title: Bruce Farr

texts:
<mask>  (born 1949 in Auckland) is a New Zealand designer of racing and cruising yachts. Farrdesigned boats have won, challenged for, or placed highly in the Whitbread Round the World Race, America's Cup, and Sydney to Hobart Yacht Race, among others. Farr's services to yacht design were recognised in the 1990 Queen's Birthday Honours, when he was appointed an Officer of the Order of the British Empire. He currently lives near Annapolis, Maryland. Early boats
Farr began building boats at the age of 13 near Warkworth north of Auckland. His first boats were plywood hard chine Moth class designs. He later designed and built variants of Cherubs and especially Flying 18s.His early designs were built in plywood with a focus on light weight and good planing shapes. By his late teens he was designing small lightweight keel boats that were successful on the race course. He first achieved acclaim as a sailboat designer in the highly competitive 18ft Skiff class, popular in Australia and New Zealand. Farr designs won the 18 ft Skiff Giltinan World title several times in the early 70s. Ocean racing
Boats designed by Farr Yacht Design competed in every Whitbread Round the World Race after 1981, and won the 1986, 1990, 1994 and 1998 races. The first <mask>r yacht in the Whitbread Race was the Farr-designed Ceramco New Zealand, which competed in the 1980 Whitbread Race and won the Sydney to Hobart the same year. Farr's design proved exceedingly fast, and Ceramco New Zealand would have won the Round the World Race, save for an unfortunate dismasting on the first leg, a trans-Atlantic crossing.The deltas for the rest of the legs would have put Ceramco New Zealand 30 hours ahead of her next competitor. This yacht was helmed and captained by New Zealand's most famous yachtsman Sir Peter Blake. Farr designed the 58-foot yacht which came to be known as Maiden, with the first all-female crew in the 1989–90 Whitbread Round the World Race, skippered by Tracy Edwards MBE. The yacht had previously been skippered by South African Bertie Reed in the 1986-87 BOC single-handed challenge. Maiden is still active in 2018. In 2001 the event was renamed the Volvo Ocean Race. The Farr Yacht Design-designed Illbruck Challenge was victorious in 2002.Farr's Volvo Ocean Race boats fared less well in 2006 as all four of his designs experienced problems after various failures in their Farr-designed keel canting mechanisms, including an abandonment of the yacht Movistar which was unable to prevent the flow of water through the keel box and, to this day, lies on the ocean floor, unrecovered. Farr's Volvo Ocean 65 was the first ever One-Design selected for the Volvo Ocean Race, for the 2014-15 race, and again in the 2017-18 edition. Farr is the most successful designer of winners of the Sydney to Hobart Yacht Race, having designed 15 overall winners between 1945 and 2003. Cookson Boatworks developed a new 50' design, using the Farr office to collaborate, called the Cookson 50. Irish-owned yacht Chieftain, conceived, developed and constructed in 2005 at Cookson's in New Zealand, was the overall winner of the 2007 Rolex Fastnet race. Shortly after it was launched, Chieftain finished 5th at Australia's Hamilton Island Race Week, then won class in the 2005 Rolex Sydney to Hobart Yacht Race. Chieftain competed in all of the 2006 season Royal Ocean Racing Club races and won class in the Round Ireland, won overall in Round Britain and Ireland Races, was awarded Boat of the Year in Ireland in 2006, and finished as the overall winner of the Rolex Fastnet Race.America's Cup
Farr is also a designer of America's Cup competitors, including New Zealand's entries in 1986 (co-designed with Ron Holland and Laurie Davidson) and 2000, and Larry Ellison's United States's BMW Oracle Racing Challenger in 2003 (accepted as Challenger of Record for the 2007 Cup). Farr's design Young America (USA-36) proved faster than the other American sailed yachts, but was unsuccessful in defending the Cup in the 1995 Finals, losing 0–5 to a Davidson designed Black Magic of New Zealand, led by the late Sir Peter Blake. Among the most impressive of Farr's design boats was the 90-foot-long KZ-1, the Michael Fay-sponsored boat brought forth to challenge the San Diego Yacht Club immediately following their gaining the cup in 1987. The challenge was unusual in that it did not allow the host yacht club the conventional three to four years to prepare for the event, nor did the challenging boat adhere to the 12-metre class design that the America's Cup had been contested in for thirty-five years, nor did it allow time for other international challengers and defenders to participate. The unconventional challenge was answered with an unconventional defence, and the entire episode serves as an excellent case study on how the process of yacht racing can be mired in the legal system when America's Cup participants radically depart from the spirit of the rules. Farr sailed on the boat during the 1988 America's Cup. Cruising yachts
Farr's cruising yachts have been sold and sailed the world around.His production designs (mass-produced as opposed to custom) have been produced by a variety of yacht manufacturers including Cookson Boats, Carroll Marine, Beneteau, Concordia, Baltic, and Nauta. Some of the larger cruising luxury yachts Farr has designed include Bavaria, Mirabella, Philanderer, Sojana, and the two Southern Wind-built 100 footers: Farewell and Farandwide. Designs
 Farr 3.7
 Farr 38
 Farr 5000
 Farr 6000
 Farr 7500
 Laser 28
 Farr 1020
 Farr 1220
 Farr 920
 Farr 1104
 Farr 9.2
 Ceramco NZ
 Steinlager 2
 Fisher & Paykel
 NZ Endeavour
 Noelex 30
 NZI Enterprise
 Jenny H
 Disque D'or
 Farr MRX
 Atlantic Privateer
 UBS Switzerland
 Farr Phase 4
 The Card
 Merit
 Maiden
 Brindabella
 Yamaha
 Intrum Justitia
 Winston
 La Poste
 Merit Cup
 Tokio
 Tag Heuer
 Beneteau First 40.7
 Mumm 36
 Ragamuffin
 Beneteau First 42S7
 Sayonara
 Farr 44
 Beneteau First 45F5
 Flash Gordon
 Farr 40
 Cookson 12
Gerontius

See also
 Ron Holland
 <mask>
 Doug Peterson
 Laurie Davidson
 Greg Elliott
 Juan Kouyoumdjian
 Frank Bethwaite
 Zamazaan (racing sailboat)

Notes

Bibliography

External links
Farr Yacht Design company website
About <mask>r
Design list

1949 births
Living people
People from Auckland
New Zealand yacht designers
New Zealand Officers of the Order of the British Empire
Boat and ship designers
America's Cup yacht designers
New Zealand expatriates in the United States
1988 America's Cup sailors
People educated at Mahurangi College

masks:
Bruce Kenneth Farr
Bruce Far
Bruce Nelson
Bruce Far


title: Adeline Knapp

type: original

texts:
<mask><mask> (March 14, 1860 – June 6, 1909) was an American journalist, author, social activist, environmentalist and educator, who is today remembered largely for her tempestuous lesbian relationship with Charlotte Perkins Gilman. In her lifetime, Knapp was known as a fixture of the turn-of-the-century San Francisco Bay Area literary scene. An outspoken writer who often addressed controversial topics in her columns for The San Francisco Call, Knapp wrote on a wide range of subjects from livestock to the Annexation of Hawaii. Though often drawn to progressive causes like child labor and conservation, Knapp also tended to espouse reactionary views, as evidenced by her Anti-Chinese sentiments and criticisms of the women's suffrage movement. At a time when many American women were joining the movement to extend political and voting rights to women, Knapp spoke in state senate hearings in New York expressing doubts about the benefits of suffrage to women, and she allowed her speeches and letters on the topic to be used as propaganda by the anti-suffragism movement. Knapp was also the author of numerous short stories, as well as a novel set in the Arizona desert—works reflecting her outdoor enthusiast sensibilities, keen intellect, and interest in Western regionalism. These works, though praised in her lifetime, today have few readers among enthusiasts of Western fiction.Early years
<mask> <mask> was born on March 14, 1860, in Buffalo, New York, to Lyman and <mask> (née Maxwell) Knapp. She was one of nine children born to this family. Knapp was named after her mother, Adeline. In order to distinguish between the two women, Knapp was given the nickname of Dellie, which was used during her childhood. Throughout her adult life, though, she was known simply as "Delle" to her family and friends. As a young child, when she wasn't spending time with the family's horses, Knapp showed a strong interest in writing. When she was only eight years old, she wrote short poems and stories to entertain her friends.Then when she was 14 years of age, she published a volume of her writing. She also published her own four-page, 12-column newspaper, entitled The Queen City Enterprise. As a monthly newspaper, it flourished for nearly two years and gave her the first taste of life in journalism. This was considered a huge accomplishment for young women at her age. She continued on while publishing the Aspirant in Buffalo and became widely known as a poet. In 1877, she became a member of the National Amateur Press Association. While she often expressed an interest to one day pursue a career in medicine, it was also thought by her family that she would most likely end up pursuing a career in journalism.While <mask>'s mother had never worked outside of the home, her father, Lyman <mask>, was a highly respected and hard-working man in the Buffalo community. In 1835, Mr. Knapp arrived in Buffalo via Hudson and began working in the wholesale and retail grocery business. After just a few years, he became a partner in a distilling business. For years, he was a senior member of the brokerage firm of Knapp & Gillett. For several years, he was also Chief Engineer with the Volunteer Fire Department. And finally, he was active in founding the Fireman's Benevolent Association, and assisted in organizing the first Water Works Company. The family was considerably financially secure.Knapp's parents instilled a strong work ethic in the lives of their children. By the age of 17, while continuing to live at the family home with her parents, young Adeline felt compelled to begin making her own way in life. She began seeking employment and soon started working in a large mercantile house. For seven years, she set aside her journalistic pursuits and worked diligently in the mercantile. However, at the age of 24, opportunity in the form of the Buffalo Christian Advocate came knocking and she began working as an associate editor for the local news journal. Not to be outdone by her father and his numerous pursuits, in addition to working at the Advocate, Knapp also began attending school at the University at Buffalo studying medicine. Her educational career lasted for three years, before she made the decision to leave Buffalo and head for California.Life in California
In 1887, Knapp left Buffalo for San Francisco, taking a position on staff at the San Francisco Call, where she founded the paper's Woman's Department, which became very popular. While she continued her work with the Call, within a year after her arrival in California, she purchased the weekly Alameda County Express and began the life of a country editor and publisher. In this capacity, she was essentially the editor, business manager, solicitor, subscription and advertising agent, proofreader, collector and mailing clerk, and delivery staff all rolled into one. After a year and a half, she merged the Express with the Oakland Daily Tribune. After the Express was consolidated with the Tribune, she began serving the Call as the staff coast and foreign exchange editor. However, when her background and knowledge regarding horses and cattle were discovered, she was transferred to the livestock department. Under the pen name of Miss Russell, she contributed an article every Sunday on the subject of horses and cattle, while she also wrote a story on a variety of subjects under her own name.Knapp soon established herself as an important member of the San Francisco Bay Area literary community, particularly its East Bay contingent, which included Joaquin Miller, Edwin Markham, Ina Coolbrith, Charles Keeler, and Yone Noguchi. It was during her time in the Bay Area that her interest in women's issues began to take root. Much of her personal time was spent working with the San Francisco Woman's Educational and Industrial Union, which was a prominent organization uniting women across the United States in advocating for woman's suffrage. They counted a membership between 600 and 700 women in San Francisco. For approximately ten years, she was a strong advocate for women in business, female suffrage, and equality of the sexes. However, her ideals would end up changing around the turn of the 20th century. Charlotte Perkins Gilman

In April 1891, Knapp met the writer Charlotte Perkins Stetson (later Gilman), who had separated from her husband and recently moved to California.The two women soon became close friends, and in September, they began living together at 673 Grove Street. Their friendship was seemingly inseparable. However, time has shown that Knapp is often remembered today for her tempestuous relationship with Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Gilman wrote about Knapp in her autobiography, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, that "the pleasure in the new relation is that I now have some one to love me, and whom I love." "It is possible, but not certain, that Charlotte and Delle were lovers", writes Gilman's biographer Ann Lane. The most explicit evidence that they were, comes from Stetson's letter to her future husband:

Adeline Knapp has (I suppose she has) letters of mine most fully owning the really passionate love I had for her. I told you that I loved her that way.You ought to know that there is a possibility of such letters being dragged out some day. Fancy San Francisco papers with a Profound Sensation in Literary Articles! Revelations of a Peculiar Past! Mrs. Stetson's Love Affair with a Woman. Is this Friendship! and so on. By 1893, the relationship had become acrimonious.The editor of Gilman's diaries gives the following account of the breakup:

Although Charlotte was "absurdly glad to see" Delle when she returned to Oakland on April 5, their relationship was in jeopardy. On May 3 Charlotte wrote: "Trouble with Delle over the years—and other things." May 11: "All along lately hard times with Delle. Am to [sic] exhausted to attend committee meeting to arrange constitution for State Council of Women. Delle goes without me. ... Dreadful time with Delle."And the next day: "Home utterly exhausted—scene with Delle all the way up from ferry to house, in the car." By May 14 they had decided to part company: Delle "decides to leave the house. I have so desired since last August—and often asked her to." Delle remained, however, for another two months, and it was July before she packed her belongings. In her autobiography, Gilman describes her breakup with "Dora" (as she refers to <mask> in the autobiography) in very harsh terms:

Harder than everything else to me was the utter loss of the friend with whom I had sincerely hoped to live continually. She certainly did love me. At first anyway.And had been most generously kind with money. My return was mainly in service, not only in making a home for her, but in furnishing material for her work. She was a clever writer, and later I learned that she was one of those literary vampires who fasten themselves on one author or another with ardent devotion, and for the time being write like them. The kindest thing I can say of her character is that she had had an abscess at the base of the brain, and perhaps it had affected her moral sense. I do not mean to describe her as 'immoral' in its usual meaning; she was malevolent. She lied so freely as to contradict herself in the course of a conversation, apparently not knowing it. She drank.I saw her drunk at my table. She swore freely at me, as well as others. She lifted her hand to strike me in one of her tempers, but that was a small matter. What did matter was the subtle spreading of slanders about me, which I cannot legally prove to have come from her, but which were of such a nature that only one so close could have asserted such knowledge. Also, I do know of similar mischief-making from her in regard to others. At any rate that solace ended not only in pain but in shame—that I should have been so gullible, so ignorant, as to love her dearly. So, the New Year's inscription for 1893 is a doleful one....

International activities
In the early 1890s, Knapp's coverage of horses and cattle gave way to greater responsibilities as she took over the investigative reporting of international events. In 1893, she traveled to Hawaii to cover the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom, where she was "probably the first woman to represent a newspaper in such a crisis." During the crisis, Knapp's correspondence frequently dominated the Calls front pages. On March 9, a long piece signed by Knapp and dated March 1, entitled "Hawaii's Hope", covered all of the front page and a third of page two. It was, by this time, some six weeks since the bloodless anti-royalist coup which had deposed Queen Liliuokalani, and a visitor "would scarcely believe himself to be in the midst of riot and upheaval of the law." The palace is closed to all visitors, but owing to the fact that the marines from the Boston are occupying the legislative chamber the Provisional Government finds itself very greatly pressed for room, and has ordered the palace cleaned and put in readiness for Government use. By special permit The Call's correspondent was allowed to pass through the building at a very interesting time.When the Provisional Government decided to convert the palace to its own use it was found that a good deal of personal property belonging to the outgoing regime was still in the building. These articles were being taken away, to be ultimately divided between the Queen Dowager Kapiolani, Princess Kaiualani and the ex-Queen. Loaded upon one-horse trucks, like the household goods of any evicted Tar Flat family, the relics of departing royalty presented a touching spectacle. While <mask> evidently felt some sorrow for the deposed queen and princess, she noted that the Queen Dowager Kapiolani was "avowedly jubilant over the present state of affairs." But she was under no illusions that the native Hawaiians supported annexation:

I do not think it can be said, with any degree of truthfulness, that the natives really want annexation. The majority of them would doubtless favor an American protectorate, but it is not in reason to suppose that they like to see their native kingdom swallowed up in a greater power. There are plenty, even among those of American parentage, children of the early missionaries, who feel much the same way, and are at a loss to say what they do want.The natives, though, want, in a word, better times, a condition of things that will bring more money into the country. Capital, ever timid, has been driven from the islands almost altogether, by the uncertain tenure of the Government, and the natives, perhaps more than any other class, have felt the pinch. They want better times and they do not care who brings them. There is probably not one in the Kingdom who is prepared to waste any sentimental regret over the downfall of the house of Kalakaua. To their way of thinking monarchy vanished when the tabu was raised. The problems of the Hawaiian monarchy were only one reason Knapp thought resistance movements unlikely to succeed. "The natives, even should they desire to resist, are too uncertain themselves as to what they want to unite in any concerted action.They have no money, no arms, no leaders, and really no cause save their ancient traditions, which have so far lapsed, since the overthrow of the tabu, as to make no very powerful appeal to their national pride." Moreover, "they themselves are dying out at the rate of nearly 1,000 a year, and but a handful are left of the hundreds of thousands that once swarmed in the islands." These arguments helped Knapp to justify what she saw as the inevitable American

masks:
Adeline E
. Knapp
Adeline
Knapp
Adeline
Knapp
Knapp
Knapp
Knapp


title: Adeline Knapp

texts:
 appropriation of the islands:

Some foreign power must inevitably assume control of the country, and there is no such power whose interests are so directly and largely at stake as are those of the United States. To enlarge upon this point would be to indulge in mere truisms; the conclusion is irresistible. We must annex the islands or see them pass into the control of a foreign power and become a constant menace on our frontier. For those who might dispute the significance of these "little islands in the midst of the Pacific", Knapp suggested that:

A glance at the map will show at once the relation of the principal ports and naval stations of the Pacific Ocean to the islands, and will give, as no words can do, an idea of the strategic importance of a coaling and naval station here in the event of war between the United states and any foreign power, It needs only for Great Britain to possess these islands for her to have the United States hemmed in on every side. After Knapp's Hawaiian visit, she traveled to the Far East writing accounts of her journey to Yokohama and Manila.Following the Spanish–American War, Knapp moved from San Francisco, California, to the Philippines. She was one of a thousand volunteer teachers known as the Thomasites who went to the Philippines aboard the ship U.S. Army Transport Thomas to teach in the new Filipino schools. In 1902, Knapp authored a history book about the Philippines. It traced Philippine history from Magellan's discovery, until the arrival of the Americans. Her book was the first history of the Philippines written for school children. In presenting her book, she shared that she wrote it for the children, with the intention to bring a history of the land within their reach for the first time. Social reform activism
Both in and outside her journalistic work, Knapp was drawn to numerous social causes and reform movements.One of Knapp's activist efforts was an 1892 series of fictionalized sketches portraying the evils of child labor. "Two Chums: Sketches from Life", which appeared in the San Francisco Call in August 1892, tells a melodramatic story of two young jute mill workers who die tragic deaths, one under the wheels of a streetcar, the other in sorrowful suicide for the loss of his friend. Their deaths are hardly noticed. The series of articles garnered approval from The Woman's Column, a publication of the American Woman Suffrage Association: "Miss <mask> <mask>, one of the staff writers on the San Francisco Morning Call, has, through a series of graphic sketches published in that journal, aroused the public against the employment of children in the jute mills and factories of that city. Little creatures of five and six years, as there is no law save that of compulsory education to prevent the hiring of infants, go to their daily toil. Environmentalism

Knapp was also an active environmentalist. "She is California's naturalist at large", noted the San Francisco Call in 1897.In the mid-1890s, <mask> wrote many articles on environmental topics for the Call. "The Blessed Hills of San Francisco", a typical example, suggested that walking the hills of San Francisco would give San Francisco's citizens a better perspective on their civic life. "Only from the hills can we note the real majesty and beauty which this city has, hateful though most of its buildings are to the eye, and this beauty can by no means be rightly seen, and appreciated when seen, even from the dummy of a hurrying cable-car." Her book Upland Pastures, published by Elbert Hubbard's Roycroft press in 1897, collected a small number of her nature sketches. Another collection of nature essays, In the Christmas Woods, was published in 1899. A surviving letter to John Muir in 1899 enlists Muir's help in the fight against the destruction of birds for their plumes (taking up a cause begun a few years earlier by Harriet Hemenway). "Some of us hope to persuade certain of the women's clubs to take action in the matter", <mask> wrote, requesting Muir to write "a few lines on the subject" for an "article with interviews etc.from some of our bird lovers." She added that "The milliners say that not in 20 years have birds been used for trimming as they are this winter. We need to strike hard and quickly just now, to make an impression." Views on race and immigration
In recent years, Knapp's views on race and immigration have been questioned. According to Gilman's biographer Cynthia Davis, "Delle vocally opposed Asian immigration and may have helped cultivate Charlotte's xenophobia." As evidence, Davis cites a 1996 article in which Gary Scharnhorst critiqued the anti-Chinese perspective of <mask>'s 1895 story, "The Ways That Are Dark",
 which borrowed its title from a line in Bret Harte's notorious poem, "The Heathen Chinee". Whereas Harte, Scharnhorst claims, was treating anti-Chinese sentiment ironically, "Knapp endorsed the racist reading of 'Plain Language' in a crudely 'yellow peril' tale."During the years Knapp spent with Gilman, anti-Chinese sentiment was strong in California; attempts to regulate the growing population had led to the passage of legislation restricting and deporting Asian immigrants, including the 1892 Geary Act upheld by the United States Supreme Court in 1893. On the other hand, Knapp clearly admired the Japanese writer Yone Noguchi, and wrote several articles supporting and publicizing his work. Knapp's views of Filipinos may be found in the 1902 history textbook she wrote for Filipino students, The Story of the Philippines. Most of Knapp's history is concerned with European colonialism in the islands. Among the inhabitants before the arrival of the Spanish, Knapp briefly mentioned two "wild tribes", the Negritos and Igorotes, whom she distinguished from the "civilized Filipino people" who were members of the Malay race. "The Negritos", she wrote "are dying out. They are a small, timid people, with thick lips and flat noses.Their hair is like curly wool. They hunt and fight with bows and arrows, and are very quick and active. Their chief food is fish, and the brown mountain rice which they plant and harvest. Even if taken when children and brought up in a city, they do not grow to like civilized life, but run away and go back to the mountains as soon as they have the chance." Of the Igorots she wrote, "The Igorrotes are the finest and strongest of all the wild tribes in the country. They are very brave, and are good fighters, using in warfare a short, broad knife, which they wield with deadly skill. They never submitted to the Spaniards, and were badly used by that people.The Spaniards always made war upon them, and at one time tried to put an end to all of the tribe in Luzon. They burned their villages and killed all who fell in their power. They could not conquer them, however, and the Igorrotes have always hated the Spanish fiercely." The Malays she describes as "a sea-going folk, daring sailors, and skillful in managing their boats" who "went boldly to sea in tiny crafts, with only the stars to guide them, taking risks such as no Europeans dared to take." Opposition to woman suffrage

Over the years, Knapp and Gilman shared enthusiasm and prejudices on a wide variety of topics that undoubtedly reinforced their bond. But ultimately, on one key issue, the two women took opposing sides. Initially, both women supported equal rights and appeared equally passionate working on behalf of women's rights.On the suffrage question, however, Knapp came to espouse a position which questioned and opposed extending to women the right to vote and run for political office. At a time in American history when women were rallying the cry to extend rights to women, Knapp voiced her opinions through the publication of literature that spoke out against the suffrage movement. Knapp spoke before the Senate and Assembly Judiciary Committee of the New York State Legislature, and her views were publicized in pamphlets published by the New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women., which was founded in 1897 and had over 90 members in 1908. Knapp is not listed as a member in the Association's 1908 Annual Report, but was presumably aware of its use of her writings as propaganda. The Association remained active in producing pamphlets and publications explaining their views of women's suffrage, until the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was passed in 1920. The San Francisco Call once ran a column ostensibly written by Knapp that singled out economic dependence rather than disenfranchisement as the primary cause of women being brought under the control of men, stating, "As long as they depend on men for their bread and butter, they will be under the orders of men, and it will not help them except indirectly to obtain suffrage." By 1899, Knapp's relative indifference to suffrage had developed into outright opposition.To support her newfound stand on the issue, she drafted "An Open Letter to Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt," that was printed by the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, questioning whether women actually needed "the ballot", or the right to vote. Knapp argued for the "quiet conservation of the inner things of the home and of society which are permanently in the hands of women." The letter was prompted by a conference in Oakland where Catt spoke on the full suffrage of women. Just one year prior, Catt had published Women and Economics which outlined her case for the domestic liberation of women. For a few years in the 20th century, Knapp edited the Household Magazine in New York. During this time, she maintained a relationship with Gilman. In subsequent years, when both <mask> and Gilman were living in New York, Gilman was campaigning on behalf of women's suffrage, while Knapp provided opposing testimony before the State legislature.At a February 19, 1908, hearing at Albany on election reform, where "a strong delegation of women from all parts of the state was present in opposition to the woman suffrage proposition", Knapp spoke on the question "Do Working Women Need the Ballot?" Her speech was subsequently published by the New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women. By this point, Knapp's views had so far departed from those of Gilman that she could argue that women worked only out of necessity rather than preference, which directly contradicted Gilman's understanding of work fulfilling one's potential. Knapp maintained that women have simply failed at the ability to cooperate with the opposite sex, while Gilman celebrated this tendency as one of the noblest inclinations of women. More and more, Gilman's writings would take a hostile stance, labeling the women that opposed suffrage, as traitors. Final days
On June 6, 1909, Knapp died in California after a long illness. Her New York Times obituary printed June 26, 1909, quoted a recent letter summing up her career: "They said I made a hit, (in Hawaii,) but the experience convinced me that newspaper work does not offer a real career for a woman—the sacrifices are too great."For this reason, <mask> wrote, "I went away from cities altogether and lived for two or three years alone in a canyon in the Contra Costa foothills. I built a house there, a small one, all myself, cut down trees, tramped the woods, wrote a book or two, and did a lot of thinking." Publications

Books

 <mask>, Delle E. The Romance of the Castle Rock and Other Poems, Buffalo, New York. Queens City Enterprise Print, 1876. Knapp, Adeline. One Thousand Dollars a Day: Studies in Practical Economics. Boston, The Arena Publishing Company.1894. .
 <mask>, Adeline. In the Christmas Woods: Being the Introductory Essay of a Series on Observations of Nature through the Year. San Francisco, Press of the Stanley-Taylor Company. 1899. <mask>, Adeline. The Story of the Philippines. New York: Silver, Burdett and Company.1902. <mask>, Adeline. The Boy and the Baron. New York: The Century co. 1902. <mask>, Adeline. How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Philippine Islands. New York: Silver, Burdett and Company.1902. <mask>, Adeline. This Then is Upland Pastures: Being Some Outdoor Essays Dealing with the Beautiful Things That the Spring and Summer Bring. East Aurora, New York. Roycroft Printing Shop, 1897. .
 <mask>, Adeline. The Well in the Desert. New York: The Century Company.1908. .
 Ashley, Mike (editor) and <mask> <mask>, E. Nesbit, and Mary Shelley. The Dreaming Sex: Tales of Scientific Wonder and Dread by Victorian Women. Peter Owen Ltd. 2010. .

Pamphlets
 <mask>, <mask>. "An Open Letter to Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt" New York: New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women. 1899. (8 pages)
 <mask>, Adeline. "Do working women need the ballot?An address to the Senate and Assembly Judiciary Committee of the New York Legislature." New York: New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women. 1908. (8 pages)
 Knapp, Adeline. "In the Christmas woods; being the introductory essay of a series on observations of nature through the year." San Francisco, California. Stanley-Taylor Company.1899. (16 pages)

References

External links

1860 births
1909 deaths
American women novelists
American women journalists
Anti-suffragists
American lesbian writers
LGBT people from New York (state)
History of the San Francisco Bay Area
Writers from California
19th-century American novelists
20th-century American novelists
20th-century American women writers
19th-century American women writers
20th-century American non-fiction

masks: Adeline Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Knapp Adeline Knapp Knapp Adeline Knapp


title: Bob Beauprez

texts:
<mask> (; born September 22, 1948) is an American politician and member of the Republican Party from the state of Colorado. <mask> is a Colorado native and graduate of the University of Colorado Boulder. He worked as a dairy farmer and community banker before serving as chairman of the Colorado Republican Party from 1999 to 2002. He was then elected to represent Colorado's 7th congressional district in the United States House of Representatives, and served from 2003 to 2007. He gave up his seat to run for Governor of Colorado in the 2006 election but lost to Democratic nominee Bill Ritter. He was the Republican nominee for governor again in the 2014 election, losing to incumbent Democratic Governor John Hickenlooper. <mask> is a member of the ReFormers Caucus of Issue One.Early life
<mask> was born in Lafayette, Colorado. He grew up on his family's dairy farm, which had been purchased by his grandparents, outside of Boulder, Colorado. He is the son of Marie (née Stengel) and Joseph C<mask>. His paternal grandparents had emigrated from Belgium to Colorado and raised draft horses on the family's land. His mother's family was of German descent. His parents raised both Hereford and dairy cattle on the farm. Beauprez often cites his father's example as a major influence on his life.Beauprez attended Fairview High School where he played football and was named all-conference offensive tackle. He went on to study physical education at the University of Colorado, and received his B.S. in 1970. Republican Party chairmanship
While Beauprez had been involved in the Republican Party for some time, his first leadership role came in 1997 as the chairman of the Boulder County Republican Party. In 1999, with the backing of Senator Wayne Allard, <mask> became chairman of the Colorado Republican Party. His tenure as state party chairman was marked by an aggressive attempts to use redistricting to get more Republican candidates elected in Colorado. The Republican Party lost control of the Colorado State Senate for the first time in four decades while Beauprez was chairman.U.S. House of Representatives
In 2002, <mask> ran to represent Colorado's 7th congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives, regarded as a "swing" district. In beating Democrat Mike Feeley by only 121 votes he won the closest race in the nation. As a freshman, Beauprez served on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, the Veterans Affairs Committee, and the Small Business Committee. He was re-elected in 2004 and subsequently obtained a position on the powerful House Ways and Means Committee. 2006 Colorado gubernatorial election

<mask> won the Republican Party nomination for governor in August 2006, running to succeed two-term governor Bill Owens, who was ineligible for a third consecutive term. <mask> ended up winning the nomination uncontested; he was briefly opposed by Marc Holtzman, who dropped out of the race and endorsed Beauprez several months before the primary. Military service controversy

On February 2, 2006, veterans called on Beauprez to apologize for appearing at a photo-op in a military-issued uniform, even though he had never served in the military.He had requested and received three draft deferments and then a medical release during the Vietnam War. In May 2006, ProgressNow, a liberal advocacy group, produced an Internet-based ad that again focused on Beauprez's draft status during Vietnam. The Beauprez campaign dismissed the ad as done by a "well-financed attack machine." NCIC database
In October, <mask> started running ads that attacked Ritter's performance as Denver district attorney, citing a plea-bargained case against illegal immigrant and alleged heroin dealer Carlos Estrada Medina. Under the plea bargain, the dealer was given probation. Later, he was arrested in California, under an alias, on suspicion of sexual abuse on a child. But the fact that that information couldn't be verified in public court records prompted inquiries to <mask>'s campaign as to where it got its facts.<mask>'s campaign manager, John Marshall told a local news station, "In federal criminal databases, the guy's information matches up." That comment set off alarms in Ritter's campaign because federal criminal databases are off-limits to anyone but law enforcement and can be used only for law enforcement purposes. Owing to the fact that the subsequent arrest was under an alias, Ritter's supporters argued that the information could only have been obtained by accessing the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) database, which access is restricted by federal law. The Colorado Bureau of Investigation initiated an investigation, and found enough evidence to then ask FBI to join its probe. <mask> denied anything improper had occurred, and that he had never heard of the NCIC database. The Denver Post noted that, as a Congressman, Beauprez had cosponsored a bill relating to the database. When charges were brought against the ICE agent who provided the information to John Marshall, he was acquitted in a jury trial.Criticism and praise regarding Cory Voorhis
Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement Senior Special Agent Cory Voorhis was prosecuted for retrieving Medina's rap sheet from the NCIC database and sharing it with Beauprez' staff. <mask> defended the action as "whistleblowing," citing a pattern of lenient plea bargains during Ritter's term as district attorney. Many questioned why a Denver District Attorney employee, who accessed the same information and shared it with the Ritter campaign, was not also prosecuted. Voorhis was found not guilty on April 9, 2008. One of the jurors in the case said the jury didn't think Voorhis had "done anything intentionally wrong" and there were "some feelings" that Voorhis had been unfairly "singled out" for prosecution. During the investigation, <mask> received criticism for appearing to be unsupportive of Voorhis. But following Voorhis' acquittal, it became public that <mask> did offer assistance to Voorhis, which was turned down by Voorhis' attorneys in order to avoid the appearance of a partisan political relationship.In an open letter to Beauprez, Voorhis wrote "You are indeed an honorable gentleman, and a great American." At least one media figure, Peter Boyles, apologized to Beauprez and retracted his criticism. 2014 Colorado gubernatorial election

In March 2014, <mask> announced that he would seek the Republican nomination for governor to challenge incumbent Democratic Governor John Hickenlooper. Beauprez did not contest the Republican state assembly on April 12, instead petitioning his way onto the ballot. The primary election was held on June 24 and <mask> triumphed with a plurality, taking 116,333 votes (30.24%) to Tom Tancredo's 102,830 (26.73%), Scott Gessler's 89,213 (23.19%) and Mike Kopp's 76,373 (19.85%). On 1 July, Beauprez announced Douglas County Commissioner Jill Repella as his running mate. On July 3, video footage surfaced of Beauprez speaking in 2010, where he made remarks similar to those made by Mitt Romney in 2012.Speaking to the Denver Rotary Club, said Beauprez:

Democrats responded that Beuprez, who was in the middle of a "Unity Tour" with his running mate and former primary opponents, had a "funny way" of showing unity with Coloradans and called him "out of touch" and "elitist" for "[accusing] half of the population of being freeloaders." <mask>'s campaign stood behind the comments and said that "in full context, [he's] saying that it's sad more people are not doing well enough to pay federal income tax." In August, <mask> said that he would send Colorado Army National Guard troops to the Mexico border: "If Rick Perry or another governor requested it, I would certainly step up and do my part." <mask> was criticised as doing so would be against the law. He later clarified his comments, saying that he meant he would send them on a humanitarian effort, not a military one. On November 5, <mask> officially conceded to Hickenlooper. 2016 election activity
In the 2015-2016 election cycle, <mask> founded Colorado Pioneer Action, which sponsored a number of communications (including websites and mailers) promoting and supporting certain candidates for (primarily state legislative) office and opposing others.In late June 2016, a watchdog organization (Campaign Integrity Watchdog) filed a campaign finance complaint alleging that Beauprez's Colorado Pioneer Action organization was in reality an unregistered political committee operating in violation of Colorado campaign finance disclosure laws. After nearly a year of pre-trial motions, including multiple attempts by Beauprez to have the complaint dismissed, the case went to trial at the end of March 2017. Colorado Pioneer Action was found to have committed multiple violations of Colorado campaign finance law, fined $17,735 and ordered to register and disclose its contributors. Beauprez and Colorado Pioneer Action appealed the ruling to the Colorado Court of Appeals, where a decision is pending. Personal life
<mask> is married and has four children and six grandchildren. References

External links

Articles about Beauprez in The Denver Post, denverpost.com, June 11, 2006. |-

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1948 births
21st-century American politicians
American bankers
American people of Belgian descent
American people of German descent
2006 Colorado gubernatorial election
Colorado Republican Party chairs
Colorado Republicans
Farmers from Colorado
Living people
Members of the United States House of Representatives from Colorado
People from Lafayette, Colorado
Republican Party members of the United States House of Representatives
2000 United States presidential electors
University of Colorado alumni

masks:
Robert Louis Beauprez
Beauprez
Beauprez
Beauprez
. Beauprez
Beauprez
Beauprez
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Beauprez
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Beauprez
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Beauprez


title: Liu Yan (Tang dynasty)

texts:
<mask> (;  715/716 – August 12, 780), courtesy name Shi'an (), was a Chinese economist and politician during the Tang dynasty who served briefly as chancellor during the reign of Emperor Daizong – but who was more known for his reforms in the Tang salt monopoly and food transportation systems, credited with allowing the Tang economy to recover after the disastrous An Lushan Rebellion. In 780, during the reign of Emperor Daizong's son Emperor Dezong, after the chancellor <mask> made a series of false accusations against him, he was first demoted and then executed. Background
<mask> was born in 715 or 716. His family was from Cao Prefecture (曹州, in modern Heze, Shandong), and traced its ancestry to <mask> (), a younger brother of Han Dynasty's founder Emperor Gao. His great-great-grandfather <mask> () served as a county magistrate during Tang Dynasty's predecessor Sui Dynasty, and his great-grandfather <mask> () served as an imperial scholar early in Tang. His grandfather <mask> () served as a county magistrate, while his father <mask>hui () served as a county secretary general. During Emperor Xuanzong's reign
When Emperor Xuanzong offered sacrifices at Mount Tai in 725, <mask>, then a child, wrote a song and submitted it to Emperor Xuanzong.Emperor Xuanzong was amazed, and he had his chancellor Zhang Shuo test <mask>'s knowledge. Zhang was also impressed and stated, "This is a sign of fortune for the empire." He made <mask> a scribe in the imperial government, at his young age, and <mask> became referred to as the "godly child." The honored men all rushed to invite him to their households. During Emperor Xuanzong's Tianbao era (742–756), <mask> became the magistrate of Xia County (夏縣, in modern Yuncheng, Shanxi). Xia County was a key point for transportation of supplies to the Tang capital Chang'an, and it was said that while <mask> did not supervise the transportation of supplies through his county in a harsh manner, the supplies were nevertheless always on time. After receiving a recommendation, he was then made the magistrate of Wen County (溫縣, in modern Jiaozuo, Henan).It was said that the people were happy about his governance and made monuments for him. He was later recalled to Chang'an to serve as Shiyushi (), a low-level imperial censor. During Emperor Suzong's reign
In 755, the general An Lushan rebelled at Fanyang and by 756, the forces of his new state of Yan were approaching Chang'an, forcing Emperor Xuanzong to flee to Chengdu. <mask> fled to Xiangyang. Emperor Xuanzong's son and crown prince Li Heng fled to Lingwu instead, where he was declared emperor (as Emperor Suzong), an act that Emperor Xuanzong recognized. Emperor Xuanzong, however, prior to Emperor Suzong's declaration as emperor, had sent another son, Li Lin the Prince of Yong, to Jianling to oversee the Yangtze River region. When Li Lin arrived at Jiangling, he heard that <mask> was at Xiangfan and invited him to serve on his staff.<mask> declined, however, and wrote a letter to the chancellor Fang Guan, pointing out that at this point, having imperial princes with great powers would simply bring trouble. Emperor Suzong then issued an edict making <mask> the tax collector for the Yangtze-Huai River region. When <mask> reached Wu Commandery (roughly modern Suzhou, Jiangsu), he heard that Li Lin had rebelled against Emperor Suzong, and therefore met with the surveyor of the region, Li Xiyan (), to confer on how to resist Li Lin. Li Xiyan put <mask> in defense of Yuhang Commandery (餘杭, roughly modern Hangzhou, Zhejiang). After Li Xiyan was defeated by Li Lin late in 756, he fled to Yuhang and defended it together with <mask>. In 757, after Li Lin was defeated by other Tang generals, he initially considered attacking Yuhang, but after hearing that <mask> was defending it, he changed his mind and fled west. (He was eventually captured and killed by another Tang general, Huangfu Shen ()  <mask>, however, did not claim credit for the victory.At a later point, Emperor Suzong recalled him to serve as the governor of Pengyuan Commandery (彭原, roughly modern Qingyang, Gansu). He later served as the prefect of Hua Prefecture (華州, in modern Weinan, Shaanxi), and then the mayor of Henan Municipality (), which encompassed the eastern capital Luoyang. However, as at that time Tang forces were still stalemated against the Yan emperor by that point, Shi Chaoyi (the son of An Lushan's general Shi Siming), and Luoyang was still in Yan hands, <mask>'s government seat was actually at Changshui (長水, near Luoyang). <mask> had already proved his worth by using impressed labor to dredge the long silted-over canal connecting the Huai and Yellow rivers; this project lowered transport costs, relieved food shortages, and increased tax revenues with little government investment. The Huai river ran through Northern Jiangsu, the location of coastal salt marshes which were the major source of salt. <mask> realized that if the government could control these areas to enforce a salt monopoly, such as had existed in earlier periods but fallen into disuse, it could sell the salt at a monopoly price to merchants, who would pass the increased price on to their customers. This monopoly price was an indirect tax which was reliably collected in advance without having to control the areas where the salt was consumed.In 758 <mask> created a Salt and Iron Commission whose revenues were particularly important since the central government had lost control of the provinces. Even better, the revenue originated in the south, where it could be safely used to buy grain to ship to the capital, Chang'an, by river and canal. By 760, <mask> was serving as the mayor of Jingzhao Municipality (), which encompassed Chang'an, when he, because he was believed to be capable in financial matters, was also made the deputy minister of census (戶部侍郎, Hubu Shilang), as well as the special director in charge of finance, minting, and salt and iron monopolies. It was said that in these positions, <mask> was not harsh but had a good grasp of the big picture, and that he served well. In 761, the official <mask>ang (), who had previously served An but later submitted to Tang, was accused of having secret communications with Shi Chaoyi. After <mask> was arrested, <mask> sent soldiers to guard <mask>'s mansion, ready to seize it if <mask> were found guilty. <mask>, however, was soon exonerated, and became resentful of <mask>.<mask> therefore accused <mask> of leaking contents of secret conversations that he had with Emperor Suzong. As a result of these counteraccusations, and also because the chancellor Xiao Hua was jealous of <mask>'s talents, both <mask> and <mask> were demoted — in <mask>'s case, to be the prefect of Tong Prefecture (通州, in modern Dazhou). His financial responsibilities were transferred to Yuan Zai. During Emperor Daizong's reign
Emperor Suzong died in 762 and was succeeded by his son Emperor Daizong. Emperor Daizong recalled <mask> to Chang'an to again serve in three posts – deputy minister of census, mayor of Jingzhao Municipality, and special director in charge of finance, minting, salt and iron monopolies, and food shipments. <mask> declined the posts of deputy minister of census and mayor of Jingzhao, yielding them to <mask> and <mask> () respectively. In 763, while still serving as special director of the various economy-related matters, he was also made the minister of civil service affairs (吏部尚書, Libu Shangshu) and given the designation Tong Zhongshu Menxia Pingzhangshi (), making him a chancellor de facto.In 674, however, he was accused of having close association with the eunuch Cheng Yuanzhen – who had been exceedingly powerful but who had been removed in 763 after he was blamed for not warning Emperor Daizong about a Tufan invasion – and he, along with a colleague who had been hated by other eunuchs for his role in Cheng's downfall, Li Xian, were removed from their chancellor posts, with <mask> being made a member of the staff of Li Kuo the Crown Prince. However, later in the year, <mask> was put in charge of the affairs of food shipments, taxation, salt and iron monopolies, and food management for the regions of Luoyang, Huai River, and Yangtze River. At that time, the Chang'an region was suffering from a food shortage, after years of warfare. Food supplies coming from the Yangtze region, which had been traveling through Bian River – a canal that connected the Huai River and Yellow River – prior to the Anshi Rebellion, had been unable to travel through it since it had been silted through the years. Instead, the shipments had to travel on the Yangtze River and Han River to Liang Prefecture (梁州, in modern Hanzhong, Shaanxi), and then over the Qinling Mountains to Chang'an – a much more treacherous and costly route. <mask>, hoping to restore the Bian River-Yellow River route, personally travelled through the former route to examine it. He then wrote a detailed report to Yuan Zai, who had become a powerful chancellor by that point, explaining the benefits of the Bian River route.With Yuan's support, he began the project to clear Bian River of silt. Upon the completion of the project, the food supplies for the Chang'an regions became plentiful, even during times of poor harvest. Emperor Daizong, complimenting him, stated, "You, lord, are my Marquess of Zuan" — comparing him to the great Han Dynasty prime minister Xiao He. By 766, <mask> was serving as the minister of census (戶部尚書, Hubu Shangshu), and that year, the financial matters of the state were divided in halves — with him in charge of the eastern half of the empire, and his deputy Diwu Qi in charge of the western half. By 777, Yuan and his chancellor colleague Wang Jin, both of whom had become entrenched in their positions and become extremely corrupt, finally wore out Emperor Daizong's patience, and Emperor Daizong had them arrested. He ordered <mask> to interrogate them, but <mask>, not daring to carry this task out along, proposed that five officials, including himself and the chief imperial censor Li Han (), be appointed. Subsequently, Yuan was executed, but at <mask>'s suggestion that Wang was less culpable than Yuan, Wang's life was spared, although he was demoted to be a prefectural prefect.Subsequently, Chang Gun replaced Yuan, and Chang, jealous of <mask>, suggested to Emperor Daizong that <mask>, given his contributions, should be made Puye () – one of the heads of the executive bureau of government (尚書省, Shangshu Sheng); Chang did so with the intent that <mask> be stripped of his financial responsibilities. Emperor Daizong made <mask>ushe, but continued to have him be in charge of the financial affairs. It was said that during the years that <mask> was in charge of financial affairs, he carefully selected the officials in charge of financial matters in each region, choosing those who were young, energetic, and talented. Many times, powerful individuals would make recommendations; <mask> would take the people that they recommended and put them in honored posts with salaries, but not give them actual responsibilities. It was said that those officials that <mask> commissioned were faithful to their tasks and <mask>'s instructions, even if they were thousands of miles away from the capital. During Emperor Dezong's reign
Emperor Daizong died in 779 and was succeeded by Li Kuo (as Emperor Dezong). At that time, Han Huang was in charge of the financial matters of the western half of the empire (Diwu Qi having been removed from that post in 770).Emperor Dezong, hearing that Han was harsh and excessive, removed Han from his post and gave the responsibilities for the financial matters of the entire empire to <mask>. It was said that he improved the salt monopoly system that Diwu had instituted and increased the earnings tenfold, without any additional impositions on the people. However, <mask> was soon in a precarious position. <mask>, a protégé of Yuan's, had become the most powerful chancellor and was well-trusted by Emperor Dezong. <mask> had previously served under <mask> as deputy minister of civil service affairs, and they did not get along with each other; further, <mask> blamed <mask> for Yuan's death. At that time, there were rumors that <mask> had, during Emperor Daizong's reign, suggested to him that he create his favorite concubine, Consort Dugu, empress. (As Consort Dugu was not Emperor Dezong's mother and had her own son, Li Jiong () the Prince of Han, it was believed that such a move would have potentially endangered Emperor Dezong's position.)Further, many people had been jealous of <mask>'s long hold on financial matters. <mask>, wanting to avenge Yuan, thus took this opportunity to accuse <mask> of having endangered Emperor Dezong's position, along with the official Li Gan () and the eunuch <mask> () – both of whom had been executed in 779 under the same accusations of having supported Consort Dugu. <mask>'s chancellor colleague Cui Youfu opposed further investigation of <mask>, but still, in spring 780, at <mask>'s suggestion, <mask> was stripped of his special director status, and the financial responsibilities were returned to the bureaus under the ministry of census, which had previously been responsible for such matters. Subsequently, Emperor Dezong demoted <mask> to be the prefect of Zhong Prefecture (忠州, in modern Chongqing). In fall 780, at <mask>'s inducement, <mask>'s superior Yu Zhun () submitted an accusation that <mask> had written a letter to the general Zhu Ci, asking for Zhu's help, and that in the letter to Zhu he wrote many complaints about Emperor Dezong. Yu further accused <mask> of having requested additional soldiers for his prefecture with the intent to start a rebellion. <mask> urged Emperor Dezong to execute <mask>.Emperor Dezong agreed, and he sent eunuchs to Zhong Prefecture to secretly strangle <mask> to death, before issuing an edict publicly ordering <mask> to commit suicide. It was said that the entire empire mourned <mask>'s death and believed him to be innocent. His family was exiled to the Lingnan region, and his assets were confiscated. (When his assets were booked in order to be confiscated, it was discovered that <mask> had been so honest that as an official that he lacked any real wealth, and those who saw this were further impressed by him.) The warlord Li Zhengji, who had been looking for excuses to complain about imperial governance, submitted a petition stating that <mask> had been innocently killed and requested that his family be allowed to return to Chang'an — a petition that Emperor Dezong ignored. Nevertheless, because <mask> had been careful at selecting officials, particularly those with financial talents, it was said that for decades following his death, the officials in charge of financial affairs were mostly <mask>'s old subordinates. In 784, Emperor Dezong, beginning to believe that <mask> was in fact innocent, allowed him to be reburied in his home prefecture.In 789, he further made <mask>'s sons <mask>jing () and <mask>jing () officials. When <mask>jing offered to yield his posts in exchange for <mask> to be posthumously honored, Emperor Dezong posthumously honored <mask> Situ (司徒, one of the Three Excellencies). <mask>, the lead editor of the Old Book of Tang, commented thus about <mask>:

Notes and references

 Old Book of Tang, vol. 123. New Book of Tang, vol. 149. Zizhi Tongjian, vols.221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226. 710s births
780 deaths
8th-century executions by the Tang dynasty
Chancellors under Emperor Daizong of Tang
Mayors of Luoyang
Mayors of Xi'an
Economists from Shandong
Executed Tang dynasty people
Executed people from Shandong
Forced suicides of Chinese people
People executed by poison
Politicians from Heze
Tang dynasty economists
Tang dynasty politicians from Shandong

masks:
Liu Yan
Yang Yan
Liu Yan
Liu Jiao
Liu Jin
Liu Yu
Liu Gong
Liu Zhi
Liu Yan
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu Yan
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu Yan
Liu
Yan Zhu
Yan
Liu
Yan
Yan
Yan
Liu
Yan
Liu
Liu
Liu
Yan
Liu
Liu Yan
Liu
Yan Zhenqing
Yan Wu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu P
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu Yan
Liu
Yang Yan
Yang
Liu
Yang
Liu
Liu
Liu
Yang
Liu
Liu Zhongyi
Yang
Liu Yan
Yang
Liu Yan
Liu
Yang
Liu
Liu
Liu
Yang
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu
Liu Zhi
Liu Zong
Liu Zhi
Liu Yan
Liu Yan
Liu Xu
Liu Yan


title: H. Robert Horvitz

texts:
<mask> (born May 8, 1947) is an American biologist best known for his research on the nematode worm Caenorhabditis elegans, for which he was awarded the 2002 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, together with Sydney Brenner and John E. Sulston, whose "seminal discoveries concerning the genetic regulation of organ development and programmed cell death" were "important for medical research and have shed new light on the pathogenesis of many diseases". Education and early life
<mask>tz was born in Chicago, Illinois to Jewish parents, the son of Mary R. (Savit), a school teacher, and <mask>, a GAO accountant. He majored in mathematics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he joined Alpha Epsilon Pi and spent his summers working for IBM, at first wiring panels for accounting machines and then in his final summer helping to develop IBM's Conversational Programming System. During his senior year, <mask>tz took his first courses in biology and was encouraged by his professors to continue to study biology in graduate school, despite his limited coursework in the field. After he completed his undergraduate studies in 1968, he enrolled in graduate studies in biology at Harvard University, where he studied T4-induced modifications of E. coli RNA polymerase under the direction of Walter Gilbert and James Watson. He completed his PhD in 1974. Career
In 1974, <mask>tz took a postdoctoral position at the Laboratory of Molecular Biology (LMB) in Cambridge, England, where he worked with his future Nobel prize co-winners Sydney Brenner and John Sulston on the genetics and cell lineage of C. elegans.In 1978, <mask>tz was offered a faculty position at MIT, where he is currently Professor of Biology and a member of the McGovern Institute for Brain Research. He is also an Investigator of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute. <mask>tz serves as the chair of the board of trustees for Society for Science & the Public and is a member of the USA Science and Engineering Festival's Advisory Board. Research
At LMB, <mask>tz worked with Sulston to track every non-gonadal cell division that occurred during larval development, and published a complete description of these lineages in 1977. Later, in cooperation with Sulston and Martin Chalfie, <mask>vitz began investigations first characterizing several cell lineage mutants and then seeking genes that controlled cell lineage or that controlled specific linages. In 1981, they identified and characterized the gene lin-4, a "heterochronic" mutant that changes the timeline of cell fates. In his early work at MIT, <mask>tz continued his work on cell lineage and cell fate, using C. elegans to investigate whether there was a genetic program controlling cell death, or apoptosis.In 1986, he identified the first "death genes", ced-3 and ced-4. He showed that functional ced-3 and ced-4 genes were a prerequisite for cell death to be executed. He went on to show that another gene, ced-9, protects against cell death by interacting with ced-4 and ced-3, as well as identifying a number of genes that direct how a dead cell is eliminated. <mask>vitz showed that the human genome contains a ced-3-like gene. <mask>vitz's later research continued to use C. elegans to analyze the genetic control of animal development and behavior, as well as to link discoveries in the nematode to human diseases, particularly cancer and neurodegenerative diseases such as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS). He made further advancements in defining the molecular pathway of programmed cell death, and has identified several key components, including: EGL-1, a protein which activates apoptosis by inhibiting CED-9; transcription factors ces-1 and ces-2, and ced-8, which controls the timing of cell death. He has also continued work on heterochronic mutants and other aspects of cell lineage, and established lines of research in signal transduction, morphogenesis, and neural development.<mask>tz has collaborated with Victor Ambros and David Bartel on a project to characterize the complete set of the more than 100 microRNAs in the C. elegans genome. Works

<mask>tz has over 255 publications, has been cited over 49,000 times and has an h-index of 108. Awards and honors

1986 Spencer Award in Neurobiology from Columbia University
1986 Warren Triennial Prize from the Massachusetts General Hospital
1988 U.S. Steel Foundation Award in Molecular Biology from the U.S. National Academy of Sciences
1991 Member, U.S. National Academy of Sciences
1993 V.D.

masks:
Howard Robert Horvitz
Horvi
Oscar Freedom Horvitz
Horvi
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Horvi
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Hor
Hor
Horvi
Robert Horvi


title: Michael McGinn

texts:
<mask> (born December 17, 1959) is an American lawyer and politician. He served as mayor of the city of Seattle, Washington, and is a neighborhood activist and a former State Chair of the Sierra Club. In what was characterized as a "sea change in the power structure of Seattle,"  McGinn differentiated his campaign by his opposition to the proposed tunnel replacement to the Alaskan Way Viaduct. He was elected in November 2009 with the support of groups considered "political outsiders", such as environmentalists, biking advocates, musicians, advocates for the poor, nightclub owners, and younger voters. Early life and education
Originally from Long Island, New York, McGinn earned a B.A. in economics from Williams College and worked for Congressman Jim Weaver as a legislative aide. McGinn attended law school at the University of Washington School of Law.After graduating, he practiced business law for the Seattle firm Stokes Lawrence, becoming a partner. He left Stokes Lawrence in 2005 and started Great City Initiative, a nonprofit advocacy group. Political activism
<mask> is credited with increasing the "clout" of the Sierra Club, helping transform it into a "real political force" in Seattle. According to McGinn, the club's political committee was "moribund" when he volunteered to lead it in the mid-1990s. The group grew to 50 active political leaders by 2009. <mask> is the founder and former executive director of the Seattle Great City Initiative, a nonprofit advocacy group, and a former head of the Greenwood Community Council. At Great City, he oversaw a budget of $160,000 and worked alliances with companies like Triad Development, Harbor Properties and Paul Allen's Vulcan Inc. on environmental and urban development issues.As a neighborhood organizer and head of his nonprofit, McGinn endorsed his future opponent Mayor Greg Nickels and worked with him to bar development of large, commercial "big box stores", eliminate street parking in favor of bus lanes and push for changes in zoning laws to encourage greater density in the Greenwood neighborhood. <mask> stepped down from his position as head of the Greenwood Community Council in 2006 and stepped down as executive director of his nonprofit in March 2009 to run for mayor. In 2007, <mask> used his position as a leader in the Sierra Club's Cascade Chapter to help successfully campaign against metropolitan Seattle's Proposition 1, a combined road and mass transit measure, in favor of a transit-only measure. He later chaired the successful campaign to pass a Seattle parks levy. <mask>'s management record as an activist has come under scrutiny, including his chairmanship of Seattle's successful 2008 parks levy campaign. Brice Maryman, a leader in the parks campaign, said, "There wouldn't have been a parks levy on the ballot ... without <mask>'s leadership", but some Seattle City Council members, including Tom Rasmussen, said that McGinn mismanaged the effort. The City Council became "alarmed" at what members described as a disorganized effort.It appointed Seattle Parks Foundation Executive Director Karen Daubert as co-chair to help save the levy campaign. Rasmussen says that it was Daubert who "saved the day" for the levy. <mask> credited his grassroots style of campaigning for the victory. 2009 Seattle mayoral campaign

<mask> announced his candidacy in the 2009 Seattle mayoral election on March 24, 2009. He said his principal policy positions would center on schools, broadband Internet access and local transportation infrastructure. He advocated replacement of the Alaskan Way Viaduct with a surface street instead of the planned tunnel; supplanting private broadband Internet service with a fiber optic system built and operated by Seattle City Light, the city's municipally owned electric utility; and greater local neighborhood control of parking taxes and meter rates. He also raised the possibility of abolishing the city's independent school board, with operation of the schools to become a city government responsibility.Mayor Greg Nickels proposed eliminating Seattle's business tax on single-occupancy vehicle commuters on the grounds it was no longer needed and was hurting business and job growth. <mask> opposed ending the tax, called the Employee Hours Tax, which taxes business $25 for each of its employees who drives to work alone. <mask> said that Nickels and fellow candidate Joe Mallahan, who also favored repealing the tax, were "out of touch" and too close to the "business elite". McGinn rode his electrically assisted bicycle to and from political events and maintained no paid campaign staff. In an upset, aided by exposure in the form of a cover profile from The Stranger, <mask> led the August primary with 39,097 votes, ahead of Mallahan's 37,933 and Nickels's 35,781. By October 2009, the <mask> campaign had raised about $150,000. In the general election, T-Mobile executive Mallahan was perceived as the "insider candidate", endorsed by Governor Christine Gregoire, a supporter of the tunnel.<mask> defeated Mallahan on November 3 in a close race, with 51.14% of the vote. Although the race was so close in the early vote count that a recount was considered a possibility, the gap between the candidates widened as the tally proceeded. Mallahan conceded on November 9, saying of McGinn that "he seemed to be the superior campaigner this time around" and that <mask>'s message "seemed to resonate" with Seattle's voters. Describing the coalition that backed McGinn, University of Washington political science professor David Olson said, "these new actors are legitimate, numerically important and politically very skilled". Mallahan criticized <mask> for "push polling" with robocalls to Seattle residents during the campaign. Mallahan called one survey about the proposed Alaskan Way Viaduct "dishonest" but McGinn says the poll was legitimate research. Nickels had used "negative" robocalls himself against <mask> a few months earlier in the primary campaign.2013 Seattle mayoral campaign

In 2013, <mask> ran for reelection. He placed second in a field of nine candidates in the Seattle mayoral primary, and lost the general election with 47% of the vote to Ed Murray's 52%. 2017 Seattle mayoral campaign

On April 17, 2017, McGinn announced his candidacy in the 2017 mayoral election, looking to unseat Murray. Policy positions

Taxes and budget

In 2010, McGinn asked for a higher car tab tax and a mandatory doubling of the parking lot tax, a $241 million levy to replace the city's seawall two years early and almost doubling the city's education levy to $231 million. McGinn's budget included a mandatory, city directed increase in parking fees in several neighborhoods to $4 an hour, increases which were expected to return an estimated $20 million in revenue for the city. He allocated a $13 million funding increase for bicycle and pedestrian projects derived from new taxes on motorists. At the same time, he sought reduced funding in road maintenance and widespread cuts in basics such as police and library services.His increased funding of pedestrian and bicycle projects during a time of general cuts raised criticism of his budgetary priorities. In all McGinn's budget slashed $67 million from various areas by laying off 300 employees, reducing hours at community centers, cutting park maintenance, raising fees, and reducing the wages of union workers. For 2012, McGinn proposed deferring some maintenance on roads and buildings and across the board cuts into the 2012 fiscal year, alerting police, fire and human-services departments to prepare for three to six percent cuts and all other departments for four to eight percent cuts, in order to close a $17 million funding gap. In other areas McGinn proposed funding increases. Responding to a letter from Seattle Gay News, and at the recommendation of the city government's Seattle Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Commission, McGinn said he would "work to improve" city health benefits packages up for renewal in 2013 so that the city would be able to pay for transgender employees' mental health care, steroid treatments and sex change operations. Citing opinions by the American Medical Association and the American Psychological Association, the Commission called the treatments "a medical necessity" and McGinn responded that the issue is more about fairness than costs. McGinn also created a new position at city hall for a former Cascade Bicycle Club lobbyist at $95,000 a year after giving a $21,000 raise to his new communications director, bringing that yearly salary to $120,000.The creation of the new position generated controversy as it coincided with across the board budget cuts for other departments. Education
After winning election, McGinn forwarded an expanded education levy that would raise $115 million in additional taxes for the Seattle Public School District. He asserted that doubling the levy was necessary to get additional money to programs serving low-income and minority families. The levy would also expand early education and kindergartens, extra elementary school programs for high poverty areas, support for struggling students transitioning from middle to high school, and academic, career and college planning for at risk high school students. The Seattle Times called the size of the tax hike "tone deaf" to the economic realities of voters. Acknowledging the size of the levy as a concern, the Seattle City Council still voted unanimously to forward the levy proposal to voters with Tim Burgess, the Council's lead on the levy, saying its size "matched the needs" of Seattle's children. The levy was approved by voters in the 2011 general election.McGinn and the school district launched a program to improve school attendance in Seattle Public Schools called "Be There Get Here" in 2011. The idea behind the program is to improve academic performance by improving attendance, based on data showing that students with fewer absences graduate at a notably higher rate. Incentives are offered to students, such as entering them in a raffle if they keep absences to less than five. Six months into the program, absences were reduced by 50%, the lowest rate in five years. Marijuana
<mask> supports the legalization and taxation of marijuana, saying on KUOW-FM, "We recognize that, you know, like alcohol, it's something that should be regulated, not treated as a criminal activity. And I think that's where the citizens of Seattle want us to go." He believes marijuana can be used as a cash crop to offset the city's financial problems.<mask> called for an executive review of Seattle's law enforcement policy in regard to marijuana after a police raid on a medical marijuana user who was growing plants in his home. He has said that he believes the country is in a time of transition in regard to marijuana policy citing California as a "social bellwether". In July 2011, McGinn signed a Seattle-specific medical marijuana bill similar to one vetoed by former governor Christine Gregoire. The bill allows the licensing of marijuana dispensaries within Seattle. Transportation

<mask> is a proponent of reducing car ridership and increasing bicycling, walking, and public transportation. He proposed raising taxes on car transportation. He has been described in a critical editorial as "philosophically anti-car".<mask> described the idea of a war on cars as "silly" and stated his transportation policy is focused on reducing the number of cars in Seattle and expanding biking, walking and public transit. From his time as a neighborhood activist in Greenwood to his mayoralty, <mask> pushed for the removal of car lanes and on-street parking around the city in favor of bus and bike lanes. He also supports the reduction of lanes dedicated to vehicular traffic within the city through

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 "road diets". These programs convert four lanes of traffic into two lanes, using the added space from lane reductions for the inclusion of bike lanes and a center turn lane. Some of these programs have been well received as improving safety for bicyclists and lowering vehicle speeds while others have been opposed as hurting local business and inappropriate for arterial routes. McGinn opposed the planned replacement of the Evergreen Point Floating Bridge that connects Seattle to Bellevue and Redmond. He tried to stop the plan, which calls for six lanes instead of four, citing his opposition to building new roads.McGinn opposed adding any traffic capacity and stated his desire to see the additional capacity instead used as transit-only lanes. He also supported tolling on the bridge in order to further diminish car usage. <mask> advocates expanding light rail in Seattle calling for a public vote in 2011 to raise taxes for a new light rail line for the western side of the city, including Ballard, Interbay, Queen Anne, Belltown, Downtown, West Seattle, and possibly Fremont. Proposed tunnel

During his campaign for mayor, McGinn said that the deep bore tunnel replacement of the Alaskan Way Viaduct was "a huge waste of money that's completely indefensible." His opposition to the tunnel was criticized by groups like the Greater Seattle Chamber of Commerce, the downtown business community, the King County Labor Council and the Seattle Times, which, in an editorial critical of both candidates, called McGinn's surface street plan "impractical" and claimed it would clog downtown and overwhelm nearby Interstate 5. Down in the polls during the final days of the campaign, <mask>, while reiterating his opposition to the tunnel, promised that as mayor he would honor the then-recent unanimous City Council vote to move forward with the project. After the election, state employee emails revealed a discomfort with the McGinn campaign by state government and transportation officials over McGinn's opposition to the tunnel.Ron Judd, an aide to Governor Gregoire, sent emails to staff and DOT officials saying McGinn's position was "BS" and accusing him of stoking populist anger and relying on voter's ignorance about funding details to advance opposition to the tunnel. Washington State Transportation Secretary Paula Hammond described McGinn's budget forecasting as "wild accusations" as she monitored a campaign debate on her Blackberry, and in response to questions raising concerns about her involvement in opposing the McGinn campaign said, "I can't stand it when politicians make things up in order to win an election. When people do that, I think it's our responsibility to clear the record. That's my motivation." State officials were criticized for supporting Mallahan and opposing McGinn, and for releasing a video of a 2007 computer animation showing collapse of the Alaskan Way Viaduct in a hypothetical earthquake just nine days before the election. After taking office McGinn repeatedly made efforts to stop construction of the tunnel. Citing potential cost overruns, he proposed a surface street replacement of the viaduct and the reduction of cars on that portion of the Washington State Route 99 corridor from 105,000 to 50,000 per weekday.He sais the lost traffic capacity could be offset by diverting more cars to Interstate 5, increased transit use, walking, biking and drivers staying home. In The Stranger in June 2010, during negotiations on a master contract with the state, McGinn wrote, "Ninety percent of megaprojects have cost overruns… Seattle has to pay overruns, but has no say over the project…[b]ecause the tunnel is a state-controlled project, and the state maintains all decision-making authority over it… Cost overruns could lead to severe cuts to basic services." In February 2011, when the Seattle City Council voted 8-1 to sign an agreement allowing the tunnel project to proceed, McGinn vetoed the ordinance. The City Council then overrode his veto, again 8-1. After the March 2011 Tōhoku earthquake in Japan, McGinn, citing the quake, called for the viaduct to be pulled down a year early. No plan to replace or mitigate the lost traffic capacity was put forward. The call was opposed by some businesses and transportation experts.The president of Ballard's North Seattle Industrial Association called the likely fallout of early closure "a horror show", citing the corridor's role as the primary arterial for workers, equipment and supplies between manufacturers along Seattle's two key manufacturing zones, the Duwamish Waterway and along the Lake Washington Ship Canal. Washington's State's Department of Transportation viaduct program administrator also opposed the idea, saying, "To simply close the viaduct without a reasonable replacement in place would be very damaging to the city of Seattle economically. To start over now and pursue a new alternative would delay the overall project schedule. The viaduct is just as vulnerable as it was before the earthquake in Japan." After having his veto on the tunnel overridden, <mask> called for a referendum on the tunnel. Two of his staff members took temporary leaves of absence to work on the anti-tunnel campaign and <mask> and his wife both donated money; Councilmember Sally Clark's aide took a leave of absence to run the pro-tunnel campaign. He called for others to support the measure and donate money.After the campaign turned in 29,000 signatures, Washington State Transportation Secretary Paula Hammond said that delays and court costs associated with the referendum would cost the city $54 million and Ron Paananen, the Alaskan Way Viaduct replacement project administrator, said should it succeed it would cost the city over $1 billion. Fellow tunnel opponent City Councilman Mike O'Brien said that, when looked at a different way, cancelling the tunnel would save the city $700 million. The resulting referendum, on which a yes-vote was effectively pro-tunnel, was approved by about 60% of Seattle voters. Social welfare and public safety

As both a candidate and a mayor, McGinn supported his predecessor's attempts to ban all guns from parks and other public places. After the King County Superior Court overturned the gun ban for violating state law, McGinn petitioned the state legislature to change the law. After a series of controversial police actions, McGinn laid out in his State of the City address that there was "no place" for police officers in Seattle who did not share city officials' commitment to racial and social justice. News reports said that a Seattle Police Officer's Guild spokesperson thought "it's scary that the mayor is trying to influence how officers perceive things".Later, in the aftermath of the shooting of transient woodcarver John T. Williams by a Seattle police officer, <mask> declared February 27 "John T. Williams Day." The declaration was met with a variety of reactions from activists, the media and community groups. Some media figures and police officers complained that honoring a man with a long criminal record who had been recorded threatening the lives of police officers was inappropriate and others claimed the declaration was political pandering designed to distract from perceived failures in his leadership. Conversely, many members of the community and the Williams family expressed gratitude and John Diaz, Seattle Chief of Police, declared the invitation to the event "an honor." In his first two years as mayor, <mask> spearheaded a new program in the Seattle Police Department to expand foot patrols around entertainment venues and nightlife hot spots during the summer, predominantly in the Belltown neighborhood. The program came in response to several early-morning shootings outside bars and nightclubs. The emphasis of the program is to preempt crime in the area on evenings and weekends.Additional neighborhoods targeted for increased patrols were Alki beach and the Greek Row around the University of Washington. <mask> and an advisory panel of advocates for the homeless that he appointed called for the creation of a "long-term" housing facility for the homeless on city land. The panel forwarded seven different locations for the mayor's consideration. After initially choosing a site in the Georgetown neighborhood, McGinn elected to have the old Fire Station 39 in Lake City act as the site for a period of four to six months. In March 2011, the City Council rejected McGinn's plan for the permanent facility in Georgetown, citing the mayor's failure to secure the environmental review required by state law in order to make the necessary zoning changes. McGinn's criticized the Council and tried to draw a parallel to the Council's decision on the Alaskan Way Viaduct Tunnel project, saying, "They approved agreements with the state [for the tunnel] even though the environmental review is far from complete". The homeless facility was expected to cost approximately a half million dollars a year.McGinn vetoed a ban on aggressive panhandling that was passed by a 5-4 vote of the Seattle city council. Supporters said the law was designed to cut down on aggressive panhandlers using intimidating language and gestures, begging at ATMs, repeatedly soliciting people who have already said no or blocking people's path while soliciting money. He cited concerns about free speech rights, the panhandlers not having access to lawyers, and that the bill could compel people into mental health and drug treatment programs instead of what he called the "normal civil commitment process." In a "stunning display" of the clout of McGinn and his political allies to stop a measure that was widely expected to be implemented, the city council failed to override his veto of the panhandling law. Relations with organized labor
In his campaign for mayor, McGinn received the endorsements of several unions, including IBEW Local 77, SEIU Local 925, and UFCW Local 21. The King County Labor Council endorsed Mallahan, mainly because of McGinn's opposition to the tunnel to replace the viaduct, described by unions as a "deal breaker" that would cause the city and its unions to lose jobs and billions of dollars from the State of Washington and the federal government. The tunnel would have been partially funded by city, state, and federal governments, bringing federal money into the state and supporting the building industry.Seattle Firefighters Union Local 27 and the Seattle Police Officers Guild (SPOG) also endorsed Mallahan. SPOG President Rich O'Neill went on record at a news conference to criticize <mask>'s lack of an adequate policy position regarding public safety. <mask>'s prescriptions in 2010 for the city budget shortfall included additional furloughing of city employees, and were opposed by local public employee unions. Public approval
In February 2010, two months after his election, <mask>'s job approval was polled by SurveyUSA at 40% approve, 34% disapprove, and 27% unsure. By July, in a KING 5 poll, his approval was 45%, disapproving 38%, and 17% unsure. In March 2011, a poll by Elway Research reported public opinion of his performance as 4% excellent, 28% good, 39% fair, 27% poor, and 6% no opinion. A poll published by EMC Research in June 2011 showed a job approval rating of 33% and a disapproval rating of 65% in March.The same poll conducted in June showed a job approval of 23% and a disapproval of 73%. A SurveyUSA poll released on February 21, 2012, showed 33% approve, 50% disapprove, and 18% unsure. References

External links

Office of the Mayor: Mike McGinn
Biking to Work with Seattle's Mayor <mask> - Video by Streetfilms
CityMayors profile

1959 births
Mayors of Seattle
Washington (state) Democrats
University of Washington School of Law alumni
Sierra Club people
Living people
21st-century American

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