title: Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh

texts:
<mask>, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry,  (18 June 1769 – 12 August 1822), usually known as Lord Castlereagh, derived from the courtesy title Viscount Castlereagh ( ) by which he was styled from 1796 to 1821, was an Anglo-Irish politician and statesman. As secretary to the Viceroy of Ireland, he worked to suppress the Rebellion of 1798 and to secure passage in 1800 of the Irish Act of Union. As the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom from 1812, he was central to the management of the coalition that defeated Napoleon, and was British plenipotentiary at the Congress of Vienna. In the post-war government of Lord Liverpool, Castlereagh was seen to support harsh measures against agitation for reform. Taking his own life, he died in office in 1822. Early in his career in Ireland, and following a visit to revolutionary France, Castlereagh recoiled from the democratic politics of his Presbyterian constituents in Ulster. Crossing the floor of the Irish Commons in support of the government, he took a leading role in detaining members of the republican conspiracy, the United Irishmen, his former political associates among them.After the 1798 Rebellion, as Chief Secretary for Ireland he pushed the Act of Union through the Irish Parliament. But it was without the Catholic Emancipation that both he and British Prime Minister William Pitt believed should have accompanied the creation of a United Kingdom. From 1804 Castlereagh served under Pitt and then the Duke of Portland as Secretary of State for War. In 1809 he was obliged to resign after fighting a duel with the Foreign Secretary, George Canning, in a dispute over the Walcheren Expedition. In 1812 Castlereagh returned to government serving Lord Liverpool as Foreign Secretary and as Leader of the House of Commons. Castlereagh organised and financed the alliance that defeated Napoleon, bringing the powers together at the Treaty of Chaumont in 1814. After Napoleon's second abdication in 1815, Castlereagh worked with the European courts represented at the Congress of Vienna to frame the territorial, and broadly conservative, continental order that was to hold until mid century.He blocked harsh terms against France believing that a treaty based on vengeance and retaliation would upset a necessary balance of powers. France was restored to the frontiers of 1791, and her British-occupied colonies were returned. In 1820 Castlereagh enunciated a policy of non-intervention, proposing that Britain hold herself aloof from continental affairs. After 1815, at home Castlereagh supported repressive measures that linked him in public opinion to the Peterloo Massacre of 1819. Widely reviled in both Ireland and Great Britain, overworked, and personally distressed, Castlereagh committed suicide in 1822. His biographer John Bew writes:
No British statesman of the 19th century reached the same level of international influence....But very few have been so maligned by their own countrymen and so abused in history. This shy and handsome Ulsterman is perhaps the most hated domestic political figure in both modern British and Irish political history.Early life and career in Ireland
<mask> was born on 18 June 1769 in 28 Henry Street, in Dublin's Northside. He was the second and only surviving child of <mask> (the elder) and his wife Sarah Frances Seymour-Conway. His parents married in 1766. The Stewarts
The Stewarts had been a Scottish family settled in Donegal whose fortunes had been transformed by the marriage of Castlereagh's grandfather Alexander Stewart to an East India Company heiress. The legacy from <mask>, the former Governor of Bombay, allowed for the purchase of extensive properties in north Down including the future family demesne, Mount Stewart, on the shores of Strangford Lough. As a Presbyterian (a "Dissenter"), rather than a member of the established Anglican Communion (the Church of Ireland), Castlereagh's father, <mask>, had an easy reputation as a friend of reform. In 1771, and again in 1776, he was elected from County Down to the Irish House of Commons.In 1778 he joined the Irish Volunteer movement, raising and armed and drilled company from his estates. In parliament and among the Volunteers, he was a friend and supporter of Lord Charlemont and his policy. This favoured Volunteer agitation for the independence of Ireland's Acendancy parliament, but not for its reform and not for Catholic emancipation. In 1798, the elder <mask> was created Baron Londonderry in 1789, Viscount Castlereagh in 1795, and Earl of Londonderry in 1796 by King George III, enabling him from the Act of Union of 1800 onwards to sit at Westminster in the House of Lords as an Irish representative peer. In 1816 he was elevated to Marquess of Londonderry

Young <mask>'s mother died in childbirth when he was a year old. Lady Sarah Frances Seymour-Conway had been the daughter of Francis Seymour-Conway, 1st Marquess of Hertford and Isabella Fitzroy. Lord Hertford was a former British Ambassador to France (1764–65) and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1765–66).Isabella Fitzroy was a daughter of Charles FitzRoy, 2nd Duke of Grafton. Five years later his father married Lady Frances Pratt, the independent-minded daughter of Charles Pratt, 1st Earl Camden (1714–94), a leading English jurist and prominent political supporter of both William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham, and his son, William Pitt the Younger. The marriages of the elder <mask> linked his family with the upper ranks of English nobility and political elites. The Camden connection was to be especially important for the political careers of the older and the younger <mask>. By Frances Pratt, his father's second wife, young <mask> had eleven half-siblings, including his half-brother Charles William Stewart (later Vane), Baron Stewart of Stewart's Court and Ballylawn in County Donegal (1814) and 3rd Marquess of Londonderry (1822). Education
The younger <mask> suffered from recurring health problems throughout his childhood, and was sent to The Royal School, Armagh, rather than to England for his secondary education. At the encouragement of Charles Pratt, first Earl of Camden, who took a great interest in him and treated him as if he had been a grandson by blood, he later attended St. John's College, Cambridge (1786–87), where he applied himself with greater diligence than expected from an aristocrat and excelled in his first-year examinations.But he then withdrew, pleading an illness that he admitted to Camden was something "which cannot be directly acknowledged before women", i.e. something sexually transmitted. Independent MP
In the summer of 1790, Stewart was elected as a Member of the Irish Parliament for his family's Down constituency. In county with an exceptionally large number of enfranchised freeholders, his campaign pitted him in a popular contest against the nominees of the county's established Ascendancy families, and on that basis alone he won the sympathy and support of Belfast's Northern Whig Club. But it was his conscious strategy to capitalise on strong Volunteer and reform sentiments. In a letter to the Belfast Newsletter he declared for parliamentary reform (reform that would have abolished the pocket boroughs that allowed Ascendancy families, in addition to their presence in the House of Lords, to control seats in the Commons). In doing so, he won the support of many who, later despairing of parliamentary "patriots", were to enter the ranks of the United Irishmen.In the House of Commons Stewart spurned an offer of a place in government and sat as an independent. But otherwise he made little impression and was judged a poor speaker. Reflections on the Revolution in France

In July 1791, having both read Reflections on the Revolution in France by Edmund Burke (a family friend) and learned that in Belfast Irish Volunteers were preparing to celebrate Bastille Day, Stewart decided to judge events in France for himself. In Spa in the Austrian Netherlands he had difficulty in empathising with the wholly reactionary outlook of the French emigres. But after passing into France in November, he conceded that while he did not "like" the government of Ireland, "I prefer it to a revolution". Stewart was not convinced of Burke's contention that the revolution would produce a French Cromwell, although he recognised that outside Paris the principles of liberty were not as entrenched. As the revolutionary factions, the Jacobins and Girondins, struggled to supremacy in the capital, it was "the nation at large" that would "ultimately decide between them".In "an early example of [his] scepticism about foreign intervention", Stewart argued it was beyond her neighbours to give government to France. The Austrian Emperor might march his troops to Paris, but unless he was prepared to keep them there the Ancien Régime restored would again collapse. Stewart returned to the Austrian Netherlands in the autumn of 1792, but was unable to cross the now military frontlines into France. However news of the Jacobin triumph in Paris, and, following her victory at Valmy, the prospect of France carrying defence of the revolution beyond her frontiers, convinced him that "it would not be long before he had to face his own 'Jacobins' in Ireland". When in 1793 he returned to the parliament in Dublin, Stewart spoke in favour of the Catholic Relief Bill. In doing so he was supporting the policy of British Prime Minister William Pitt.who determined that Catholic opinion be concilated in preparation for the impending war with the new, anti-clericalist, French Republic. Stewart, while calling for the removal of their remaining civil disabilities, did stop short of endorsing the bill's extension to Catholics of the (limited) franchise.However, his loyalty to Pitt now seemed unconditional. In 1794, partly as a result of the promotion of Stewart's interests by his Camden connections, Stewart was offered the Government-controlled seat of Tregony in Cornwall. In 1796, he transferred to a seat for the Suffolk constituency of Orford, which was in the interest of his mother's family, the Seymour-Conways (Marquess of Hertford). He held these seats simultaneously with his county seat in Ireland. Marriage
In 1794, Stewart married Amelia (Emily) Hobart, a daughter of John Hobart, 2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire, a former British Ambassador to Russia (1762–65) and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1776–80). Her mother, Caroline Conolly, was the granddaughter of William Conolly, Speaker of the Irish House of Commons in the early 18th century and one of the wealthiest landowners in Ireland. Caroline's brother, Thomas Conolly, was married to Louisa Lennox, sister of Emily FitzGerald, Duchess of Leinster, whose son and Emily's cousin-by-marriage, Lord Edward FitzGerald was a leader of the United Irishmen and one of their martyrs in the early stages of the Irish Rebellion of 1798.Emily Stewart was well known as a hostess for her husband in both Ireland and London and during some of his most important diplomatic missions. In later years she was a leader of Regency London high society as one of the Lady Patronesses of Almack's. She is noted in contemporary accounts for her attractiveness, volubility and eccentricities. By all accounts, the two remained devoted to each other to the end, but they had no children. The couple did, however, care for the young Frederick Stewart, while his father, Stewart's half-brother, Charles, was serving in the army. Chief Secretary for Ireland

Suppression of the United Irishmen

In 1795, Pitt replaced as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, William Fitzwilliam, who had urged that the emancipation of Catholic be completed with their admission to parliament, with Stewart's uncle, the 2nd Earl Camden. Camden's arrival in Dublin was greeted with riots, and that year Stewart crossed the floor of the Irish House of Commons to join the supporters of the government, the Dublin Castle executive.Stewart became an essential adviser to the inexperienced and unpopular Lord Lieutenant, who was Stewart's senior by only ten years. In August 1796 Stewart's father was elevated to the title Earl of Londonderry. As his son, Stewart was henceforth styled Viscount Castlereagh. In September, acting upon evidence of communication with the French, Castlereagh personally led troops in a series of raids in Belfast and its environs (the "Siege of Belfast") that netted leading members of the United Irishmen. Among them were men who had supported him in the election of 1790. Originating in Belfast among Presbyterian celebrants of the American and French revolutions, the republican conspiracy had spread rapidly in Ulster and, in league with the Catholic Defenders across the Irish midlands. In County Down, Castlereagh's father had difficulty in raising a loyalist yoemanry among his tenants and eventually, with all rent withheld, Mount Stewart was placed under armed guard.In December 1796, a large French expedition to Ireland  failed to effect a landing at Bantry Bay, but due only to contrary winds. As an officer in the militia, Castlereagh was well apprised of lack of preparedness to meet a combination of professional French soldiery and the countrywide insurgency it would likely trigger. In February 1797, Castlereagh was at last appointed to the Dublin Castle administration as Keeper of the King's Signet for Ireland. Following a declaration of martial law he was made both a Lord of the Treasury and a Member of the Privy Council of Ireland (1797–1800). At the urging of Camden, Castlereagh assumed many of the onerous duties of the often-absent Chief Secretary for Ireland who was responsible for day-to-day administration and asserting the influence of Dublin Castle in the House of Commons. In this capacity, and after March 1798 as Acting Chief Secretary, Castlereagh played a key role in crushing the United Irish rising when it came in May and June 1798. In

masks:
Robert Stewart
Robert
Robert Stewart
Robert Cowan
Robert Stewart
Robert Stewart
Robert
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title: Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh

type: original

texts:
 November 1798, Castlereagh was formally appointed to the office of Chief Secretary by Camden's successor, Lord Cornwallis.Executions of William Orr and James Porter
<mask>'s general policy was to offer immediate clemency to the rebel rank-and-file (many of whom were then inducted into the yeomanry) while focusing on the politically committed leadership. But already before the rebellion he had begun to earn the sobriquet "Bloody Castlereagh". In October 1797 his step mother, Lady Frances, had petitioned Camden for the life of William Orr. On a charge of administering the United Irish test to two soldiers, Orr had been named on the same warrant that Castlereagh had used in the roundup of the previous September. The judge reportedly broke down in tears as he read the death sentence which the popular journalist Peter Finnerty credited to Castlereagh's insistence on making an example in the face of the growing French fever. (In 1811, Castlereagh successfully had Finnerty convicted for libel). After the rebellion (during which Mount Stewart was briefly occupied),  Castlrereagh was content that leading United Irishmen in the Presbyterian north be allowed American exile.Exception was made in the case of the James Porter, executed  (again despite the entreaties of Lady Frances) following a court martial before Castlereagh's father, Lord Londonderry. Porter, who had been his family's Presbyterian minister and, in 1790, his election agent, had become a household name in Ulster as the author of a satire of the county gentry, Billy Bluff, in which Londonderry was serially lampooned as an inarticulate tyrant. The Act of Union and the promise of Emancipation
In 1799, in furtherance of both his own political vision and Pitt's policies, Castlereagh began lobbying in the Irish and British Parliaments for a union that would incorporate Ireland with Great Britain in a United Kingdom. In addition to security against the French, Castlereagh saw the principal merit of a bringing Ireland directly under the Crown in the Westminster Parliament as a resolution of what ultimately was the key issue for the governance of the country, the Catholic question. "Linked with England", he reasoned that "the Protestants, feeling less exposed, would be more confident and liberal", while Catholics, reduced to a minority within the larger kingdom, would lower their expectations and moderate their demands. During the campaign for the Act of Union, both Castlereagh and Cornwallis had, in good faith, forwarded informal assurances they had received from Pitt's Cabinet to the Irish Catholics that they would be allowed to sit in the new United Kingdom Parliament. However, opposition in England, and not least from the King, George III, obliged Castlereagh to defy what he saw as "the very logic of the Union."The Union bill that, with a generous distribution of titles and favours, he helped put through the Irish Parliament omitted the provision for Catholic emancipation. A separate Irish executive in Dublin was retained, but representation, still wholly Protestant, was transferred to Westminster constituted as the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Pitt had tried to follow through on his commitment, but when it came to light that the King had approached Henry Addington, an opponent of Catholic emancipation, about becoming Prime Minister to replace him, both Castlereagh and Pitt resigned. Castlereagh would long be held personally responsible by many Catholics in Ireland for the breach of promise and the British Government's failure to remove their remaining political disabilities. Loss of his home constituency

While in Dublin, Castlereagh had been a member of the Kildare Street Club, which was at the heart of the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy. The Ascendancy, however, was not quick to forgive Castlereagh for the loss of their parliament. In 1805 the Dowager Marchioness of Downshire, broke her family's electoral truce with the Stewarts in County Down and forced Castlereagh to defend his (now Westminster) parliamentary seat.Despite the prestige of a new cabinet position in London, <mask> was defeated in a campaign marked by repeated aspersions on his failure to father a child, and by the taunts of those who, otherwise no friends of the Downshires, reminded him of the principles on which he had stood in 1790. On his return to London, the Treasury found him an alternative English seat, Boroughbridge, a government controlled rotten borough. Having conciliated the Downshires and able to ride the victories of Arthur Wellesley (future Duke of Wellington), the reputed Ulsterman he had appointed to command in the Peninsular War, in 1812 Castlereagh avenged his humiliation, and recovered the family seat. Secretary for War
In the new Parliament of the United Kingdom the tensions within the ruling Tories over Catholic emancipation abated, and after obtaining his desired cessation of hostilities with France (the Peace of Amiens), Henry Addington brought <mask> into the Cabinet as President of the Board of Control. He chief task was to mediate the bitter disputes between the Governor-General of India, Richard Wellesley (the brother of Arthur Wellesley) and the Directors of the East India Company, smoothing quarrels while generally supporting Lord Wellesley's policies. After the renewal of the war against Napoleon, at the urging of Castlereagh and other long-time supporters, in 1804 Pitt returned as Prime Minister, and <mask> was promoted to Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. As the only other member of Pitt's cabinet in the House of Commons, Castlereagh became Pitt's political deputy, taking on ever more burdens as Pitt's health continued to decline.After Pitt's death in 1806, Castlereagh resigned amid the chaos of the Ministry of All the Talents. When that Government collapsed, Castlereagh again became Secretary of State for War and the Colonies in 1807, this time in the ministry of the Duke of Portland. The bombardment of Copenhagen in 1807 and in 1809 (with the Dowager Marchioness of Downshire again manoeuvring against him) the debacle of the Walcheren Expedition, subjected Castlereagh to hostile scrutiny. Duel with Canning
Foreign Secretary George Canning claimed to have opposed the Walcheren Expedition, to have dismissed the landing on the Dutch coast as an ill-advised, ill-prepared diversion of troops from the Peninsular War. Castlereagh had the support of General Wellesley, and evidence later surfaced that Canning himself had interfered with the plan, selecting the Earl of Chatham to command the expedition. The Portland government became increasingly paralysed by disputes between the two men. Portland was in deteriorating health and gave no lead, until Canning threatened resignation unless Castlereagh was removed.When Castlereagh discovered Canning's terms had been accepted, he challenged the Foreign Secretary to a duel. The duel was fought on 21 September 1809 on Putney Heath. Canning missed but Castlereagh wounded his opponent in the thigh. There was much outrage that two cabinet ministers had sought to settle their differences in such a manner, and they both felt compelled to resign. Six months later, Canning published a full account of his actions in the affair, but many who had initially rallied to him  became convinced Castlereagh had been betrayed by his cabinet colleague. Foreign Secretary

Three years later, in 1812, Castlereagh returned to the government, this time as Foreign Secretary, a role in which he served for the next ten years. He also became leader of the House of Commons in the wake of Spencer Perceval's assassination in 1812.Treaty of Chaumont
In his role of Foreign Secretary he was instrumental in negotiating what has become known as the quadruple alliance between Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia at Chaumont in March 1814, in the negotiation of the Treaty of Paris that brought peace with France, and at the Congress of Vienna. The Treaty of Chaumont was part of the final deal offered to Napoleon Bonaparte in 1814. Napoleon rejected it and it never took effect. However, the key terms reaffirmed decisions that had been made already. These decisions were again ratified and put into effect by the Congress of Vienna of 1814–1815. The terms were largely written by Lord <mask>, who offered cash subsidies to keep the other armies in the field against Napoleon. Key terms included the establishment of a confederated Germany, the division of Italy into independent states, the restoration of the Bourbon kings of Spain, and the enlargement of the Netherlands to include what in 1830 would become modern Belgium.The treaty of Chaumont became the cornerstone of the European Alliance which formed the balance of power for decades. Historian G. M. Trevelyan argues:
In 1813 and 1814 Castlereagh played the part that William III and Marlborough had played more than a hundred years before, in holding together an alliance of jealous, selfish, weak-kneed states and princes, by a vigour of character and singleness of purpose that held Metternich, the Czar, and the King of Prussia on the common track until the goal was reached. It is quite possible that, but for the lead taken by Castlereagh in the allied counsels, France would never have been reduced to her ancient limits, nor Napoleon dethroned. Congress of Vienna
At the Congress of Vienna, Castlereagh designed and proposed a form of collective and collaborative security for Europe, then called a Congress system. In the Congress system, the main signatory powers met periodically (every two years or so) and collectively managed European affairs. This system was used in an attempt to address the Polish-Saxon crisis at Vienna and the question of Greek independence at Laibach. The following ten years saw five European Congresses where disputes were resolved with a diminishing degree of effectiveness.Finally, by 1822, the whole system had collapsed because of the irreconcilable differences of opinion among Britain, Austria, and Russia, and because of the lack of support for the Congress system in British public opinion. The Holy Alliance, which Castlereagh opposed, lingered a little longer. The order created by the Congress of Vienna was a mood that lasted much longer and worked to prevent major European wars until the First World War in 1914. Some scholars and historians have seen the Congress system as a forerunner of the modern collective security, international unity, and cooperative agreements of NATO, the EU, the League of Nations, and the United Nations. In the years 1812 to 1822, Castlereagh continued to manage Britain's foreign policy, generally pursuing a policy of continental engagement uncharacteristic of British foreign policy in the nineteenth century. Castlereagh was not an effective public speaker and his diplomatic presentation style was at times abstruse. Henry Kissinger says he developed a reputation for integrity, consistency, and goodwill, which was perhaps unmatched by any diplomat of that era.Abolition of the slave trade

Abolitionist opinion in Britain was  strong enough in 1807 to abolish the slave trade in all British possessions—although slavery itself persisted in the colonies until 1833. Abolitionists after 1807 focused on international agreements to abolish the Atlantic slave trade. Castlereagh switched his position and became a strong supporter of the movement. Britain arranged treaties with Portugal, Sweden and Denmark, 1810–1814, whereby they agreed to restrict their trading. These were preliminary to the Congress of Vienna negotiations that Castlereagh dominated and which resulted in a general declaration condemning the slave trade. The problem was that the treaties and declarations were hard to enforce, given the very high profits available to private interests. As Foreign Minister, Castlereagh cooperated with senior officials to use the Royal Navy to detect and capture slave ships; the freed slaves were sent to freedom in a new British colony of Sierra Leone.He used diplomacy to conclude search-and-seize agreements with all the countries whose ships were trading. There was serious friction with the United States, where the southern slave interest was politically powerful. Washington recoiled at British policing of the high seas. Spain, France and Portugal also relied on the international slave trade to supply their colonial plantations. As more and more diplomatic arrangements were made by Castlereagh, the owners of slave ships started flying false flags of nations that had not agreed, especially the United States. It was illegal under American law for American ships to engage in the slave trade, but the idea of Britain enforcing American laws was unacceptable to Washington. Lord Palmerston continued the Castlereagh policies.Eventually, in 1842 in 1845, an arrangement was reached between London and Washington. With the arrival of a staunchly anti-slavery government in Washington in 1861, the Atlantic slave trade was doomed. In the long run, Castlereagh's strategy on how to stifle the trade proved successful. Nonintervention in European affairs
In May 1820 Castlereagh circulated to high officials a major state paper that set the main British policy for the rest of the century. Temperley and Penson call it, "the most famous State Paper in British history and the one of the widest ultimate consequences." Castlereagh called for no British intervention in continental affairs. He argued that the purpose of the Quadruple Alliance was to contain France and put down revolutions.But the Spanish revolt did not threaten European peace nor any of the great powers. Castlereagh said that in actual practice the powers would seldom be able to agree on concerted action, and he pointed out that British public opinion would not support interventions. He admitted that individual states could

masks: Castlereagh Castlereagh Castlereagh Castlereagh Castlereagh


title: Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh

texts:
 indeed intervene in affairs in their recognized sphere of interest, such as Austria's intervention in Italy. Lampooning by Thomas Moore
As a press, or squib, writer for the Whigs, Thomas Moore, better remembered as Ireland's national bard, mercilessly lampooned Castlereagh. In what were the "verbal equivalents of the political cartoons of the day",Tom Crib's Memorial to Congress (1818) and  "Fables for the Holy Alliance" (1823), Moore savages Castlereagh's pirouetting with Britain's reactionary continental allies. Widely read, so that Moore eventually produced a sequel, was his verse novel The Fudge Family in Paris (1818). The family of an Irishman working as a propagandist for Castlereagh in Paris, the Fudges are accompanied by an accomplished tutor and classicist, Phelim Connor.An upright but disillusioned Irish Catholic, his letters to a friend reflect Moore's own views. Connor's regular epistolary denunciations of Castlereagh had two recurrent themes. First is Castlereagh as "the embodiment of the sickness with which Ireland had infected British politics as a consequence of the union": "We sent thee Castlereagh--as heaps of dead Have slain their slayers by the pest they spread". The second is that at the time of the Acts of Union Castlereagh's support for Catholic emancipation had been disingenuous. Castlereagh had been master of "that faithless craft" which can "cart the slave, can swear he shall be freed", but then "basely spurns him" when his "point is gain'd." This imputation that he had betrayed his country, bloodied his hands in 1798 and deliberately deceived Catholics at the time of the Union, reportedly wounded Castlereagh. Moore learned from a mutual connection that Castlereagh had said that "the humorous and laughing things he did not at all mind, but the verses of the Tutor in the Fudge Family were quite another sort of thing, and were in very bad taste indeed".For openly casting the same aspersions against the former Chief Secretary, in 1811 the London-based Irish publisher, and former United Irishman, Peter Finnerty was sentenced to eighteen months for libel. Decline and death

Despite his contributions to the defeat of Napoleon and restoration of peace, Castlereagh became extremely unpopular at home. He was attacked in the House of Commons by the Opposition for his support of repressive European governments, while the public resented his role in handling the Commons side of the divorce of George IV and Queen Caroline. He was also condemned for his association with repressive measures of the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth (the former Prime Minister Addington). As Leader of the House of Commons for the Liverpool Government, he was often called upon to defend government policy in the House. He had to support the widely reviled measures taken by Sidmouth and the others, including the infamous Six Acts, to remain in cabinet and continue his diplomatic work. For these reasons, Castlereagh appears with other members of Lord Liverpool's Cabinet in Shelley's poem The Masque of Anarchy, which was inspired by, and heavily critical of, the Peterloo Massacre:

I met Murder on the way –
He had a mask like Castlereagh –
Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
Seven bloodhounds followed him.All were fat; and well they might
Be in admirable plight,
For one by one, and two by two,
He tossed them human hearts to chew
Which from his wide cloak he drew. After the death of his father in April 1821, which "greatly afflicted him", Castlereagh became the 2nd Marquess of Londonderry. Although ineligible to continue sitting for an Irish constituency, as a non-representative Irish peer he was eligible to sit in the House of Commons for an English seat. Preparations had already been made, and he was able to vacate Down and swiftly win a by-election for his uncle Lord Hertford's borough of Orford (of which he had been an MP between 1796 and 1797). He also stood in good favour with the new King, George IV, who openly proposed to dismiss Lord Liverpool and appoint Castlereagh in his stead. Castlereagh's relations with his colleagues, however, were beginning to break down, possibly under the influence of paranoia. In March 1821, he told his brother he lacked able support on the government benches, and that his parliamentary labours were 'difficult to endure'.By 1822, he was showing clear signs of a form of paranoia or a nervous breakdown. He was severely overworked with both his responsibilities in leading the government in the House and the never-ending diplomacy required to manage conflicts among the other major powers. His oratory in the House had never been of the highest calibre, but now he was considered to be practically incoherent. He spoke of resigning his office if matters did not improve. Castlereagh began confessing to what was at the time criminal activity. He had already told his friend Mrs Arbuthnot that he was being blackmailed for an alleged homosexual offence; and at a 9 August meeting with the King, Castlereagh was distracted, said he was being mysteriously watched by a servant, that he had committed all manner of crimes, and remarked, "I am accused of the same crime as the Bishop of Clogher." Percy Jocelyn, who had been the Bishop of Clogher until the previous month, was prosecuted for homosexuality.The King concluded he was unwell, and urged him to rest. The King then sent a message to Lord Liverpool warning him of Castlereagh's illness; Liverpool initially failed to take the matter seriously and dismissed the message. Later that day, however, Castlereagh met with the Duke of Wellington, his cabinet colleague. Castlereagh behaved much as he had done with the King; Wellington bluntly told Castlereagh he was not in his right mind, advised him to see a doctor, and alerted Castlereagh's personal physician Dr. Charles Bankhead, as well as Castlereagh's friends the Arbuthnots. On the advice of Dr Bankhead, Castlereagh went to his country seat at Woollet Hall in Water Lane, North Cray, Kent, for a weekend stay. He continued to be distressed, ranting wildly about conspiracies and threats to his life, to the concern of his friends and family. No special watch was kept on him, however, his wife saw to it that his pistols and razors were locked away.Lady Castlereagh wrote to the King informing him that her husband would be unable to continue with official business. The King responded with a note to Castlereagh that his minister did not live to read: "Remember of what importance Your Health is to the Country but above all things to Me". At about 7:30am on the morning of 12 August 1822 he sent for Bankhead, who found him in a dressing room seconds after he had cut his own throat, using a small knife which had been overlooked. He collapsed when Bankhead entered, and died almost instantly. Retrospective speculative diagnoses vary. At the time, his brother blamed "the intrigues that were carried on by the women surrounding the king" (the King's mistress, Lady Conyngham, was not on good terms with Castlereagh's wife). George Agar Ellis, on the other hand,  concluded Castlereagh was disillusioned by "the nothingness of human grandeurs... the sad effects which disappointment and chagrin may have on a mind in which religion is not uppermost, for I have no doubt that the sad and apparently irretrievable state of affairs in England was the real cause of ... [his] unfortunate state of mind."Later verdicts attribute the problem to overwork and mental stress, or to "a psychotic depressive illness". Other theories link various instances of (at the time) little explained illness to syphilis, possibly contracted at Cambridge. Reaction to his death
An inquest concluded that the act had been committed while insane, avoiding the harsh strictures of a felo de se verdict. The verdict allowed Lady Londonderry to see her husband buried with honour in Westminster Abbey near his mentor, William Pitt. The pallbearers included the Prime Minister Lord Liverpool, the former Prime Minister Lord Sidmouth and two future Prime Ministers, the Duke of Wellington and Frederick Robinson. Some radicals, notably William Cobbett, claimed a "cover-up" within the government and viewed the verdict and Castlereagh's public funeral as a damning indictment of the elitism and privilege of the unreformed electoral system. At his funeral on 20 August, the crowds which lined the funeral route were generally respectful and decorous, but some jeering and insults were heard (although not to the level of unanimity projected in the radical press); and there was cheering when the coffin was taken out of the hearse at the Abbey door.A funeral monument was not erected until 1850 when his half-brother and successor, Charles Stewart Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry did so. Some time after <mask>'s death, Lord Byron wrote a savage quip about his grave:

Posterity will ne'er survey
A nobler grave than this:
Here lie the bones of Castlereagh:
Stop, traveller, and piss. Some of his opponents were damning in their verdicts. Thomas Creevy defied "any human being to discover a single feature of his character that can stand a moment’s criticism. By experience, good manners and great courage, he managed a corrupt House of Commons pretty well, with some address. This is the whole of his intellectual merit. He had a limited understanding and no knowledge, and his whole life was spent in an avowed, cold-blooded contempt of every honest public principle."Sir <mask> believed that there had never been "a greater enemy to civil liberty or a baser slave." Others of Castlereagh's political opponents were more gracious in their epigrams. Henry Brougham, a Whig politician and later the Lord Chancellor, who had battled frequently with Castlereagh, once almost to the point of calling him out, and had denigrated his skills as Leader, wrote in the week following <mask>'s death:

Put all their other men together in one scale, and poor Castlereagh in the other – single he plainly weighed them down ... One can't help feeling a little for him, after being pitted against him for several years, pretty regularly. It is like losing a connection suddenly. Also he was a gentleman, and the only one amongst them. Modern historians stress the success of Castlereagh's career in spite of the hatred and ignominy he suffered. Trevelyan contrasts his positive achievements and his pitiful failures.His diplomacy was applauded by historians. For example, in 1919 diplomatic historians recommended his wise policies of 1814–1815 to the British delegation to the Paris peace conferences that ended the First World War. Historian R. J. White underscores the paradox:

Styles
<mask> acquired the courtesy title <mask> Castlereagh in 1796 when his father was created Earl of Londonderry in the Irish peerage. Upon his father's death in 1821, he succeeded as 2nd Marquess of Londonderry, a title to which his father had been raised in 1816. His younger half-brother, the soldier, politician and diplomat Charles Stewart (later Vane) succeeded him as 3rd Marquess of Londonderry in 1822. He was styled through his life as follows:
<mask>, Esquire (1769–1789)
The Honourable <mask> (1789–1796)
Viscount Castlereagh (1796–1797)
The Right Honourable <mask> Castlereagh (1797–1814)
The Right Honourable <mask>, KG (1814–1821)
The Most Honourable Marquess of Londonderry, KG, GCH, PC, PC (Ire) (1821–1822)

Memorials and tributes
Castlereagh Street in Sydney was named after him in 1810 by Governor Macquarie.The Sydney suburb locality of Castlereagh was also named after him by Macquarie in 1810. The Castlereagh River in north-western New South Wales was dedicated to him in 1818 by George Evans and explored by John Oxley. The New South Wales electoral seat of Castlereagh also carried his name from 1904 until 1991. See also
, two ships named for Lord Castlereagh

Notes, citations, and sources

Notes

Citations

Sources
 – A to C (for hamlet of Castlereagh)

 – L to M (for Londonderry)
 – Scotland and Ireland

 (for timeline)

 – (especially for early years, access to family papers)

Further reading
Bew, John. Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny, London: Quercus (2011)
 review essay by Jack Gumpert Wasserman, in The Byron Journal (2013)  Vol. 41, No. 1 online
Cecil, Algernon.British Foreign Secretaries 1807-1916 (1927) pp 1–52.online
Charmley,  John, "Castlereagh and France." Diplomacy and Statecraft 17.4 (2006): 665–673. Coburn, Helen. A Gentleman Among Them: The Public and Private Life of Viscount Castlereagh (Cestus 2016). Available as e-book at amazon.com. Derry, John W. Castlereagh, London: A. Lane (1976)
Goodlad, Graham."From Castlereagh to Canning: Continuity and Change in British Foreign Policy," History Review (2008) Issue: 62. pp10+ online
Hayes, Paul. Modern British Foreign Policy: The nineteenth century, 1814–80 (1975). Lawrence, Thomas, and C. J. Bartlett. The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, 1812–1815, Britain and the European Alliance (1925) online
King, David. Vienna 1814; How the Conquerors of Napoleon Made Love, War, and Peace at the Congress of Vienna, (Random House, 2008)
Muir, Rory. Britain and the defeat of Napoleon, 1807–1815, New Haven: Yale University Press (1966)
Harold Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna, Constable & Co Ltd, UK/Harcourt Brace and Company (1946)online
Perkins, Bradford. Castlereagh and Adams: England and the United States, 1812–1823, Berkeley: University of California Press (1964)
Schroeder, Paul W. The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848 (1996), European diplomatic history online

Zamoyski, Adam.Rites of Peace; the Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna, HarperCollins Publishers (2007)

Primary sources
Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry, edited by his brother, Charles William (Stewart) Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry, London: John Murray (1848–53) in 12 volumes
Sir

masks:
Castlereagh
Robert Wilson
Castlereagh
Robert Stewart
Viscount
Robert Stewart
Robert Stewart
Viscount
Viscount Castlegh


title: Showell Styles

texts:
<mask> (14 March 1908 – 19 February 2005) was an English writer and mountaineer. <mask> was born in Four Oaks, Birmingham and educated at Bishop Vesey's Grammar School in nearby Sutton Coldfield. His father <mask> was also born in Four Oaks, in 1882. Known to his friends as 'Pip', <mask>' childhood was spent in the hills of North Wales where he became an avid mountaineer and explorer. During the Second World War, <mask> joined the Royal Navy and was posted in the Mediterranean, but even there he walked and climbed as much as he could. An aspiring writer, <mask> already had articles published in Punch, before setting out to make his living as an author. His first novel, Traitor's Mountain, was a murder mystery set on and around Tryfan in Wales.He became a prolific writer with over 160 books published for children as well as adults. In addition to historic naval adventure fiction such as the Midshipman Quinn and Lieutenant Michael Fitton series set during the Napoleonic Wars, and non-fiction works on mountains and such as The Mountaineer's Weekend Book, he wrote detective fiction under the pseudonym of Glyn Carr, and humorous pieces as C.L. Inker. Coventry Herald, 14 January 1939Personalities of the Crumb Board. SMT Magazine & Scottish Country Life, March 1939The Battle of Camp Hill. Warwickshire Evening Despatch, 6 April 1939Hands off the Park. Birmingham Mail, 22 June 1939What's All the Fuss about?Warwickshire Evening Despatch, 5 July 1939Cheapest Way of Seeing the World''. Midland Daily Telegraph, 12 September 1939

References

External links
Obituary
Showell Styles Bibliography at  www.fantasticfiction.co.uk

1908 births
2005 deaths
English male novelists
English explorers
English children's writers
English crime fiction writers
People educated at Bishop Vesey's Grammar School
20th-century English novelists
Members of the Detection Club
20th-century English male writers
Nautical historical novelists
Royal Navy officers of World War II
People from Sutton Coldfield

masks:
Frank Showell Styles
Showell Styles
Alfred Thomas Styles
Showell Styles
Styles
Styles


title: Sante Kimes

texts:
<mask> (born  <mask>; July 24, 1934 – May 19, 2014) was an American criminal who was convicted of two murders, as well as robbery, forgery, violation of anti-slavery laws, and numerous other crimes. Many of these crimes were committed with the assistance of her son, <mask>. They were tried and convicted together for the murder of Irene Silverman, along with 117 other charges. Kenny made a plea deal in the murder of David Kazdin, pleading guilty and agreeing to testify against his mother in her trial for Kazdin's murder in return for her not facing a death sentence. <mask> was subsequently convicted of that murder. The pair were also suspected but never charged in a third murder in the Bahamas, to which <mask> confessed. Early life
According to court records, <mask> was born <mask> in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, one of four children of Mary Van Horn, a native of Illinois and of partial Dutch descent, and Prama Mahendra Singhrs (1889–1940), who was East Indian and came to the United States through Canada.<mask> <mask> gave numerous conflicting stories about her origins and numerous other accounts are difficult to confirm. Her son, Kent Walker, has said that her birth certificate might be forged. Walker, in his book Son of a Grifter, has reported a claim by an old acquaintance of his mother that Kimes was the daughter of a respectable family who was unable to cope with her aberrant, wild antics. Kimes herself has claimed that her father was a laborer and that her mother was a prostitute who migrated to Los Angeles during the Dust Bowl, where the young Kimes ran wild in the streets. Kimes attended high school in Carson City, Nevada, and graduated in 1952. She soon married a high school boyfriend, but the marriage lasted only three months. In 1956, Kimes reunited with another sweetheart from high school, Edward Walker.They married in 1957 and had one son, Kent. After a shoplifting conviction in 1961, <mask> separated and reconciled intermittently with Walker but their divorce was not finalized until 1969. In 1971, she met motel tycoon <mask>. They married in Clark County, Nevada on April 5, 1981. They had one son, Kenneth Karam <mask> (born 1975). Criminal behavior
Sante <mask> spent the better part of her life fleecing people of money, expensive merchandise, and real estate, either through elaborate con games, arson, forgery, or outright theft. According to Kent Walker, she committed insurance fraud on numerous occasions, frequently by committing arson and then collecting money for property damage.Kimes delighted in introducing her husband Kenneth as an ambassador, a ploy that even gained the couple access to a White House reception during the Ford administration, and would sometimes even impersonate Elizabeth Taylor, whom she resembled slightly. Walker also alleges that Kimes committed many acts of fraud that were not even financially necessary, such as enslaving maids when she could easily afford to pay them. Kimes frequently offered young, homeless illegal immigrants housing and employment, then kept them as virtual prisoners by threatening to report them to the authorities if they didn't follow her orders. As a result, she and Kenneth spent years squandering his fortune on lawyers' fees, defending themselves against charges of slavery. <mask> was eventually arrested in August 1985 and was sentenced by the U.S. District Court to five years in prison for violating federal anti-slavery laws and was successfully sued by Honolulu civil attorney David Schutter in civil court. Kenneth took a plea bargain and agreed to complete an alcohol treatment program. He and their son Kenny lived a somewhat normal life until <mask> was released from prison in 1989.Kenneth died in 1994. <mask> and Kenny were suspects in the 1995 abduction of 62 year-old Levitz Furniture heiress Jacqueline Levitz from her home in Vicksburg, Mississippi until a July 1998 announcement by the FBI that its investigations had concluded that, "There is nothing that would indicate that [they] had anything to do with Ms. Levitz." Murders

David Kazdin
David Kazdin had allowed <mask> to use his name on the deed of a home in Las Vegas that was actually occupied by Kimes and her husband Kenneth in the 1970s. Several years later, Kimes convinced a notary to forge Kazdin's signature on an application for a loan of $280,000, with the house as collateral. When Kazdin discovered the forgery through a letter sent from his commercial bank and threatened to expose Kimes, she ordered him killed. On March 9, 1998, Kenny murdered Kazdin in his Los Angeles home by shooting him in the back of the head.According to another accomplice's later testimony, all three participated in disposing of the evidence. Kazdin's body was found in a dumpster near Los Angeles airport in March 1998. The murder weapon was never recovered, having been disassembled and dropped into a storm sewer. Irene Silverman
In June 1998, <mask> and Kenny perpetrated a scheme whereby she would assume the identity of their landlady, 82-year-old socialite Irene Silverman, and then appropriate ownership of her $7.7 million Manhattan mansion. The pair began renting a room in Silverman's mansion in June 1998 before she was reported missing on July 5. The search for Silverman went as far as Mount Olive, New Jersey. Despite the fact that Silverman's body was never found, both mother and son were convicted of murder in 2000, in no small part because of the discovery of <mask>' notebooks detailing the crime and notes written by Silverman, who was extremely suspicious of the pair.Among other things the two suspects kept casually asking Silverman for her ID and Social Security number, looked away from security cameras in the building lobby as they walked past, and repeatedly refused to let housekeepers into their rented room for cleaning. During the trial for the Kazdin murder, Kenny confessed that after his mother had used a stun gun on Silverman, he strangled her, stuffed her corpse into a bag and deposited it in a dumpster in Hoboken, New Jersey. Syed Bilal Ahmed
Kenny also confessed to murdering a third man, banker Syed Bilal Ahmed, at his mother's behest in The Bahamas in 1996,<ref><mask>, Son Get Life Sentence in L.A. Murder (washingtonpost.com) <mask>, Son Get Life Sentence in L.A. Murder Reuters/Washington Post 3/22/2005]</ref> which had been suspected by Bahamian authorities at the time. but no charges were ever filed in that case. <mask> denied any involvement in or knowledge of the murders, and she claimed that Kenny confessed solely to avoid receiving the death penalty.Investigation and arrest
The investigation into the <mask>s began officially on March 14, 1998, when Kazdin's remains were found in a dumpster near LAX. The FBI and LAPD detectives assigned to the investigation focused on the mortgage loan application with the forged signature that falsely linked Kazdin to a house in Las Vegas which had been partly burned down in an attempted arson. The supposed homeowner turned out to be David McCarran, a homeless man who said <mask> and Kenny had lit the arson fire. He also claimed to have been forced to stay in the house by the <mask>s, who hoped to collect the insurance money from the loss of the house. Investigators also located Stan Patterson, a second man who confessed to selling a handgun to Kenny which he used to kill Kazdin. He was told of several potential felony charges stemming from the murder and mortgage fraud and reluctantly agreed to cooperate with the police in apprehending the pair to avoid prosecution. At the end of June 1998, Patterson got a call from <mask> about an expensive townhouse in New York's Upper West Side she wanted to sell for $7.7 million (the building owned by Silverman), and she needed his help with the paperwork.Patterson agreed to meet her in New York on July 5; he informed the FBI about the scheduled meeting before he left on July 3. Two days later, Patterson met <mask> at the New York Hilton around 6 p.m. that evening. Around 7 p.m., Kenny arrived at the Hilton and approached <mask>; upon his appearance FBI and NYPD officers quickly moved in to arrest both of them. The <mask>s had stolen a black Lincoln Town Car from a rental car dealership in Utah the previous May using a bounced check. When the police found the vehicle in the following day on July 6, they searched it and found what one officer called a "treasure chest" full of evidence: a stun gun case, forged Social Security cards, two hand guns, a pair of handcuffs, a folder full of various forms and applications related to Silverman's mansion, and a set of fifteen notebooks on which Sante had written detailed descriptions of mortgage fraud schemes involving many intended victims including both Silverman and Kazdin. Trials
Although the Kazdin murder occurred first, the <mask>s were tried in New York City first for the Silverman murder. Evidence recovered from their car helped establish the case for trying them for Kazdin's murder as well.The Silverman trial was unusual in many aspects, namely the rare combination of a mother/son team and the fact that no body was ever recovered. Nonetheless, the jury was unanimous in voting to convict them not only of murder but of 117 other charges including robbery, burglary, conspiracy, grand larceny, illegal weapons possession, forgery and eavesdropping on their first poll on the subject. The judge also took the unusual step of ordering <mask> not to speak to the media even after the jury had been sequestered, as a result of her passing a note to New York Times reporter David Rhode in court. The judge threatened to have Kimes handcuffed during further court appearances if she persisted and restricted her telephone access to calls to her lawyers. The judge contended that Kimes was attempting to influence the jury as they may have seen or heard any such interviews, and that there would be no cross-examination as there would be in court. Kimes had earlier chosen to not take the stand in her own defense after the judge ruled that prosecutors could question her about the previous conviction on slavery charges. During the sentencing portion of the Silverman trial, Kimes made a prolonged statement to the court blaming the authorities, including their own lawyers, for framing them.She went on to compare their trial to the Salem Witch Trials and claimed that the prosecutors were guilty of "murdering the Constitution" before the judge told her to be quiet. When the statement was concluded, the presiding judge responded that <mask> was a sociopath and a degenerate and her son was a dupe and a "remorseless predator" before imposing the maximum sentence on both of them. This amounted to 120 years for Sante and 124 years for her son Kenny, effectively sentencing both of them to life in prison. In October 2000, while doing an interview, Kenny held Court TV reporter Maria Zone hostage by pressing a ballpoint pen into her throat. Zone had interviewed <mask> at his prison once before without incident. Kenny's demand was that his mother not be extradited to California, where the two faced the death penalty for the murder of Kazdin. After four hours of negotiation, Kenny removed the pen from Zone's throat.Negotiators created a distraction which allowed them to quickly remove Zone and wrestle Kimes to the ground. In March 2001, Kenny was extradited to Los Angeles to stand trial for the murder of Kazdin. <mask> was extradited to Los Angeles in June 2001. During that trial in June 2004, while he was facing the death penalty, Kenny changed his plea from "not guilty" to "guilty" and implicated his mother in the murder in exchange for a plea deal that his mother should not receive the death penalty if convicted. Kenny then testified in trial against his mother, exposing every detail about their multiple crimes and describing how she indoctrinated him into becoming her accomplice. Kimes again made a prolonged statement denying the murders and accusing police and prosecutors of various kinds of misconduct, and she was again eventually ordered by the presiding judge to be silent. The sentencing judge in the Kazdin case called Mrs. Kimes  "one of the most evil individuals" she had met in her time as a judge.Imprisonment and death
<mask> was serving a life sentence plus 125 years at the Bedford Hills Correctional Facility for Women in New York, where she died on May 19, 2014. Additionally, she and her son were each sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Kazdin in California. Kenny is currently incarcerated at Richard J. Donovan Correctional Facility in California. In media
A 2001 made-for-TV movie, Like Mother, Like Son: The Strange Story of Sante and <mask>, starred Mary Tyler Moore as <mask>, Gabriel Olds as Kenny, and Jean Stapleton as Silverman. In 2006, another television movie based on a book about the case, A Little Thing Called Murder, starring Judy Davis and Jonathan Jackson, aired on Lifetime. <mask> was also featured in a 2009 episode of the television show Dateline and a 2015 episode of Diabolical Women. The Kimes' story was recounted on Oxygen's Snapped, in an episode that aired on August 30, 2020.Gary Indiana's novel Depraved Indifference (2009) is substantially based on the Kimes case. Also used in the TV Murder Series Aurora Teagarden How to Con a Con. The season 5 episodes of Cold Case "Thick as Thieves" is based on this case as is the Law and Order'' season 9 episode "Venom". See also
List of murder convictions without a body
List of serial killers in the United States

References

External links

 Sante and Kenneth Kimes: A Life of Crime – Court TV
 The Biography Channel – Notorious Crime Profiles Sante Kimes
 Archived Profile from Radford University Department of Psychology

1934 births
2014 deaths
20th-century American criminals
American female murderers
American people convicted of murder
American female criminals
American people convicted of robbery
American confidence tricksters
Murder convictions without a body
People convicted of forgery
People convicted of murder by New York (state)
People extradited within the United States
People from Oklahoma City
Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by New York (state)
Suspected serial killers

masks:
Sante Kimes
Sante Singhrs
Kenny Kimes
Sante Kimes
Kenny Kimes
Sante Kimes
Sante Singhrs
Sante
Kimes
Kimes
Kenneth Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Sante
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimese
Kimes
Kimese
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimese
Kimese
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kimes
Kenny Kimes
Kimes
Kimes


title: Anne Koedt

texts:
<mask> (born 1941) is an American radical feminist activist and author of The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm, a 1970 classic feminist work on women's sexuality. She was connected to the group New York Radical Women and was a founding member of New York Radical Feminists. Early life and family
Koedt was born in Copenhagen, Denmark in 1941. Her parents, <mask> (born <mask>) and <mask> had been members of the Danish Resistance during World War II, harboring Jews in their basement until the refugees could be smuggled to Sweden. Her father was an architect and photographer who forged passports for leaders of the Danish Resistance. Born in Riverside, California, Bobs grew up outside of Copenhagen. Bobs was arrested and interrogated by the Germans and sent to Nazi headquarters, but survived unharmed.Due to her father's American citizenship, the Koedt family was able to easily immigrate to the United States and settled in San Francisco. Her father, suffering from depression and seizures, died by suicide shortly before his 80th birthday. Her mother lived in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, for over 60 years. While having been raised Protestant, Inger was active with the Jackson Hole Jewish Community. In September 2011, Koedt married Ellen Levine, her partner for 40 years. In May 2012, Levine died. Inger died on 14 August 2021 at the age of 106.She was among the oldest residents of Teton County. Organizing
Koedt was a founding member of the New York Radical Women, an early feminist group begun in fall, 1967 which pioneered women's liberation through activism, such as disrupting the 1968 Miss America pageant, writing and publishing feminist work, and connecting personal issues to political oppression in the form of small-group consciousness-raising. By late 1968, she also co-founded The Feminists, a strict  feminist separatist group begun by Ti-Grace Atkinson after she left the New York City chapter of the National Organization for Women; other prominent members included Sheila Michaels, Barbara Mehrhof, Pamela Kearon, and Sheila Cronan. In 1969, Koedt left the Feminists to form the New York Radical Feminists (NYRF) with Shulamith Firestone. NYRF (not to be confused, as it often is, with the larger and older New York Radical Women, which was still meeting and whose membership was fluid and often overlapped with the smaller groups] was organized into small cells or "brigades" named after notable feminists of the past; Koedt and Firestone led the Stanton-Anthony Brigade. By 1970, conflicting factions within NYRF had driven both Koedt and Firestone out of the group they had founded and Koedt withdrew from organized activism, later commenting "I was done with groups after that." Writings

"The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm"

In 1968, <mask> published her most influential work, "The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm" in a radical-feminist journal from New York Radical Women's members, titled Notes from the First Year.In the article, Koedt frankly challenged the dominant understandings of female sexual pleasure held by most medical and psychoanalytic experts of the time, who were almost exclusively male. In particular, the article took issue with the predominant Freudian account of female sexuality that discounted the clitoral orgasm as "juvenile" and viewed orgasm achieved through the vagina as the only "mature" form. Women who failed to achieve orgasm through penetrative, heterosexual intercourse were therefore labeled as dysfunctional or frigid by the professional community. In Koedt's view, this approach placed unfair blame on women for their lack of satisfaction during straight sex, inaccurately pathologized normal female sexual function, and caused many women to seek unnecessary psychoanalytic treatment for a nonexistent ailment rather than exploring techniques that would lead to a more pleasurable sexual experience. In support of her position, Koedt marshaled up-to-date research on the female anatomy and sexual response, including recent work by Alfred Kinsey and Masters and Johnson, to demonstrate that the clitoris, rather than the vagina, is the primary site of erotic stimulation. Koedt went on to argue that male chauvinism and the urge to maintain women in a subservient role were the primary driving force perpetuating misconceptions surrounding female sexuality. The article was widely circulated in pamphlet form, inspiring many supporters to advocate for celibacy or to promote lesbianism as positive alternative to heterosexuality for women.Other feminist readers were more critical, taking particular issue with Koedt's assertion that women who testified to experiencing vaginal orgasms were either confused due to lack of education regarding their own bodies or "faking it " so as not to offend their male lovers' egos. "Women and the Radical Movement"
On February 17, 1968, Koedt delivered a speech regarding women's liberation and the role that radical women must play in the female revolution in order to change the overall fundamental concept of women. Koedt advocates for a systematic change, and urges radical women to challenge dominant/submissive dynamic that shapes the relationships between men and women. Koedt refers to women's issues and women's liberation as a social and political issue that has many similarities to the black power struggle. Koedt also touches on the topic of male supremacy and how to improve the condition of women as an oppressed group within society, highlighting the importance of fighting for women everywhere, not just within the radical movement. In her speech, Koedt calls for radical women to learn from history and from past revolutions in which women were a part of yet reaped none of the benefits, such as the American revolution and the Economic/Soviet revolution. The speech concludes that in order to change the basic structure of society which gives men power over women, women shouldn't support any revolution that aims to create change but does not care about the liberation of women from men's dominant position in society.It is not enough to improve secondary characteristics of freedom or to gain certain privileges, the real radical revolution must tackle the basic structure of female oppression within a patriarchal society. "Notes From the First Year"
New York Radical Women compiled a group of feminist texts and speeches from their work in 1968 called "Notes From the First Year," which was edited by Koedt. The compilation included texts from Shulamith Firestone, Jennifer Gardner, Kathy Amatniek, and Koedt herself. Koedt's writings included The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm and "Women and the Radical Movement," the speech she gave at the Free University in New York City on February 17, 1968. Other writings
Koedt's December 1969 Politics of the Ego, A Manifesto for New York Radical Feminists was first published in Notes from the Second Year and later in her anthology Radical Feminism. An excerpt from this manifesto continued to be circulated as part of the 1976 "Introduction to New York Radical Feminists" pamphlet until the NYRF post office box closed in 1989. Koedt became the editor of Notes From the Third Year replacing Shulamith Firestone in 1972.Some feminist groups felt that the more radical feminist positions that had been previously included were edited out of this third edition. Activism
In 1978, Koedt  became an associate of the Women's Institute for Freedom of the Press (WIFP). WIFP is an American nonprofit publishing organization. The organization works to increase communication between women and connect the public with forms of women-based media. Selected Works
  Available online. And also as an article:
Reprinted as:

See also
 New York Radical Feminists

References

1941 births
Living people
American feminist writers
American socialists
American women writers
Danish feminists
Danish emigrants to the United States
Danish people of American descent
Danish women writers
New York Radical Feminists members
New York Radical Women members
People from Copenhagen
People from Palo Alto, California
People from San Francisco
Radical feminists
American socialist feminists
The Feminists members

masks:
Anne Koedt
Bobs Koedt
Andreas Peschcke Koedt
Inger Koedt
Anne Koedt


title: Oliver Bulleid

texts:
<mask> CBE (19 September 1882 – 25 April 1970) was a British railway and mechanical engineer best known as the Chief Mechanical Engineer (CME) of the Southern Railway between 1937 and the 1948 nationalisation, developing many well-known locomotives. Early life and Great Northern Railway
He was born in Invercargill, New Zealand, to <mask> and his wife Marian Pugh, both British immigrants. On the death of his father in 1889, his mother returned to Llanfyllin, Wales, where the family home had been, with Bulleid. In 1901, after a technical education at Accrington Grammar School, he joined the Great Northern Railway (GNR) at Doncaster at the age of 18, as an apprentice under H. A. Ivatt, the Chief Mechanical Engineer (CME). After a four-year apprenticeship, he became the assistant to the Locomotive Running Superintendent, and a year later, the Doncaster Works manager. In 1908, he left to work in Paris with the French division of Westinghouse Electric Corporation as a Test Engineer, and was soon promoted to Assistant Works Manager and Chief Draughtsman. Later that year, he married Marjorie Ivatt, Henry Ivatt's youngest daughter.A brief period working for the Board of Trade followed from 1910, arranging exhibitions in Brussels, Paris and Turin. He was able to travel widely in Europe, later including a trip with Nigel Gresley, William Stanier and Frederick Hawksworth, to Belgium, in 1934, to see a metre-gauge bogie locomotive. In December 1912, he rejoined the GNR as Personal Assistant to Nigel Gresley, the new CME. Gresley was only six years Bulleid's senior. The First World War intervened; Bulleid joined the British Army and was assigned to the rail transport arm, rising to the rank of Major. After the war, Bulleid returned to the GNR as the Manager of the Wagon and Carriage Works. London and North Eastern Railway
The Grouping, in 1923, of Britain's financially troubled railways, saw the GNR subsumed into the new London and North Eastern Railway (LNER), and Gresley was appointed the CME.He brought Bulleid back to Doncaster to be his assistant. During this period, Gresley produced the majority of his famous locomotives and innovations, and Bulleid had a hand in many of them, including the P1 2-8-2 freight locomotive, the U1 2-8-0+0-8-2 Garratt freight locomotive, the P2 2-8-2 express locomotive and the A4 4-6-2 express locomotive. Southern Railway and British Railways
In 1937, Bulleid accepted the post of CME of the Southern Railway (SR) at an annual salary of £3,000, after Richard Maunsell retired. His first contribution to the SR was to oversee the construction of three 350 hp six-wheeled diesel-electric shunters ordered by Maunsell in 1936; three were built and proved effective, with an order placed for eight more, though this was cancelled owing to the onset of the Second World War. Between 1949 and 1952, a further 26 of Bulleid's amended version of these locomotives were delivered and later became British Rail Class 12. In 1938, Bulleid gained approval to build the Merchant Navy class of modern 4-6-2 "Pacifics", undoubtedly inspired by Gresley but also drawing on his experiences from across Europe and with all the most modern equipment: a partially welded boiler and firebox rather than traditional rivetted designs, thermic syphons and a high-pressure boiler. It also included chain-driven valve-gear immersed in an oil bath, a feature that was controversial and later caused problems if not maintained properly, which was difficult, due to conditions, after WW2.Bulleid, like other engineers, had long felt that it was not ideal to have working parts exposed to the elements, where they were subject to all the dirt thrown up from the track. He also thought that steam engines should get nearer to the internal combustion engine, which enclosed the working parts and used pump lubrication to keep it all running smoothly. Another advantage of enclosing the valve gear would be reduced day-to-day maintenance. Unfortunately, there were design errors in the casing used for the oil bath, which led to leaks. The first Merchant Navy, 21C1 Channel Packet, was built in 1941 and 29 followed, the last being 35030 Elder Dempster Lines. The West Country and Battle of Britain slightly smaller light Pacifics followed in 1945. 110 were built, of which 21C101 Exeter was the first.His other major steam locomotive design, the Q1 "Austerity" 0-6-0 freight engine, appeared in 1942. All steam locomotives designed by Bulleid for the SR had his BFB disc wheels, which gave more even tyre support. This did not eliminate the need for balance weights, but the set-up of the Bulleid valve gear enabled a locomotive with no hammer blow. When the locomotives were rebuilt with Walschaerts valve gear, balance weights were installed in the wheels to reduce hammer blow. Bulleid played a major role in the electrification of the SR, including infrastructure, electric multiple units and electric locomotives. He designed the bodies for the two electric locomotives CC1 and CC2 in 1941 and 1945. A third example was built by British Railways in 1948 and numbered 20003.Towards the end of his tenure at the SR, he was responsible for the design and construction of Britain's only double-deck passenger trains, the two units of the 4DD class. His final steam locomotive design for the SR was the unconventional Leader, appearing in 1949, after nationalisation. This had the boiler, coal and water supplies and everything else encased in a smooth double-ended body reminiscent of a diesel locomotive. The drive was through two six-wheel bogies, each with three cylinders. The axles on each bogie were connected by chains. The Leader was innovative but unsuccessful; after Bulleid had left British Railways, the project was cancelled. Bulleid also had responsibility for coaching stock, an area in which he had an active interest.SR coaches, the newest designed by Richard Maunsell, were solid but old-fashioned. Bulleid designs built on the best of the existing designs, while making improvements, and his coaches were known for their comfort and spaciousness. They were popular with the travelling public, and many of the design features such as the size and layout were used by British Railways for their standard Mark I passenger coaches. Bulleid was briefly the CME of British Railways Southern Region. During this period, his two prototype diesel electric locomotives appeared. Córas Iompair Éireann
In February 1950, Bulleid was appointed CME of Córas Iompair Éireann (CIÉ), the nationalised transport authority of the Republic of Ireland, having been a consulting engineer to CIÉ since 1949. He led the first major dieselisation programme, which involved the procurement of diesel multiple units from AEC of Southall (the 2600 class), 94 Crossley-engined diesel locomotives (60 CIE 001 Class and 34 CIE 201 Class) from Metropolitan-Vickers and 12 Sulzer-engined diesel locomotives (CIE 101 Class) from the Birmingham Railway Carriage and Wagon Company.This began a transformation of railway traction in Ireland, although the locomotives proved unreliable until most were re-engined. Bulleid developed two prototype peat-burning steam locomotives, one a converted coal-fired traditional steam locomotive of 2-6-0 wheel arrangement and the other, CC1, new and fully enclosed, along the lines of the Leader design. CIÉ did not adopt peat-fired traction for widespread use. Recognition and retirement
Bulleid was elected president of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers for 1946. He was also president of the Institution of Locomotive Engineers and of the Institute of Welding, and was elected to the Smeatonian Society of Civil Engineers. He was appointed CBE in the 1949 New Year Honours. Bulleid retired in 1958, moving to Belstone in Devon, then Exmouth.He was awarded an Honorary Doctorate of Science by the University of Bath in 1967. Shortly after, he moved to Malta, where he died in 1970 aged 87. His obituary in The Times described Bulleid as "the last truly original and progressive mechanical engineer of the steam locomotive era in Britain". British Rail Class 73/1 electro-diesel locomotive No. 73128 is called "O. V. S. Bulleid CBE". Patents
 GB547156, published 17 August 1942, Improvements in and relating to locomotive steam engine valve gear arrangements
 GB547180, published 17 August 1942, Improvements in piston slide valves for engines
 GB616445, published 21 January 1949, Improvements relating to locomotive and like steam boilers
 GB819493, published 2 September 1959, Improvements relating to brake apparatus for railway vehicles

References

Further reading

External links

 Bulleid Society: O.V.S.Bulleid – Biographical timeline

1882 births
1970 deaths
Commanders of the Order of the British Empire
Locomotive builders and designers
British railway mechanical engineers
Southern Railway (UK) people
People from Invercargill
British Rail people
New Zealand emigrants to the United Kingdom
People educated at Accrington Grammar School
20th-century British engineers

masks:
Oliver Vaughan Snell Bulleid
William Bulleid


title: John Colborne, 1st Baron Seaton

texts:
Field Marshal <mask>, 1st Baron <mask>,  (16 February 1778 – 17 April 1863) was a British Army officer and colonial governor. After taking part as a junior officer in the Anglo-Russian invasion of Holland, Sir Ralph Abercromby's expedition to Egypt and then the War of the Third Coalition, he served as military secretary to Sir <mask> at the Battle of Corunna. He then commanded the 2nd Battalion of the 66th Regiment of Foot and, later, the 52nd Regiment of Foot at many of the battles of the Peninsular War. At the Battle of Waterloo, Colborne on his own initiative brought the 52nd Regiment of Foot forward, took up a flanking position in relation to the French Imperial Guard and then, after firing repeated volleys into their flank, charged at the Guard so driving them back in disorder. He went on to become commander-in-chief of all the armed forces in British North America, personally leading the offensive at the Battle of Saint-Eustache in Lower Canada and defeating the rebel force in December 1837. After that he was high commissioner of the Ionian Islands and then Commander-in-Chief, Ireland. Early career and the Peninsular War
Born in Lymington, Hampshire the only son of Samuel Colborne also from Lymington and Cordelia Anne Colborne (née Garstin), Colborne was educated at Christ's Hospital in London and at Winchester College.He was commissioned as an ensign in the 20th Regiment of Foot on 10 July 1794 securing all subsequent steps in his regimental promotion without purchase. Promoted to lieutenant on 4 September 1795 and to captain lieutenant on 11 August 1799, he saw action at the Battle of Alkmaar in October 1799, where he was wounded, during the Anglo-Russian invasion of Holland. Promoted to brevet captain on 12 January 1800, he took part in Sir Ralph Abercromby's expedition to Egypt in August 1801 and was wounded again. Colborne was deployed with his regiment to Italy where he distinguished himself at the Battle of Maida in July 1806 during the War of the Third Coalition. He became military secretary to General Henry Fox in 1806 and then became military secretary to Sir <mask> with the rank of major on 21 January 1808. In this capacity he accompanied Moore to Sweden in May 1808 and to Portugal in 1808 and served with him at the Battle of Benavente in December 1808 and Battle of Corunna in January 1809. It was Moore's dying request that Colborne should be given a lieutenant colonelcy and this was complied with on 2 February 1809.He transferred to the 66th Regiment of Foot on 2 November 1809, and after returning to Spain with Sir Arthur Wellesley's Army, he witnessed the defeat of the Spaniards at the Battle of Ocaña later that month. He commanded a brigade at the Battle of Bussaco in September 1810 and then commanded the 2nd Battalion of the 66th Regiment of Foot at the Battle of Albuera in May 1811 where his brigade was virtually annihilated by the Polish 1st Vistulan Lancers Regiment of the French Army. After transferring to the command of the 52nd Regiment of Foot he took part in the Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo in January 1812 where he was badly injured and had to be invalided back to England. After recovering in England, Colborne returned to Spain and commanded the 52nd Regiment of Foot at the Siege of San Sebastián in August 1813 before taking temporary charge of the 2nd brigade of the Light Division in late 1813 and commanding it at the Battle of the Bidassoa in October 1813, at the Battle of Nivelle in November 1813 and at the Battle of the Nive in December 1813. He returned to the 52nd Regiment of Foot and commanded it at the Battle of Orthez in February 1814 and at the Battle of Toulouse in April 1814 and at the Battle of Bayonne also in April 1814. He was appointed a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath on 4 January 1815. Waterloo
Colborne became aide-de-camp to the Prince Regent with the rank of colonel on 4 June 1814, and, following Napoleon's escape from Elba, he managed to dissuade the Prince from attacking the French Army until the Duke of Wellington arrived.At the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815 during the Hundred Days, Colborne led the 52nd Regiment of Foot. At the critical moment of the battle, when the French Imperial Guard attacked Welligton's weakened centre, Colborne made a decisive intervention. On his own initiative, Colborne brought the 52nd Regiment of Foot forward, took up a flanking position in relation to the Imperial Guard and then, after firing repeated volleys into their flank, charged at the Guard so driving them back in disorder. As soon as General Sir Frederick Adam saw what Colborne was doing, he sent in extra troops to support him. Colborne drove forward towards La Haye Sainte, while Wellington rode back to the main line to order the general advance. He was appointed a Knight of the Austrian Military Order of Maria Theresa on 2 August 1815. After the War he remained with his regiment as part of the Army of Occupation.Guernsey
Colborne became Lieutenant Governor of Guernsey in July 1821 and was promoted to major-general on 27 May 1825. Canada

In August 1828 Colborne was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada. As Lieutenant Governor, Colborne increased the population of the province by 70% by initiating an organised system of immigration to bring in settlers from Britain. He also aided settlement by expanding the communication and transportation infrastructure through a campaign to build roads and bridges. He brought changes to the structure of the legislative council, increased fiscal autonomy and encouraged greater independence in the judiciary. In 1829 he founded Upper Canada College as a school based on the Elizabeth College, Guernsey model to educate boys in preparation for becoming leaders of the colonies. During Colborne's period of office as commander-in-chief, the Family Compact promoted resistance to the political principle of responsible government.At the end of its lifespan, the Compact would be condemned by Lord Durham as "a petty corrupt insolent Tory clique". In both Upper Canada, which was under Colborne's administration, and Lower Canada, which was under the direct administration of Colborne's superior, Governor General Lord Gosford, this resistance to responsible government, together with conflicts between the assembly and the executive over fiscal matters, as well as a difficult economic situation, led to the Rebellions of 1837. In January 1836 Colborne became commander-in-chief of all the armed forces in British North America. He was promoted to the local rank of lieutenant general on 8 July 1836. Colborne personally led the offensive at the Battle of Saint-Eustache in December 1837 defeating the rebel force which had become holed up in a church. Colborne was advanced to Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath on 29 January 1838. Following Lord Gosford's resignation in February 1838, he became acting Governor General of British North America.In Lower Canada but not Upper Canada, the 1791 constitution was suspended at this time, causing the colony's bicameral parliament to be dissolved. To replace these bodies and assist in governing Lower Canada, Colborne established a 24-member Special Council. Colborne stepped aside as acting Governor General until the arrival of Gosford's formal successor, Lord Durham, on 27 May 1838. Colborne was promoted to the substantive rank of lieutenant-general on 28 June 1838. Durham remained in Canada only for a few months, resigning on 9 October and leaving for London on the fifth-rate  on 1 November, after he learned that his policy of leniency towards the leaders of the prior year's rebellion had been repudiated by the British Government. Durham's departure caused Colborne to again become acting Governor General. Colborne put down a second revolt in November and was confirmed as Governor General of British North America on 14 December.He left Canada in October 1839 after the arrival of his successor, Charles Poulett Thomson (who shortly thereafter would be elevated to the peerage as Lord Sydenham). After arriving back in England, Colborne was himself elevated to the peerage as Baron Seaton, of Seaton in the County of Devon, on 5 December 1839. In recognition of the "important services" rendered by Colborne, and following a message from Queen Victoria, Parliament settled an annuity of £2,000 on him and the next two heirs male who would succeed to the title. Later life
Colborne became High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands in February 1843, and having been promoted to full general on 20 June 1854, he became Commander-in-Chief, Ireland, in 1855. After standing down from active service in Spring 1860, he was promoted to field marshal on 1 April 1860 and retired to his home at Beechwood House in Sparkwell. Colborne also served as honorary colonel of the 94th Regiment of Foot, as honorary colonel of the 26th (Cameronian) Regiment of Foot and then as honorary colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Life Guards. He was also colonel-in-chief of the Rifle Brigade (Prince Consort's Own).He died at Valletta House in Torquay on 17 April 1863 and was buried in the churchyard of Holy Cross Church at Newton Ferrers. In November 1866 a bronze statue of Colborne, sculpted by George Adams and financed by public donations, was erected at Mount Wise at Devonport: it was moved to Seaton Barracks in Crownhill in the early 1960s and then to Peninsula Barracks in Winchester in the 1990s. A second statue of Colborne also sculpted by George Adams was erected at Upper Canada College. Colborne Street in London, Ontario is named after Colborne, as is the city of Port Colborne. Family
In 1813 Colborne married Elizabeth Yonge; they had three daughters and five sons. See also
 Port Colborne, Ontario
 Colborne Lodge, Toronto

References

Sources

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1778 births
1863 deaths
52nd Regiment of Foot officers
Barons in the Peerage of the United Kingdom
British Army personnel of the French Revolutionary Wars
British Army personnel of the Napoleonic Wars
British field marshals
British Life Guards officers
Cameronians officers
Commanders-in-Chief, Ireland
Governors of British North America
Knights Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath
Knights Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George
Lancashire Fusiliers officers
Lieutenant-Governors of Upper Canada
Lower Canada Rebellion people
Members of the Privy Council of Ireland
People from Lyndhurst, Hampshire
People educated at Christ's Hospital
People educated at Winchester College
Recipients of the Army Gold Cross
Recipients of the Waterloo Medal
Military personnel from Hampshire
Royal Berkshire Regiment officers
Knights Cross of the Military Order of Maria Theresa
Peers of the United Kingdom created by Queen Victoria

masks:
John Colborne
Seaton
John Moore
John Moore