title: Sitting Bull

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<mask> ( ; December 15, 1890) was a Hunkpapa Lakota leader who led his people during years of resistance against United States government policies. He was killed by Indian agency police on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation during an attempt to arrest him, at a time when authorities feared that he would join the Ghost Dance movement. Before the Battle of the Little Bighorn, <mask> had a vision in which he saw many soldiers, "as thick as grasshoppers," falling upside down into the Lakota camp, which his people took as a foreshadowing of a major victory in which many soldiers would be killed. About three weeks later, the confederated Lakota tribes with the Northern Cheyenne defeated the 7th Cavalry under Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer on June 25, 1876, annihilating Custer's battalion and seeming to bear out <mask>'s prophetic vision. <mask>'s leadership inspired his people to a major victory. In response, the U.S. government sent thousands more soldiers to the area, forcing many of the Lakota to surrender over the next year. <mask> refused to surrender, and in May 1877, he led his band north to Wood Mountain, North-Western Territory (now Saskatchewan).He remained there until 1881, at which time he and most of his band returned to U.S. territory and surrendered to U.S. forces. After working as a performer with Buffalo Bill's Wild West show, <mask> returned to the Standing Rock Agency in South Dakota. Due to fears that he would use his influence to support the Ghost Dance movement, Indian Service agent James McLaughlin at Fort Yates ordered his arrest. During an ensuing struggle between <mask>'s followers and the agency police, <mask> was shot in the side and head by Standing Rock policemen Lieutenant <mask> (Tatankapah, ) and Red Tomahawk (Marcelus Chankpidutah, ), after the police were fired upon by <mask>'s supporters. His body was taken to nearby Fort Yates for burial. In 1953, his Lakota family exhumed what were believed to be his remains, reburying them near Mobridge, South Dakota, near his birthplace. Early life
<mask> was born on land later included in the Dakota Territory.In 2007, <mask>'s great-grandson asserted from family oral tradition that <mask> was born along the Yellowstone River, south of present-day Miles City, Montana. He was named Ȟoká Psíče (Jumping Badger) at birth, and nicknamed Húŋkešni  or "Slow" said to describe his careful and unhurried nature. When he was fourteen years old he accompanied a group of Lakota warriors (which included his father and his uncle Four Horns) in a raiding party to take horses from a camp of Crow warriors. He displayed bravery by riding forward and counting coup on one of the surprised Crow, which was witnessed by the other mounted Lakota. Upon returning to camp his father gave a celebratory feast at which he conferred his own name upon his son. While the name, Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake, in the Lakota language roughly translates to "Buffalo Who Sits Down", Americans came to commonly refer to him as "<mask>". Thereafter, <mask>'s father was known as Jumping <mask>.At this ceremony before the entire band, <mask>'s father presented his son with an eagle feather to wear in his hair, a warrior's horse, and a hardened buffalo hide shield to mark his son's passage into manhood as a Lakota warrior. During the Dakota War of 1862, in which <mask>'s people were not involved, several bands of eastern Dakota people killed an estimated 300 to 800 settlers and soldiers in south-central Minnesota in response to poor treatment by the government and in an effort to drive the whites away. Despite being embroiled in the American Civil War, the United States Army retaliated in 1863 and 1864, even against bands which had not been involved in the hostilities. In 1864, two brigades of about 2200 soldiers under Brigadier General Alfred Sully attacked a village. The defenders were led by <mask> Bull, Gall and Inkpaduta. The Lakota and Dakota were driven out, but skirmishing continued into August at the Battle of the Badlands. In September, <mask> Bull and about one hundred Hunkpapa Lakota encountered a small party near what is now Marmarth, North Dakota.They had been left behind by a wagon train commanded by Captain James L. Fisk to effect some repairs to an overturned wagon. When he led an attack, <mask> was shot in the left hip by a soldier. The bullet exited through the small of his back, and the wound was not serious. Red Cloud's War
From 1866 to 1868, Red Cloud as a leader of the Oglala Lakota fought against U.S. forces, attacking their forts in an effort to keep control of the Powder River Country of Montana. In support of him, <mask> led numerous war parties against Fort Berthold, Fort Stevenson, and Fort Buford and their environs from 1865 through 1868. The uprising has come to be known as Red Cloud's War. By early 1868, the U.S. government desired a peaceful settlement to the conflict.It agreed to Red Cloud's demands that the U.S. abandon forts Phil Kearny and C.F. Smith. Gall of the Hunkpapa (among other representatives of the Hunkpapa, Blackfeet, and Yankton Dakota) signed a form of the Treaty of Fort Laramie on July 2, 1868, at Fort Rice (near Bismarck, North Dakota). <mask> did not agree to the treaty. He told the Jesuit missionary, Pierre Jean De Smet, who sought him out on behalf of the government:  "I wish all to know that I do not propose to sell any part of my country." He continued his hit-and-run attacks on forts in the upper Missouri area throughout the late 1860s and early 1870s. The events of 1866–1868 mark a historically debated period of <mask>'s life.According to historian Stanley Vestal, who conducted interviews with surviving Hunkpapa in 1930, <mask> was made "Supreme Chief of the whole Sioux Nation" at this time. Later historians and ethnologists have refuted this concept of authority, as the Lakota society was highly decentralized. Lakota bands and their elders made individual decisions, including whether to wage war. Great Sioux War of 1876

<mask>'s band of Hunkpapa continued to attack migrating parties and forts in the late 1860s. When in 1871 the Northern Pacific Railway conducted a survey for a route across the northern plains directly through Hunkpapa lands, it encountered stiff Lakota resistance. The same railway people returned the following year accompanied by federal troops. <mask> and the Hunkpapa attacked the survey party, which was forced to turn back.In 1873, the military accompaniment for the surveyors was increased again, but <mask>'s forces resisted the survey "most vigorously." The Panic of 1873 forced the Northern Pacific Railway's backers (such as Jay Cooke) into bankruptcy. This halted construction of the railroad through Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota territory. After the 1848 discovery of gold in the Sierra Nevada and dramatic gains in new wealth from it, other men became interested in the potential for gold mining in the Black Hills. In 1874, Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer led a military expedition from Fort Abraham Lincoln near Bismarck to explore the Black Hills for gold and to determine a suitable location for a military fort in the Hills. Custer's announcement of gold in the Black Hills triggered the Black Hills Gold Rush. Tensions increased between the Lakota and European Americans seeking to move into the Black Hills.Although <mask> did not attack Custer's expedition in 1874, the U.S. government was increasingly pressured by citizens to open the Black Hills to mining and settlement. Failing in an attempt to negotiate a purchase or lease of the Hills, the government in Washington had to find a way around the promise to protect the Sioux in their land, as specified in the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie. It was alarmed at reports of Sioux depredations, some of which were encouraged by <mask>. In November 1875, President Grant ordered all Sioux bands outside the Great Sioux Reservation to move onto the reservation, knowing full well that not all would comply. As of February 1, 1876, the Interior Department certified as "hostile" those bands who continued to live off the reservation. This certification allowed the military to pursue <mask> Bull and other Lakota bands as "hostiles". Based on tribal oral histories, historian Margot Liberty theorizes that many Lakota bands allied with the Cheyenne during the Plains Wars because they thought the other nation was under attack by the U.S.Given this connection, she suggests the major war should have been called "The Great Cheyenne War". Since 1860, the Northern Cheyenne had led several battles among the Plains Indians. Before 1876, the U.S. Army had destroyed seven Cheyenne camps, more than those of any other nation. Other historians, such as Robert M. Utley and Jerome Greene, also use Lakota oral testimony, but they have concluded that the Lakota coalition, of which <mask> was the ostensible head, was the primary target of the federal government's pacification campaign. During the period 1868–1876, <mask> developed into one of the most important Native American political leaders. After the Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) and the creation of the Great Sioux Reservation, many traditional Sioux warriors, such as Red Cloud of the Oglala and Spotted Tail of the Brulé, moved to reside permanently on the reservations. They were largely dependent for subsistence on the U.S. Indian agencies.Many other chiefs, including members of <mask>'s Hunkpapa band such as Gall, at times, lived temporarily at the agencies. They needed the supplies at a time when white encroachment and the depletion of buffalo herds reduced their resources and challenged Native American independence. In 1875, the Northern Cheyenne, Hunkpapa, Oglala, Sans Arc, and Minneconjou camped together for a Sun Dance, with both the Cheyenne medicine man <mask> or Ice and <mask> in association. This ceremonial alliance preceded their fighting together in 1876. <mask> had a major revelation. At the climactic moment, "<mask> intoned, 'The Great Spirit has given our enemies to us. We are to destroy them.We do not know who they are. They may be soldiers.' Ice too observed, 'No one then knew who the enemy were – of what tribe. '...They were soon to find out." — Utley 1992: 122–24

<mask> Bull's refusal to adopt any dependence on the U.S. government meant that at times he and his small band of warriors lived isolated on the Plains. When Native Americans were threatened by the United States, numerous members from various Sioux bands and other tribes, such as the Northern Cheyenne, came to <mask>'s camp. His reputation for "strong medicine" developed as he continued to evade the European Americans.After the ultimatum on January 1, 1876, when the U.S. Army began to track down as hostiles those Sioux and others living off the reservation, Native Americans gathered at Sitting Bull's camp. He took an active role in encouraging this "unity camp". He sent scouts to the reservations to recruit warriors and told the Hunkpapa to share supplies with those Native Americans who joined them. An example of his generosity was <mask> Bull's provision for Wooden Leg's Northern Cheyenne tribe. They had been impoverished by Captain Reynold's March 17, 1876, attack and fled to Sitting Bull's camp for safety. Over the course of the first half of 1876, <mask> Bull's camp continually expanded as natives joined him for safety in numbers. His leadership had attracted warriors and families, creating an extensive village estimated at more than 10,000 people.Lt. Col. Custer came across this large camp on June 25, 1876. <mask> did not take a direct military role in the ensuing battle; instead, he acted as a spiritual leader. A week prior to the attack, he had performed the Sun Dance, in which he fasted and sacrificed over 100 pieces of flesh from his arms. Battle of the Little Bighorn

On June 25, 1876, Custer's scouts discovered <mask>'s camp along the Little Big Horn River (known as the Greasy Grass River to the Lakota). After being ordered to attack, Custer's 7th Cavalry's troops lost ground quickly and were forced to retreat. <mask>'s followers, led into battle by Crazy Horse, counter-attacked and ultimately defeated Custer while surrounding and laying siege to the other two battalions led by Reno and Benteen. Aftermath of the Battle of the Little Bighorn
The Native Americans' victory celebrations were short-lived.Public shock and outrage at Custer's defeat and death, as well as the government's understanding of the military capability of the remaining Sioux, led the War Department to assign thousands more soldiers to the area. Over the next year, the new American military forces pursued the Lakota, forcing many of the Native Americans to surrender. <mask> refused to do so and in May 1877 led his band across the border into the North-West Territories, Canada. He remained in exile for four years near Wood Mountain, refusing a pardon and the chance to return. When crossing the border into Canadian territory, <mask> was met by the Mounties of the region. During this meeting, James Morrow Walsh, commander of the North-West Mounted Police, explained to <mask> that the Lakota were now on British soil and must obey British law. Walsh emphasized that he enforced the law equally and that every person in the territory had a right to justice.Walsh became an advocate for <mask> and the two became good friends for the remainder of their lives. While in Canada, <mask> also met with  Crowfoot, who was a leader of the Blackfeet, long-time powerful enemies of the Lakota and Cheyenne. <mask> wished to make peace with the Blackfeet Nation and Crowfoot. As an advocate for peace himself, Crowfoot eagerly accepted the tobacco peace offering. <mask> was so impressed by Crowfoot that he named one of his sons after him. <mask> and his people stayed in Canada for four years. Due to the smaller size of the buffalo herds in Canada, <mask> and his men found it difficult to find enough food to feed their starving people.<mask>'s presence in the country led to increased tensions between the Canadian and the United States governments. Before <mask> left Canada, he may have visited Walsh for a final time and left a ceremonial headdress as a memento. Surrender

Hunger and desperation eventually forced <mask> and 186 of his family and followers to return to the United States and surrender on July 19, 1881. <mask> had his young son Crow Foot surrender his Winchester lever-action carbine to Major David H. Brotherton, commanding officer of

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title: Sitting Bull

type: original

texts:
 Fort Buford. <mask> said to Brotherton, "I wish it to be remembered that I was the last man of my tribe to surrender my rifle". In the parlor of the Commanding Officer's Quarters in a ceremony the next day, he told the four soldiers, 20 warriors and other guests in the small room that he wished to regard the soldiers and the white race as friends but he wanted to know who would teach his son the new ways of the world. Two weeks later, after waiting in vain for other members of his tribe to follow him from Canada, <mask> and his band were transferred to Fort Yates, the military post located adjacent to the Standing Rock Agency.This reservation straddles the present-day boundary between North and South Dakota. <mask> and his band of 186 people were kept separate from the other Hunkpapa gathered at the agency. Army officials were concerned that he would stir up trouble among the recently surrendered northern bands. On August 26, 1881, he was visited by census taker William T. Selwyn, who counted twelve people in the Hunkpapa leader's immediate family. Forty-one families, totaling 195 people, were recorded in <mask>'s band. The military decided to transfer <mask> and his band to Fort Randall to be held as prisoners of war. Loaded onto a steamboat, the band of 172 people was sent down the Missouri River to Fort Randall (near present-day Pickstown, South Dakota) on the southern border of the state.There they spent the next 20 months. They were allowed to return north to the Standing Rock Agency in May 1883. In 1883, The New York Times reported that <mask> had been baptized into the Catholic Church. James McLaughlin, Indian agent at Standing Rock Agency, dismissed these reports, saying that "The reported baptism of <mask>-Bull is erroneous. There is no immediate prospect of such ceremony so far as I am aware." Meets Annie Oakley
In 1884 show promoter Alvaren Allen asked Agent James McLaughlin to allow <mask> to tour parts of Canada and the northern United States. The show was called the "Sitting Bull Connection."It was during this tour that <mask> met Annie Oakley in Minnesota. He was so impressed with Oakley's skills with firearms that he offered $65 (equal to $ today) for a photographer to take a photo of the two together. The admiration and respect was mutual. Oakley stated that <mask> made a "great pet" of her. In observing Oakley, <mask>'s respect for the young sharpshooter grew. Oakley was quite modest in her attire, deeply respectful of others, and had a remarkable stage persona despite being a woman who stood only five feet in height. <mask> felt that she was "gifted" by supernatural means in order to shoot so accurately with both hands.As a result of his esteem, he symbolically "adopted" her as a daughter in 1884. He named her "Little Sure Shot" – a name that Oakley used throughout her career. Wild West Show
In 1885, <mask> was allowed to leave the reservation to go Wild Westing with Buffalo Bill Cody's Buffalo Bill's Wild West. He earned about $50 a week (equal to $ today) for riding once around the arena, where he was a popular attraction. Although it is rumored that he cursed his audiences in his native tongue during the show, the historian Utley contends that he did not. Historians have reported that <mask> gave speeches about his desire for education for the young, and reconciling relations between the Sioux and whites. The historian Edward Lazarus wrote that <mask> reportedly cursed his audience in Lakota in 1884, during an opening address celebrating the completion of the Northern Pacific Railway.According to Michael Hiltzik, "...<mask> declared in Lakota, 'I hate all White people.' ... 'You are thieves and liars. You have taken away our land and made us outcasts.'" The translator, however, read the original address which had been written as a 'gracious act of amity', and the audience, including President Grant, was left none the wiser. <mask> stayed with the show for four months before returning home. During that time, audiences considered him a celebrity and romanticized him as a warrior. He earned a small fortune by charging for his autograph and picture, although he often gave his money away to the homeless and beggars.Ghost Dance Movement
<mask> Bull returned to the Standing Rock Agency after working in Buffalo Bill's Wild West show. The tension between <mask> and Agent McLaughlin increased and each became warier of the other over several issues including division and sale of parts of the Great Sioux Reservation. During that period, in 1889 Indian Rights Activist Caroline Weldon from Brooklyn, New York, a member of the National Indian Defense Association "NIDA", reached out to <mask>, acting to be his voice, secretary, interpreter and advocate. She joined him, together with her young son Christy at his compound on the Grand River, sharing with him and his family home and hearth. In 1889, during a time of harsh winters and long droughts impacting the Sioux Reservation, a Paiute Indian named Wovoka spread a religious movement from Nevada eastward to the Plains that preached a resurrection of the Native. It was known as the "Ghost Dance Movement" because it called on the Indians to dance and chant for the rising up of deceased relatives and the return of the buffalo. The dance included shirts that were said to stop bullets.When the movement reached Standing Rock, <mask> allowed the dancers to gather at his camp. Although he did not appear to participate in the dancing, he was viewed as a key instigator. Alarm spread to nearby white settlements. Death and burial

In 1890, James McLaughlin, the U.S. Indian Agent at Fort Yates on Standing Rock Agency, feared that the Lakota leader was about to flee the reservation with the Ghost Dancers, so he ordered the police to arrest him. On December 14, 1890, McLaughlin drafted a letter to Lieutenant <mask> (noted as <mask> in lead), an Indian agency policeman, that included instructions and a plan to capture <mask>. The plan called for the arrest to take place at dawn on December 15 and advised the use of a light spring wagon to facilitate removal before his followers could rally. <mask> decided against using the wagon.He intended to have the police officers force <mask> to mount a horse immediately after the arrest. Around 5:30 a.m. on December 15, 39 police officers and four volunteers approached <mask>'s house. They surrounded the house, knocked and entered. <mask> told <mask> that he was under arrest and led him outside. <mask> and his wife noisily stalled for time: the camp awakened and men converged at the house. As <mask> ordered <mask> to mount a horse, he said the Indian Affairs agent wanted to see the chief, and then <mask> could return to his house. When <mask> refused to comply, the police used force on him.The Sioux in the village were enraged. Catch-the-Bear, a Lakota, shouldered his rifle and shot <mask>, who reacted by firing his revolver into the chest of <mask>. Another police officer, Red Tomahawk, shot <mask> in the head, and <mask> dropped to the ground. <mask> died between 12 and 1 p.m.

A close-quarters fight erupted, and within minutes, several men were dead. The Lakota killed six policemen immediately, while two more died shortly after the fight, including <mask>. The police killed <mask> and seven of his supporters at the site, along with two horses. <mask>'s body was taken to Fort Yates, where it was placed in a coffin (made by the Army carpenter) and buried.A monument was installed to mark his burial site after his remains were reportedly taken to South Dakota. In 1953, Lakota family members exhumed what they believed to be <mask>'s remains, transporting them for reinterment near Mobridge, South Dakota, his birthplace. A monument to him was erected there. Legacy
 Following <mask>'s death, his cabin on the Grand River was taken to Chicago for use as an exhibit at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition. Native American dancers also performed at the Exposition. On September 14, 1989, the United States Postal Service released a Great Americans series 28¢ postage stamp featuring a likeness of <mask>. On March 6, 1996, Standing Rock College was renamed Sitting Bull College in his honor.Sitting Bull College serves as an institution of higher education on <mask>'s home of Standing Rock in North Dakota and South Dakota. The American historian Gary Clayton Anderson of the University of Oklahoma published Sitting Bull and the Paradox of Lakota Nationhood (2010), a revisionist examination of the Lakota medicine man. Anderson stresses the Little Big Horn in light of past successes of the Lakota Nation and the merits of <mask> himself, rather than simply a mishap by Custer. In August 2010, a research team led by Eske Willerslev, an ancient DNA expert at the University of Copenhagen, announced their intention to sequence the genome of <mask>, with the approval of his descendants, using a hair sample obtained during his lifetime. In October 2021, Willerslev's research confirmed Lakota writer and activist Ernie Lapointe (who had previously proclaimed himself to be <mask>'s great-grandson) and his three sisters to be <mask>'s biological great-grandchildren. Representation in popular culture
<mask> was the subject of, or a featured character in, several Hollywood motion pictures and documentaries, which have reflected changing ideas about him and Lakota culture in relation to the United States. Among them are:
 <mask>: The Hostile Sioux Indian Chief (1914)
 <mask> at the Spirit Lake Massacre (1927), with Chief Yowlachie in the title role
 Annie Oakley (1935), where he is played by Chief Thunderbird
 Annie Get Your Gun (1950), where he is played by J. Carrol Naish
 Sitting <mask> (1954), with J. Carrol Naish again in the title role
 Cheyenne (1957), with Frank DeKova as <mask>
 Buffalo Bill and the Indians, or <mask>'s History Lesson (1976), where he is played by Frank Kaquitts
 Buffalo Girls  (1995 miniseries), where he is played by Russell Means
 Into the West (2005 miniseries), where he is portrayed by Eric Schweig
 Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee (2007), where he is portrayed by August Schellenberg
 Sitting Bull: A Stone in My Heart (2008) Documentary
 Woman Walks Ahead (2017), where he is played by Michael Greyeyes

As time passed, Sitting Bull has become a symbol and archetype of Native American resistance movements as well as a figure celebrated by descendants of his former enemies:

 Legoland Billund, the first Legoland park, contains a 36-foot tall Lego sculpture of Sitting Bull.<mask> is featured as the leader for the Native American Civilization in the computer game Civilization IV. <mask> is listed as one of 13 great Americans in President Barack Obama's children's book, Of Thee I Sing: A Letter to My Daughters. See also
 Crazy Horse
 Black Elk
 Henry Mabb

Footnotes

References

 Documentary: <mask> Bull: A Stone in My Heart , 82 minutes

 Greene, Jerome A., ed. Lakota and Cheyenne: Indian Views of the Great Sioux War, 1876–1877. Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994. Matteoni, Norman E. Prairie Man: The Struggle between <mask> and Indian Agent James McLaughlin. Guilford, Conn., 2015
 McLaughlin, James.Account of the Death of <mask> and of the Circumstances Attending It . Philadelphia, 1891. "<mask> Rises Again – Two Indians Deny Bones of Chief Were Taken to South Dakota. " The New York Times. December 19, 1953. Further reading

 Nelson, Paul D., A shady Pair' and an 'attempt on his life' – <mask> and His 1884 visit to St. Paul", Ramsey County History Quarterly V38 #1, Ramsey County Historical Society, St Paul, MN, 2003. Adams, Alexander B.<mask> Bull: An Epic of the Plains. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1973. Brown, Dee. Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970. DeWall, Robb. The Saga of <mask> Bull's Bones: The Unusual Story Behind Sculptor Korczak Ziolkowski's Memorial to Chief <mask>.Crazy Horse, S.D. : Korczak's Heritage, 1984. Manzione, Joseph. "I Am Looking to the North for My Life": <mask>: 1876–1881. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991. Newson, Thomas McLean. Thrilling scenes among the Indians, with a graphic description of Custer's last fight with <mask> .Chicago: Belford, Clarke and Co., 1884. "Confirmation of the Disaster ." The New York Times. July 7, 1876. "The Death of <mask> Bull ." The New York Times. December 17, 1890."The Last of Sitting Bull ." The New York Times. December 16, 1890. Reno, Marcus Albert. The official record of a court of inquiry convened at Chicago, Illinois, January 13, 1879, by the President of the United States upon the request of Major Marcus A. Reno, 7th U.S. Cavalry, to investigate his conduct at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, June 25–26, 1876 . (Reprint online) Pacific Palisades, Calif.: 1951. Sifakis, Stewart.Who's Who In The Civil War. New York: Facts on File Publishing, 1988. Urwin, Gregory. Custer Victorious: The Civil War Battles of General George Armstrong Custer. Lincoln, Neb. : Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1990.Utley, Robert M. The Last Days of the Sioux Nation. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963. Utley, Robert M. <mask>: The Life and Times of an American Patriot
 Yenne, Bill. "Sitting Bull." Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2008. Vestal, Stanley. <mask> Bull: Champion of the Sioux, a Biography.New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1932. External links

 <mask> Bull's ledger drawings, Smithsonian Institution
 Sitting Bull's Winchester, Catalogue No. E384119, Department of Anthropology, NMNH, Smithsonian Institution
 "Sitting Bull", The West, PBS

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title: John David Phillips

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<mask> QC (born 1936) is an Australian lawyer and judge who served on the Supreme Court of Victoria from 1990 to 2004. Early life

<mask> was born in 1936. He was educated at Scotch College in Melbourne, Victoria and obtained his high school matriculation in 1953. He left his school as equal Dux. <mask> went on to study law at the University of Melbourne, graduating with Honours. He also won the Supreme Court Prize during his studies at university, and served as one of the inaugural editors of the Melbourne University Law Review. He left university to undertake articles to become a solicitor of the Supreme Court.He undertook this with William Clarke in the firm of W.J. Clarke & Co.  That firm was later incorporated into the firm of Purvis Clarke Richards, and which is now part of the national legal firm Gadens Lawyers. Legal career

Whilst undertaking his articles, <mask> was the founding co-editor of the Melbourne University Law Review in 1957. The Review had developed from the earlier publications “Res Judicatae “ published by the Law School in Melbourne University and ‘A Magazine of Legal and General Literature’ by the then Articled Clerks' Society of Victoria. After completing his articles, <mask> was admitted to practice as a solicitor of the Supreme Court of Victoria on 2 March 1959. During his time as a solicitor, he worked as a judge's associate to Justice Douglas Menzies of the High Court of Australia. <mask> read with Richard Newton of Eagle Star Chambers, who was to become a justice of the Supreme Court.In 1961 <mask> was called to the Bar, and set up chambers in the newly opened Owen Dixon Chambers in Melbourne. He specialized in commercial law, equity and probate law. During this time, he served as the Bar's representative on the Supreme Court Rules Committee for two and a half years. During his time at the bar, he earned himself the moniker of “Equity Jack”, a reference to his specialization as a barrister in the equity jurisdiction of the court. The term was apparently coined by the chamber's clerk to distinguish him from the other <mask> who specialized in criminal law. The other <mask> was to later become the Chief Justice of Victoria. <mask> married his wife Eva in 1965 and took silk in 1977 as a Queens Counsel.High Court judge and former Supreme Court judge Kenneth Hayne was a notable person who read under <mask>. Judicial career

<mask> was appointed to the Supreme Court of Victoria in 1990. In 1995 he was appointed as one of the first judges to the newly created Court of Appeal as a judge of appeal. This court acted as a permanent appeal court for the State of Victoria. <mask> also was appointed to the court's Rule Committee. This committee was responsible for drafting and issuing rules relating to the procedure of the Supreme Court. In later years, <mask> became the chair of the committee for several years.<mask> dealt with many cases during his judicial career. Two cases attracted media attention. In 2003, <mask> was a member of the appeal court which imposed what is believed to be the highest sentence imposed in Victoria for incest. The court imposed a sixteen-year imprisonment with a minimum term of thirteen and a half years. The court increased the previous sentence by four years for a man who abused six children in his care for more than 16 years. In the same year, <mask> was also a member of the appeal court which refused a prosecution appeal against the decision of a County Court that allowed four young men to escape convictions for armed robbery. The appeal court concluded that the trial judge had properly exercised his discretion in not convicting the four men.In Victoria, armed robbery carries a prison term of up to 25 years. However, the appeal court warned  that "in all but the most exceptional case" armed robbers should expect to be convicted. <mask> retired from the court in May 2004 as a permanent judge as his had reached the statutory retirement age for judges. He returned in October 2004 to the Supreme Court as a reserve judge. He retired as a reserve judge in 2005. Support for independence of the judiciary

<mask>' retirement speech generated debate in Victoria on judicial independence. In the Australian experience, government is separated into three branches, the executive, legislative and judicial branches.Each branch is independent of the others, and is recognised in the Australian Constitution at the federal level. <mask> on his retirement was critical of the intrusion of the executive into the work of the courts, being the judicial branch. For example, the Supreme Court was referred to as "Business Unit 19" by the Victorian Government. <mask> did not suggest that the Victorian Government would attempt to influence directly a decision of the court. However, there appeared to be "What is evolving ...a perception of the court as some sort of unit of functionary within the Department of Justice”. <mask> was also critical of the Victorian Government's decision to appoint acting judges from the ranks of barristers, solicitors and legal academics despite sustained criticism from judges, magistrates and lawyers. Traditionally, judges are appointed permanently so that there no scope for a judge to be removed because a decision is made that a government may not like.This enables judges to act without fear or favour. Acting judges allow a government to appoint short term judges whose appointments do not need to be renewed. This may lead to a perception that acting judges will not make decisions that are not pleasing to government in fear of not being reappointed. As <mask> noted, "a court … will rarely, if ever, be popular with politicians”. <mask> also referred to the previous Victorian government's decision not to allow that the court's chief administrator to be appointed by the governor. Instead, the administrator is appointed by the government and answerable to the Department of Justice. Journalist Richard Ackland has criticized this general argument made by judges.Ackland argues that the courts' view of independence are inflated and unrealistic. He reasons that courts cannot be co-equal with elected governments, and that courts, like other government bodies, need to compete for funds to provide services to the public. He sums up this view by saying  'What on earth are they on about?' <mask> is not alone in his criticism of government. He received support in 2006 when retiring judge William Ormiston agreed with <mask>’ comments. Chief Justice Marilyn Warren responded to the criticism by saying that "bureaucrats did not tell her what to do". Warren noted that whilst there were disagreements between her and the government from time to time, the judges run the courts, not public servants.Warren said
"The court, as part of our structure of government, is independent. As part of Victoria's constitutional arrangements, the Supreme Court is the third arm of government." References

Sources

 “Supreme Court of Victoria : the Honourable <mask>” Victorian Bar News (132) Autumn 2005 pp 48–50. Who's Who Australia 2007. Speech – Supreme Court of Victoria – 17 March 2005
http://www.supremecourt.vic.gov.au/CA256902000FE154/Lookup/Speeches2005/$file/SpeechFarewellJDPhillips17March05.pdf

Living people
1936 births
Judges of the Supreme Court of Victoria
Australian Queen's Counsel

masks:
John David Phillips
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Justice Phillips


title: Orval Faubus

texts:
<mask> ( ; January 7, 1910 – December 14, 1994) was an American politician who served as the 36th Governor of Arkansas from 1955 to 1967, as a member of the Democratic Party. In 1957, he refused to comply with a unanimous decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the 1954 case Brown v. Board of Education, and ordered the Arkansas National Guard to prevent black students from attending Little Rock Central High School. This event became known as the Little Rock Crisis. Early life and career
<mask> was born in the northwest corner of Arkansas near the village of Combs to John Samuel and Addie (née Joslen) <mask>. Although <mask> was a socialist, and enrolled <mask> at the socialist Commonwealth College, the latter went on to pursue a very different political path from that of his father. <mask>'s first political race was in 1936 when he contested a seat in the Arkansas House of Representatives, which he lost. He was urged to challenge the result but declined, which earned him the gratitude of the Democratic Party.As a result, he was elected circuit clerk and recorder of Madison County, a post he held for two terms. His book, In This Faraway Land, documents the military period of his life. He was active in veterans' causes for the remainder of his life. When <mask> returned from the war, he cultivated ties with leaders of Arkansas' Democratic Party, particularly with progressive reform Governor Sid McMath, leader of the post-war "GI Revolt" against corruption, under whom he served as director of the state's highway commission. Meanwhile, conservative Francis Cherry defeated McMath's bid for a third term in the 1952 Democratic primary. Cherry became unpopular with voters, and <mask> challenged him in the 1954 primary. Gubernatorial election of 1954
In the 1954 campaign, Faubus was compelled to defend his attendance at the defunct northwest Arkansas Commonwealth College in Mena, as well as his early political upbringing.Commonwealth College had been formed by leftist academic and social activists, some of whom later were revealed to have had close ties with the Communist Party USA. Most of those who attended and taught there were idealistic young people who sought an education or, in the case of the faculty, a job which came with room and board. Democratic primary
During the runoff, Cherry and his surrogates accused <mask> of having attended a "communist" school and implied that his sympathies remained leftist. Faubus at first denied attending, and then admitted enrolling "for only a few weeks". Later, it was shown that he had remained at the school for more than a year, earned good grades, and was elected student body president. Faubus led a group of students who testified on behalf of the college's accreditation before the state legislature. Nevertheless, efforts to paint the candidate as a communist sympathizer backfired in a climate of growing resentment against such allegations.<mask> narrowly defeated Cherry to win the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. Relations were cool between the two men for years, but when Cherry died in 1965, Faubus put politics aside and was magnanimous in praising his predecessor. General election
In the 1954 general election campaign against Little Rock Mayor Pratt C. Remmel, <mask> secured the endorsement of the previous 1950 and 1952 Republican gubernatorial nominee, Jefferson W. Speck, a planter from Mississippi County in eastern Arkansas. <mask> defeated Remmel by a 63% to 37% percent margin. Remmel, a businessman and scion of a prominent Republican family, polled the strongest vote at the time for a GOP candidate since Reconstruction. Faubus rejected his father's radicalism for the more mainline New Deal, a pragmatic move. He was elected governor as a liberal Democrat.A moderate on racial issues, he adopted racial policies that were palatable to influential white voters in the Delta region as part of a strategy to affect key social reforms and economic growth in Arkansas. Governor of Arkansas, 1955–1967

The 1954 election made <mask> sensitive to attacks from the political right. It has been suggested that this sensitivity contributed to his later stance against integration when he was challenged by segregationist elements within his own party. He was known as a particularly effective one-on-one campaigner and was said to have never turned away anyone who sought to shake his hand, no matter how much time it took. Little Rock crisis

<mask>'s name became internationally known during the Little Rock Crisis of 1957, when he used the Arkansas National Guard to stop African Americans from attending Little Rock Central High School as part of federally ordered racial desegregation. Critics have long charged that <mask>'s fight in Little Rock against the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision by the U.S. Supreme Court that separate schools were inherently unequal was politically motivated. The ensuing battle helped to shield him from the political fallout from a tax increase.Journalist Harry Ashmore (who won a Pulitzer Prize for his columns on the subject) portrayed the fight over Central High as a crisis manufactured by Faubus. Ashmore said that Faubus used the Guard to keep blacks out of Central High School because he was frustrated by the success his political opponents were having in using segregationist rhetoric to arouse white voters. Faubus's decision led to a showdown with President Dwight D. Eisenhower and former Governor Sid McMath. On September 5, 1957, Eisenhower sent a telegram to Governor <mask> E<mask> in which he wrote "The only assurance I can give you is that the Federal Constitution will be upheld by me by every legal means at my command." This was a response to Faubus's concerns about being taken into custody and his telephones being wired. Eisenhower did say in his telegram that the Department of Justice was collecting facts as to why there was a failure to comply with the courts. This led to the September 14 conference where <mask> and Eisenhower discussed the Court order in Newport, Rhode Island.The quoted "friendly and constructive discussion" led to the Governor claiming his desire to comply with his duty to the Constitution, personal opinions aside. The Governor did express his hope that the Department of Justice would be patient. The Arkansas Governor did stay true to his word and on September 21, President Eisenhower released a statement which announced that the Governor withdrew his troops, the Little Rock School Board was carrying out desegregation plans, and local law was ready to keep order. On September 23, however, Mayor Woodrow Wilson Mann sent a telegram to Dwight Eisenhower stating a mob had formed at Central High School in Little Rock. State Police made efforts to control the mob, but for the safety of the newly enrolled children, they were sent home. The Mayor stressed how this was a planned act and that the principal agitator, Jimmy Karam, was an associate of Governor <mask>. The Mayor further explained how there was no way the Governor could not have been aware of this planned attack.In October 1957, Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and ordered them to return to their armories which effectively removed them from Faubus's control. Eisenhower then sent elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Arkansas to protect the black students and enforce the Federal court order. The Arkansas National Guard later took over protection duties from the 101st Airborne Division. In retaliation, Faubus shut down Little Rock high schools for the 1958–1959 school year. This is often referred to as "The Lost Year" in Little Rock. In a 1985 interview with a Huntsville Arkansas student, Faubus stated that the Crisis was due to an "Usurpation of power" by the Federal Government. The State knew forced integration by the Federal Government was going to meet with unfavorable results from the Little Rock public.In his opinion, he was acting in his State's best interest at the time. Though <mask> later lost general popularity as a result of his support for segregation, at the time he was included among the "Ten Men in the World Most Admired by Americans", according to Gallup's most admired man and woman poll for 1958. This dichotomy was later summed up as follows: <mask> was both the "best loved" and "most hated" of Arkansas politicians of the second half of the twentieth century. The Little Rock Crisis inspired the song "Fables of Faubus" by jazz artist Charles Mingus. Faubus-style politics

Faubus was elected governor to six two-year terms and hence served for twelve years. He maintained a defiant, populist image, while he shifted toward a less confrontational stance with the federal government, particularly during the administrations of Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, with each of whom he remained cordial, and both of whom carried Arkansas. In the 1956 general election, <mask>, having already beaten Jim Johnson, overwhelmed GOP candidate Roy Mitchell, later the GOP state chairman from Hot Springs, 321,797 (80.7%) to 77,215 (19.4%).In 1958, he defeated Republican George W. Johnson of Greenwood in Sebastian County by drawing 82.5% of the votes. In 1960, Faubus defeated Attorney General Bruce Bennett in the Democratic gubernatorial primary, then crushed the Republican choice, Henry M. Britt, an attorney from Hot Springs, to secure reelection. Faubus polled 292,064 votes (69.2%) to Britt's 129,921 (30.8%). In the presidential election contest, however, Democrat John F. Kennedy won Arkansas over the Republican Richard M. Nixon by less than expected. Britt was later a circuit judge in Garland County from 1967 to 1983. In 1962, Faubus broke with the White Citizens' Councils and other groups, who preferred, but did not officially endorse, U.S. Representative Dale Alford in that year's gubernatorial primary. <mask> cast himself as a moderate, he completely ignored the race issue during the 1962 election campaign, and barely secured a majority over Alford, McMath, and three other candidates.He then handily defeated the Republican Willis Ricketts, a then 37-year-old pharmacist from Fayetteville in the general election. While <mask> was still shunned by black leaders, he nevertheless won a large percent of the black vote. In 1964, when he defeated the Republican Winthrop Rockefeller by a 57–43 percent margin, <mask> won 81 percent of the black vote. He even collected a share of the base Republican vote from the conservative party members who had sided with former Republican state chairman William L. Spicer of Fort Smith, an intraparty rival of Rockefeller. Presidential election of 1960
During the 1960 presidential election, at a secret meeting held in a rural lodge near Dayton, Ohio, the National States Rights Party (NSRP) nominated <mask> <mask> for President and retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral John G. Crommelin of Alabama for Vice President. <mask>, however, did not campaign on this ticket actively, and won only 0.07% of the vote (best in his native Arkansas: 6.76%), losing to the John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson ticket. Later life and death
Faubus chose not to run for re-election to a seventh term in what would likely have been a difficult race in 1966.Former gubernatorial candidate James D. Johnson, by then an elected Arkansas Supreme Court Justice, narrowly won the Democratic nomination over another justice, the moderate Frank Holt. Johnson was then defeated in the general election by Winthrop Rockefeller, who became the state's first GOP governor since Reconstruction. Years later, Johnson himself became a Republican and supported Governor Frank D. White, later a benefactor of Faubus. In the 1968 United States presidential election, <mask> was among five people considered for the vice-presidential slot of third-party presidential candidate George Wallace. However, in light of the public perception of both as segregationists, Wallace selected retired General Curtis LeMay. During the 1969 season, Faubus was hired by new owner Jess Odom to be general manager of his Li'l Abner theme park in the Ozark Mountains, Dogpatch USA. According to newspaper articles, Faubus was said to have commented that managing the park was similar to running state government because some of the same tricks applied to both.<mask> sought the governorship again in 1970, 1974, and 1986 but was defeated in the Democratic primaries by Dale Bumpers, David Pryor, and Bill Clinton, respectively, each of whom defeated Republican opponents. In the 1970 race, two other Democratic candidates in the running, Joe Purcell and Hayes McClerkin, failed to make the runoff, and Bumpers barely edged Purcell for the chance to face <mask> directly. In his last race, 1986, he polled 174,402 votes (33.5 percent) to Clinton's 315,397 (60.6 percent). Faubus's decline occurred when the Democrats reformed their own party in response to public acceptance of the progressive policies followed by Rockefeller. Thus, a new generation of popular Democratic candidates easily contrasted themselves favorably in voters' minds with Faubus's old-style politics and a more conservative Republican Party which followed Rockefeller's tenure in the state. In 1976, a report surfaced that Arkansas Republican leaders had approached Faubus about running for governor that year against Pryor, but both Faubus and the GOP denied the claim. The GOP instead ran the 40-year-old Pine Bluff plumber Leon Griffith as its sacrificial lamb candidate against Pryor, who won the second of his two gubernatorial terms with more than 80 percent of the ballots.In the 1984 Democratic primaries, <mask> expressed good wishes for civil rights leader Jesse Jackson's campaign, but later denied that he made an explicit endorsement. <mask>, a life-long Southern Baptist, died of prostate cancer on December 14, 1994, and is interred at the Combs Cemetery in Combs, Arkansas. Electoral history
1954 Democratic Primary for Governor
Francis Cherry (inc.) 47%
<mask> <mask> 34%
Guy H. "Mutt" Jones 13%
Gus McMillan 6%

1954 Democratic Primary Runoff for Governor
<mask> <mask> 51%
Francis Cherry 49%

1954 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 62%
Pratt Remmel (R) 38%

1956 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> Faubus (inc.) 58%
James D. Johnson 26%
Jim Snoddy 14%
Stewart K. Prosser 1%
Ben Pippin 1%

1956 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 81%
Roy Mitchell (R) 19%

1958 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> <mask> (inc.) 69%
Chris Finkbeiner 16%
Lee Ward 15%

1958 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 82%
George W. Johnson (R) 18%

1960 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> Faubus (inc.) 59%
Joe Hardin 16%
Bruce Bennett 14%
H.E. Williams 8%
Hal Millsap 2%

1960 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 69%
Henry Britt (R) 31%

1962 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> <mask> (inc.) 52%
Sid McMath 21%
Dale Alford 19%
Vernon H. Whitten 5%
Kenneth Coffelt 2%
David A. Cox 1%

1962 General Election for Governor
Orval Faubus (D) 73%
Willis "Bubs" Ricketts (R) 27%

1964 Democratic Primary for Governor
Orval Faubus (inc.) 66%
Odell Dorsey 19%
Joe Hubbard 10%
R.D. Burrow 4%

1964 General Election for Governor
Orval Faubus (D) 57%
Winthrop Rockefeller (R) 43%

1970 Democratic Primary for Governor
Orval Faubus 36%
Dale Bumpers 20%
Joe Purcell 19%
Hayes C. McClerkin 10%
Bill Wells 8%
Bob Compton 4%
J. M. Malone 2%
W.S. Cheek 1%

1970 Democratic Primary Runoff for Governor
Dale Bumpers 58%
Orval Faubus 42%

1974 Democratic Primary for Governor
David Pryor 51%
Orval Faubus 33%
Bob C. Riley 16%

1986 Democratic Primary for Governor
Bill Clinton (inc.) 61%
Orval Faubus 34%
W. Dean Goldsby 5%

See also
 "Little Rock"

References

Further reading
 Freyer, Tony A. "Politics and Law in the Little Rock Crisis, 1954–1957", Arkansas Historical Quarterly 2007 66(2): 145–166
 Reed, Roy."<mask> E<mask>: Out of Socialism into Realism", Arkansas Historical Quarterly 2007 66(2): 167–180. External links

 Orval <mask> Papers at University of Arkansas

 <mask> <mask> at Encyclopedia of Arkansas
 <mask> <mask> at National Governors Association
 Oral History Interview with <mask> <mask> from Oral Histories of the American South

20th-century American politicians
20th-century Baptists
1910 births
1994 deaths
African-American history of Arkansas
American autobiographers
American male non-fiction writers
20th-century American memoirists
American segregationists
Arkansas Democrats
Baptists from Arkansas
Burials in Arkansas
Candidates in the 1960 United States presidential election
Deaths from cancer in Arkansas
Deaths from prostate cancer
Democratic Party state governors of the United States
Governors of Arkansas
History of the United States
Military personnel from Arkansas
National States' Rights Party politicians
People from Madison County, Arkansas
School segregation in the United States
Southern Baptists
United States Army officers
United States Army personnel of World War II
Writers from Arkansas

masks:
Orval Eugene Faubus
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title: Helene White

texts:
<mask><mask> (born December 2, 1954) is a United States Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. Previously, she was a judge on the Michigan Court of Appeals. Background

Born in Jackson Heights, Queens in New York City, <mask> graduated with an Artium Baccalaureus degree in economics from Barnard College of Columbia University in 1975 and the University of Pennsylvania Law School with a Juris Doctor in 1978. She then clerked for two years for Michigan Supreme Court Justice Charles Levin, whom she would later marry and, in November 2006, divorce. <mask> then won an elected position on the Detroit Court of Common Pleas, and in 1982 was elected to the Wayne County Circuit Court. <mask> was elected to her position on the Michigan Court of Appeals in November 1992, and began serving in January 1993. Federal judicial service

Expired Sixth Circuit nomination under Clinton
On January 7, 1997, President Bill Clinton nominated <mask> to a vacancy on the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit that was created by the decision by Sixth Circuit Judge Damon Keith to shift to senior status.With the United States Senate controlled by Republicans during Clinton's entire second term, <mask>'s nomination languished for more than four years, chiefly because of objections from Michigan's Republican senator at the time, Spencer Abraham. Abraham had been angry with Clinton because Abraham previously had aided the president in getting three Democratic judicial nominees from Michigan approved in the Republican-controlled Senate allegedly on the condition that Clinton make no more nominations to the federal courts from his state. When Clinton nominated <mask> contrary to the previous agreement, Abraham refused to approve her, keeping <mask>'s nomination stalled in the Senate Judiciary Committee without a hearing or committee vote. When Clinton later nominated Kathleen McCree Lewis in 1999 to a second Michigan vacancy on the Sixth Circuit, Abraham did not allow her to be processed in committee either. Despite the delays, being picked to sit on a court just one notch below the U.S. Supreme Court "is like being hit by lightning," <mask> told the Detroit News in an article that was published on October 17, 1999. "To say I'm going to pick up my jacks and go home is self-defeating. Why would I take them off the hook?"<mask> acknowledged to the paper that she had considered withdrawing for "maybe 30 seconds." But at the time the article appeared, <mask> told the paper she believed she would be given a fair hearing. "From everything I've heard, Sen. Abraham is a decent guy," <mask> told the paper. "I have no reason to believe I won't get a hearing." Ultimately, <mask>'s nomination was returned to the White House when Clinton's presidency ended. <mask>'s four year nomination remains one of the single longest federal appeals-court judicial nominations never given a full Senate vote, exceeded only by the failed nomination of Bush nominee Terrence Boyle from 2001 to 2007. Renomination to Sixth Circuit under Bush

When President George W. Bush took office in 2001, he quickly submitted Republican nominees to fill the two Michigan vacancies that Abraham had refused to allow Clinton to fill.However, Michigan's two Democratic senators, Carl Levin, who was the cousin of <mask>'s husband at the time, and Debbie Stabenow, who had defeated Abraham in the 2000 election, consistently tried to block all of Bush's circuit court nominees from Michigan, citing the fact that <mask> and Lewis, who eventually died in October 2007, had never received up-or-down votes from the Senate during Clinton's presidency. The two senators were successful in the filibuster of Bush nominee Henry Saad, who later withdrew. But as part of the Gang of 14 deal in May 2005, they finally allowed the confirmation of stalled Bush nominees David McKeague, Richard A. Griffin and Susan Bieke Neilson. After Neilson's death in 2006, there were again two Michigan vacancies on the Sixth Circuit. Bush quickly named Raymond Kethledge and Stephen J. Murphy III to fill the positions. However, after the Democrats regained control of the Senate in November 2006, Levin and Stabenow once again balked at confirming any further Bush nominees from Michigan to the Sixth Circuit. On April 15, 2008, as part of a deal with Levin and Stabenow, Bush renominated <mask> to the Sixth Circuit, more than eleven years after she was first nominated by Clinton.She replaced Murphy as the nominee to fill Neilson's vacated seat, while Murphy was given a Michigan district court nomination in exchange. In return for <mask>'s renomination, Levin and Stabenow agreed to allow Kethledge to be confirmed. Another example of President Bush nominating one of President Clinton's previously stalled appellate nominees is the case of Judge Roger Gregory of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. <mask>, along with Kethledge and Murphy, received a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on May 7, 2008, less than a month after her nomination. <mask> was pointedly questioned by Republican senators, who were angry that her nomination had been fast-tracked by the Democratic committee chairman, Senator Patrick Leahy, past several other Bush circuit court nominees who had been waiting in committee for much longer periods of time during the 110th Congress. She was voted out of committee on June 12, 2008 by an 11-8 margin. All of the Republicans on the committee, except Orrin Hatch, the chairman of the committee during the Clinton administration, voted against her purportedly on the grounds that she had not provided the committee with copies of her unpublished judicial opinions that were later reversed by the Michigan Supreme Court.On June 24, 2008, she was confirmed by the full Senate by a 63-32 vote. She received her commission on August 8, 2008. <mask> was the ninth and final judge nominated to the Sixth Circuit by Bush and confirmed by the United States Senate. See also
Bill Clinton judicial appointment controversies
George W. Bush judicial appointment controversies

References

External links

Michigan Court of Appeals bio
 Bray, Thomas J., "Judges and Grudges: Michigan's Democratic senators seek payback," The Wall Street Journal, December 4, 2001. Thomas, Ken, "Bush nominates Michigan appellate judge to 6th Circuit slot," The Associated Press, April 15, 2008. Egan, Paul, and Trowbridge, Gordon, "U.S. Attorney in Detroit nominated to federal bench," The Detroit News, April 15, 2008. Thomas, Ken, "GOP senators question quick action on judicial nominee," AP Google, May 7, 2008.1954 births
21st-century American judges
American women judges
Barnard College alumni
Judges of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
Levin family
Living people
Michigan Court of Appeals judges
Michigan lawyers
People from Jackson Heights, Queens
United States court of appeals judges appointed by George W. Bush
University of Pennsylvania Law School alumni
21st-century women judges
21st-century American women

masks:
Helene N
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title: Kevan Jones

texts:
<mask>  (born 25 April 1964) is a British Labour Party politician, who has been the Member of Parliament (MP) for North Durham since 2001. He served as a defence minister under Gordon Brown, and resigned as a shadow defence minister in January 2016 in protest against a front bench reshuffle by Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn. Early life
<mask> was born in Nottinghamshire and is the son of a coal miner. He attended Portland Comprehensive School in Worksop and Newcastle Polytechnic and the University of Southern Maine, gaining a BA (Hons) in Government and Public Policy. Before becoming an MP, he was a Newcastle upon Tyne councillor from 1990 to 2001 and Chairman of the Development Committee as well as an elected officer of the GMB Union. Parliamentary career
<mask> was first elected as MP for North Durham in 2001 with a majority of 18,681. After becoming member of Parliament, <mask> became a member of the influential Defence Select Committee, and also a member of the Labour Party's Parliamentary Committee.His Private Member's Bill, the Christmas Day (Trading) Act 2004, successfully passed Parliament, and came into force in December 2004. The Act makes it illegal for large shops to open on Christmas Day. He was re-elected to the North Durham seat in the 2005 general election, with a majority of 16,781. He polled 64.1% of the vote. His campaigning on behalf of people who had coal health compensation payments deducted by unscrupulous claims handlers influenced the Compensation Act 2006. Ministerial career
<mask> was appointed Parliamentary Under Secretary of State and Minister for Veterans at the Ministry of Defence (MoD) in October 2008. In August 2009 he was accused of briefing against the Chief of the General Staff, General Sir Richard Dannatt, who had been an outspoken critic of the government's record on equipping troops.A series of Freedom of Information requests had been made concerning Dannat's expenses, and blogger Guido Fawkes "outed" <mask> as the culprit, although he did not provide any evidence that directly connected <mask> to the requests. <mask>, who had tabled Parliamentary questions on Army officials' spending before becoming a minister, denied the allegations and said he had a good working relationship with Dannatt. <mask> publicly apologised to Joanna Lumley in March 2010 after he had accused her of "deathly silence" over misleading advice being given to some Gurkhas following Lumley's successful campaign to allow more Gurkhas to settle in the UK. In 2017, <mask> said that while in office he had sought to revoke the government's agreement with Annington Homes, by which the MoD agreed to rent back military housing sold to the company under the John Major government in 1996, while allowing the company to sell homes the armed forces no longer required, but found it impossible to do so. <mask> described the arrangements as "an incredibly bad deal for the taxpayer." In opposition
In May 2010 Harriet Harman appointed <mask> Shadow Minister for the Armed Forces, outside the Shadow Cabinet. He retained this position under Labour leader Ed Miliband and in Jeremy Corbyn's first appointment of shadow ministers in 2015.He became a member of the special Select Committee set up to scrutinise the Bill that became the Armed Forces Act 2011. He was also a member of the Public Bill Committee for the Defence Reform Act 2014. In December 2015 <mask> made public his strong criticism of the new Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, in particular after Corbyn opposed military intervention in the Syrian Civil War. <mask> stated "because of [Corbyn's] incompetence, the Tories are getting away with things that are not being properly scrutinised and the people who are suffering are the ones that we represent." <mask> supported the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He is Treasurer of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Industrial Heritage. He is a member of Labour Friends of Israel.Resignation as shadow Defence Minister
In January 2016, <mask> resigned as a Shadow Minister for the Armed Forces, following a reshuffle in which Jeremy Corbyn had promoted Emily Thornberry, who opposes the replacement of the Trident nuclear weapon system, to shadow Defence Secretary. In his resignation letter, <mask> said he believed that the country had to "maintain a credible nuclear deterrent, while working to advance global nuclear disarmament." He later supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. Mental health
In 2012, in a debate in Parliament on mental health issues and their taboo, <mask> spoke about his own battles with depression, alongside Conservative back-bencher Charles Walker, who spoke about his own 30-year battle with obsessive–compulsive disorder. <mask> stated that he had suffered with depression since 1996. <mask> and Walker were both later praised for their speeches by Time to Change, a mental health anti-stigma campaign run by charities Mind and Rethink Mental Illness. In November 2015, after the appointment of the former Mayor of London Ken Livingstone to co-chair the Labour Party's review of whether to replace the Trident nuclear missile system, <mask>, a Shadow Junior Defence Minister, told the PoliticsHome website he was not sure Livingstone knew anything about defence and his appointment would only damage credibility among those who care about defence.In response, Livingstone told the Daily Mirror and others that <mask> was "obviously depressed and disturbed" and "should see a GP". <mask> responded that the remarks "belong in the dark ages" and that mental health should not be used to attack political differences. Livingstone eventually apologised, only doing so unreservedly via Twitter after intervention by Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn. It was later noted in passing that <mask> had himself in 2010 ridiculed a political viewpoint by reference to "the nearest lunatic asylum". Post Office Ltd
<mask> has been very critical of the way in which many sub-post office franchisees were treated by Post Office Ltd during and after the Horizon IT accounting scandal. On 19 March 2020, he criticised both the organization and its former CEO, Paula Vennells, in a House of Commons debate. Notes

External links

 Guardian Unlimited Politics – Ask Aristotle: <mask> <mask> MP
 BBC Politics page

Video clips
 Keeping Christmas Day special

News items
 Opposing shops opening on Christmas Day in 2004

1964 births
Living people
Alumni of Northumbria University
British trade unionists
Councillors in Newcastle upon Tyne
Labour Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
People from Worksop
People with mood disorders
Labour Friends of Israel
UK MPs 2001–2005
UK MPs 2005–2010
UK MPs 2010–2015
UK MPs 2015–2017
University of Southern Maine alumni
UK MPs 2017–2019
UK MPs 2019–present

masks:
Kevan David Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
Jones
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Kevan
Jones


title: Max Greenberg

texts:
<mask> "<mask><mask> (1883–1933) was an American bootlegger and organized crime figure in Detroit, Michigan, and later a member of Egan's Rats in St. Louis. He oversaw the purchasing of sacramental wine from Orthodox rabbis, then allowed under the Volstead Act, which were sold to bootleggers in the St. Louis–Kansas City, Missouri area during Prohibition. He was also associated with mobsters in this particular method of acquiring illegal liquor including Waxey Gordon, Meyer Lansky and Arnold Rothstein. By the early 1910s, <mask> had joined the Egan's Rats and become one of their best members. <mask>, his brother Morris, and two others were suspected in the murder of Sam Mintz on December 5, 1914. It was disclosed that Mintz had informed on the gang in a fire insurance scam they were running; <mask> managed to avoid being caught. <mask> was also believed to have played a key role in the Rats' first known bank robbery, that of the Baden Bank on April 10, 1919, during which the robbers took $59,000.Soon after the Baden bank heist, <mask>, Ben Milner, and Edward "Big Red" Powers were sentenced to Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary on an interstate theft charge, stemming from the Egan-sponsored robbery of some railroad cars in Danville, Illinois. Egan gang boss William Egan and Missouri State Senator Michael Kinney managed to finagle the three men pardons from none other than President Woodrow Wilson himself. Soon after their release, <mask> and Milner decided to go into the bootlegging racket for themselves. They accomplished this by betraying the very same man who had saved them from prison: Willie Egan. Egan gave <mask> $2,000 to make a deal with a Mexican smuggler for a load of whiskey. <mask>, it later turned out, paid the smuggler but kept the whiskey for himself. Egan was furious and demanded that <mask> reimburse him, but <mask> claimed the whiskey barge had sunk in the Mississippi River.These bad feelings came to a head in the early morning hours of October 16, 1920, when <mask> and his friends engaged the rest of the Egan's Rats in a huge brawl at Egan's Franklin Avenue saloon. One of the men severely injured was attorney John Sweeney. A month later, Milner would be shot and killed during a running gun battle with the Russo Gang. After these two incidents his bootleg business fell into disarray, forcing <mask> to leave St. Louis for Detroit. In the fall of 1920, he was introduced to Rothstein by Waxey Gordon and asked for a $175,000 loan to purchase speedboats to bring in alcohol from Ontario to Detroit as well as additional funds for graft payoffs. Rothstein liked the idea, but instead decided to take up rum-running to New York where the demand was the highest in the country. Gordon was allowed to run the operation as a junior partner while <mask>, in order not to be cut out entirely, was allowed to take part in the deal under the condition that he mortgage all his personal property to Rothstein and take out an expensive life insurance policy with Rothstein's insurance company.In March 1921, <mask> returned to St. Louis to lay the groundwork for his new business. Willie Egan gave <mask> one last chance to account for the missing whiskey. The two, along with John Sweeney and an unidentified man, met at the corner of Sixth and Chestnut streets in downtown St. Louis on March 11, 1921. <mask> refused to pay once again. As the meet broke up, a lone gunman appeared out of the shadows and started shooting. Sweeney was killed and <mask> was shot through the jaw. Despite the severity of his wounds, <mask> survived.In the wake of this attempt on his life, <mask> formed an alliance with the rival Hogan Gang. The Egan's Rats steadfastly believed that <mask> was the driving force behind the murder of Egan, who was gunned down in front of his saloon on October 31, 1921. It was said that <mask> paid the three shooters $10,000 each for the hit. During the ensuing gang war, new Egan boss Dint Colbeck made hunting <mask> a top priority. After Monsignor Timothy Dempsey negotiated a truce between the Egan and Hogan gangs in June 1922, several armed Hogan gangsters escorted <mask> onto a New York-bound train. Returning to New York City, Greenburg and Gordon then began leasing motorboats and trucks which brought in bonded whiskey and scotch from Rothstein's contacts in Canada and the United Kingdom. Their rum-running system, protected by Rothstein's payoffs to certain members of the U.S. Coast Guard as well as police and local politicians in Long Island and the Jersey Shore, delivered alcohol to high-class hotels in Manhattan among Rothstein's clientele.The bootlegging operation became one of the biggest and most successful in the country for five years until September 1925 when Prohibition agents seized one of their ships off Astoria, Long Island. <mask> and Gordon were arrested with 13 others a month later and charged with conspiracy to violate the National Prohibition Act. He later went to New Jersey where, in July 1929, he formed a bootlegging cartel with Waxey Gordon and <mask>. <mask> managed Gordon's vast real estate, hotel and gambling interests while Gordon's muscle and Hassel's political connections made a formidable alliance whose operation eventually became the largest producer of real beer in the New York–Philadelphia area. By 1933, the three owned at least 16 or 17 breweries stretching from Buffalo, Elmira and Syracuse, New York to eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland, according to the US government. They also controlled smaller unlicensed breweries known as "cold water" or "wild cats". <mask> and his partners began to come under pressure to join the Italian–Jewish criminal syndicate controlled by Lucky Luciano and Meyer Lansky.They also began receiving threats from rival Dutch Schultz. On the afternoon of April 12, 1933, <mask> and Gordon were scheduled to meet with Hassel at his suite on the eighth floor of the Carteret Hotel in Elizabeth, New Jersey. Between 2:30 and 4:00 pm, taxi driver George Hickman told police he drove <mask> and two other unidentified men from the hotel to the Harrison brewery. He then drove them back to the Carteret where he saw <mask> entered the building. The two men who were with him stayed outside for a few moments before following him inside. Although these men remained unidentified, it was suggested they may have been <mask>'s bodyguards who were making sure no one followed their boss up to Hassel's hotel room. This was supported by the hotel barber who said <mask> waved to him as he entered the hotel at 4:10 pm.A second theory developed by police suggested that <mask> never left the hotel at all as hotel employees claimed his bulletproof sedan was not taken out of the hotel garage that day. Investigators found it unlikely that <mask> would risk taking a taxi, and without his regular bodyguard, knowing that his life may have been in danger. Shortly after the meeting started, Gordon left his partners and walked down the hall where he claimed to have entered the room of a young lady, 22-year-old mob prostitute Nancy Presser, with whom he spent the rest of the afternoon. He admitted he had talked to some men after leaving the meeting, but police did not release their names. Lou Parkowitz was also present the room and left when the participants began discussing serious matters. He was the last to see <mask> and Hassel alive as, several minutes later, he returned to the room after hearing gunfire and found both men had been shot to death. Parkowitz claimed that he had passed several men running past him as he hurried back to the room.Entering the room, Parkowitz discovered Hassel's body laying face down near the office doorway while <mask> was slumped over a closed rolltop desk shot five times in the chest and head. Frankie Carbo, a gunman for Murder, Inc., was later charged with the murders of <mask>, Hassel and Gordon following his arrest in 1935. He spent six months in jail before the case was dropped. Joseph Stassi claimed that Meyer Lansky, Abner "Abe" Zwillman and Joe Adonis had ordered the three men killed in order to consolidate their control over bootlegging operations in North Jersey. References

Further reading
Block, Alan A. East Side–West Side: Organizing Crime in New York, 1930–1950. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1983.Joselit, Jenna Weissman. Our Gang: Jewish Crime and the New York Jewish Community, 1900–1940. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983. Smith, Richard Norton. Thomas E. Dewey and His Times. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982. Tomlinson, Gerald.Murdered in Jersey. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1994. Waugh, Daniel. Egan's Rats: The Untold Story Of The Gang That Ruled Prohibition-era St. Louis. Nashville: Cumberland House, 2007. 1883 births
Date of birth missing
1933 deaths
Murdered Jewish American gangsters
People from St. Louis
Gangsters from Detroit
Prohibition-era gangsters
People murdered in New Jersey
Deaths by firearm in New Jersey

masks:
Max
Big Maxie
" Greenberg
Greenberg
Max
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
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Max Greenberg
Greenberg
Max Hassel
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg
Greenberg


title: Eumenes

texts:
<mask> (; ; c. 362316 BC) was a Greek general and satrap. He participated in the Wars of Alexander the Great, serving as both Alexander's personal secretary and as a battlefield commander. He later was a participant in the Wars of the Diadochi as a supporter of the Macedonian Argead royal house. He was executed after the Battle of Gabiene in 316 BC. Early career
<mask> was a native of Cardia in the Thracian Chersonese. At a very early age, he was employed as a private secretary by Philip II of Macedon and after Philip's death (336 BC) by Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied into Asia. After Alexander's death (323 BC), Eumenes took command of a large body of Macedonian and other Greek soldiers fighting in support of Alexander's son, Alexander IV.Satrap of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia (323-319 BC)
In the ensuing division of the empire in the Partition of Babylon (323 BC), Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were assigned to <mask>; but as they were not yet subdued, Leonnatus and Antigonus were charged by Perdiccas with securing them for him. Antigonus, however, ignored the order, and Leonnatus vainly attempted to induce <mask> to accompany him to Europe and share in his far-reaching designs. <mask> joined Perdiccas, who installed him in Cappadocia. Battle of the Hellespont (321 BC)
When Craterus and Antipater, having subdued Greece in the Lamian War, determined to pass into Asia and overthrow the power of Perdiccas, their first blow was aimed at Cappadocia. Craterus and Neoptolemus, the satrap of Armenia, were completely defeated by <mask> in the Battle of the Hellespont in 321. Neoptolemus was killed, and Craterus died of his wounds. After the death of Perdiccas
After the murder of Perdiccas in Egypt by his own soldiers (320 BC), the Macedonian generals condemned <mask> to death at the Conference at Triparadisus, assigning Antipater and Antigonus as his executioners.<mask> first travelled to Mount Ida where there was a royal stable. <mask> took a large number of horses to replenish his Cappadocian cavalry. He took the time to file an account with the overseers of the stables despite his outlaw status. Upon hearing this, Antipater was greatly amused, however, it is clear that Eumenes made this move to show that he was acting under the law and in the service of the Argead House. Since he would be facing a force superior in infantry, <mask> decided to travel to the plains of Sardis where his advantage in cavalry would be decisive. He had also hoped to win the support of Cleopatra of Macedon, who was present in the city at the time. Cleopatra and <mask> had been friends since childhood, however, Cleopatra was not willing to back what seemed to be a losing cause and implored Eumenes to leave the area lest she incur the wrath of Antipater.<mask> obliged her and moved north into Phrygia to winter. Despite his superior military skills, <mask>’ Macedonian generals approached him about one of them taking overall command. <mask> retorted that “formalities and technicalities would not protect them from death and destruction”. To further guarantee the loyalty of subordinates, <mask> sold off the estates of Phrygia to them and provided military support to claim the purchased land from the, obviously, unwilling and disgruntled Phrygian property owners. This revenue was used to pay his soldiers. After the Conference at Triparadisus
Following the Conference at Triparadisus, Antigonus first placed a bounty on the Greek general’s head of 100 talents of gold. News of this came immediately after Eumenes’ financial rewards, so his officers and men were outraged and redoubled their efforts to protect their leader, assigning a large bodyguard of 1000 men to protect him at all times.<mask> was also granted the privilege of wearing a purple hat and cloak, an honour usually only granted to a Macedonian king. In 319 BC, Antigonus marched his army into Cappodocia and engaged <mask> at the Battle of Orkynia. Here, <mask> was defeated due to an unknown act of a traitor who Antigonus possibly bribed. Although defeated, <mask> swiftly acted to chase down and execute this traitor, which restored the faith of his men. Following this battle, Antigonus neglected to address the dead and immediately set off in pursuit for <mask>. Determined to follow tradition, Eumenes made the bold and unexpected move to regain the battlefield so that he could construct a proper funeral pyre for the dead. This action greatly impressed Antigonus.Remainder of the Campaign
The remainder of the campaign turned into a battle of manoeuvre, with <mask> avoiding further battle with Antigonus. At one point, <mask> was in a position to capture the baggage of Antigonus’ forces. Eumenes knew that he would not be able to prevent his soldiers from plundering this loot if they found out about it and also that doing so would decrease the essential mobility of his forces. Eumenes dispatched a private message to his old friend, the general Menander, advising him to move the baggage uphill so that its capture would be impossible. Menander immediately followed this advice. He and his fellow officers were shocked by this move and thought Eumenes to be a paragon of virtue. Only Antigonus knew of Eumenes’ real motives.This action is also ironic when compared to the steps Antigonus had to take to finally defeat <mask>. The following winter, <mask> disbanded his army, save for a small, crack force of 500 cavalry and 200 heavy infantry and holed up in Nora, a strong fortress on the border between Cappadocia and Lycaonia. Antigonus arrived shortly and decided to enter into negotiation with <mask> instead of undergoing a lengthy siege. Antigonus wanted to acquire <mask> as his own officer and so first demanded that <mask> address him as a superior officer, to which Eumenes replied “while I am able to wield a sword, I shall thank no man greater than myself”. During negotiations, Eumenes was unable to secure a deal he thought fitting and so was willing to hold out longer for a more favourable position in the imperial hierarchy. Antigonus then departed with his army, leaving behind only forces sufficient to blockade Nora. In the cramped city, Eumenes was forced to come up with novel solutions so that his men and horses remained in fighting shape including; emptying large rooms where men exercised on a set schedule, and creating a suspension device, likened to an ancient treadmill, on which horses could run.<mask> held out for more than a year until the death of Antipater threw his opponents into disarray. The Second War of the Diadochi
Antipater had left the regency to his friend Polyperchon instead of his son Cassander. Cassander, therefore, allied himself with Antigonus, Lysimachus and Ptolemy, while <mask> allied himself with Polyperchon. He was able to escape from Nora by tricking the Antigonid diplomat, his friend and countryman Hieronymus of Cardia,  sent to negotiate his surrender, into having him swear an oath of loyalty to the two kings, Philip III and Alexander IV instead of Antigonus himself. By swearing an oath to an infant and a developmentally disabled man, this essentially gave Eumenes free rein to act in whatever manner he saw as in the best interest of the Argead Dynasty and, therefore, himself. Eumenes acted quickly to muster his army and marched into Cilicia, where he allied with Antigenes and Teutamus, the commanders of the famous Macedonian Silver Shields. Eumenes again demonstrated his cleverness and was able to secure control over these men by playing on their loyalty to, and superstitious awe of, Alexander.He claimed that Alexander had visited him in a dream and told him that he would be present with them at every battle. <mask> even went so far as to set up a tent for the late conqueror complete with a throne. He used the royal treasury at Kyinda to recruit an army of mercenaries to add to his own troops. In 317 BC, Eumenes left Cilicia and marched into Syria and Phoenicia, and began to raise a naval force on behalf of Polyperchon. When it was ready, he sent the fleet west to reinforce Polyperchon, but it was met by Antigonus's fleet off the coast of Cilicia, and the fleet of Eumenes changed sides. Meanwhile, Antigonus had settled his affairs in Asia Minor and marched east to take out <mask> before he could do further damage. Eumenes somehow had advance knowledge of this and marched out of Phoenica, through Syria into Mesopotamia, with the idea of gathering support in the upper satrapies.<mask> in the East
<mask> gained the support of Amphimachos, the satrap of Mesopotamia, then marched his army into Northern Babylonia, where he put them into winter quarters. During the winter he negotiated with Seleucus, the satrap of Babylonia, and Peithon, the satrap of Media, seeking their help against Antigonus. Unable to sway Seleucus and Peithon, <mask> left his winter quarters early and marched on Susa, a major royal treasury, in Susiana. In Susa, Eumenes sent letters to all the satraps to the north and east of Susiana, ordering them in the kings' names to join him with all their forces. When the satraps joined Eumenes he had a considerable force, with which he could look forward with some confidence to doing battle against Antigonus. <mask> then marched southeastwards into Persia, where he picked up additional reinforcements. Antigonus, meanwhile, had reached Susa and left Seleucus there to besiege the place while he himself marched after Eumenes.At the river Kopratas, <mask> surprised Antigonus during the crossing of the river and killed or captured 4,000 of his men. Antigonus, faced with disaster, decided to abandon the crossing and turned back northward, marching up into Media, threatening the upper satrapies. <mask> wanted to march westward and cut Antigonus's supply lines, but the satraps refused to abandon their satrapies and forced <mask> to stay in the east. In the late summer of 316 BC, Antigonus moved southward again in the hope of bringing <mask> to battle and ending the war quickly. Eventually, the two armies met in southern Media and fought the indecisive Battle of Paraitakene. Antigonus, whose casualties were more numerous, force marched his army to safety the next night. During the winter of 316-315 BC, Antigonus tried to surprise Eumenes in Persis by marching his army across a desert and catching his enemy off guard; unfortunately, he was observed by some locals who reported it to his opponents.A few days later both armies drew up for battle. The Battle of Gabiene was as indecisive as the previous battle at Parataikene. According to Plutarch and Diodorus, <mask> had won the battle but lost control of his army's baggage camp thanks to his ally Peucestas' duplicity or incompetence. In addition to all the loot of the Silver Shields (treasure accumulated over 30 years of successful warfare including gold, silver, gems and other booty), the soldiers' women and children were taken, and <mask>' army wished to negotiate their return. Teutamus, one of their commanders, sent the request to Antigonus, who responded by demanding they give him Eumenes. The Silver Shields complied, arrested <mask> and his officers, and handed them over. The war was thus at an end.<mask> was placed under guard while Antigonus held a council to ponder his fate. Antigonus, supported by his son Demetrius, was disinclined to kill <mask>, but most of the council insisted that he execute <mask> and so it was decided. Death
Antigonus, according to Plutarch, starved <mask> for three days but finally sent an executioner to dispatch him when the time came for him to move his camp. <mask>' body was given to his friends to be burnt with honour, and his ashes were conveyed in a silver urn to his wife and children. Legacy
Despite <mask>' undeniable skills as a general, he never commanded the full allegiance of the Macedonian officers in his army and died as a result. He was an able commander who did his utmost to maintain the unity of Alexander's empire in Asia. Still, his efforts were frustrated by generals and satraps both nominally under his command and under that of his enemies.<mask> was hated and despised by many fellow commanders—certainly for his successes and supposedly for his non-Macedonian (in the tribal sense) background and prior office as Royal Secretary. <mask> has been seen as a tragic figure, a man who seemingly tried to do the right thing but was overcome by a more ruthless enemy and the treachery of his own soldiers. Historie is a historical fiction manga series that tells the life story of <mask>. Family
Pharnabazus III, Persian satrap of Phrygia, was his brother-in-law, as <mask> married Artonis, the daughter of Persian satrap Artabazus II and sister of Pharnabazus III. Sources
Plutarch - the main surviving biography of <mask> is by Plutarch. Plutarch's parallel Roman life was the life of Sertorius. Diodorus - <mask> is a significant figure in books 16–18 of Diodorus's history
Richard A. Billows, Antigonos the One-Eyed and the Creation of the Hellenistic State, a biography of Antigonos Monopthalmus (Eumenes's main opponent during the Second War of the Diadochi).References

Sources
Edward Anson, <mask> of Cardia: A Greek among Macedonians, Brill Academic Publishers, 2004. External links
The Life of Eumenes by Plutarch
The Historical Library by Diodorus - books XVIII and XIX
The Life of Eumenes by Cornelius Nepos

316 BC deaths
4th-century BC Greek people
Ancient Thracian Greeks
Ancient Greek generals
Generals of Alexander the Great
Generals of Philip II of Macedon
Trierarchs of Nearchus' fleet
Satraps of the Alexandrian Empire
Macedonian royal secretaries
360s BC births
Executed ancient Greek people
Scythian people

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