is encouraged by these men; I was going to say those traitors, but I will say instead these misguided individuals." Some Liberals also resorted to sharp campaigning practices, with Lloyd George in particular accusing the <mask> family of profiteering. References were made to Kynochs, a cordite manufacturing firm run by <mask>'s brother, Arthur, as well as Hoskins & Co., of which the Civil Lord of the Admiralty, Austen, held some shares. Many Liberals rejected Lloyd George's claims, and <mask> dismissed them as unworthy of reply, although the charges troubled him more than he was prepared to make evident in public.Twenty-six-year-old Winston Churchill, famous for his escape from a Boer prisoner of war camp and his journalism for the Morning Post, successfully stood as a Conservative candidate in Oldham, where <mask> spoke on his behalf. Churchill recalled that

I watched my honoured guest with close attention. He loved the roar of the multitude, and with my father could always say "I have never feared the English democracy." The blood mantled in his cheek, and his eye as it caught mine twinkled with pure enjoyment. Churchill later wrote that 'Mr. <mask> was incomparably the most live, sparkling, insurgent, compulsive figure in British affairs ... 'Joe' was the one who made the weather. He was the man the masses knew.'<mask> used his popularity and the cause of imperialism in the election to devastating effect, and with the Liberals split over the issue of the war, the Unionists won a huge majority in the House of Commons of 219. The mandate was not as comprehensive as <mask> had hoped, but satisfactory enough to allow him to pursue his vision for the empire and to strengthen his position in the Unionist alliance. Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: third attempt
Under pressure from Balfour and Queen Victoria, the ailing Salisbury surrendered the seals of the Foreign Office on 23 October though remaining as Prime Minister. Lansdowne was appointed Foreign Secretary, and <mask>'s importance in the government grew further still. <mask> took advantage of Lansdowne's inexperience to take the initiative in British foreign affairs and attempt, yet again, to formulate an agreement with Germany. On 16 January 1901, <mask> and Devonshire made it known to Eckardstein that they still planned to make Britain part of the Triple Alliance. In Berlin, this news was received with some satisfaction, although von Bülow continued to exercise caution, believing that Germany could afford to wait.The Kaiser, who had come to the UK to visit his dying grandmother Queen Victoria (<mask> had been the last minister to visit her, a few days before her death), sent a telegram from London to Berlin urging a positive response, yet von Bülow wished to delay negotiations until Britain was more vulnerable, especially from the ongoing war in South Africa. On 18 March, Eckardstein asked <mask> to resume alliance negotiations, and although the Colonial Secretary reaffirmed his support, he was unwilling to commit himself, remembering von Bülow's rebuke in 1899. <mask> had a lesser role this time, and it was to Lansdowne that Eckardstein gave a proposal by von Bülow. A five-year Anglo-German defensive alliance was presented, to be ratified by Parliament and the Reichstag. When Lansdowne prevaricated, von

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title: Joseph Chamberlain

texts:
 Hatzfeldt took firmer control of the negotiations, and presented a demanding invitation for Britain to join the Triple Alliance, in which Britain would be committed to the defence of Austria-Hungary. Salisbury decided decisively against entering an alliance as a junior partner. On 25 October 1901, <mask> defended the British Army's tactics in South Africa against European press criticism, arguing that the conduct of British soldiers was much more respectable than that of troops in the Franco-Prussian War, a statement directed at Germany.The German press was outraged, and when von Bülow demanded an apology, <mask> was unrepentant. With this public dispute, <mask>'s hopes of an Anglo-German alliance were finally ended. Denounced by von Bülow and German newspapers, <mask>'s popularity in Britain soared, with the Times commenting that 'Mr. <mask>...is at this moment the most popular and trusted man in England.' With <mask> still seeking to end Britain's isolation and the negotiations with Germany having been terminated, a settlement with France was attractive. <mask> had begun negotiations to settle colonial differences with the French Ambassador, Paul Cambon, in March 1901, although neither Lansdowne nor Cambon had moved as quickly as <mask> would have liked. In February 1902, at a banquet at Marlborough House held by King Edward VII, <mask> and Cambon resumed their negotiations, with Eckardstein reputedly listening to their conversation and only successfully managing to comprehend the words "Morocco" and "Egypt".<mask> had contributed to making possible the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale that would occur in 1904. Boer War: victory
The occupation of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State in 1900 did not subdue the Boers, who waged a guerrilla campaign throughout 1901 until the end of the war in May 1902. <mask> was caught between Unionists demanding a more effective military policy and many Liberals denouncing the war. Publicly, <mask> insisted upon the separation of civil and military authority, insisting that the conduct of the war be left to the generals. The revelation of concentration camps increased pressure on <mask> and the government to intervene more effectively – and humanely – in the management of the war. <mask> originally questioned the wisdom of establishing the camps, but tolerated them in deference to the military. During the autumn of 1901, <mask> took more interest in proceedings when the scandal intensified, strengthening civilian governance.Although he refused to criticise the military publicly, he outlined to Milner the importance of making the camps as habitable as possible, asking the Governor-General of the Cape whether he considered medical provisions to be adequate. <mask> also stipulated that unhealthy camps should be evacuated, over-ruling the army where necessary. By 1902, the death rate in the camps had halved, and was soon to decrease below the usual mortality rate in rural South Africa. Despite the concerns of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, at the increasing costs of the war, <mask> maintained his insistence that the Boers be made to surrender unconditionally, and was supported by Salisbury. Though Lord Kitchener, commanding British forces in South Africa, was eager to make peace with the Boers, Milner was content to wait until the Boers sought peace terms themselves. In April 1902, Boer negotiators accepted <mask>'s insistence upon the loss of independence of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. However, the Boers insisted that Cape Afrikaner rebels be given amnesty and that Britain pay the Boer republics' war debts.<mask> overrode Milner's objections to accept the proposal, arguing that the financial costs of continuing the war justified the expenditure to relieve the debts of the Boer republics. The Treaty of Vereeniging (31 May 1902) ended the Boer War. The conflict had not been as decisive at <mask> had hoped, for the British had put nearly 450,000 troops into the field and had spent nearly £200 million. Nevertheless, the end of war and the inclusion of Boer territory as part of the British Empire presented what <mask> viewed as an opportunity to remodel Britain's imperial system. Resignation of Salisbury
The end of the Boer War allowed Salisbury, in declining health, to finally retire. The Prime Minister was keen that Balfour, his nephew should succeed him, but realised that <mask>'s followers felt that the Colonial Secretary had a legitimate claim to the premiership. <mask> was the most popular figure in the government, and Leo Maxse, editing the National Review, argued forcefully that <mask> should be appointed Prime Minister when Salisbury retired.<mask> himself was less concerned, assuring Balfour's Private Secretary in February 1902 that 'I have my own work to do and...I shall be quite willing to serve under Balfour.' On 7 July 1902, <mask> suffered a head injury in a traffic accident. <mask> had three stitches and was told by doctors to cease work immediately and remain in bed for two weeks. On 11 July, Salisbury went to Buckingham Palace, without notifying his Cabinet colleagues, and resigned, with the King inviting Balfour to form a new government later that day. Before accepting, Balfour visited <mask>, who said he was content to remain Colonial Secretary. Despite <mask>'s organisational skills and immense popularity, many Conservatives still mistrusted his Radicalism, and <mask> was aware of the difficulties that would be presented by being part of a Liberal Unionist minority leading a Conservative majority. Balfour and <mask> were both aware that the Unionist government's survival depended on their co-operation.1902 Education Act

Balfour's Education Bill was intended to promote National Efficiency, a cause which <mask> thought worthy. However, the Education Bill abolished the 2,568 school boards established under W.E. Forster's 1870 Act, bodies that were popular with Nonconformists and Radicals, replacing them with local education authorities that would administer a state centred system of primary, secondary and technical schools. The Bill would also give ratepayer's money to voluntary, Church of England schools. <mask> was aware that the Bill's proposals would estrange Nonconformists, Radicals and many Liberal Unionists from the government, but could not oppose it as he owed his position as Colonial Secretary to Conservative support. In response to <mask>'s warning about Nonconformist dissent, and suggestion that voluntary schools receive funds from central rather than local government, Robert Morant replied that the Boer War had drained the Exchequer. <mask> sought to stem the feared exodus of Nonconformist voters by securing a major concession – local authorities would be given the discretion over the issue of rate aid to voluntary schools, yet even this was renounced before the guillotining of the Bill and its passage through Parliament in December 1902.Thus, <mask> had to make the best of a hopeless situation, writing fatalistically that 'I consider the Unionist cause is hopeless at the next election, and we shall certainly lose the majority of the Liberal Unionists once and for all.' <mask> already regarded tariff reform as an issue that could revitalise support for Unionism. Tour of South Africa
<mask> visited South Africa between 26 December 1902 and 25 February 1903, seeking to promote Anglo-Afrikaner conciliation and the colonial contribution to the British Empire, and trying to meet people in the newly unified South Africa, including those who had recently been enemies during the Boer War. In Natal, <mask> was given a rapturous welcome. In the Transvaal, he met Boer leaders who were attempting unsuccessfully to alter the peace terms reached at Vereeniging. The reception given to <mask> in the Orange River Colony was surprisingly friendly, although he was engaged in a two-hour argument with General Hertzog, who accused the British government of violating three terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging. During his visit, <mask> became convinced that the Boer territories required a period of government by the British crown before being granted self-governance within the empire.In the Cape, <mask> found that the Afrikaner Bond was more affable regarding his visit than many members of the English speaking Progressive Party, now under the leadership of Jameson, who called <mask> 'the callous devil from Birmingham.' <mask> successfully persuaded the Prime Minister, John Gordon Sprigg, to hold elections as soon as possible, a positive act considering the hostile nature of the Cape Parliament since 1899. During the tour, <mask> and his wife visited 29 towns, and he delivered 64 speeches and received 84 deputations. Zionism and the "Uganda Proposal"
When he first met Theodor Herzl on 23 October 1902, <mask> expressed his sympathy to the Zionist cause. He was willing to consider their plan for settlement near el Arish and in the Sinai Peninsula but his support was conditional on the approval of the Cairo authorities. When it became evident that these efforts were coming to naught, <mask>, on 24 April 1903, offered Herzl a territory in East Africa. The proposal came to be known as the Uganda Scheme (even though the territory in question was in Kenya).The Zionist Organization, after some deliberations, rejected the proposal, as did the British settlers in East Africa. However, the proposal that <mask> made was a major break-through for the Zionists—Great Britain had engaged them diplomatically and recognised a need to find a territory appropriate for Jewish autonomy under British suzerainty. Tariff reform: Unionist split
Zebel explains <mask>'s position by noting that for two decades before the Boer War, he was not a blind supporter of free trade as a goal in itself. Instead his goal was to both tighten the bonds of Empire and, simultaneously, solve Britain's domestic economic and political problems. He therefore merged political and economic nationalism in coming up with a formula for imperial preference in trade and tariffs. <mask> desired an imperial federation formed on the model of Bismarckian Germany to allow Britain to maintain its global role amidst the growing economic challenge of the United States and Germany. He wanted Imperial Preference in trade with the empire and tariffs on foreign imports.<mask> also believed that tariffs would generate finance for a scheme of old-age pensions and other social improvements. Such a programme would help <mask> secure the Unionists' hold on the West Midlands, and further enhance his power within the government. <mask> prepared to end the Free Trade consensus that had dominated British economics since the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. In April 1902, <mask> dined with the Hughligans, a small parliamentary clique which included Lord Hugh Cecil and Churchill among its membership. Churchill recalled that

As [<mask>] rose to leave he paused at the door, and turning said with much deliberation, "You young gentlemen have entertained me royally, and in return I will give you a priceless secret. Tariffs! They are the politics of the future, and of the near future.Study them closely and make yourself masters of them, and you will not regret your hospitality to me." In the same month, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hicks Beach, levied a small duty on imported corn to raise revenue for the Boer War. <mask> wanted to use this as a start for the reform of Britain's trade, and he was encouraged by a report submitted in June by the President of the Board of Trade, Gerald Balfour, the Prime Minister's younger brother, recommending reciprocal agreements with the colonies. In July, the Colonial Conference was convened in London, and though it rejected <mask>'s suggestion that an Imperial Council should be established, it passed a resolution endorsing Imperial Preference. <mask> was confident his proposals were gathering popularity, and he brought the matter before the Cabinet before embarking on a tour of South Africa in December 1902. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer, Charles Thomson Ritchie, was vigorously opposed to any scheme of Imperial Preference but although he made his opinions known, the Cabinet was generally favourable towards <mask>'s proposal when it was considered on 21 October. In November, the Cabinet agreed, at <mask>'s prompting, to remit the corn tax in favour of the self-governing colonies in the upcoming budget.Thinking that he had gained the agreement of the Cabinet, <mask> went to South Africa, while Ritchie worked to reverse the Cabinet's earlier decision. In March 1903, before <mask>'s return, Ritchie asked Balfour to schedule a meeting to propose the budget to the Cabinet. Balfour refused and warned <mask>, using Austen as an intermediary, of Ritchie's continuing opposition. <mask> arrived in Southampton on 14 March, prepared to struggle with Ritchie and determined that the corn tax should be maintained in the imminent budget. <mask> was shocked to find on 17 March that the majority of the Cabinet was in agreement with Ritchie, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reversed the decision made the previous November. Balfour chose not to take sides, but did not oppose Ritchie for fear of losing his Chancellor on the eve of the budget. <mask> accepted that there was not enough time to debate the matter in Cabinet before the budget, and allowed Ritchie to have his way.The Chancellor presented a Free Trade on 23 April, during which <mask> was completely silent. Though <mask> had been taken aback by the Cabinet's switch, he prepared to surprise his colleagues in return. On 15 May, in the midst of his power base, Bingley Hall, <mask> remarked before his speech to the event's chief organiser, "You can burn your leaflets. We are going to talk about something else." He lamented the demise of the corn tax to his audience and insisted that the greatness of the empire could be preserved by introducing Imperial Preference, which he hoped would dominate the next general election. His impromptu speech stunned Balfour and the Cabinet, the Prime Minister having just insisted publicly that it was not yet time to implement a policy of Imperial Preference. Furthermore, on 28 May, <mask> reiterated his challenge to Free Trade orthodoxy in the House of Commons, amidst cheering from many Unionists.Balfour hoped to calm the situation by devoting the summer to the question and publicly professed support for neither policy, earning him much criticism by the opposition Liberal Party. Balfour was successful in preventing serious debate on the subject while the Board of Trade compiled statistics on the matter. A Cabinet meeting convened on 13 August failed to agree, and a final decision was postponed until 14 September. Balfour hoped that <mask> would moderate his espousal of tariff reform to satisfy the majority of the Cabinet, and particularly the other prominent Liberal Unionist, Devonshire. The Prime Minister was content with the prospect of losing die-hard Free Traders, and prepared a memorandum which contained a number of radical, reforming economic opinions. On 9 September, <mask> dramatically sent a letter of resignation to Balfour, explaining his wish to campaign publicly for Imperial Preference outside the

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