title: Chris Johns (rugby league)

texts:
<mask> (born 14 March 1964) is an Australian former rugby league footballer who played in the 1980s and 1990s. He played in the centres, achieving representative honors for Australia and New South Wales. His club football career was spent with the St. George Dragons and Brisbane Broncos, as well as two spells in England, first with Castleford (Heritage № 653) in 1986-87 and then Barrow in 1989–90. After retiring from the playing field, <mask> worked in the administration of the Brisbane Broncos and Melbourne Storm clubs. Playing career
Although born in Queensland, <mask> was raised in the St George District of Sydney. <mask> played his junior rugby league for Penshurst RSL. <mask> made his first grade début for St. George during the 1984 NSWRL season and the following year played as a reserve back for St. George in their 6–7 loss to Canterbury in the Grand Final after earlier playing in the Dragons winning reserve grade grand final side.<mask> played left-, i.e. number 4, in the 31–24 victory over Hull F.C. in Castleford's 1986 Yorkshire County Cup Final during the 1986–87 season at Headingley Rugby Stadium, Leeds, on Saturday 11 October 1986. <mask> then moved to the New South Wales Rugby Football League premiership's newly created Brisbane Broncos in 1988. In 1989 <mask> (despite being born in Queensland) became the first Queensland based player to play State of Origin for New South Wales when he made his début for the Blues on the wing for Game 1 of the 1989 State of Origin series at Lang Park, the home of the Broncos. <mask> was the top try-scorer of the 1989 Brisbane Broncos season

<mask> went on to play 10 games for NSW between 1989 and 1994, scoring 3 tries. Although a centre at club level, <mask> pace saw him play mainly on the wing or from the bench in representative sides with Australia blessed with top class centres in Mal Meninga, Laurie Daley, Dale Shearer, Andrew Ettingshausen and Brad Fittler.At the end of the 1990 NSWRL season, and despite not playing for NSW in the 1990 State of Origin series, <mask> was selected for the 1990 Kangaroo tour of Great Britain and France where he played in 11 tour games and scored 4 tries on tour. <mask> made his test début for Australia as a reserve back in the final game of the tour against France at the Stade Gilbert Brutus in Perpignan. During 1991 <mask> played in NSW 1-2 series loss to Queensland in the 1991 Origin series and was then chosen for all three mis-season Trans-Tasman Tests against New Zealand, making his run on début for Australia in the 1st Test loss to the Kiwis at Olympic Park Stadium in Melbourne. Following the end of the 1991 season, <mask> was part of the Australian touring side to Papua New Guinea, playing in both tests against the Kumuls. <mask> continued good form saw him play on the wing during Game 3 of NSW's 2-1 1992 State of Origin series win over Qld. That year saw the 1992 Great Britain Lions tour of Australia and New Zealand with <mask> selected as a reserve for the 2nd Test against the Lions at Melbourne's Princes Park where he scored his 1st test try in Australia's shock 10–33 loss. After being overlooked for the opening test, <mask> was called into the side to replace Brad Fittler who was given leave from the team following the death of his Penrith teammate Ben Alexander.<mask> retained his spot for the 3rd test in Brisbane and helped Australia retain The Ashes which they have held since 1973. Following this <mask> was selected for what would be his last test for Australia as a reserve back, scoring his 2nd test try in the 36–14 win over Papua New Guinea in Townsville. In the weeks following the Broncos maiden Grand Final over St. George in 1992, <mask> travelled with the Broncos to England, where he played at centre in the 1992 World Club Challenge against British champions Wigan at Wigan's famous Central Park, helping Brisbane become the first Australian club to win the match in Britain. A week earlier he was a non-playing reserve in Australia's 10–6 win over Great Britain in the World Cup Final at Wembley Stadium, London in front of a World Record rugby league test crowd of 73,631 fans (<mask> was the only Australian selected in the 17 not to get any game time in the final). <mask> was overlooked for both Origin and Test selection in 1993 but went on to play 24 games and score 9 tries in the 1993 NSWRL season for the Broncos, helping them to a second straight Grand Final win over St. George. <mask> continued to play well for the Broncos in 1994, form which saw him selected for games 2 and 3 for NSW in their 2-1 Origin series win over Qld. Mid-way through the season he was also part of Brisbane's 14–20 loss to Wigan in the 1994 World Club Challenge at Brisbane's ANZ Stadium in front of a still WCC record crowd of 54,220.<mask> had an injury interrupted season for the Broncos in 1995, playing just nine games and scoring 2 tries. His final season before announcing his retirement was the 1996 ARL season, where he played 21 games but surprisingly failed to score a try. From his début with St. George in 1984 until his retirement following 1996, <mask> played in 223 games (52 for St. George, 171 for Brisbane) and scored 57 tries (7 and 50), winning two premierships and one World Club Challenge for the Broncos. He represented NSW on 10 occasions, scoring 3 tries and played in 9 tests for Australia, scoring 2 tries. He also played for Castleford and Barrow in England and represented NSW City Origin on 4 occasions between 1989 and 1994. Career stats

NSWRL/ARL

Representative

Post-playing
Following retirement <mask> worked in the Brisbane Broncos administration before moving south with John Ribot to help set up the new Melbourne Storm club. He was responsible for signing the key players that allowed Melbourne to win the premiership in only their second season.He left the post at the end of 2002. In 2000 <mask> was awarded the Australian Sports Medal for his contribution to Australia's international standing in the sport of rugby league. In 2005 <mask> became the 6th former player inducted into the Broncos official Hall of Fame. During the 2007 season at the Broncos' 20-year anniversary celebration, the club announced a list of the 20 best players to play for them to date which included <mask>. References

External links
<mask> at thecastlefordtigers.co.uk
<mask> at yesterdayshero.com.au
<mask> at nrlstats.com

1964 births
Living people
Australia national rugby league team players
Australian rugby league administrators
Australian rugby league players
Barrow Raiders players
Brisbane Broncos players
Castleford Tigers players
New South Wales City Origin rugby league team players
New South Wales Rugby League State of Origin players
Rugby league centres
St. George Dragons players

masks:
Chris Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Chris Johns
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Chris Johns
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Johns
Johns
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Chris Johns
Johns
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Chris Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Johns
Chris Johns
Chris Johns
Chris Johns


title: Harold Washington

type: original

texts:
<mask> (April 15, 1922 – November 25, 1987) was an American lawyer and politician who was the 51st Mayor of Chicago. <mask> became the first African American to be elected as the city's mayor in April 1983 after a multiracial coalition of progressives supported his election. He served as mayor from April 29, 1983 until his death on November 25, 1987. Born in Chicago and raised in the Bronzeville neighborhood, <mask> became involved in local 3rd Ward politics under Chicago Alderman and future Congressman Ralph Metcalfe after graduating from Roosevelt University and Northwestern University School of Law. <mask> was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1981 to 1983, representing Illinois's first district. <mask> had previously served in the Illinois State Senate and the Illinois House of Representatives from 1965 until 1976. Biography

Ancestry
The earliest known ancestor of <mask>, <mask>, was born a slave in 1832 in North Carolina.In 1864 he enlisted in the 8th United States Colored Heavy Artillery, Company L, in Paducah, Kentucky. Following his discharge in 1866, he began farming with his wife Rebecca Neal in Ballard County, Kentucky. Among their six children was Isam/Isom McDaniel (Mack) <mask>, who was born in 1875. In 1896, <mask> had married Arbella Weeks of Massac County, who had been born in Mississippi in 1878. In 1897, their first son, Roy L<mask>, father of <mask> was born in Ballard County, Kentucky. In 1903, shortly after both families moved to Massac County, Illinois, the elder <mask> died. After farming for a time, <mask> became a minister in the African Methodist Episcopal (A.M.E.) Church, serving numerous churches in Illinois until the death of his wife in 1952.Reverend I.M.D<mask> died in 1953. Early life and education
<mask> <mask> was born on April 15, 1922, at Cook County Hospital in Chicago, Illinois, to Roy and Bertha <mask>. While still in high school in Lawrenceville, Illinois, Roy met Bertha from nearby Carrier Mills and the two married in 1916 in Harrisburg, Illinois. Their first son, Roy Jr., was born in Carrier Mills before the family moved to Chicago where Roy enrolled in Kent College of Law. A lawyer, he became one of the first black precinct captains in the city, and a Methodist minister. In 1918, daughter Geneva was born and second son Edward was born in 1920.Bertha left the family, possibly to seek her fortune as a singer, and the couple divorced in 1928. Bertha remarried and had seven more children including Ramon Price, who was an artist and eventually became chief curator of The DuSable Museum of African American History. <mask> grew up in Bronzeville, a Chicago neighborhood that was the center of black culture for the entire Midwest in the early and middle 20th century. Edward and <mask> stayed with their father while Roy Jr. and Geneva were cared for by grandparents. After attending St Benedict the Moor Boarding School in Milwaukee from 1928 to 1932, <mask> attended DuSable High School, then a newly established racially segregated public high school, and was a member of its first graduating class. In a 1939 citywide track meet, <mask> placed first in the 110-meter high hurdles event, and second in the 220-meter low hurdles event. Between his junior and senior year of high school, <mask> dropped out, claiming that he no longer felt challenged by the coursework.He worked at a meatpacking plant for a time before his father helped him get a job at the U.S. Treasury branch in the city. There he met Nancy Dorothy Finch, whom he married soon after; Washington was 19 years old and Dorothy was 17 years old. Seven months later, the U.S. was drawn into World War II with the bombing of Pearl Harbor by the Japanese on Sunday, December 7, 1941. Military service
In 1942, Washington was drafted into the United States Army for the war effort and after basic training, sent overseas as part of a racially segregated unit of the U.S. Army Air Corps unit of Engineers. After the American invasion of the Philippines in 1944, on Leyte Island and later the main Luzon island, Washington was part of a unit building runways for bombers, protective fighter aircraft, refueling planes, and returning damaged aircraft. Eventually, Washington rose to the rank of First Sergeant in the Army Air Forces. Roosevelt College
In the summer of 1946, Washington, aged 24 and a war veteran, enrolled at Roosevelt College (now Roosevelt University).Washington joined other groups of students not permitted to enroll in other local colleges. Local estimates placed the student population of Roosevelt College at about 1/8 black and 1/2  Jewish. A full 75% of the students had enrolled because of the "nondiscriminatory progressive principles." He chaired a fund-raising drive by students, and then was named to a committee that supported citywide efforts to outlaw  "restrictive covenants" in housing, the legal means by which ethnic minorities (especially blacks and, to a lesser extent, Jews) were prohibited from purchasing real estate in predominantly white neighborhoods of the city. In 19, after the college had moved to the Auditorium Building, <mask> was elected the third president of Roosevelt's student council. Under his leadership, the student council successfully petitioned the college to have student representation on Roosevelt's faculty committees. At the first regional meeting of the newly founded National Student Association in the spring of 1948, Washington and nine other delegates proposed student representation on college faculties, and a "Bill of Rights" for students; both measures were roundly defeated.The next year, Washington went to the state capital at Springfield to protest Illinois legislators' coming probe of "subversives". The probe of investigation would outlaw the Communist Party and require "loyalty oaths" for teachers. He led students' opposition to the bills, although they would pass later in 1949. During his Roosevelt College years, <mask> came to be known for his stability. His friends said that he had a "remarkable ability to keep cool", reason carefully and walk a middle line. Washington intentionally avoided extremist activities, including street actions and sit-ins against racially segregated restaurants and businesses. Overall, <mask> and other radical activists ended up sharing a mutual respect for each other, acknowledging both <mask>'s pragmatism and the activists' idealism.With the opportunities found only at Roosevelt College in the late 1940s, <mask>'s time at the Roosevelt College proved to be pivotal. <mask> graduated in August 1949, with a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) degree. In addition to his activities at Roosevelt, he was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity. Northwestern University School of Law
<mask> then applied for and was admitted to study law at the Northwestern University School of Law in Chicago. During this time, <mask> was divorced from Dorothy Finch. By some accounts, <mask> and Dorothy had simply grown apart after <mask> was sent overseas during the war during the first year of his marriage.Others saw both as young and headstrong, the relationship doomed from the beginning. Another friend of <mask>'s deemed <mask> "not the marrying kind." He would not marry again, but continued to have relationships with other women; his longtime secretary is said to have said, "If every woman <mask> slept with stood at one end of City Hall, the building would sink five inches into LaSalle Street!". At Northwestern Law School, <mask> was the only black student in his class (there were six women in the class, one of them being Dawn Clark Netsch). As at Roosevelt, he entered school politics. In 1951, his last year, he was elected treasurer of the Junior Bar Association (JBA). The election was largely symbolic, however, and <mask>'s attempts to give the JBA more authority at Northwestern were largely unsuccessful.On campus, <mask> joined the Nu Beta Epsilon fraternity, largely because he and the other people who were members of ethnic minority groups which constituted the fraternity were blatantly excluded from the other fraternities on campus. Overall, <mask> stayed away from the activism that defined his years at Roosevelt. During the evenings and weekends, he worked to supplement his GI Bill income. He received his JD in 1952. Early political career
From 1951 until he was first slated for election in 1965, <mask> worked in the offices of the 3rd Ward Alderman, former Olympic athlete Ralph Metcalfe. Richard J. Daley was elected party chairman in 1952. Daley replaced C.C.Wimbush, an ally of William Dawson, on the party committee with Metcalfe. Under Metcalfe, the 3rd Ward was a critical factor in Mayor Daley's 1955 mayoral election victory and ranked first in the city in the size of its Democratic plurality in 1961. While working under Metcalfe, Washington began to organize the 3rd Ward's Young Democrats (YD) organization. At YD conventions, the 3rd Ward would push for numerous resolutions in the interest of blacks. Eventually, other black YD organizations would come to the 3rd Ward headquarters for advice on how to run their own organizations. Like he had at Roosevelt College, <mask> avoided radicalism and preferred to work through the party to engender change. While working with the Young Democrats, <mask> met Mary Ella Smith.They dated for the next 20 years, and in 1983 <mask> proposed to Smith. In an interview with the Chicago Sun-Times, Smith said that she never pressed <mask> for marriage because she knew <mask>'s first love was politics, saying, "He was a political animal. He thrived on it, and I knew any thoughts of marriage would have to wait. I wasn't concerned about that. I just knew the day would come." In 1959 Al Janney, Gus Savage, Lemuel Bentley, Bennett Johnson, Luster Jackson and others founded the Chicago League of Negro Voters, one of the first African-American political organizations in the city. In its first election, Bentley drew 60,000 votes for city clerk.The endorsement of the League was deciding factor in the re-election of Leon DesPres who was an independent voice in the City Council. <mask> was a close friend of the founders of the League and worked with them from time to time. The League was key in electing Anna Langford, William Cousins and A. A. "Sammy" Rayner who were not part of the Daley machine. In 1963 the group moved to racially integrate and formed Protest at the Polls at a citywide conference which Washington independent candidates had gained traction within the black community, winning several aldermanic seats. In 1983, Protest at the Polls was instrumental in Washington's run for mayor.By then, the YDs were losing to
independent candidates. Legislative career

Illinois House (1965–1976)
After the state legislature failed to reapportion districts as required by the census every ten years, an at-large election was held in January 1965 to elect 177 representatives. With the Republicans and Democrats combining to slate only 118 candidates, independent voting groups seized the opportunity to slate candidates. The League of Negro Voters created a "Third Slate" of 59 candidates, announcing the slate on June 27, 1964. Shortly afterwards, Daley put together a slate including Adlai Stevenson III and <mask>. The Third Slate was then thrown out by the Illinois Election Board because of "insufficient signatures" on the nominating petitions. In the election, <mask> received the second-largest number of ballots, behind Stevenson.<mask>'s years in the Illinois House were marked by tension with Democratic Party leadership. In 1967, he was ranked by the Independent Voters of Illinois (IVI) as the fourth-most independent legislator in the Illinois House and named Best Legislator of the Year. His defiance of the "idiot card", a sheet of paper that directed legislators' votes on every issue, attracted the attention of party leaders, who moved to remove <mask> from his legislative position. Daley often told Metcalfe to dump <mask> as a candidate, but Metcalfe did not want to risk losing the 3rd Ward's Young Democrats, who were mostly aligned with <mask>. <mask> backed Renault Robinson, a black police officer and one of the founders of the Afro-American Patrolmen's League (AAPL). The aim of the AAPL was to fight racism directed against minority officers by the rest of the predominantly white department. Soon after the creation of the group, Robinson was written up for minor infractions, suspended, reinstated, and then placed on the graveyard shift to a single block behind central police headquarters.Robinson approached Washington to fashion a bill creating a civilian review board, consisting of both patrolmen and officers, to monitor police brutality. Both black independent and white liberal legislators refused to back the bill, afraid to challenge Daley's grip on the police force. After <mask> announced he would support the AAPL, Metcalfe refused to protect him from Daley. <mask> believed he had the support of Ralph Tyler Smith, Speaker of the House. Instead, Smith criticized <mask> and then allayed Daley's anger. In exchange for the party's backing, <mask> would serve on the Chicago Crime Commission, the group Daley tasked with investigating the AAPL's charges. The commission promptly found the AAPL's charges "unwarranted".An angry and humiliated Washington admitted that on the commission, he felt like Daley's "showcase ni***r". In 1969, Daley removed Washington's name from the slate; only by the intervention of Cecil Partee, a party loyalist, was Washington reinstated. The Democratic Party supported Jim Taylor, a former professional boxer, Streets and Sanitation worker, over Washington. With Partee and his own ward's support, Washington defeated Taylor. His years in the House of Representatives were focused on becoming an advocate for black rights. He continued work on the Fair Housing Act, and worked to strengthen the state's Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC). In addition, he worked on a state Civil Rights Act, which would strengthen employment and housing provisions in the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964.In his first session, all of his bills were sent to committee or tabled. Like his time in Roosevelt College, <mask> relied on parliamentary tactics (e.g., writing amendments guaranteed to fail in a vote) to enable him to bargain for more concessions. <mask> was accused of failure to file a tax return, even though the tax was paid. He was found guilty and sentenced to 36 days in jail. (1971)

Washington also passed bills honoring civil rights figures. He passed a resolution honoring Metcalfe, his mentor. He also passed a resolution honoring James J. Reeb, a Unitarian minister who was beaten to death in Selma, Alabama by a segregationist mob.After the 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., he introduced a series of bills aimed at making King's birthday a state holiday. The first was tabled and later vetoed. The third bill he introduced, which was passed and signed by Gov. Richard Ogilvie, made Dr. King's birthday a commemorative day observed by Illinois public schools. It was not until 1973 that <mask> was able, with Partee's help in the Senate, to have the bill enacted and signed by the governor. 1975 speakership campaign
<mask> ran a largely symbolic campaign for Speaker. He only received votes from himself and from Lewis A. H. Caldwell.However, with a divided Democratic caucus, this was enough to help deny Daley-backed Clyde Choate the nomination, helping to throw it to William A. Redmond after 92 rounds of voting. Redmond had <mask> appointed as chairman of the Judiciary Committee. Legal issues
In addition to Daley's strong-arm tactics, <mask>'s time in the Illinois House was also marred by problems with tax returns and allegations of not performing services owed to his clients. In her biography, Levinsohn questions whether the timing of Washington's legal troubles was politically motivated. In November 1966, <mask> was re-elected to the House over Daley's strong objections; the first complaint was filed in 1964; the second was filed by January 1967. A letter asking <mask> to explain the matter was sent on January 5, 1967. After failing to respond to numerous summons and subpoenas, the commission recommend a five-year suspension on March 18, 1968.A formal response to the charges did not occur until July 10, 1969. In his reply, <mask> said that "sometimes personal problems are enlarged out of proportion to the entire life picture at the time and the more important things are abandoned." In 1970, the Board of Managers of the Chicago Bar Association ruled that Washington's license be suspended for only one year, not the five recommended; the total amount in question between all six clients was $205. In 1971, <mask> was charged with failure to file tax returns for four years, although the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) claimed to have evidence for nineteen years. Judge Sam Perry noted that he was "disturbed that this case ever made it to my courtroom" — while <mask> had paid his taxes, he ended up owing the government a total of $508 as a result of not filing his returns. Typically, the IRS handled such cases in civil court, or within its bureaucracy. <mask> pleaded "no contest" and was sentenced to forty days in Cook County Jail, a $1,000 fine, and three years of probation.Illinois Senate (1976–1980)

Campaign for Illinois Senate
In 1975, Partee, now President of the Senate and eligible for his pension, decided to retire from the Senate. Although Daley and Taylor declined at first, at Partee's insistence, <mask> was ultimately slated for the seat and received the party's support. Daley had been displeased with <mask> for having run a symbolic challenge in 1975 to Daley-backed Clyde Choate for Illinois Speaker of the

masks:
Harold Lee Washington
Washington
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Harold Lee Washington
Isam Isham Washington
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Mack Washington
. Washington
Mayor Washington
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. Washington
Harold Lee
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title: Harold Washington

texts:
 House (<mask> had only received two votes). He had also helped ultimately push the vote towards Redmond as a compromise candidate. The United Automobile Workers union, whose backing <mask> obtained, were critical in persuading Daley to relent to back his candidacy. <mask> defeated Anna Langford by nearly 2,000 votes in the Democratic primary. He went on to win the general election.Human Rights Act of 1980
In the Illinois Senate, Washington's main focus worked to pass 1980's Illinois Human Rights Act. Legislators rewrote all of the human rights laws in the state, restricting discrimination based on "race, color, religion, sex, national origin, ancestry, age, marital status, physical or mental disability, military status, sexual orientation, or unfavorable discharge from military service in connection with employment, real estate transactions, access to financial credit, and the availability of public accommodations." The bill's origins began in 1970 with the rewriting of the Illinois Constitution. The new constitution required all governmental agencies and departments to be reorganized for efficiency. Republican governor James R. Thompson reorganized low-profile departments before his re-election in 1978. In 1979, during the early stages of his second term and immediately in the aftermath of the largest vote for a gubernatorial candidate in the state's history, Thompson called for human rights reorganization. The bill would consolidate and remove some agencies, eliminating a number of political jobs.Some Democratic legislators would oppose any measure backed by <mask>, Thompson and Republican legislators. For many years, human rights had been a campaign issue brought up and backed by Democrats. Thompson's staffers brought the bill to Washington and other black legislators before it was presented to the legislature. Washington made adjustments in anticipation of some legislators' concerns regarding the bill, before speaking for it in April 1979. On May 24, 1979, the bill passed the Senate by a vote of 59 to 1, with two voting present and six absent. The victory in the Senate was attributed by a Thompson staffer to Washington's "calm noncombative presentation". However, the bill stalled in the House.State Representative Susan Catania insisted on attaching an amendment to allow women guarantees in the use of credit cards. This effort was assisted by Carol Moseley Braun, a representative from Hyde Park who would later go on to serve as a U.S. Senator. State Representatives Jim Taylor and Larry Bullock introduced over one hundred amendments, including the text of the first ten amendments to the U.S. Constitution, to try to stall the bill. With Catania's amendment, the bill passed the House, but the Senate refused to accept the amendment. On June 30, 1979, the legislature adjourned. U.S. House (1981–1983)
In 1980, <mask> was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in Illinois's 1st congressional district.He defeated incumbent Representative Bennett Stewart in the Democratic primary. Anticipating that the Democratic Party would challenge him in his bid for re-nomination in 1982, Washington spent much of his first term campaigning for re-election, often travelling back to Chicago to campaign. Washington missed many House votes, an issue that would come up in his campaign for mayor in 1983. Washington's major congressional accomplishment involved legislation to extend the Voting Rights Act, legislation that opponents had argued was only necessary in an emergency. Others, including Congressman Henry Hyde, had submitted amendments designed to seriously weaken the power of the Voting Rights Act. Although he had been called "crazy" for railing in the House of Representatives against deep cuts to social programs, Associated Press political reporter Mike Robinson noted that Washington worked "quietly and thoughtfully" as the time came to pass the act. During hearings in the South regarding the Voting Rights Act, Washington asked questions that shed light on tactics used to prevent African Americans from voting (among them, closing registration early, literacy tests, and gerrymandering).After the amendments were submitted on the floor, <mask> spoke from prepared speeches that avoided rhetoric and addressed the issues. As a result, the amendments were defeated, and Congress passed the Voting Rights Act Extension. By the time <mask> faced re-election in 1982, he had cemented his popularity in the 1st Congressional District. Jane Byrne could not find one serious candidate to run against <mask> for his re-election campaign. He had collected 250,000 signatures to get on the ballot, although only 610 signatures (0.5% of the voters in the previous election) were required. With his re-election to Congress locked up, <mask> turned his attention to the next Chicago mayoral election. Mayor of Chicago (1983–1987)

1983 Chicago mayoral election

In the February 22, 1983, Democratic mayoral primary, more than 100,000 new voters registered to vote led by a coalition that included the Latino reformed gang Young Lords led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez.On the North and Northwest Sides, the incumbent mayor Jane Byrne led and future mayor Richard M. Daley, son of the late Mayor Richard J. Daley, finished a close second. <mask> had massive majorities on the South and West Sides. Southwest Side voters overwhelmingly supported Daley. <mask> won with 37% of the vote, versus 33% for Byrne and 30% for Daley. Although winning the Democratic primary was normally considered tantamount to election in heavily Democratic Chicago, after his primary victory <mask> found that his Republican opponent, former state legislator Bernard Epton (earlier considered a nominal stand-in), was supported by many high-ranking Democrats and their ward organizations, including the chairman of the Cook County Democratic Party, Alderman Edward Vrdolyak. Epton's campaign referred to, among other things, <mask>'s conviction for failure to file income tax returns (he had paid the taxes, but had not filed a return). <mask>, on the other hand, stressed reforming the Chicago patronage system and the need for a jobs program in a tight economy.In the April 12, 1983, mayoral general election, <mask> defeated Epton by 3.7%, 51.7% to 48.0%, to become mayor of Chicago. <mask> was sworn in as mayor on April 29, 1983, and resigned his Congressional seat the following day. First term and Council Wars
During his tenure as mayor, <mask> lived at the Hampton House apartments in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. He created the city's first environmental-affairs department under the management of longtime Great Lakes environmentalist Lee Botts. <mask>'s first term in office was characterized by conflict with the city council dubbed "Council Wars", referring to the then-recent Star Wars films and caused Chicago to be nicknamed "Beirut on the Lake". A 29-alderman City Council majority refused to enact <mask>'s legislation and prevented him from appointing nominees to boards and commissions. First-term challenges included city population loss and a massive decrease in ridership on the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA).Assertions that the overall crime rate increased were incorrect. The 29, also known as the "Vrdolyak 29", were led by Vrdolyak (who was an Alderman in addition to Cook County Democratic Party chairman) and Finance Chair, Alderman Edward Burke. Parks superintendent Edmund Kelly also opposed the mayor. The three were known as "the Eddies" and were supported by the younger Daley (now State's Attorney), U.S. Congressmen Dan Rostenkowski and William Lipinski, and much of the Democratic Party. During his first city council meeting, <mask> and the 21 supportive aldermen walked out of the meeting after a quorum had been established. Vrdolyak and the other 28 then chose committee chairmen and assigned aldermen to the various committees.Later lawsuits submitted by Washington and others were dismissed by Supreme Court Justice James C. Murray because it was determined that the appointments were legally made. Washington ruled by veto. The 29 lacked the 30th vote they needed to override Washington's veto; female and African American aldermen supported Washington despite pressure from the Eddies. Meanwhile, in the courts, Washington kept the pressure on to reverse the redistricting of city council wards that the city council had created during the Byrne years. During special elections in 1986, victorious Washington-backed candidates in the first round ensured at least 24 supporters in the city council. Six weeks later, when Marlene Carter and Luís Gutiérrez won run-off elections, Washington had the 25 aldermen he needed. His vote as president of the City Council enabled him to break 25–25 tie-votes and enact his programs.1987 election

Washington defeated former mayor Jane Byrne in the February 24, 1987 Democratic mayoral primary by 7.2%, 53.5% to 46.3%, and in the April 7, 1987 mayoral general election defeated Vrdolyak (Illinois Solidarity Party) by 11.8%, 53.8% to 42.8%, with Northwestern University business professor Donald Haider (Republican) getting 4.3%, to win reelection to a second term as mayor. Cook County Assessor Thomas Hynes (Chicago First Party), a Daley ally, dropped out of the race 36 hours before the mayoral general election. During <mask>'s short second term, the Eddies lost much of their power: Vrdolyak became a Republican, Kelly was removed from his powerful parks post, and Burke lost his Finance Committee chairmanship. Political Education Project (PEP)
From March 1984 to 1987, the Political Education Project (PEP) served as Washington's political arm, organizing both Washington's campaigns and the campaigns of his political allies. <mask> established the Political Education Project in 1984. This organization supported Washington's interests in electoral politics beyond the Office of the Mayor. PEP helped organize political candidates for statewide elections in 1984 and managed Washington's participation in the 1984 Democratic National Convention as a "favorite son" presidential candidate.PEP used its political connections to support candidates such as Luis Gutiérrez and Jesús "Chuy" García through field operations, voter registration and Election Day poll monitoring. Once elected, these aldermen helped break the stalemate between <mask> and his opponents in the city council. Due to PEP's efforts, Washington's City Council legislation gained ground and his popularity grew as the 1987 mayoral election approached. In preparation for the 1987 mayoral election, PEP formed the Committee to Re-Elect Mayor Washington. This organization carried out fundraising for the campaign, conducted campaign events, and coordinated volunteers. PEP staff members, such as Joseph Gardner and Helen Shiller, went on to play leading roles in Chicago politics. The organization disbanded upon <mask>'s death.<mask>'s Political Education Project Records is an archival collection detailing the organization's work. It is located in the Chicago Public Library Special Collections, Harold Washington Library Center, Chicago, Illinois. DuSable Park

<mask>, during his mayorship, announced a plan to redevelop a commercial site into a DuSable Park, named in honor of Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, the honorary founder of the city. The project has yet to be completed, has experienced a number of bureaucratic reconceptions and roadblocks, and is currently spearheaded by the DuSable Heritage Association. Death and funeral
On November 25, 1987, at 11:00 a.m., Chicago Fire Department paramedics were called to City Hall. Washington's press secretary, Alton Miller, had been discussing school board issues with the mayor when <mask> suddenly slumped over on his desk, falling unconscious. After failing to revive <mask> in his office, paramedics rushed him to Northwestern Memorial Hospital.Further attempts to revive him failed, and <mask> was pronounced dead at 1:36 p.m. At Daley Plaza, Patrick Keen, project director for the Westside Habitat for Humanity, announced <mask>'s official time of death to a separate gathering of Chicagoans. Initial reactions to the pronouncement of his death were of shock and sadness, as many black people believed that <mask> was the only top Chicago official who would address their concerns. Thousands of Chicagoans attended his wake in the lobby of City Hall between November 27 and 29, 1987. On November 30, 1987, Reverend B. Herbert Martin officiated <mask>'s funeral service in Christ Universal Temple at 119th Street and Ashland Avenue in Chicago. After the service, <mask> was buried in Oak Woods Cemetery on the South Side of Chicago. Rumors
Immediately after <mask>'s death, rumors about how <mask> died began to surface. On January 6, 1988, Dr. Antonio Senat, Washington's personal physician, denied "unfounded speculations" that <mask> had cocaine in his system at the time of his death, or that foul play was involved.Cook County Medical Examiner Robert J. Stein performed an autopsy on Washington and concluded that Washington had died of a heart attack. Washington had weighed , and suffered from hypertension, high cholesterol levels, and an enlarged heart. On June 20, 1988, Alton Miller again indicated that drug reports on Washington had come back negative, and that Washington had not been poisoned prior to his death. Dr. Stein stated that the only drug in Washington's system had been lidocaine, which is used to stabilize the heart after a heart attack takes place. The drug was given to Washington either by paramedics or by doctors at Northwestern Memorial Hospital. Bernard Epton, Washington's opponent in the 1983 general election, died 18 days later, on December 13, 1987. Legacy

At a party held shortly after his re-election on April 7, 1987, Washington said to a group of supporters, "In the old days, when you told people in other countries that you were from Chicago, they would say, 'Boom-boom!Rat-a-tat-tat!' Nowadays, they say [crowd joins with him], 'How's <mask>?'!" In later years, various city facilities and institutions were named or renamed after the late mayor to commemorate his legacy. The new building housing the main branch of the Chicago Public Library, located at 400 South State Street, was named the Harold Washington Library Center. The Chicago Public Library Special Collections, located on the building's 9th floor, house the Harold Washington Archives and Collections. These archives hold numerous collections related to <mask>'s life and political career. Five months after <mask>'s sudden death in office, a ceremony was held on April 19, 1988, changing the name of Loop College, one of the City Colleges of Chicago, to Harold Washington College.<mask> Elementary School in Chicago's Chatham neighborhood is also named after the former mayor. In August 2004, the  Harold Washington Cultural Center opened to the public in the Bronzeville neighborhood. Across from the Hampton House apartments where <mask> lived, a city park was renamed Harold Washington Park, which was known for "Harold's Parakeets", a colony of feral monk parakeets that inhabited Ash Trees in the park. A building on the campus of Chicago State University is named <mask> Hall. Six months after <mask>'s death, School of the Art Institute of Chicago student David Nelson painted Mirth & Girth, a full-length portrait depicting <mask> wearing women's lingerie. The work was unveiled on May 11, 1988, opening day of SAIC's annual student exhibition. Within hours, City aldermen and members of the Chicago Police Department seized the painting.It was later returned, but with a five-inch (13 cm) gash in the canvas. Nelson, assisted by the ACLU, filed a federal lawsuit against the city, claiming that the painting's confiscation and subsequent damaging violated his First Amendment rights. The complainants eventually split a US$95,000 (1994, US$138,000 in 2008) settlement from the city. See also
List of African-American United States representatives
Ed Lee, first Asian American Mayor of San Francisco, who also died in office of a heart attack at the same age as Washington
Events in the Life of <mask> (mural)

Notes

References

External links
"Harold" Program 84— A This American Life radio story that aired on November 21, 1997. It recounts the political history of Washington's mayoralty. Another program on This American Life is Act 4 "The Other Guy," Program 376: Wrong Side of History. This program recounts the story of Bernie Epton, the opponent in the mayoral race against <mask>.[ The Harold Washington Commemorative Year]
Harold Washington Archives and Collections at Chicago Public Library
"The Legacy of Chicago's <mask>", Cheryl Corley, All Things Considered, November 23, 2007. Retrieved November 23, 2007.
, video excerpt from a 1986 documentary special on Richard J. Daley

<mask>'s Political Education Project Records, Black Metropolis Research Consortium
 Young Lords in Lincoln Park Neighborhood Collection

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title: Peter V. Deuster

texts:
<mask> (February 13, 1831December 31, 1904) was a German American immigrant, newspaperman, diplomat, and Democratic politician. He represented Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in the United States House of Representatives for three terms (1879–1885) and was American consul at Krefeld, Germany, during the presidency of Grover Cleveland. Background and early business career
Born in Düren, Rhenish Prussia, <mask> immigrated to the United States with his parents, who settled on a farm near Milwaukee in May 1847. <mask> had pursued an academic course at a college in Düren, but left too young to graduate. He completed his self-education in a printing office. He started a Milwaukee newspaper called the Hausfreund in 1852; it was later taken over by George Brumder's  Germania Publishing. He moved to Port Washington, Wisconsin, in 1854 and edited a newspaper.He also served simultaneously as deputy postmaster, deputy clerk of the circuit court, clerk of the land office, and notary public. He returned to Milwaukee in 1856 and edited the Milwaukee See-Bote (later Seebote), a German language Democratic daily paper, until 1860, when he became proprietor. <mask> as Copperhead
The See-Bote had been founded by Archbishop John Henni as an anti-radical organ, and under <mask>'s leadership it took a strong stance against German radicals and radicalism, calling Carl Schurz "a political mountebank" and railing against the new Republican Party with its freethinkers and abolitionism. During the American Civil War, <mask> was widely reviled as a prominent Copperhead, as he opposed the abolitionist influence on the Lincoln administration and defended General George B. McClellan against his critics. He encouraged negrophobia in his immigrant readers, warning that emancipation and abolitionism would lead to a "Negrocracy" as free whites were forced to compete with cheaper "black cattle," and referred to the abolitionist Milwaukee Herold as part of the "German Nigger Press". <mask> and the See-Bote were widely blamed for the November 10, 1862 anti-draft riot in nearby Port Washington. The commander of the German-majority Union Army of South-east Missouri forbade the circulation of the paper in areas under his control.Abraham Lincoln, described in the See-Bote as "the most incapable of statesmen and the most irresponsible of the butchers of men", was defended only when <mask> saw him as being harried by the more radical elements within the Republican Party. Unlike some Copperhead newspaper editors, <mask> publicly mourned Lincoln's assassination, expressing a fear that it would give free rein to the Radical Republicans and unleash a policy of "retribution and revenge". In the legislature and out
He served as a Democratic member of the Wisconsin State Assembly in 1863, succeeding fellow Democrat John M. Stowell. He was assigned to the standing committees on state affairs and federal relations. He was subject to attacks in the Assembly because of the editorial stances of the See-Bote. He was not re-elected, and was succeeded in 1864 by J.C.U. Niedermann, elected on the National Union Party ticket.At this same time, his brother <mask> was also active in Democratic politics (at various times a member of the Common Council, sheriff, and sergeant-at-arms of the State Assembly). In 1870 <mask> purchased the Chicago Daily Union. He was elected to the Wisconsin State Senate's Sixth District (the 3rd, 4th, 5th and 8th Wards of the City of Milwaukee, and the Towns of Franklin, Greenfield, Lake, Oak Creek and Wauwatosa) in 1870, with 2178 votes to 1704 for incumbent Charles H. Larkin, a one-time War Democrat who chose to run as an independent. He was not a candidate for re-election in 1872, and was succeeded by fellow Democrat John L. Mitchell. Congress
<mask> was narrowly elected in 1878 as a Democrat to the Forty-sixth Congress to succeed retiring Democratic incumbent William Pitt Lynde in Wisconsin's 4th congressional district (Milwaukee, Ozaukee and Washington counties) with 11,157 votes to 11,022 for Republican former Assemblyman Leander Frisby and 1,351 for Greenbacker and former National Union Assemblyman Truman H. Judd He served as chairman of the Committee on Expenditures on Public Buildings. He was re-elected to the Forty-seventh Congress (17.574 votes to 15,018 for Republican former Assemblyman Casper Sanger) and Forty-eighth Congress (9,688 votes to 8,320 for Republican former Assemblyman Frederick Winkler and 1,922 for former Republican Assemblyman George B. Goodwin, "trades' assembly" candidate). <mask> was publishing The Daily Journal a part of his re-election campaign for the 48th Congress.The young Lucius W. Nieman bought an interest in the paper and took over when <mask> was successfully re-elected. Nieman grew the publication and changed its name to The Milwaukee Journal. <mask> was unsuccessful in seeking reelection in 1884 to the Forty-ninth Congress, losing to Isaac W<mask> Schaick: with 15,967 votes; to 16,783 for <mask>ck; 1,296 for the Union Labor candidate, Alderman and former Socialist Assemblyman Henry Smith; and 226 for C. E. Reed. After Congress
He again resumed his newspaper interests, publishing the Seebote and a German language weekly titled Telephone. He was appointed chairman of a commission to diminish the Umatilla Indian reservation in Oregon in 1887. He was appointed consul at Krefeld, Germany, February 19, 1896, and served until a successor was appointed October 15, 1897. In 1898, he was the Democratic nominee for Lieutenant Governor of Wisconsin, losing in a six-way race to Republican Jesse Stone with 180,038 votes, to 126,206 votes for <mask>; 8,267 votes for Populist Spencer Palmer: 7.846 votes for Prohibitionist Willis W. Cooper; 2,535 votes for Social Democratic Party of America candidate Edward P. Hassinger; and 1,543 votes for Herman C. Gauger of the Socialist Labor Party.He died in Milwaukee December 31, 1904, and was interred in Calvary Cemetery. There is no source to prove that he and Joseph were related to John H<mask>, although they were all three born in Prussia, moved to Milwaukee, and became active Democratic Party politicians and legislators. References

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title: Manuel II of Portugal

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<mask> (15 November 1889 – 2 July 1932), "the Patriot" () or "the Unfortunate" (), was the last King of Portugal, ascending the throne after the assassination of his father, King Carlos I, and his elder brother, Luís Filipe, the Prince Royal. Before ascending the throne he held the title of Duke of Beja. His reign ended with the fall of the monarchy during the 5 October 1910 revolution, and <mask> lived the rest of his life in exile in Twickenham, Middlesex, England. Early life

<mask>xe-Coburgo-Gota e Bragança was born in the Palace of Belém, Lisbon, less than a month after his father King Carlos I ascended the Portuguese throne. He was the third child and second son of Carlos and Amélie of Orleans. A member of the House of Braganza, he was baptized a few days later, with his maternal grandfather as godfather. The former Emperor <mask> of Brazil, <mask> II's paternal great-granduncle, who had been deposed from the Brazilian throne on the day of <mask>'s birth, attended the ceremony.He received the traditional education of a member of the royal family, without the political preoccupations that befell his older brother, who was destined to become King. Although <mask> was raised as a member of the upper class he took a more populist tone after ascending to the throne, and abandoned many of the court protocols. He studied history and languages, and by the age of six spoke and wrote French. He demonstrated a love of literature and reading, unlike his older brother who was more interested in physical activities. <mask>'s upbringing included horse riding, fencing, rowing, tennis and gardening. He was a great lover of music, especially Beethoven and Wagner, and played the piano. As a child, <mask> played with the children of Count of Figueiró, Count of Galveias and with other families of the Court.In 1902, he was taught Latin and German by Franz Kerausch, later instruction was by Father João Damasceno Fiadeiro (Portuguese history); Marquês Leitão (Mathematics); M. Boeyé (French and French literature); Alfredo King (English and English literature), Father Domingos Fructuoso (Religion and Morals) and Alexandre Rey Colaço (piano). In 1903 he travelled with his mother and his brother to Egypt, on board the royal yacht Amélia, to expand his understanding of ancient civilizations. In 1907 he entered the Portuguese Naval Academy. Lisbon regicide

His future in the Portuguese Navy was abruptly shelved on 1 February 1908. On that day, the royal family returned from the Ducal Palace in Vila Viçosa to Lisbon. On their way to the royal palace, the carriage carrying King Carlos and his family passed through the Terreiro do Paço where shots were fired by at least two Portuguese republican activist revolutionaries: Alfredo Luis da Costa and <mask>. It is unclear whether the assassins were attempting to kill the King, the Prince Royal or the prime minister, João Franco.The murderers were shot on the spot by the royal bodyguard and were later recognized as members of the Portuguese Republican Party. The King was killed; Prince Luís Filipe was mortally wounded; <mask> was hit in the arm; Queen Amélie of Orleans was unharmed. It was Amélie's quick thinking that saved her younger son. About 20 minutes later, Prince Luis Filipe died. Days later, <mask> was proclaimed King of Portugal. The young King, who had not been groomed to rule, sought to save the fragile position of the Braganza dynasty by dismissing João Franco and his entire cabinet in 1908. The ambitions of various political parties made <mask>'s short reign a turbulent one.In free elections held on 28 August 1910, the republicans won only 14 seats in the legislature. King of Portugal and the Algarves

His first act was to meet with his Council of State and request the resignation of João Franco, whose policies may have been responsible for the tragedy. He appointed a government of national unity, presided over by Admiral Francisco Joaquim Ferreira do Amaral. This quieted the republicans, but in retrospect was seen as weakness. He opened the Royal Court Assembly on 6 May 1908 in the presence of national representatives, and affirmed his support of the Constitution. The King received general public sympathy, due to the deaths of his father and older brother. He was protected by his mother, Amélie, and sought out the support of the experienced politician José Luciano de Castro.Judging that the intervention of King Carlos was a reason for the events of 1908, he declared that he would reign, but not govern. For his part, the new King tried to increase the monarchy's connection with its subjects. The King visited several areas of the country. His trips included stops in Porto, Braga, Viana do Castelo, Oliveira de Azeméis, Santo Tirso, Vila Nova de Gaia, Aveiro, Guimarães, Coimbra and Barcelos. During these visits, his subjects were captivated by the young king, and he was received warmly. On 23 November he travelled to Espinho in open the Vale do Vouga Railway. On his journeys, he ingratiated himself with the people with his candour and pious character.However, he was not popular with republicans. One of them, João Chagas, the anti-monarchist journalist and propagandist of the Republican Party, warned the King of the problems that would develop when he declared:

"...your Highness arrives too young into a very old world...!" Social issues

During the 19th century, many intellectuals and politicians were preoccupied with the growth of the urban proletariat as a consequence of the Industrial Revolution. In Portugal, owing to lower levels of industrialisation, this was not an important question, but it was exacerbated by an economic crisis and the Republican Party, who believed a republic would resolve the problems. This was the Questão Social (social question) of the times. The Socialist Party had existed since 1875, but it never had representation in Parliament. This was not only because it was not popular, but also because the Republican Party was the principal channel of radical discontent within the political system.The King made some moves that did not infringe his constitutional restrictions, but which created incentives for the Socialist Party to lessen their support for the Republican Party. In 1909, <mask> invited the French sociologist, Léon Poinsard, to examine the social environment and report back to him. Poinsard wrote that the only way to combat clientelism, created by the system of rotational governments, would be a reorganisation of the local administrations. Enthusiastically, the King wrote to the President of the Council of Ministers Wenceslau de Sousa Pereira de Lima, to make him aware of the reorganisation of the Socialist Party (under Alfredo Aquiles Monteverde) and to remind him of the importance of working with the Socialists, "...so that, we will empty their supporters from the Republican Party, and orient them into a useful and productive force." Notwithstanding the contacts made by the government of Artur Alberto de Campos Henriques with the Socialist Azedo Gneco, Venceslau de Lima considered this difficult after the Congresso Nacional Operário, which was boycotted by anarchists and republicans. For their part, the Socialists were enthusiastic about Royal support between <mask> and Aquiles Monteverde. Monteverde would later inform the King of the failure of the October 1909 trade union congress, but little was formalised between the socialists and the government, although they supported the work of Poinsard.During the government of António Teixeira de Sousa, in July 1910, that the government created a commission to study the establishment of an Instituto de Trabalho Nacional ("Institute of National Work"), that had three socialists and included Azedo Gneco. However, Aquiles Monteverde would complain that the commission lacked the resources to be effective: specifically that permanent members and unlimited transport, in order for the Socialists to promote their propaganda. <mask> informed the government, through the Minister of Public Works, that he agreed with the establishment of the Instituto de Trabalho Nacional, but by September, it was too late for the constitutional monarchy. During his reign he visited many parts of northern Portugal, in addition to Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, where he was appointed Knight of the Order of the Garter, in November 1909. He cultivated a foreign policy that was close to Great Britain, which was not only the geo-political strategy that his father maintained, but it also reinforced his position on the throne by having a strong ally. The court also considered the marriage of a King of the House of Braganza to a British princess would secure the protection of the United Kingdom in any impending conflict. But, the country's instability, the assassination of the King and Prince Royal, and the drawn-out negotiations that were ended with the death of Edward VII, ended these pretensions.The old British monarch, a personal friend of Carlos, would have been the great protector of the House of Braganza, and without him, the liberal government of Britain had no interest in maintaining the Portuguese monarchy. Revolution

The stability of the government deteriorated; seven governments were established and fell in a period of 24 months. The monarchist parties continued to fragment, while the Republican Party continued to gain ground. The legislative elections on 28 August 1910 had elected 14 new representatives (resulting in an assembly that was divided: 9% Republican, 58% Government and 33% Opposition) which helped the revolutionary cause, but which made little importance since the Setúbal Congress (on 24–25 April 1909) had determined that the Republicans would take power by force. The murder of a prominent republican precipitated the coup d'état that had been so long in coming. Between 4 and 5 October 1910, the Republican Revolution erupted in the streets of Lisbon. What started as a military coup commenced by soldiers, was joined by some civilians and municipal guards attacking the loyal garrisons and the royal palace, while the guns from the cruiser NRP Adamastor added to the cannonade.The Palace of Necessidades (then official residence of the young King) was bombarded, forcing <mask> to move to the Mafra National Palace, where he rendezvoused with his mother, Queen Amélia, and his grandmother, the Queen Mother Maria Pia of Savoy. There was little apparent popular reaction to these events: pictures from the square in front of the City Hall in Lisbon, where the declaration of the Republic occurred, did not show an overwhelming multitude, and even some in the military were fearful that their actions would not be successful. One republican commander, Admiral Cândido dos Reis, even committed suicide when he believed that the events had not succeeded. One day later, once it was clear that the Republicans had taken the country, <mask> decided to embark from Ericeira on the royal yacht Amélia IV for Porto, with armed Republicans arriving as the ship departed. It is unclear whether his advisers motivated <mask> to change his intentions or whether he was forced to change his destination en route, but the Royal Family disembarked in Gibraltar shortly later, after they received notice that Porto had fallen to the Republicans. The coup d'état was complete, and the Royal Family departed for exile, arriving in the United Kingdom, where he was received by King George V.

Personal life

During a visit to Paris in July 1909, the King met Gaby Deslys, an actress and dancer, and immediately began a relationship that would last until the end of <mask>'s reign. It was thought that after this first meeting the King sent Deslys a pearl necklace worth $70,000: more gifts soon followed, including a diamond necklace with black and white pearl drops set in a platinum band.Their relationship was anything but discreet (she would arrive before night at the Palácio das Necessidades and would pass through Portugal unnoticed); abroad, meanwhile, they were on the front pages of newspapers in Europe and North America, especially after he was deposed. In public interviews, usually on trips, Gaby Deslys never negated the obvious, but always refused to comment on her relationship with the King. After his exile, they would continue to meet, especially while she had stage engagements in London. When Gaby moved to New York, in the summer of 1911, their relationship broke off. In the spring of 1912, <mask> visited Switzerland, where he met Princess Augusta Victoria of Hohenzollern (1890–1966), daughter of William, Prince of Hohenzollern, and was deeply impressed by her. They were second cousins, both being great-grandchildren of Maria II. In the following year, on 4 September 1913, <mask> married Augusta Victoria.During the mass, which was celebrated in the Chapel of Sigmaringen Castle, <mask>, wearing his Order of the Garter medallion and the sash of the Three Portuguese Orders, stood on a crate containing soil brought from Portugal. The ceremony was conducted by Cardinal José Sebastião de Almeida Neto, Patriarch of Lisbon, then exiled in Seville, who had baptized <mask> as a young prince; <mask> was also assisted by the Prince of Wales (<mask>) and King <mask> of Spain, as well as representatives of the royal houses of Europe (including Spain, Germany, Italy, France and Romania, in addition to the principalities and German kingdoms). After festivities which lasted two days, the couple went on their honeymoon to Munich, where the Princess fell ill and withdrew from the public. The marriage, a calm and serene union, lasted until the death of the former King; the couple had no children. Exile

In exile, <mask> resided in Fulwell Park, Twickenham now in London (where his mother had been born). At Fulwell Park he tried to recreate a Portuguese environment, as the attempts to restore him to his throne (1911, 1912 and 1919) failed. He was active in the local community, attended services at the Church of St James, Twickenham, and became godfather to several children.In 1932 he donated a window to St James Church bearing the Braganza crest and depicting St Anthony to celebrate the 700th anniversary of the saint's death. His influence is also recalled by a number of toponymic references in the area: Manuel Road, Lisbon Avenue, and Portugal Gardens. He followed political events in Portugal, and was concerned with the anarchy of the First Republic, fearing that it could provoke a Spanish intervention and risk the country's independence. While in exile, there was one case where the former King's direct intervention had an effect. After the overthrow of the government of Gomes da Costa, by General Óscar Fragoso Carmona, in 1926, Costa was appointed Ambassador to London. Given the rapid succession of ambassadors during this period, the British government refused to recognize the new official's credentials. As the ambassador was to negotiate the liquidation of the Portuguese debt to the United Kingdom, the Minister of Foreign Affairs asked <mask> to straighten out the situation.The former monarch was delighted by the opportunity to help his homeland and communicated with many of his British contacts (including, probably, King George V) in order to resolve the dispute. Even in exile <mask> continued to be a patriot, going as far as declaring in his 1915 testament his intention to transfer his possessions to the Portuguese State for the creation of a museum, and showing his interest in being buried in Portugal. World War I

<mask> defended the entry of Portugal into the First World War and its active participation. He asked monarchists to desist from restoration efforts as long as the war continued. He even met with republicans, and at one time, solicited his involvement in the Portuguese army. But, contrary to his hopes, a majority of the monarchists did not follow his pleas for cooperation. Many of them backed the aspirations of Germany, and had hoped to see the victory of the Kaiser as another channel to restore the monarchy.<mask>

masks: Manuel Maria Filipe Carlos Amélio Luís Miguel Rafael Gabriel Gonzaga Francisco de Assis Eio de Sa


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 believed that supporting Great Britain would guarantee the retention of overseas colonies, which would have been lost to German aggression even if the Germans were supported in the conflict. Of his close subordinates who offered their support to the Republic, none were accepted. <mask> attempted to make himself available to the Allied Powers, wherever they saw use, but was disappointed when he was assigned a post in the British Red Cross. He characteristically put all his efforts into the role, participating in conferences, fund drives, visits to hospitals and the wounded soldiers on the front, which ultimately gave him a lot of gratification. The visits to the front were difficult on the French government, but his friendship with George V was sufficient to alleviate their concerns. Regardless, most of his efforts were not credited; years later, in an interview with António Ferro, he lamented, "The operating room in the Portuguese Hospital in Paris, during the War, was constructed by me. Do you know what they put on the plaque?'From a Portuguese in London'." The King was also responsible for the creation of the Orthopedic Department at Shepherd's Bush Hospital which, at his insistence continued to function until 1925, in order to continue to treat the disfiguring effects of the war. A proof of his recognition by the British was by his friend King George V, who invited him to be with the King during the victory celebrations during the parade of soldiers in 1919. Monarchy and its status

Since 1911, the Portuguese monarchists-in-exile concentrated in Galicia, Spain in order to enter Portugal and restore the monarchy but without the tacit approval of the Spanish government. The monarchists were led by the charismatic Henrique Mitchell de Paiva Couceiro, a veteran of the African colonial campaigns. The Paladin, as the Portuguese newspapers called him, believed that demonstrating a show of force would force the rural people to rise-up and support the restoration. But he was wrong; poorly prepared and badly financed, his forces encountered apathy from the rural population and the incursions ended with retreats into Galicia.For his part, <mask> supported these incursions the best way he could, but his financial resources were limited. He also faced a group of monarchists who were not clear supporters of his claim to the throne: one attack was made under a blue and white flag, but without the crown, while Paiva Couceiro himself declared at one time that his movement was "neutral" and wanted a plebiscite on the form of the new regime. It was only after he traded correspondence with Couceiro that the King was able to support the Galician monarchists, who had promised to support the Constitutional Charter of 1826. The second incursion, in 1912, although better prepared did not succeed because the Spanish government was forced to cede to Republican diplomats the illegality of monarchist encampments in Galicia and disarmed the remaining combatants within its territory. <mask> was never able to restore his kingdom by force and always defended that the monarchists should organize internally in order to reach power legally (by elections). This was not accepted by militant monarchists who, in the following years, continued their badly prepared attempts to restore the monarchy (for example on 20 October 1914), creating anarchy in the streets. His preoccupation worsened at the beginning of the Great War: <mask> was fearful that the United Kingdom would ally with Spain, in light of Portugal's instability, and that Spain would want to annex Portugal, as the price for Spain's entry into the War.Dover Pact

After the failure of the first monarchist incursion, and with <mask> appearing relatively unenthusiastic for a restoration of the monarchy (and entirely against armed counter-revolution), another group of royalists attempted to legitimize the claims of the descendants of Miguel I to the throne. In order to counter this, the King entered into direct negotiations with the Duke of Braganza's representatives: he attempted to establish himself as the rightful king and, according to the Integralismo Lusitano group, he recognised the descendants of Miguel as being in line to the throne of Portugal. In fact, there was an encounter between <mask> and Miguel in Dover on 30 January 1912, where both exchanged protocols. The results of this meeting remain controversial: although there was an accord on challenging the republic, there remained no clear agreement on hereditary lines of succession, and <mask> still retained his claim to the throne. Monarchy of the North

Some monarchists continued unsuccessful counter-revolutionary activities during the War, while the former King continued to condemn their actions and to exhort them to restore the monarchy at the ballot-box. This option seemed viable after the dictatorship of General Pimenta de Castro (January 1915) broke the momentum of the Democratic Party, who attempted to garner sympathies from the conservative right, by removing restrictions imposed on monarchist groups on 5 October. Between April and May 1915, 55 monarchist centres opened (33 in the north and 12 in the centre of the country), causing many republicans to close ranks and on 14 May 1915 the revolution returned to the streets, when 15,000 armed civilians and the soldiers from the Navy tried to maintain the loyalty of the Army to the government.After three days of combat 500 deaths and more than 1,000 wounded, the Democratic Party retained control and the monarchist groups were once again declared illegal. During the Sidónio Pais government, Pais cultivated support from conservative factions and incorporated a re-establishment of a regime based on universal male suffrage. His assassination allowed moderate republicans to re-establish control, but the creation of military juntas in the provinces of the north, with monarchist tendencies, created expectations of a possible monarchist restoration through a military coup d'état. <mask> continued to plead for calm at the end of the War; while not abandoning the possibility of taking action in the future, he insisted on waiting to the end of peace negotiations in Paris: he was fearful that continued anarchy in Portugal would prejudice its negotiating position. But, for Paiva Couceiro and the other Integralists, this was the moment: they awaited the royal authorization of the King's adjunct Aires de Ornelas. Receiving a memorandum that requested this authorization, and convinced that this action would not occur immediately, Ornelas wrote on the margin, Go on. Palavras de El-Rei, and signed the document.On 19 January 1919 a thousand soldiers and some artillery, under the command of Paiva Couceiro occupied Porto, in order to restore the Constitutional Monarchy, and its King <mask> II. A provisional government was established that controlled Minho, Trás-os-Montes (with the exception of Chaves, Mirandela and Vila Real), as well as part of the district of Aveiro, but contrary to Couceiro's expectations, the rest of the country did not rise. In Lisbon, Aires de Ornelas was caught completely by surprise, but he could not escape with other monarchists to the safety of the 2nd Regimental Lancers, in Ajuda. There the number of refugees, who suffered as the republican reprisals increased, and the commander removed his forces and those civilians, marching them to Monsanto, where the 4th, 7th and 9th Cavalry and the 30th Infantry Battery from Belém were entrenched. Aires de Ornelas wavered in his support, which risked the possibility that Integralists would transfer their loyalty to Miguel's supporters, or assume the leadership of the monarchist movement. In a small area, and circled by Republican forces, the monarchists surrendered on 24 January. With the failure of the Restoration in the centre and south of the country, luck turned on Paiva Couceiro.On 13 February a part of the Republican National Guard deserted and restored the Republic in Porto. Those monarchists who did not escape were incarcerated and subsequently sentenced to long-term imprisonment. The King, in exile, did not hear of the failure and was informed only after reading the reports in the newspapers. Paris Pact

Although it is not likely that such a pact took place, it is said that in 1922, with cooling of relations between monarchists Integralismo Lusitano and the King, and mindful that his marriage to Augusta Victória had not produced heirs, <mask>, in a Paris meeting in April 1922, represented by his adjunct Aires de Ornelas, and Miguelist representatives Infanta Adelgundes, who was by now calling herself Duchess of Guimarães, and tutor to Duarte Nuno, agreed that owing to an heir, the rights of succession would pass to Duarte Nuno. Integralists disagreed because, in their view, the agreement failed to make reference to the reestablishment of a traditional monarchy, which was fundamental to their assertions. Integralismo Lusitano withheld their support, and on September 1925, Aldegundes, in a letter to <mask>, repudiated the agreement owing the continue operation of the Constitutional Newspaper (the Integralist paper was closed as part of the accord) and the lack of Integralist participation. Bibliographer

<mask> was always an avid reader and, during his exile, dedicated himself to the study of literature, penning treatises on Medieval and Renaissance literature in Portugal.Following the First World War and with more free time, apart from his contacts with monarchist organizations, he dedicated himself to these studies (a tradition that was instilled in him by his father). Initially, he was interested in writing a biography, and began research on a biography of <mask> of Portugal, who he believed was badly treated by other historians. He contracted the services of the bibliographer Maurice Ettinghausen in 1919, to find older books for his project, and was helped by the dissolution of many private collections after the implementation of the Republic. By 1926, <mask> had abandoned the idea of a biography and concentrated on descriptions of older books in his library (itself, a complete library of older works). More than a simple list, the work allowed <mask> to write of the glories of Portugal, writing not just a bibliography but also an examination of the authors and the context of their writings. His interpretation was scientifically rigorous, and resulted in a final work that was marked by a nationalism and the exaltation of ancestral valor. His examples were limited and illustrated by facsimiled copies of the works, both written in English and Portuguese.The first volume of the work Livros Antigos Portuguezes 1489–1600, da Bibliotheca de Sua Magestade Fidelíssima Descriptos por S. M. El-Rey D. Manuel em Três volumes was published in 1929. <mask> delivered, by hand, a copy of his work to his friend George V at Windsor Castle. The work was received well by critics, and the King dedicated himself to the second volume, which covered the period 1540 to 1569. But the project was terminated prematurely in 1932, when <mask> died unexpectedly: the third volume was posthumously published under the supervision of his librarian, Margery Winters. His completed works gave the King a respectful reputation among Portuguese historians, and his bust was added to the entrance atrium of the National Library in Lisbon. Death, aftermath, and legacy

King <mask> died unexpectedly in his residence on 2 July 1932, via suffocation by an abnormal swelling in the vocal folds of his larynx, or tracheal oedema. The Portuguese government, at that time led by António Oliveira de Salazar, authorized his burial in Lisbon, after a state funeral.His body arrived in Lisbon on 2 August 1932, on board the British cruiser HMS Concord which had made the journey from the United Kingdom and sailed into the Tagus River to deliver the coffin of the former King. The body was received at Praça do Comércio, where a crowd of people had gathered to follow the coffin to São Vicente de Fora and the roads were inundated with people interested in seeing the funeral procession. His body was interred in the Royal Pantheon of the House of Braganza in the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora. By some he was given the nickname O Patriota ('The Patriot'), for his preoccupation with the national identity; O Desventurado ('The Unfortunate'), because he lost his throne to the Republic; and O Estudioso or O Bibliófilo ('The Studious' or 'The Bibliophile') for his love for Portuguese literature. Monarchists also referred to him as O Rei-Saudade ('The Missed King'), for the longing that was felt when the monarchy was abolished. His death has been regarded as suspicious by some because he had been playing tennis on 1 July and was apparently in excellent health. An incident surrounding his sudden death was mentioned in the autobiography of Harold Brust, a member of Scotland Yard Special Branch in charge of protecting public figures.In his memoirs, Brust speaks of an incident which probably occurred in 1931 in which an intruder was discovered in the grounds of Fulwell Park who, when arrested, the Police confirmed as being a prominent member of a Portuguese republican terrorist group known as the Carbonária and who was subsequently deported to Lisbon. To date the identity of the intruder has not been confirmed. Questions remain as to the reason for the man's intrusion. Since neither the Dover nor Paris Pacts resolved the issue of succession and there are no known documents proving them, there was no direct heir to the defunct throne. King <mask> also made it clear that the Portuguese royal family (including the Brazilian branch of the Imperial House of Orléans-Braganza and the Portuguese family branch of the descendants of the Infanta Ana de Jesus Maria of Braganza and the Duke of Loulé) would end with the last dynastic male heir of the House of Braganza (himself), the collateral Miguelist line having been furthermore excluded from the throne by the Portuguese Cortes, in December 1834, and categorically through the Constitution of 1838 (the article 98). Still, the monarchist Integralismo Lusitano movement supported (since 1920 as miguelist) and acclaimed Duarte Nuno, Duke of Braganza as King of Portugal in 1932, at the death of <mask> II. Their justification, ironically, included the fact that both branches had met to determine the line of succession in Dover and Paris, even though those accords were both later repudiated.After King <mask>'s death, the Portuguese National Assembly, under António de Oliveira Salazar's dictatorship, authorized the return of the banned branch of the Braganzas (ex-King Miguel's descendants) on 27 May 1950, repealing the laws of exile of 19 December 1834 and 15 October 1910, and founded, with the sale of the King's English estate and some of his remaining personal possessions, the Foundation of the House of Braganza, according to King <mask>'s desire to leave his personal fortune to the Portuguese people. Honours

National
 Grand Cross of the Sash of the Two Orders
 Gold Medal of the Royal Humanitarian Society of Porto

He became Grand Master of all Portuguese orders upon his accession to the throne. Foreign

Ancestry

References
Notes

Sources

External links

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1889 births
1932 deaths
House of Braganza-Saxe-Coburg and Gotha
Dethroned monarchs
Portuguese royalty
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Extra Knights Companion of the Garter
Knights of the Golden Fleece of Spain
Grand Crosses of the Order of Saint Stephen of Hungary
Honorary Knights Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order
Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle (Russia)
Recipients of the Order of St. Anna, 1st class
Grand Croix of the Légion d'honneur
Grand Crosses of the Order of Saint-Charles
Burials at the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora
Portuguese emigrants to the United Kingdom
Leaders ousted by a coup
People from Lisbon
Portuguese bibliographers
19th-century Portuguese people
20th-century Portuguese monarchs
Deaths from asphyxiation
Portuguese exiles
Knights of the Holy

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title: Dejan Lovren

texts:
<mask> (; born 5 July 1989) is a Croatian professional footballer who captains the Russian Premier League club Zenit Saint Petersburg and plays for the Croatia national team as a centre-back. Lovren began his career at Dinamo Zagreb before moving to Olympique Lyonnais in January 2010. He spent three-and-a-half seasons with the Ligue 1 team and won the 2012 Coupe de France before he signed for Southampton in 2013. After one season with Southampton, he joined Liverpool for £20 million. He went on to make 185 appearances for the club, winning the UEFA Champions League in 2019 and the Premier League in 2020, before joining Russian champions Zenit Saint Petersburg in July 2020. Within four months, he became the captain of the team, replacing Artem Dzyuba. Having previously represented Croatia at various youth levels, he made his senior debut in 2009 and has since gone on to make over 60 appearances for his country.He was selected in Croatia's squads for the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil and the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russia—in the latter of which they were beaten finalists against France—as well as UEFA Euro 2020. Early life
Lovren was born to Bosnian Croat parents in Zenica, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina and spent his first years of life in the village of Kraljeva Sutjeska. His family fled from dissolving Yugoslavia to Munich to escape the Bosnian War when Lovren was three years old, and he spent the next seven years in Germany. His family eventually had to leave as they did not possess necessary documentation to reside in Germany and settled in Karlovac, Croatia, 50 kilometres southwest of the capital city of Zagreb. Lovren initially found settling in Croatia difficult, and struggled in school for a couple of years due to his unfamiliarity with the Croatian language. Club career

Dinamo Zagreb
Lovren first played football in Germany with Munich-based BSC Sendling. After moving to Croatia, he played for local teams NK Ilovac and NK Karlovac as a youth before joining NK Dinamo Zagreb in 2004.On 10 May 2006, he made his debut for Dinamo in a Prva HNL match against NK Varteks. On 17 July 2006, Lovren was loaned to NK Inter Zaprešić for two seasons where he made 50 league appearances and scored one goal. Following his return from loan Lovren regularly featured in Dinamo's starting XI, appearing in 38 matches throughout the 2008–09 season and scoring three goals. In the 2009–10 season, he featured in all four of Dinamo's UEFA Champions League qualifiers against Pyunik Yerevan and Red Bull Salzburg, and managed to score a header against Pyunik. Lyon

In January 2010, Lovren signed for French Ligue 1 club Olympique Lyonnais for €8 million plus €1.5 million in incentives on a four-and-a-half-year contract. He made his competitive debut on 24 January 2010 in their 2–1 defeat to AS Monaco in the Coupe de France, playing the full match. His Ligue 1 debut came on 31 January in Lyon's 2–1 win at home against Paris Saint-Germain, once again playing the full 90 minutes.During the second half of the season, he made 10 appearances, mostly as a substitute. He was not allowed to participate in Lyon's matches in the UEFA Champions League that season as he had already played in the competition for Dinamo Zagreb. Lovren's playing time increased during the 2010–11 season following the departure of two other defenders, Jean-Alain Boumsong and Mathieu Bodmer, in the summer of 2010. During the season, he gradually established himself as a first team regular starter, playing as a centre-back alongside Cris as well as being used as a right or left full-back, demonstrating himself as a versatile defender. In November 2010 Lovren was listed in the Don Balón list of the 100 best young players in the world. On 23 January 2012, Lovren extended his contract with Lyon for two more seasons, signing with the French club until 2016. He started for Lyon in the 2012 Coupe de France Final, a 1–0 win over Quevilly, but was substituted after 18 minutes for Bakary Koné.Southampton
On 14 June 2013, Lovren signed for Southampton on a four-year contract for an undisclosed fee, which was estimated at £8.5 million. He made his debut on 17 August 2013, in a 1–0 win against West Bromwich Albion. He scored his first goal for Southampton against Liverpool at Anfield on 21 September 2013, a goal which proved to be the winner. On 19 October, he assisted Adam Lallana for the equalising goal against Manchester United in a 1–1 draw at Old Trafford. He added a second league goal in a 2–2 away draw against Sunderland on 18 January 2014, but was stretchered off late in the game and required hospital treatment after the match. On 23 January, it was announced that along with midfielder Gastón Ramírez, Lovren would be out for six-to-eight weeks with ankle ligament damage. At the conclusion of his first season in the Premier League, Lovren was named in Bloomberg Sports' Power 50 list, which provides statistical rankings of performances from players in Europe's top five leagues.He was the fifth-highest ranked player from the Premier League in 31st position. After much speculation regarding Lovren's future following the departures of Adam Lallana, Luke Shaw and Rickie Lambert from Southampton, Liverpool Echo reported on 25 July 2014 that Southampton had agreed a fee with Liverpool for the sale of Lovren, who was set to undergo a medical at the Merseyside club after reportedly handing in a transfer request at Southampton. Liverpool

On 27 July 2014, Lovren became the third Southampton player that transfer window to join Liverpool, after Rickie Lambert and Adam Lallana. He signed a four-year deal for a reported fee of £20 million, becoming the most expensive defender in Liverpool's history until Virgil van Dijk joined the club in 2018. On 10 August 2014 he made his debut in a friendly for Liverpool against Borussia Dortmund at Anfield, scoring the second goal in a 4–0 victory, and made his competitive debut on 17 August in the club's opening game of the Premier League season, playing the full 90 minutes in a 2–1 win over former club Southampton at Anfield. He scored his first official goal for Liverpool on 28 October, when he headed in the game-winner from a free-kick in a fourth round League Cup 2–1 victory over Swansea City. However, following his poor performance in a Champions League defeat to Basel, Lovren was dropped from the first team.As the last penalty taker, Lovren put his attempt over the crossbar as Liverpool lost in a penalty shootout to Beşiktaş on 26 February 2015 as they were eliminated from the last 32 of the Europa League. The Telegraph website included Lovren in a feature about the 2014–15 Premier League's 20 worst signings which remarked on the number of his errors that resulted in opposition goals. Lovren regained his place in the lineup for the first three games of the 2015–16 season and performed well securing three clean sheets and seven points. However, following a pair of defeats to West Ham United and rivals Manchester United in which the defence conceded six goals, Lovren again lost his place to Mamadou Sakho. On 8 November he came on as a substitute for Sakho in a 2–1 defeat to Crystal Palace at Anfield, with Sakho sustaining a knee injury that ruled him out for two months. On 13 December, in a 2–2 draw against West Bromwich Albion, Lovren was stretchered off the pitch in the 79th minute due to injury and was replaced by Divock Origi. The following 14 April, Lovren scored a stoppage-time winning goal in a 4–3 Europa League quarter-final win over Borussia Dortmund.Having endured a difficult start to his career at Liverpool, by the end of the 2015–16 season under Jürgen Klopp, Lovren was described as having transformed into a "calm and composed" leader on the pitch by Liverpool Echo. On 28 April 2017, Lovren extended his contract with Liverpool, until 2021. He had a rocky start to the 2017–18 season, being at fault for Harry Kane and Son Heung-min's early goals as Tottenham Hotspur defeated Liverpool 4–1 on 22 October 2017. He was substituted for Alex Oxlade-Chamberlain after only half an hour. On 17 December, Lovren scored his first goal of the season in a 4–0 win over Bournemouth; a result which saw Liverpool become the first team in Premier League history to win four consecutive away league matches by a margin of at least three goals. After Virgil van Dijk's arrival on 1 January, he and Lovren built a steady partnership at the heart of Liverpool's defence. On 14 January 2018, Lovren captained Liverpool for the first time in a 4–3 win against Manchester City.On 13 May, Lovren scored his second goal of the season in a 4–0 win over Brighton and Hove Albion, which secured Liverpool's qualification for the Champions League next season. Lovren, as well, played a significant role in Liverpool's Champions League run, where the team reached the final, but eventually lost it to the ruling champions Real Madrid. Lovren entered the 2018–19 season injured following that summer's World Cup. He returned to the squad for an EFL Cup match against Chelsea that Liverpool lost 1–2. On 26 December, he scored the opening goal in the 4–0 win over Newcastle United. During the match against Manchester City on 3 January 2019, Lovren made a crucial error that lead to Sergio Agüero's opening goal. Liverpool lost the match 2–1 and ending their unbeaten run in the Premier League.Six minutes into the FA Cup game against Wolverhampton Wanderers on 7 January, Lovren got injured and substituted for Ki-Jana Hoever. He subsequently lost his spot in the starting eleven playing only two full games for the remainder of the season, as Liverpool lost the Premier League by a single point behind eventual champions Manchester City and won the 2019 UEFA Champions League Final against Tottenham Hotspur where he remained an unused substitute. He became the tenth Croatian in history to win the Champions League. During the summer 2019, Lovren demanded a transfer since he did not want to be a substitute. The strongest interest was expressed by Serie A clubs Milan and Roma. He was therefore left out of the squad for 2019 UEFA Super Cup, which Liverpool won beating Chelsea on penalties. Lovren returned to the squad for an EFL Cup match against MK Dons