title: Edmund Ironside

texts:
<mask> (30 November 1016; , ; sometimes also known as <mask>) was King of the English from 23 April to 30 November 1016. He was the son of King Æthelred the Unready and his first wife, Ælfgifu of York. <mask>'s reign was marred by a war he had inherited from his father; his cognomen "Ironside" was given to him "because of his valour" in resisting the Danish invasion led by Cnut the Great. <mask> was not expected to be King of England; however, by June 1014 two elder brothers had died, making him heir apparent. At the end of the same year, England was conquered by Sweyn Forkbeard, who died shortly thereafter. Æthelred was able to reclaim the throne, despite opposition. Sweyn's son, Cnut, was defeated and returned to Denmark, where he assembled an invasion force to re-conquer England.It would not arrive for another year. After regaining the throne, the royal family set about strengthening its hold on the country with the assistance of Eadric Streona (<mask>'s brother-in-law). People who had sided with the Danes in 1014 were punished, and some were killed. In one case, two brothers, Morcar and Sigeferth, were killed and their possessions were taken by Æthelred. Sigeferth's widow  Ealdgyth was imprisoned within a monastery, but she had already captured <mask>'s attention. Cnut returned to England in August 1015. Over the next few months, Cnut pillaged most of England.<mask> joined Æthelred to defend London, but in 1016 <mask> unofficially named himself the Earl of the East Midlands and raised a revolt against his father. Without the king's permission he took Ealdgyth from the monastery, and married her; it would have been a politically advantageous marriage, since she was a member of one of the strongest families in the Midlands. Æthelred died on 23 April 1016, making <mask> king. It was not until the summer of 1016 that any serious fighting was done: <mask> fought five battles against the Danes, ending in his defeat on 18 October at the Battle of Assandun, after which they agreed to divide the kingdom, <mask> taking Wessex and Cnut the rest of the country. <mask> died shortly afterwards on 30 November, leaving two sons, Edward and <mask>; however, Cnut became the king of all England, and exiled the remaining members of <mask>'s family. Early life
The exact date of <mask>'s birth is unclear, but it could have been no later than 993 when he was a signatory to charters along with his two elder brothers. He was the third of the six sons of King Æthelred the Unready and his first wife, Ælfgifu, who was probably the daughter of Earl Thored of Northumbria.His elder brothers were Æthelstan (died 1014) and Egbert (died c. 1005), and younger ones, Eadred, Eadwig and Edgar. He had four sisters, Eadgyth (or Edith), Ælfgifu, Wulfhilda, and the Abbess of Wherwell Abbey. His mother died around 1000, after which his father remarried, this time to Emma of Normandy, who had two sons, Edward the Confessor and Alfred and a daughter Goda. Æthelstan and <mask> were close, and they probably felt threatened by Emma's ambitions for her sons. The Life of Edward the Confessor, written fifty years later, claimed that when Emma was pregnant with him, all Englishmen promised that if the child was a boy they would accept him as king. However that claim may just be propaganda. Warrior prince
When Sweyn Forkbeard seized the throne at the end of 1013 and Æthelred fled to Normandy, the brothers do not appear to have followed him, but stayed in England.Æthelstan died in June 1014 and left <mask> a sword which had belonged to king Offa of Mercia. His will also reflected the close relationship between the brothers and the nobility of the East Midlands. Sweyn died in February 1014, and the Five Boroughs accepted his son Cnut as king. However, Æthelred returned to England and launched a surprise attack which defeated the Vikings and forced Cnut to flee England. In 1015 Sigeferth and Morcar came to an assembly in Oxford, probably hoping for a royal pardon, but they were murdered by Eadric Streona. King Æthelred then ordered that Sigeferth's widow, Ealdgyth, be seized and brought to Malmesbury Abbey, but <mask> seized and married her in defiance of his father, probably to consolidate his power base in the East Midlands. He then received the submission of the people of the Five Boroughs.At the same time, Cnut launched a new invasion of England. In late 1015 <mask> raised an army, possibly assisted by his wife's and mother's links with the midlands and the north, but the Mercians under Eadric Streona joined the West Saxons in submitting to Cnut. In early 1016 the army assembled by <mask> dispersed when Æthelred did not appear to lead it, probably because of illness. <mask> then raised a new army and in conjunction with Earl Uhtred of Northumbria ravaged Eadric Streona's Mercian territories, but when Cnut occupied Northumbria Uhtred submitted to him, only to be killed by Cnut. <mask> went to London. King of England
Æthelred died on 23 April 1016, and the citizens and councillors in London chose <mask> as king and probably crowned him, while the rest of the Witan, meeting at Southampton, elected Cnut. <mask> then mounted a last-ditch effort to revive the defence of England.While the Danes laid siege to London, <mask> headed for Wessex, where the people submitted to him and he gathered an army. He fought inconclusive battles against the Danes and their English supporters at Penselwood in Somerset and Sherston in Wiltshire. He then raised the siege of London, which had been successfully resisted by the citizens, and defeated the Danes near Brentford. They renewed the siege while <mask> went to Wessex to raise further troops, returning to again relieve London, defeat the Danes at Otford, and pursue Cnut into Kent. Eadric Streona now went over to <mask>, but at the decisive Battle of Assandun on 18 October, Eadric and his men fled and Cnut decisively defeated <mask>. There may have been one further battle in the Forest of Dean, after which the two kings, persuaded by the Witan, negotiated a peace dividing the country between them. <mask> received Wessex while Cnut took Mercia and probably Northumbria.Death

On 30 November 1016, <mask> died. The location of his death is uncertain, though it is generally accepted that it occurred in London, rather than in Oxford where Henry of Huntingdon claimed it to be in his version of events, which included <mask>'s death from multiple stab-wounds whilst he was defecating on a privy. Geoffrey Gaimar narrates a similar occurrence with the weapon being a crossbow; but with a number of other medieval chroniclers, including the Encomium Emmae Reginae, not mentioning murder, it is thought <mask>'s cause of death may possibly have been wounds received in battle or some disease. It is certainly possible, however, that he was murdered. <mask> was buried near his grandfather King Edgar the Peaceful at Glastonbury Abbey in Somerset. However, the abbey was destroyed during the Dissolution of the Monasteries in the 16th century, and any remains of a monument or crypt may have been plundered; hence the location of his remains is unclear. Reputation
In the view of M. K. Lawson, the intensity of <mask>'s struggle against the Danes in 1016 is only matched by Alfred the Great's in 871, and contrasts with Æthelred's failure.<mask>'s success in raising one army after another suggests that there was little wrong with the organs of government under competent leadership. He was "probably a highly determined, skilled and indeed inspiring leader of men". Cnut visited his tomb on the anniversary of his death and laid a cloak decorated with peacocks on it to assist in his salvation, peacocks symbolising resurrection. Descendants
<mask> had two children by Ealdgyth: Edward the Exile and <mask>ling. According to John of Worcester, Cnut sent them to Sweden where he probably hoped they would be murdered and forgotten, but King Olof of Sweden instead forwarded them on to Kiev, where his daughter Ingegerd was the grand princess. The boys eventually ended up in Hungary where <mask> died but Edward prospered. Edward returned from exile to England in 1057 only to die within a few days of his arrival.His son Edgar Ætheling was briefly proclaimed king after the Battle of Hastings in 1066, but later submitted to William the Conqueror. Edgar lived a long and eventful life: fighting in rebellion against William the Conqueror from 1067 to 1075; fighting alongside the Conqueror's son Robert Curthose in campaigns in Sicily (1085–1087); and accompanying Robert on the First Crusade (1099–1103). He was still alive in 1125. In 1070 Edward the Exile's daughter, Margaret, became queen of Scotland. Through her and her descendants, <mask> is the ancestor of subsequent British monarchs. In culture

 <mask> is an Elizabethan play about him, which some critics believe to be a very early work by William Shakespeare. <mask> is played by John Horn in the 1970 television movie The Ceremony of Innocence.<mask> is one of the main characters in Justin Hill's novel Shieldwall (2011), first in the Conquest Trilogy. <mask> is a recurring character in the 2022 Netflix historical drama series Vikings: Valhalla, played by Louis Davison. See also
 House of Wessex family tree

References

Notes

Citations

Sources

 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
 Clemoes, Peter. The Anglo-Saxons: Studies Presented to Bruce Dickins, 1959

External links

Monarchs of England before 1066
10th-century births
1016 deaths
Burials at Glastonbury Abbey
Anglo-Saxon warriors
10th-century English people
11th-century English monarchs
Christian monarchs
House of Wessex

masks:
Edmund Ironside
Edmund II
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund Æthe
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund Ironside
Edmund
Edmund
Edmund


title: Gertrude Blom

type: original

texts:
<mask> "Trudi" Duby Blom (born <mask>; July 7, 1901 – December 23, 1993)  was a Swiss journalist, social anthropologist, and documentary photographer who spent five decades chronicling the Mayan cultures of Chiapas, Mexico, particularly the culture of the Lacandon Maya. In later life, she also became an environmental activist. Blom's former home Casa Na Bolom is a research and cultural center devoted to the protection and preservation of the Lacandon Maya and La Selva Lacandona rain forest. Europe 1901-1940
<mask> was born in the Swiss Alps, in the canton of Bern, Switzerland. She grew up in the village of Wimmis, where her father Otto Lörtscher was a minister and much of her childhood play was influenced by the wild west tales of Karl May. After completing a horticulture degree in 1918, Blom attended a school for social work in Zurich. There she became a member of the Socialist Party and developed an interest in journalism and politics.She left school and traveled throughout Europe, speaking and organizing on behalf of the Socialist Party. In 1925 she married Kurt Düby (1900–1951). Her marriage ended a few years later when Blom moved to Germany to report on Adolf Hitler and growing Nazi brutality for Swiss newspapers. Working as an anti-fascist organizer, speaker, and journalist led Blom to Paris, where she joined the international movement against Hitler's Germany. In 1939, after Blom was arrested and deported back to Switzerland, she planned to travel to New York and raise funds for war refugees, but a sudden change of heart led her to join the mass emigration of  pacifists, communists, labor leaders, artists and Jews welcomed to Mexico by President Lázaro Cárdenas. Mexico 1940-1969
In Mexico City, Blom was hired as a government social worker to study and report on the working conditions of Mexican women. Later, while researching women who had fought as zapatistas with Emiliano Zapata's revolutionary army, Blom bought her first camera to help document her work.In 1943, influenced by the adventures of French anthropologist Jacques Soustelle, whose book on jungle exploration she had read on the boat to Mexico, Blom convinced a government minister to let her join a Chiapas expedition going in search of the legendary and rarely photographed Lacandon Maya. Blom later credited her attractive appearance and the camera she wore around her neck for her place on this first official Lacandon expedition, which was to be conducted on horseback. Blom had never ridden a horse before. Not only did Blom become an expert horsewoman, photograph the Lacandon, and write a book about the 1943 expedition, she found in the Lacandon Mayan people and their jungle home her life's avocation. Later that year, on a second expedition to visit another Lacandon settlement, she met Frans Blom, a Danish archeologist and cartographer who was in the jungle searching for the Mayan ruin of Bonampak. They teamed up on several subsequent jungle explorations, which later provided the material for a two-volume study La Selva Lacandona. By 1951, Frans and <mask>lom had married.To be closer to the jungle, they moved from Mexico City to San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas. With an inheritance from Frans' mother, the Bloms purchased a neoclassical building on the outskirts of San Cristóbal de las Casas. It was built in 1891 and was originally intended to be a seminary. They restored the building and grounds and renamed it Casa Na Bolom, or House of the Jaguar. To support the household and Frans' Mayan studies, the Bloms took in paying guests for meals. Eventually, Casa Na Bolom evolved into an inn attracting visitors from all over the world, including archeologists from major American universities and guests as notable as Diego Rivera, François Mitterrand, Helen Hayes, and Henry Kissinger. For the next 12 years, until Frans <mask>'s death in 1963, the Bloms shared a passion for expeditions in search of Mayan ruins.On  these trips and sometimes as a paid jungle guide for others, <mask> continued photographing the Mayan people. She had little interest in the technical side of photography. Blom considered her camera a tool for documenting the people and culture of a rapidly changing place. Once a picture was taken, Blom often lost interest or forgot to develop prints. Mexico 1970-1993
In the early 1970s the direction of Blom's life changed yet again. She had become increasingly disturbed by the systematic deforestation of La Selva Lacandona by loggers, immigrant settlers, the petroleum industry, and the Mexican government. Blom decided she must speak out, and thus became one of the first environmental activists of the twentieth century.On her own, she made lecture tours with slide shows of her documentary photographs, traveling in Mexico, the United States, Germany and Switzerland to raise awareness of the irreparable damage being done to the jungle. She wrote hundreds of articles in three different languages protesting Mexican policies. Blom appeared on Mexican television shows and lobbied Mexican government officials. In 1975, within the grounds of Na Bolom, she started El Vivero, a tree nursery which has distributed thousands of free trees for reforestation. In her essay The Jungle is Burning, Blom writes "If mankind continues abusing the planet as we are today, the effects in the near future will be far worse than the devastation that would be caused by any atomic bomb." In 1983 Blom oversaw the first published collection of her photographs Gertrude Blom - Bearing Witness, a project sponsored by The Center for Documentary Studies, Duke University. Reina de la Selva, a film of Blom's life in which she appears, was made by Robert Cozens in 1989.Blom died at age 92. She was buried next to Frans Blom in the municipal cemetery of San Cristobal de Las Casas. In 2011, the remains of Frans and <mask>lom were disinterred and transported to the jungle village of Naha, Chiapas where Blom had kept a jungle camp for many years. The Bloms were finally laid to rest according to their wishes, in La Selva Lacandona and near the grave of Chan K'in Viejo, a Lacandon spiritual leader whom Blom considered her best friend. References

External links and other resources

 Documentary Photographs of <mask> Blom
 Casa Na Bolom and Na Bolom Cultural Association
 The house of the jaguar: The engaged anthropology of <mask> Blom at Museo Na Bolom by Mary L. Robison
 Traveler's Tales Mexico

 Blom, <mask>. Imagenes lacandones. Coneculta, Libros de Chiapas, 1999.Swiss women anthropologists
Social anthropologists
Swiss Mesoamericanists
Women Mesoamericanists
Mesoamerican anthropologists
Mayanists
20th-century Mesoamericanists
1901 births
1993 deaths
Swiss women photographers
Swiss women journalists
20th-century women scientists
20th-century women photographers

masks:
Gertrude
Gertrude Elisabeth Lörtscher
Gertrude Bm
Gertrude B
Blom
Gertrude Bm
Gertrude B
Gertrude Duby
Gertrude Duby
Gertrude Duby


title: Kuno Fischer

texts:
<mask> (23 July 1824 – 5 July 1907) was a German philosopher, a historian of philosophy and a critic. Biography

After studying philosophy at Leipzig and Halle,
became a privatdocent at Heidelberg in 1850. The Baden government in 1853 laid an embargo on his teaching owing to his liberal ideas, but the effect of this was to rouse considerable sympathy for his views, and in 1856 he obtained a professorship at Jena, where he soon acquired great influence by the dignity of his personal character. In 1872, on Eduard Zeller's move to Berlin, <mask> succeeded him as professor of philosophy and the history of modern German literature at Heidelberg. He was a brilliant lecturer and possessed a remarkable gift for clear exposition. His fame rests primarily on his work as a historian and commentator of philosophy. As far as his philosophical views were concerned, he was, generally speaking, a follower of the Hegelian school.His writings in this direction, especially his interpretation of Kant, involved him in a quarrel with F. A. Trendelenburg, professor of philosophy at the University of Berlin, and his followers. In 1860, <mask>'s Kants Leben und die Grundlagen seiner Lehre (Kant's life and the foundations of his doctrine) lent the first real impulse to the so-called “return to Kant.”

In honor of his 80th birthday, celebrated in 1904, Otto Liebmann, Wilhelm Wundt, Theodor Lipps and others published Die Philosophie im Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Festschrift für <mask> <mask> (Heidelberg, 1907). Philosophy
One of <mask>'s most significant and lasting contributions to philosophy was the use of the empiricism/rationalism distinction in categorising philosophers, particularly those of the 17th and 18th centuries. These include John Locke, George Berkeley and David Hume in the empiricist category and René Descartes, Baruch Spinoza and G.W. Leibniz in the rationalist category.Empiricism, it is said, claims that human knowledge is derived from sensation, i.e. experience, while rationalism claims that certain knowledge can be acquired before experience through pure principles. Although influential, in more recent times this distinction has been questioned as anachronistic in its failure to represent precisely the exact claims and methodologies of the philosophers it categorises. Reception
<mask> <mask>'s History of Modern Philosophy had a strong impact on Friedrich Nietzsche and his view on modern philosophy, particularly regarding Spinoza. Frege and W. Somerset Maugham were amongst his students. Hermann Weyl, writing about pre-WWII academic life in Germany, told the following anecdote about <mask>:

A little anecdote of German university life in the nineties may illustrate the point. <mask> <mask>, a second-rate philosopher at Heidelberg, was one day disturbed by the noise of workers who were putting in new cobblestones in the street before his house.He had at that time been offered a professorship in Berlin. So he opened his window and shouted to the workmen, "If you don't stop that noise at once, I'll accept the call to Berlin". Whereupon the foreman ran to the mayor, he summoned the Stadtbaumeister and they decided to postpone repair of the street until after the beginning of the academic vacation. Works
 De Parmenide Platonico. Stuttgart (thesis, 1847, online). Diotima. Die Idee des Schönen (Diotima, the idea of the beautiful; Pforzheim, 1849) (online)
 System der Logik und Metaphysik oder Wissenschaftslehre (System of logic and metaphysics, or doctrine of knowledge; 1852) (online)
 Das Interdict meiner Vorlesungen (The prohibition of my lectures; Mannheim, 1854)
 1854: Die Apologie meiner Lehre nebst Replik auf die „Abfertigung“ des Herrn Schenkel (online)
 Geschichte der neuern Philosophie (History of modern philosophy; 6 vols., Stuttgart-Mannheim-Heidelberg, 1854–77; new edition, Heidelberg, 1897–1901) This is considered by some to be his greatest work.It is written in the form of monographs on Descartes, Kant, Fichte, Schelling and other great philosophers down to Schopenhauer:
 erster Band: Descartes und seine Schule (1. Teil online, 2. Teil online)
 zweiter Band: Leibniz und seine Schule (online)
 dritter Band: Immanuel Kant und seine Lehre (online)
 vierter Band: Kant's System der reinen Vernunft (online: 2. Aufl. 1869, 3. neu bearb. Aufl. 1882, 4. ed.1899)
 fünfter Band: Fichte und seine Vorgänger (online)
 achter Band: Hegels Leben, Werke und Lehre (online: part 1 (1901), part 2 (1901))
 neunter Band: Schopenhauers Leben, Werke und Lehre (online (Jubiläumsausgabe 1898))
 Franz Baco von Verona (Leipzig, 1856 (2nd edition 1875); translated into English by J. Oxenford, London, 1857)
 Schiller als Philosoph (Frankfurt am Main, 1858; 2nd ed. by J. P. Mahaffy, London-Dublin, 1866; online)
 Descartes and his School (trans. by John P. Gordy, New York, 1887)

See also
 Fischer–Trendelenburg debate

Notes

References

 This work in turn cites:
 Alexander, A. B. D., “<mask> <mask>. An Estimate of his Life and Work” (in Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods, Vol. V, p. 57, New York, 1908)
 Falkenheim, H., <mask> <mask> und die Litterar-Historische Methode (Berlin, 1892)
 Goehring, H., “Von Kuno <mask>s Geistesart” (in Pädagogisches Magazin, Heft 317, Langensalza, 1907)
 Petsch, R., “<mask> <mask>, F. A., <mask> <mask> und sein Kant (Leipzig 1869)
 Vaihinger, H., “Der Streit zwischen Trendelenburg und <mask>” (in Commentar zu Kants “Kritik der Reinen Vernunft”, Vol.II, pp. 290 and 545, Stuttgart, 1882–92)
 Windelband, W., <mask> <mask> (Heidelberg 1907)

External links

 Short German text
 Francis Bacon of Verulam. Realistic Philosophy and its Age by <mask> <mask>, translated from the German by John Oxenford. London, 1857

1824 births
1907 deaths
19th-century philosophers
19th-century German philosophers
19th-century German people
People from the Province of Silesia
Leipzig University alumni
Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg alumni
Heidelberg University faculty
University of Jena faculty
German historians of philosophy
19th-century German writers
19th-century German male writers
German male non-fiction writers
Spinoza scholars

masks:
Ernst Kuno Berthold Fischer
Fischer
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Fischer
Kuno
Fischerenburg
Kuno
Fischer
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer
Kuno
Fischer


title: Johnny Western

texts:
<mask> (born October 28, 1934) is an American country singer-songwriter, musician, actor, and radio show host. He is a member of the Western Music Association Hall of Fame and the Country Music Disc Jockey Hall of Fame. Early life

<mask> was born <mask> in Two Harbors in Lake County in northeastern Minnesota but was primarily reared in Northfield in south central Minnesota. His father was an instructor and officer in several Civilian Conservation Corps camps, where <mask> spent some his earlier years. He also lived on Indian reservations along the Canada–United States border. When he was five years old, <mask>'s parents took him to see the western film Guns and Guitars, which starred the actor/singer Gene Autry. The young boy decided he wanted to be a singing cowboy.At the age of twelve, he received a guitar. Within a year, he was performing professionally. Musical career
<mask>'s professional career began as a young teenager, singing and playing rhythm guitar with a collegiate singing trio. He got a job on radio at the age of thirteen, a feat publicized in Billboard as the youngest disc jockey and singer on American radio. At age sixteen, <mask> began performing with the Sons of the Pioneers. He made his first professional recordings in the summer of 1952 in the studio of WCAL Radio station of St. Olaf College of Northfield, Minnesota. The six songs which resulted from those sessions were released on three singles on the local J-O-C-O label.After having played a supporting role in an episode of "Have Gun, Will Travel", Western wrote "The Ballad of Paladin" as a musical "thank-you-card" to Richard Boone. This landed a deal for him with Columbia Records. Between August 1958 and May 1963, Western recorded seven singles and one album (Have Gun, Will Travel, released in May 1962) for Columbia, until he was dropped from their roster. He then signed a contract with the Philips label, but only one single resulted ("Light The Fuse" b/w "Tender Years"). Have Gun Will Travel included the haunting Stan Jones song "Cowpoke", which members of the Western Writers of America chose as one of the Top 100 Western songs of all time. The album was a mature work, redolent of Western lore. It also included Western's third version of "The Ballad of Paladin", a fine and introspective performance of "The Lonely Man", the gallows ballad "Hannah Lee", "The Streets of Laredo", "The Searchers" and "The Last Roundup".After this, <mask> was left without a recording contract. Over the years, he recorded various songs for small local labels such as Hep in Missouri or a promo-single for Dodge City. It was not until <mask> invited him to record at his House Of Cash recording studio that <mask> was able to compile enough material for another LP, which was released under the simple title of <mask> Western in 1981. Apart from the House of Cash recordings, it contained some unreleased songs <mask> had recorded for the Hep label. <mask>'s third album was recorded September 17–20, 1984 at Jack Clement Studio in Nashville, with Art Sparer producing. It was released under the title <mask> Western Sings 20 Great Classics & Legends. Amongst others, it contained a new version of <mask>'s own composition "The Gunfighter", featuring Harold Bradley on gut-string guitar, imitating the original "El Paso" sound, since <mask> had originally written that song with Marty Robbins in mind.His scarce recording output notwithstanding, <mask> remained a consistent performer for over sixty years and so his name was never lost on the general public. He performed with Gene Autry and was a part of the <mask> road show from 1958 until 1997. He wrote and performed the theme song "The Ballad of Paladin" for the CBS television program Have Gun – Will Travel, with Richard Boone. In collaboration with <mask>, he re-wrote the lyrics of NBC's Bonanza and the theme song, "The Rebel – Johnny Yuma", from the ABC series The Rebel, starring Nick Adams. In October 2013, <mask> announced that he would stop touring and giving concerts. Albums

Guest appearances

Acting career
Western has appeared in several television programs, including the westerns, Have Gun - Will Travel, Tales of Wells Fargo, Pony Express (in the 1960 episode "The Story of Julesburg"), and Boots and Saddles. He has had roles in several movies including The Night Rider, Fort Bowie, and The Dalton Girls.Radio career
In February 1986, Western returned to radio with a daily country music show on KFDI (1070 AM, later KFTI) a country music station calling itself "The Radio Ranch" in Wichita, Kansas. The station and sister station KFDI-FM were sold to Journal Broadcast Group in July 1999. In early April 2010, <mask> announced that he would retire from broadcasting. His last day on the air was Saturday, April 10, 2010. Just over a month and a half later the station would switch to an oldies format. The Johnny Western Theatre
The Johnny Western Theatre in Wild West World, a theme park located in Park City, Kansas near Wichita, had concerts scheduled to begin in October 2007. However, the park declared bankruptcy in July 2007.Western was never able to perform in his namesake theater, which now sits among the ruins of the Wild West World amusement park, just outside Wichita, Kansas. Awards and honors

 TV Theme Hall of Fame (1993)
 Country Music Disc Jockey Hall of Fame (2000)
 Old Time Country Music Hall of Fame (2000)
 Western Music Association Hall of Fame (2001)
 Wichita Professional Broadcasters Hall of Fame (2002)
 Kansas Cowboy Hall of Fame (2004)
 Kansas Western Swing Hall of Fame (2004)

References

External links

 <mask> Tour Information

1934 births
Living people
American country singer-songwriters
American male film actors
American radio personalities
American male television actors
Male Western (genre) film actors
People from Two Harbors, Minnesota
People from Northfield, Minnesota
Singers from Los Angeles
Male actors from Los Angeles
Singer-songwriters from Minnesota
Country musicians from California
Singer-songwriters from California

masks:
Johnny Western
Johnny Western
Johnny Westerlund
Western
Western
Johnny Western
Western
Western
Johnny Cash
Western
Johnny
Western
Western
Johnny
Western
Western
Johnny Western
Johnny Cash
Johnny Cash
Johnny Western
Johnny
Johnny Western


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
<mask> (; 14 July 1889 – 28 December 1959) was a Croatian politician who founded and headed the fascist ultranationalist organization known as the Ustaše in 1929 and served as dictator of the Independent State of Croatia (, NDH), a fascist puppet state built out of parts of occupied Yugoslavia by the authorities of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, from 1941 to 1945. <mask> and the Ustaše persecuted many racial minorities and political opponents in the NDH during the war, including Serbs, Jews, Romani, and anti-fascists, becoming one of the key figures of the genocide of Serbs, the Porajmos and the Holocaust in the NDH. At the start of his career, <mask> was a lawyer and a politician of the Croatian Party of Rights in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia known for his nationalist beliefs and support for an independent Croatia. By the end of the 1920s, his political activity became more radical as he called on Croats to revolt against Yugoslavia, and schemed an Italian protectorate of Croatia separate from Yugoslavia. After King Alexander I declared his 6 January Dictatorship in 1929 and banned all political parties, <mask> went abroad and plotted with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) to undermine the Yugoslav state, which prompted the Yugoslav authorities to try him in absentia and sentence him to death. In the meantime, <mask> had moved to Fascist Italy where he founded the Ustaše, a Croatian nationalist movement with the goal of creating an independent Croatia by any means, including the use of terror. <mask> incorporated terrorist actions in the Ustaše program, such as train bombings and assassinations, staged a small uprising in Lika in 1932, culminating in the assassination of King Alexander in 1934 in conjunction with the IMRO.<mask> was once again sentenced to death after being tried in France in absentia and, under international pressure, the Italians imprisoned him for 18 months, and largely obstructed the Ustaše in the following period. At the behest of the Germans, senior Ustaša Slavko Kvaternik declared the NDH's establishment on 10 April 1941 in the name of <mask>. Calling himself the Poglavnik, or supreme leader, <mask> returned from Italy and took control of the puppet government. He created a political system similar to that of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The NDH, though constituting a Greater Croatia, was forced by the Italians to relinquish several territorial concessions to the latter. After taking control, <mask> imposed largely anti-Serbian and antisemitic policies that resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 Serbs and Jews in concentration and extermination camps in the NDH, murdering and torturing several hundred thousand Serbs, along with tens of thousands of Roma and Jews. These persecutions and killings have been described as the "single most disastrous episode in Yugoslav history".The racial policies of the NDH greatly contributed to their rapid loss of control over Croatia as they fed the ranks of both the Chetniks and Partisans and caused even the Nazis to attempt to restrain <mask> and his genocidal campaign. In 1945, he ordered the executions of prominent NDH politicians Mladen Lorković and <mask> Vokić on charges of treason when they were arrested for plotting to oust him and align the NDH with the Allies. Following the surrender of Germany in May 1945, <mask> ordered his troops to keep fighting even after the surrender. The remainder of the NDH government decided to flee to Austria on 3 May 1945, but <mask> instead ordered them to retreat to Austria over the former border of the Third Reich and have the Croatian Armed Forces surrender to the British Army. The British refused to accept the surrender and directed them to surrender to the Partisans. The Partisans began carrying out killings of the Ustaše when the latter attacked their position, killing them in the Yugoslav death march of Nazi collaborators. <mask> himself fled to Austria, and later Argentina, whose president Juan Perón provided sanctuary for German war criminals and several Ustaše.On 10 April 1957, he was shot several times in a failed assassination attempt by the Serbian assassin Blagoje Jovović. <mask> survived the attempt and soon left Argentina for Spain. He died two and a half years later, on 28 December 1959, aged 70, from the injuries he sustained in the attempted assassination. Early life

Birth and education
<mask> <mask> was born in the Herzegovinian village of Bradina on the slopes of Ivan Mountain north of Konjic, roughly  southwest of Hadžići, then part of the Ottoman Empire occupied by Austrian-Hungarian Empire. His parents had moved to Bosnia and Herzegovina from the village of Krivi Put in the central part of the Velebit plain, in southern Lika (in today's Croatia), to work on the Sarajevo-Metković railway line. Searching for work, his family moved to the village of Jezero outside Jajce, where <mask> attended primary school, or maktab. Here <mask> learned Muslim traditions and lessons that influenced his attitude towards Bosnia and its Muslims.<mask> also attended a Jesuit primary  school in Travnik, growing up in a Muslim-majority city. Bosnian Muslim culture later became a major influence on his political views. <mask>'s sense of Croat nationalism grew from a visit to Lika with his parents, where he heard townspeople speaking Croatian, and realised it was not just the language of peasants. While attending school in Travnik he became an adherent of the nationalist ideologies of <mask> Starčević and his successor as the leader of the Party of Rights, Josip Frank. Health problems briefly interrupted his education in 1905. In summer he found work on the railway in Sarajevo and Višegrad. He continued his education in Zagreb, the home city of his elder brother Josip.In Zagreb, <mask> attended high school. His failure to complete his fourth-year classes meant he had to retake the exam. Early in his high school days, he joined the Pure Party of Rights as well as the Frankovci students' organization, founded by Josip Frank, the father-in-law of Slavko Kvaternik, an Austro-Hungarian colonel. Later he attended high school in Senj at the classical gymnasium, where he completed his fifth-year classes. Health problems again interrupted his education, and he took a job on the road in Istria, near Buzet. In 1909 he finished his sixth-year classes in Karlovac. His seventh-year classes were completed in Senj.<mask> graduated in Zagreb in 1910 and entered the Law Faculty of the University of Zagreb. In 1912 <mask> was arrested on suspicion of involvement in the attempted assassination of the Ban of Croatia-Slavonia, Slavko Cuvaj. He completed his law degree in 1914, and obtained his doctorate in July 1915. From 1915 until 1918 he worked as a clerk in the office of , president of the Party of Rights. After completing his clerkship, he became a lawyer in Zagreb. Political rise
During World War I, <mask> played an active role in the Party of Rights. As an employee and friend of its leader Horvat, he often attended important party meetings, taking over Horvat's duties when he was absent.In 1918, <mask> entered the party leadership and its Business Committee. After the unification of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia on 1 December 1918, the Party of Rights held a day of public protest claiming that the Croatian people were against having a Serbian king, and that their highest state authorities had not agreed to unification. Further, the party expressed their wish for Croatian republic in a program from March 1919, signed by president of the party, Vladimir Prebeg and <mask>. At the 1921 local elections in Zagreb, <mask> was elected member of the city assembly. In the name of the party, he contacted Nikola Pašić, the Yugoslav Prime Minister and member of the People's Radical Party, with the goal of weakening the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS), the dominant Croatian party in the interwar period. <mask> was a member of the Frankovci faction of the Party of Rights. Ivica Peršić, a Croatian politician from the competing Milinovci faction, wrote in his memoir how <mask>'s 1921 election significantly raised the standing of his law office in Zagreb – a number of rich Jewish clients paid him to obtain Yugoslav citizenship, and <mask> subsequently started to make frequent visits to Belgrade, where he would procure those documents through his increasing number of connections to the members of the ruling People's Radical Party.In 1921, fourteen Party of Rights members, including <mask>, Ivo Pilar and Milan Šufflay, were arrested for anti-Yugoslav activities, for their alleged contacts with the Croatian Committee, a Croatian nationalist organization that was based in Hungary at the time. <mask> acted as the defence lawyer at the subsequent trial and was released. On 12 August 1922, in St. Mark's Church, Zagreb, <mask> married Maria Lovrenčević. They had three children, daughters Višnja and Mirjana and son Velimir. Maria was part Jewish through her mother's family and her father, Martin Lovrenčević, was a member of the Party of Rights and a well-known journalist. Later <mask> became vice-president of the Croatian Bar Association, the professional body representing Croatian lawyers. In his speeches to the Yugoslav Parliament he opposed Serbian nationalism and spoke in favor of Croatian independence.He was active with the youth of the Croatian Party of Rights and began contributing to the Starčević and Kvaternik newspapers. Serbian members of the Yugoslav Parliament disliked him and when a Serbian member said "Good night" to him in parliament, <mask> responded:

In 1927, <mask> became the vice-president of the party. In June 1927, <mask> represented Zagreb County at the European Congress of Cities in Paris. When he was returning from Paris, he visited Rome and submitted a memorandum in the name of HSP to the Italian ministry of foreign affairs in which he offered to cooperate with Italy in dismembering Yugoslavia. In order to obtained Italian support for Croatian independence, the memorandum effectively made any such Croatia 'little more than an Italian protectorate'. The memorandum also stated that the Party of Rights recognised the existing territorial settlements between Italy and Yugoslavia, thus giving up all Croatian claims to Istria, Rijeka, Zadar and the Adriatic islands which Italy had annexed after World War I. These areas contained between 300,000 and 400,000 Croats.Further, the memorandum also agreed to cede the Bay of Kotor and Dalmatian headlands of strategic importance to Italy, and agreed that a future Croatia would not establish a navy. As the most radical politician of the Croatian Bloc, <mask> sought opportunities to internationalize the "Croatian question" and highlight Yugoslavia's unsustainability. In December 1927, <mask> defended four Macedonian students in Skopje who were accused of belonging to the Macedonian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization founded by Ivan Mihailov. During the trial, <mask> accused the court of setting them up and stressed the right to self-determination. This trial received public attention in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. Following his election as a member of the Croatian Bloc in the 1927 election, <mask> became his party's liaison with Nikola Pašić. He was one of two elected Croatian Bloc candidates alongside <mask> Trumbić, one of the key politicians in the creation of a Yugoslav state.From 1927 until 1929, he was part of the minuscule delegation of the Party of Rights in the Yugoslav Parliament. In 1927, he secretly contacted Benito Mussolini, dictator of Italy and founder of fascism, and presented his separatist ideas to him. <mask> proposed an independent Greater Croatia that should cover the entire historical and ethnic area of the Croats. In summer 1928, the leaders of the Croatian Bloc, Trumbić and <mask>, addressed the Italian consul in Zagreb to gain support for the Croatian struggle against regime of King Alexander. On 14 July, they received a positive response, after which <mask> maintained contact. Historian Rory Yeomans claimed  that there are indications that <mask> had been considering the formation of some kind of nationalist insurgency group as early as 1928. After the assassination of Croatian politicians in the National Assembly, of which he was an eyewitness, <mask> joined the Peasant-Democratic Coalition and started to publish a magazine called  in which he advocated Croatian independence.His political party radicalised after the assassination. He found support in the Croatian Rights Republican Youth (Hrvatska pravaška republikanska omladina), a youth wing of the Party of Rights led by Branimir Jelić. On 1 October 1928 he founded an armed group with the same name, an act through which he openly called on Croatians to revolt. This group trained as part of a legal sport society. Yugoslav authorities declared the organization illegal and banned its activities. In exile
<mask> held the position of the Party of Rights secretary until 1929, the beginning of the 6 January Dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. According to Croatian historian Hrvoje Matković, after the King declared his dictatorship <mask>'s house was under constant police watch.At this time, <mask> started to organize the Ustaša (Ustaša – Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret) as an organization with military and conspiratorial principles. Its official foundation was 7 January 1929. The Ustaša movement was "founded on the principles of racialism and intolerance". Because of the threat of arrest, <mask> escaped during a surveillance lapse and went to Austria on the night of 19/20 January 1929. According to Tomasevich, <mask> left for Vienna to "seek medical aid". Initial exile and trial
He contacted other Croatian emigrants, mainly political émigrés, former Austrian-Hungarian officers, who gathered around Stjepan Sarkotić and refused to return to Yugoslavia. After a short stay in Austria, alongside Gustav Perčec, <mask> moved to Budapest.In March 1929, the Ustaše commenced a campaign of terrorism within Yugoslavia with the assassination of Toni Schlegel in Zagreb. Schlegel was a pro-Yugoslav editor of the newspaper Novosti who was also a close confidante of King Alexander. After establishing contact with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization in April 1929, he and Perčec went to Sofia in Bulgaria. On 29 April 1929, <mask> and Ivan Mihailov signed the Sofia Declaration in which they formalized cooperation between their movements. In the declaration, they obligated themselves to separate Croatia and Macedonia from Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia protested to Bulgaria. <mask> was found guilty of high treason and sentenced to death in absentia along with Perčec on 17 August 1929.Because of the Yugoslav verdict, on 25 September 1929 <mask> was arrested in Vienna and expelled to Germany. <mask>'s stay in Germany was constrained by opposition from the German ambassador to Yugoslavia, Adolf Köster, a supporter of Yugoslavia. A friend of King Alexander, he did his best to prevent

masks:
Ante Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Ante
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Ante
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Ante
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Ante
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić
Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 Croatian nationalist activity in Yugoslavia. Exile in Italy
<mask> left Germany under a false passport and went to Italy, where his family already lived. In Italy he frequently changed location and lived under false names, most often as "Antonio Serdar". Since he had been in contact with Italian authorities since 1927, he easily established contact with the fascists. In autumn 1929 he established contacts with Italian journalists and Mussolini's brother Arnaldo, who supported Croatian independence without any territorial concession.<mask> created sympathy and understanding of Croats among Italians. That autumn <mask> published a brochure called Establishment of the Croatian State: Lasting Peace in the Balkans which summarized important events of Croatian history. The Italian authorities did not want to formally support Ustaše or <mask>, to protect their reputation; nevertheless, the group received support from Benito Mussolini, who saw them as a means to help destroy Yugoslavia and expand Italian influence in the Adriatic. Mussolini allowed <mask> to live in exile in Rome and train his paramilitaries for war with Yugoslavia. In the Ustaša organization of 1929–1930, <mask>'s closest associates were Gustav Perčec, Branimir Jelić, Ivan Perčević and later Mladen Lorković and Mile Budak. The Ustaše began with the creation of military formations trained for sabotage and terrorism. With financial help from Mussolini, in 1931 <mask> established terrorist training camps, first in Bovegno in the Brescia region, and encouraged the foundation of such camps all around Italy.Camps were founded in Borgotaro, Lepari and Janka-Puszta in Hungary. The Ustaše were involved with smuggling weapons and propaganda into Yugoslavia from their camps in Italy and Hungary. At the demands of Italian authorities, the camps were often moved. The main Ustaše headquarters was at first in Torino, and later in Bologna. On <mask>'s initiative, his associates established Ustaše associations in Belgium, Netherlands, France, Germany, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Brazil and North America. <mask> also encouraged publishing magazines in various countries. The series of bombings and shootings by the Ustaše in Yugoslavia resulted in a severe crackdown on political activity as the state met terror with terror.Impoverished Croat peasants were hardest hit by the counter-terror, usually meted out by Serb policemen. In 1932 he started a newspaper named the "Ustaša – –Herald of Croatian Revolutionaries" (). From its very first publication, <mask> announced that the use of violence was central to the Ustaše: ‘"The dagger, revolver, machine-gun and time bomb; these are the bells that will announce the dawn and the resurrection of the Independent State of Croatia. "’ According to Ivo Goldstein, there were no instances of antisemitism in the newspaper in the beginning. Goldstein suggests there were three reasons for this; the total focus of the Ustaše on the Belgrade government, lack of the necessary intellectual capacity within the early Ustaše movement to properly develop their ideology, and the active involvement of Jews with the Ustaše. Goldstein points out that as Ustaše ideology developed in later years it became more anti-Semitic. At a meeting held in Spittal in Austria in 1932, <mask>, Perčec and Vjekoslav Servatzy decided to start a small uprising.It began at midnight on 6 September 1932 and was known as the Velebit uprising. Led by Andrija Artuković, the insurgency involved around 20 Ustaše members armed with Italian equipment. They attacked a police station and half an hour later pulled back to Velebit with no casualties. This uprising was to scare Yugoslav authorities. Despite the small scale the Yugoslav authorities were unnerved because the power of the Ustaše had been unknown. As a result, major security measures were introduced. This action appeared in the foreign press, especially in Italy and Hungary.On 1 June 1933 and 16 April 1941, the Ustaša program and "The Seventeen Principles of the Ustaše Movement" were published in Zagreb by the Propaganda Department of the Supreme Ustaša Headquarters. The main goal was the creation of an independent Croatian state based on its historical and ethnic areas, with <mask> stating that Ustaše must pursue this end by any means necessary, even by force of arms. According to his rules he would organize actions, assassinations and diversions. With this document the organization changed its name from Ustaša – Croatian Revolutionary Movement to Ustaša – Croatian Revolutionary Organization (; abbreviated to UHRO). Assassination of King Alexander and aftermath
By killing the king of Yugoslavia, <mask> saw an opportunity to cause riots in Yugoslavia and eventual collapse of the state. In December 1933, <mask> ordered the assassination of King Alexander. The assassin was caught by the police and the assassination attempt failed.However, <mask> tried again in October 1934 in Marseilles. On 9 October 1934, King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French foreign minister Louis Barthou were assassinated in Marseille. The perpetrator Vlado Chernozemski, a Bulgarian revolutionary, was killed right after the assassination by French police. Three Ustaša members, who had been waiting at different locations for the king, were captured and sentenced to life imprisonment by a French court. <mask> along with Eugen Kvaternik and Ivan Perčević were subsequently sentenced to death in absentia by a French court. That the security was lax even though one attempt had already been made on Alexander's life testified to <mask>'s organizational abilities; he had apparently been able to bribe a high official in the Sûreté General. The Marseilles Prefect of Police, Jouhannaud, was subsequently removed from office.The Ustaša believed that the assassination of King Alexander had effectively "broken the backbone of Yugoslavia" and that it was their "most important achievement." Under pressure from France, the Italian police arrested <mask> and several Ustaša emigrants on 17 October 1934. <mask> was imprisoned in Turin and released in March 1936. After he met with Eugen Dido Kvaternik on Christmas 1934 in prison, he stated that assassination was "the only language Serbs understand". During his time in prison, <mask> was informed about the situation in Yugoslavia and the 5 May 1935 election, in which a coalition of opposition parties was led by HSS leader Vladko Maček. <mask> declared the election results as a "success of the Ustaše actions". By the mid-1930s, graffiti with the initials ŽAP meaning "Long live Ante <mask>" () had begun to appear on the streets of Zagreb.After <mask>'s released from prison, he remained under surveillance by the Italian authorities, and his Ustaše were interned. Disappointed with relations between the Italians and the Ustaše organization, <mask> became closer to Nazi Germany, who promised to change the map of Europe fixed under the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. In October 1936 he finished a survey for the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the Croatian Question (; ). According to Ivo Goldstein, the survey deemed the "Serbian state authorities, international Freemasonry, Jews and communism"’ as enemies and stated that:

According to Matković, after 1937 <mask> paid more attention to the Ustaše in Yugoslavia than elsewhere, since the emigrants had become passive after the assassination. In 1938 he instructed the Ustaše to form stations in Yugoslav towns. The fall of Stojadinović's government and the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939 further increased Ustaše activity; they founded Uzdanica (Hope), a savings co-operative. Under Uzdanica, Ustaše founded Ustaše University Headquarters and the illegal association Matija Gubec.However, Pavlowitch observes that <mask> had few contacts with the Ustaše within Yugoslavia, and that his esteemed position within the Ustaše was partly due to his isolation in Italy. Despite their rise in activity in the 1930s, the movement experienced only moderate growth of popularity, and remained a marginal group. In the late 1930s, about half of the 500 Ustaša in Italy were voluntarily repatriated to Yugoslavia, went underground and increased their activities. During the intensification of ties with Nazi Germany in the 1930s, <mask>ović-Ciano agreement, all Ustaše units were dissolved by the Italian government. After that, <mask> was put under house arrest in Siena, where he lived until 1939. During this period he penned his anti-Bolshevik work Horrors and Mistakes (; ) which was published in 1938.It was immediately seized by the authorities. At the onset of World War II he moved to a villa near Florence under police watch until spring 1941. After Italy occupied Albania and prepared an attack on Yugoslavia, Ciano invited <mask> to negotiations. They discussed Croatian armed revolt, Italian military intervention and the creation of a Croatian state with monetary, customs and personal unions with Italy, which <mask> later refused. In 1940 <mask> negotiated with the Italians for military assistance in creating a separate Croatian state which would have had strong ties to Italy, but this plan was postponed by the invasion of France, and subsequently derailed by Adolf Hitler. Ustaše regime

Establishment
On 25 March 1941, Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, but two days later the government was overthrown in a bloodless military coup by opponents who were motivated by a range of factors. Two days after the Belgrade coup, Mussolini invited <mask> from Florence to his private residence in Rome, the Villa Torlonia; this was their first meeting since <mask>'s arrival in Italy.<mask> was escorted by Matija Bzik, but Mussolini received only <mask>. Acting Foreign Minister Filippo Anfuso was present during the meeting. <mask> and Mussolini discussed Croatia's position after Yugoslav capitulation. Mussolini was concerned that Italian designs on Dalmatia be achieved, and in response <mask> acknowledged the agreements he had made earlier and reassured him. <mask> requested the release of the remaining interned Ustaše, an Italian liaison officer was allocated to him, and the Italians also lent him a radio station in Florence so he could conduct late evening broadcasts. On 1 April 1941 <mask> called for the liberation of Croatia. On 6 April 1941 the Axis invaded Yugoslavia from multiple directions, rapidly overwhelming the under-prepared Royal Yugoslav Army which capitulated 11 days later.The German operational plan included making 'political promises to the Croats' to increase internal discord. The Germans generally preferred to collaborate with non-fascists who were willing to work with them, and only placed out-and-out fascists in charge as a last resort. Croatia was no exception. The Nazis wanted any Croatian puppet government to have popular support, so that they could control their zone of occupation with minimal forces and exploit the available resources peacefully. The administration of Banovina Croatia had been under the control of an alliance of Vladko Maček's HSS and the mostly Croatian Serb Independent Democratic Party. Maček was very popular among Croats, had been vice-premier in the Yugoslav Cvetković government, was a supporter of Yugoslav accession to the Axis and had a ready made para-military force in the form of the HSS Croatian Peasant Defence. As a result, the Germans attempted to get Maček to proclaim an "independent Croatian state" and form a government.When he refused to cooperate, the Germans decided they had no alternative other than to support <mask>, even though they considered that the Ustaše could not provide an assurance they could govern in the way the Germans wanted. It was estimated by the Germans that <mask> had around 900 sworn Ustaše in Yugoslavia at the time of the invasion, and the Ustaše themselves considered that their supporters only numbered some 40,000. The Germans also considered <mask> to be an Italian agent or "Mussolini's man", but considered that other senior Ustašas such as deputy leader () Slavko Kvaternik were sufficiently pro-German to ensure their interests would be supported by any regime led by <mask>. On 10 April 1941, Kvaternik declared an Independent State of Croatia in the name of the Poglavnik Ante Pavelić via the Zagreb Radio Station. Kvaternik was acting on the orders of SS-Brigadeführer (Brigadier) Edmund Veesenmayer. The proclamation was viewed favourably by a significant portion of the population, particularly those living in Zagreb, western Herzegovina and Lika. The Croatian Peasant Defence, which had been infiltrated by the Ustaše, assisted by disarming Royal Yugoslav Army units and imposing some control.However, the Ustashe received limited support from ordinary Croats. The commander of German forces in the NDH estimated that only around 2% of the country's population supported the Ustashe regime. The Ustaše that had been interned in Italy had been concentrated at Pistoia, about 50 km from Florence where they were issued with Italian uniforms and small arms. They were joined by <mask> on 10 April and listened to radio broadcasts announcing the proclamation of the NDH. <mask>'s visit to Pistoia was actually his first meeting with the Ustaše after the assassination in Marseilles. In Pistoia, <mask> gave a speech in which he announced that their struggle for an independent Croatia was near the end. After that he returned to his home in Florence where he heard Kvaternik's proclamation on a radio broadcast from Vienna.On 11 April, <mask> went to Rome, where he was hosted by Anfuso, after which he was received by Mussolini. During the meeting <mask> was guaranteed that his government would be recognized immediately after he arrived in Zagreb. After a meeting in Rome, <mask> boarded the train with his Ustaše escort and went to Zagreb via Trieste and Rijeka. He arrived at Karlovac on 13 April with about 250—400 Ustaše where was greeted by Veesenmayer who was appointed by German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop to supervise the state's creation. In Karlovac, <mask> was asked to confirm that he had not made any commitments to the Italians, but Mussolini's envoy arrived while he was there and negotiations ensued to ensure that his messages to Hitler and Mussolini would deal satisfactorily with the questions of Dalmatia and recognition by the Axis powers. This issue was the first sign of Italo-German tensions over the NDH. Diplomatic recognition of the NDH by the Axis was delayed to ensure that <mask> made the promised territorial concessions to Italy.These concessions meant that <mask> handed to Italy some 5,400 square kilometres of territory with a population of 380,000, consisting of about 280,000 Croats, 90,000 Serbs, 5,000 Italians and 5,000 others. Once this was completed <mask> travelled to Zagreb on 15 April, and Axis recognition was also granted to the NDH on that day. On 16 April 1941, <mask> signed a decree appointing the new Croatian State Government. He was the first to take an oath, after which he stated:

<mask> thus presented the NDH as

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelićdin Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 the embodiment of the "historical aspirations of the Croatian people". The decree named Osman Kulenović as the vice-president of the government, and Slavko Kvaternik as <mask>'s deputy, and appointed eight other senior Ustaše as ministers. The Ustaše made use of the existing bureaucracy of the Banovina of Croatia, after it had been purged and "ustašised". The new regime drew upon the concept of an uninterrupted Croatian state since the arrival of the Croats in their contemporary homeland, and reflected extreme Croat nationalism mixed with Nazism and Italian Fascism, Catholic clerical authoritarianism and the peasantism of the Croatian Peasant Party.When the anti-Serb atrocities were under way, <mask> remained a devoted Catholic: he participated in mass in his chapel, worshipped and confessed his sins. <mask> tried to prolong the negotiations with Italy about the boundary between the two states. At the time, he was receiving support from Berlin. Ciano insisted that Italy must annex the whole Croatian littoral, and after some time the Germans pulled back to protect German-Italian relations. On 25 April, <mask> and Ciano met in Ljubljana again discussing borders. Ciano's first proposal was Italian annexation of the whole Croatian littoral and hinterland all the way to Karlovac. Another proposal was somewhat less demanding but with closer ties with Italy, including a monetary, customs and personal union.<mask> refused and instead demanded that Croatian gain the towns of Trogir, Split and Dubrovnik. Ciano didn't respond, but promised another meeting. <mask> was still counting on German support, but without success. On 7 May 1941, <mask> and Mussolini met in Tržič and agreed to discuss the matter in Rome. On 18 May 1941 <mask> went to Rome with his delegation and signed a Treaty of Rome in which Croatia gave up part of Dalmatia, Krk, Rab, Korčula, Biograd, Šibenik, Trogir, Split, Čiovo, Veliki i Mali Drvenik, Šolta, Mljet and parts of Konavle and the Bay of Kotor to Italy. A Croatian proposal that Split and Korčula Island be jointly administrated was ignored. These annexations shocked the people and led to the only public demonstration recorded in the Independent State of Croatia's history.Hundreds of citizens, members of the Ustaše Movement and the Domobranstvo (Army) protested on 25 December 1941. <mask> tried to retrieve the lost areas, but kept his real feelings and those of the people from the Italians to maintain the pretext of good relations. Prime Minister
<mask> agreed to name Prince Aimone, Duke of Aosta as King of Croatia to avoid a union with Italy, but delayed the formalities in the hope of gaining more territory in return for accepting the new king. Aimone was officially declared King of the Independent State of Croatia on 18 May 1941 under the name of Tomislav II and appointed <mask> as Prime Minister; however, the King's powers were purely ceremonial, to the point that he never even visited Croatia during his Kingdom, but preferred to deal with his royal duties from an office in Rome. On 10 July 1941, <mask> accepted the annexation of Međimurje by Hungary. Legislation
On 14 April 1941, in one of his first acts after assuming power, <mask> signed the 'Decree-Law concerning the Preservation of Croatian National Property', which annulled all large property transactions made by Jews in the two months prior to the proclamation of the NDH. He signed the Law-Decree on Protection of the Nation and the State on 17 April 1941, which came into effect immediately, was retrospective, and imposed the death penalty for any actions causing harm to the honour or vital interests of the NDH.This law was the first of three decrees that effectively placed the Serb, Jewish and Roma populations of the NDH outside the law and lead to their persecution and destruction. On April 19 and 22, the Ustashe issued decrees suspending all employees of state and local governments, and state enterprises. This allowed the new regime to get rid of all unwanted employees – "in principle this meant all Jews, Serbs and all Yugoslav-oriented Croats"

On 25 April 1941, he signed into law a decree prohibiting the use of the Cyrillic alphabet, which directly impacted on the Serbian Orthodox population of the NDH, as the rites of the church were written in Cyrillic. On 30 April 1941, <mask> enacted the 'Law concerning Nationality', which essentially made all Jews non-citizens, and this was followed by further laws restricting their movement and residency. From 23 May all Jews were required to wear yellow identification tags, and on 26 June <mask> issued a decree which blamed Jews for activities against the NDH and ordered their internment in concentration camps. Poglavnik

As Prime Minister of the NDH, <mask> had full control over the state. The oath taken by all government employees declared that <mask> represented the sovereignty of the NDH.His title Poglavnik represented the close ties between the Croatian state and the Ustaše movement, since he had the same title as leader of the Ustaše. Moreover, <mask> made all significant decisions, including naming state ministers and leaders of the Ustaše. As the NDH had no functional legislature, <mask> approved all of the laws, which made him the most powerful person in the state. Through the incorporation of the extreme right-wing of the popular HSS, <mask>'s regime was initially accepted by the majority of Croats in the NDH. The regime also attempted to re-write history by falsely claiming the legacy of the founder of the HSS Stjepan Radić, and that of Croatian nationalist <mask> Starčević. Soon afterwards, <mask> visited Pope Pius XII in May 1941, attempting to win Vatican recognition, but failed (although the Papacy placed a legat in Zagreb). The Vatican maintained relations with the Yugoslav Government-in-exile.On 9 June 1941, <mask> visited Adolf Hitler at the Berghof. Hitler impressed on <mask> that he should maintain a policy of "national intolerance" for fifty years. Hitler also encouraged <mask> to accept Slovenian immigrants and deport Serbs to the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. Over the next few months, the Ustaše deported around 120,000 Serbs. In July 1941, the German Plenipotentiary General in the NDH, Edmund Glaise von Horstenau met with <mask> to express his "grave concern over the excesses of the Ustaše". This was the first of many occasions over the next three years during which von Horstenau and <mask> clashed over the conduct of the Ustaše. By the end of 1941, the acceptance of the Ustaše regime by most Croats had been transformed into disappointment and discontent, and as a result of the terror perpetrated by the regime some pro-Yugoslav sentiment was beginning to re-emerge, along with pro-communist feelings.The discontent was made worse when <mask> had Vladko Maček arrested and sent to Jasenovac concentration camp in October 1941. By the end of 1941 HSS propaganda leaflets were urging peasants to be patient as the "day of liberation is near!" In the public arena there were efforts to create a cult of personality around <mask>. These efforts included the imposition of a Nazi-style salute, emphasising that he had been sentenced to death in absentia by a Yugoslav court, and repeatedly claiming that he had undergone great hardship to achieve the independence of the NDH. <mask> summoned the Sabor on 24 January 1942. It met between 23 and 28 February, but it had little influence and after December 1942 was never called again. On 3 March 1942, Hitler awarded <mask> the Grand Cross of the Order of the German Eagle.Siegfried Kasche, the German envoy, handed it to him in Zagreb. Eugen Dido Kvaternik, son of Slavko Kvaternik, and one of the main protagonists in the Ustaše genocide of the Serbs stated that <mask> directed Croat nationalism against the Serbs in order to distract the Croat population from a potential backlash against the Italians over his territorial concessions to them in Dalmatia. The worst policies directed against minorities were Ustaše-run concentration and forced labor camps. The most notorious camp was the Jasenovac concentration camp, where 80,000–100,000 people died, including around 18,000 Croatian Jews, or around 90% of the pre-World War II Jewish community. <mask> founded the Croatian Orthodox Church with the aim of pacifying the Serbs. However, the underlying ideology behind the creation of the Croatian Orthodox Church was connected to the ideas of <mask> Starčević, who considered that Serbs were "Orthodox Croats", and reflected a desire to create a Croatian state comprising three main religious groupings, Roman Catholic, Muslim and Croatian Orthodox. There is some evidence that the status of Sarajevo Serbs improved after they joined the Croatian Orthodox Church in significant numbers.Through both forcible and voluntary conversions between 1941 and 1945, 244,000 Serbs were converted to Catholicism. In June 1942, <mask> met with General Roatta and they agreed that Ustaše administration could be returned to Zone 3 except in towns with Italian garrisons. <mask> agreed to the continued presence of the Chetnik Anti-Communist Volunteer Militia (MVAC) in this zone, and that the Italians would intervene in Zone 3 if they considered that was necessary. The result of this agreement was that Italian forces largely withdrew from areas that the NDH had virtually no presence and no means by which to reimpose their authority. This created a wide no-man's land from the Sandžak to western Bosnia in which the Chetniks and Partisans could operate. By mid-1942, <mask>'s regime effectively controlled only the Zagreb region along with some larger towns that were home to strong NDH and German garrisons. <mask> loyalists, mainly Ustaše, wanted to fight the Communist-led partisans while others, unnerved by the idea of a new Yugoslavia, also supported him.In 1941–42, the majority of Partisans in Croatia were Serbs, but by October 1943 the majority were Croats. This change was partly due to the decision of a key Croatian Peasant Party member, Božidar Magovac, to join the Partisans in June 1943, and partly due to the capitulation of Italy. <mask> and his government devoted attention to culture. Although most literature was propaganda, many books did not have an ideological basis, which allowed Croatian culture to flourish. The Croatian National Theatre received many world-famous actors as visitors. The major cultural milestone was the publication of the Croatian Encyclopedia, a work later outlawed under the Communist regime. In 1941 the Croatian Football Association joined FIFA.On 16 December 1941, <mask> met with Italian Foreign Minister Ciano in Venice and advised him that there were no more than 12,000 Jews left in the NDH. In the second half of 1942, the Wehrmacht Commander-in-Chief of the South East, Generaloberst Alexander Löhr and Glaise urged Hitler to have <mask> remove both the incompetent Slavko Kvaternik and his son the bloodthirsty Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik from power. When <mask> visited Hitler in the Ukraine in September 1942, he agreed. The following month Slavko Kvaternik was allowed to retire to Slovakia, and Eugen went with him. <mask> then used the Kvaternik's as scapegoats for both the terror of 1941–42 and the failure of NDH forces to impose law and order within the state. In January 1943, Glaise told <mask> that it would be better for everyone "if all concentration camps in the NDH were closed and their inmates sent to work in Germany". Löhr also tried to get Hitler to remove <mask>, disband the Ustaše and appoint Glaise as plenipotentiary general with supreme authority over the territory of the NDH.By March Hitler had decided to give the task of pacifying the NDH to the Reichsführer-SS (Field Marshal) Heinrich Himmler, who appointed his own plenipotentiary, Generalleutnant der Polizei (Major General of Police) . Kammerhofer brought the 7th SS Volunteer Mountain Division Prinz Eugen to the NDH and established a 20,000-strong German gendarmerie with a core of 6,000 Volksdeutsche reinforced by Croats taken from the NDH Home Guard and police. This new gendarmerie swore allegiance to Hitler, not <mask>. Shortly before the Italian capitulation, <mask> appointed a new government led by Nikola Mandić as prime minister, which included Miroslav Navratil as Minister of the Armed Forces. Navratil was suggested by Glaise, and was appointed by <mask> to placate the Germans. As a direct result, the 170,000-strong armed forces of the NDH were reorganised under German control into smaller units with greater mobility and the size of the Ustaše militia was also increased to 45,000. In September 1944, <mask> met with Hitler for the last time.<mask> requested that the Germans stop arming and supplying Chetnik units, and asked that the Germans disarm the Chetniks or allow the NDH to disarm them. Hitler agreed that the Chetniks could not be trusted, and issued orders to German forces to stop cooperating with the Chetniks and assist NDH authorities to disarm them. However, German commanders were given sufficient leeway that they were able to avoid carrying out the orders. After the Italian capitulation
Following the fall of Fascism in Italy, Tomislav II abdicated as King of Croatia on the orders of Victor Emmanuel III. With the King officially gone, <mask> assumed functions as Head of State of the NDH under the title of Poglavnik and appointed Nikola Mandić as new Prime Minister. Italy was later invaded and occupied by the Germans in Operation Achse. As soon as the Italians capitulated in September 1943, <mask> was quick to amalgamate Italian-annexed Dalmatia into the NDH and offer an amnesty to Croats that had joined the rebels.However, the Germans occupied the previously Italian-occupied zone themselves, including the mines and key agricultural areas. By November 1943, <mask> and his regime controlled little of the territory of the NDH, and by March 1944 SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS (Brigadier) Ernst Fick observed that "In terms of power, Dr. <mask> <mask> is only mayor of the city of Zagreb, excluding the suburbs". One of the key events in the history of the Independent State of Croatia was the Lorković-Vokić coup of 1944. Minister Mladen Lorković and army officer <mask> Vokić suggested a plan whereby Croatia would change sides in the war and <mask> would no longer be head of state in accordance with British demands. At first, <mask> supported their ideas but changed his mind following a visit from a local Gestapo officer who told him that Germany would win the war with new weapons under development. <mask> arrested Lorković and Vokić along with others involved in the coup (some representatives of the Croatian Peasant Party and a number of Domobran officers). Lorković and Vokić were shot at the end of April 1945 in the Lepoglava prison.After plans for an "Anglo-American" coup were discovered, from September 1944 until February 1945 <mask> negotiated with the Soviet Union. The Soviets agreed to recognize the Croatian state on condition that the Red Army had free

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 access and Communists were allowed free rein. <mask> refused their proposal and remained allied with Nazi Germany until the end of the war. Genocide
As leader of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> was the main instigator of the genocidal crimes committed in the NDH, and was responsible for a campaign of terror against Serbs, Jews, Roma and anti-Axis Croats and Bosniaks which included a network of concentration camps. Numerous testimonies from the Nuremberg Trials along with records in German, Italian and Austrian war archives bear witness to atrocities perpetrated against the civilian population. In terms of the proportion of the state population killed by its own government, the <mask> regime was the most murderous in Europe after Stalin's Soviet Union, Hitler's Germany, and outside of Europe has only been exceeded by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia and some genocides in African states. As the main instigator of the genocide, <mask> was supported by his closest associate Eugen Dido Kvaternik and Minister of Interior Andrija Artuković, who were responsible for planning and organization, and Vjekoslav Luburić, who executed the orders.In late April 1941, <mask> was interviewed by an Italian journalist, Alfio Russo. <mask> stated that Serb rebels would be killed. In response, Russo asked him, "what if all Serbs rebel?" <mask> answered, "We shall kill them all." Around this time the first mass atrocities occurred, the Gudovac, Veljun and Glina massacres, which were committed by groups of Ustaše under the direct command of Luburić. Serbian, Jewish, and Romani men, women, and children were hacked to death. Whole villages were razed and people driven into barns, which the Ustaše then set on fire.Synagogues were also destroyed, most notably, the main one in Zagreb, which was completely razed. General Edmund von Glaise-Horstenau reported to the German Army Command OKW on 28 June 1941. ... according to reliable reports from countless German military and civil observers during the last few weeks the Ustaše have gone raving mad. On 10 July, General Glaise-Horstenau added:Our troops have to be mute witnesses of such events; it does not reflect well on their otherwise high reputation ... I am frequently told that German occupation troops would finally have to intervene against Ustaše crimes. This may happen eventually. Right now, with the available forces, I could not ask for such action.Ad hoc intervention in individual cases could make the German Army look responsible for countless crimes which it could not prevent in the past. A report (to SS chief Heinrich Himmler, dated 17 February 1942) on increased partisan activities stated that "Increased activity of the bands is chiefly due to atrocities carried out by Ustaše units in Croatia against the Orthodox population." The Ustaše committed their deeds not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless elderly people, women and children. Between 172,000 and 290,000 Serbs, 31,000 of the 40,000 Jews, and almost all of the 25,000—40,000 Roma were killed in the Independent State of Croatia by the Ustaše and their Axis allies. Both Jews and Gypsies were subject to a policy of extermination. According to an official Yugoslav report, only 1,500 out of 30,000 Croatian Jews remained alive at the end of World War II. Approximately 26,000 Gypsies were murdered of approximately 40,000 residents.Some 26,000 Croatian anti-fascists (Partisans, political opponents and civilians) were also killed by the NDH regime, including an estimated 5,000-12,000 Croat anti-fascists and other dissidents that were killed at the Jasenovac concentration camp alone. End of the NDH
Seeing Germany's collapse and aware that the Croatian army could not resist the Communists, <mask> started a move of his forces to Austria, causing several groups of tens of thousands of Croatian soldiers as well as civilians to start a major northward march without a clear strategy. <mask> left the country on 6 May 1945, and on 8 May, he convened a final meeting of the NDH government in Rogaška Slatina. At the meeting, General Alexander Löhr informed the government of Germany's capitulation and handed command of the NDH forces to <mask>. <mask> subsequently named General Vjekoslav Luburić commander. Later that day <mask>'s convoy passed into the Soviet occupation zone in Austria, separate from the rest of the NDH government which went to the British occupation zone. The group made it into the American occupation zone and by 18 May arrived at the village of Leingreith near Radstadt where <mask>'s wife Mara and their two daughters had been living after leaving the NDH in December 1944.On May 8, <mask> ordered that the columns from NDH continue to Austria, and that they refuse to surrender to the advancing Yugoslav Army, instead planning to surrender to the British. However, they were instead turned back in the mid-May Bleiburg repatriations, and many were subsequently killed by the Yugoslav Army. The sheer number of civilians slowed down the retreat, made the surrender unfeasible to the Allies, and ultimately led to the belief that they were nothing more than a human shield to the Ustashe. For his abandonment of Croatian soldiers and civilians, later Croatian emigrants would accuse <mask> of cowardice. The <mask> family afterwards lived in the American Occupation Zone. Although <mask> reported himself to American intelligence, neither they nor their British counterparts arrested him. Several members of the NDH government were executed after a one-day trial in Zagreb on 6 June.Shortly after this, <mask> moved to the village of Tiefbrunau closer to Salzburg. In September, American officials – believing the family were refugees and unaware of their identity – resettled them in the village of St. Gilgen. After St Gilgen, <mask> stayed with the family of a prewar Macedonian revolutionary for several weeks before settling in Obertrum. <mask> stayed there until April 1946. Post-war

Italy

He entered Italy disguised as a priest with a Peruvian passport. Passing Venice and Florence, he arrived in Rome in the spring of 1946 disguised as a Catholic priest and using the name Don Pedro Gonner. On arrival in Rome he was given shelter by the Vatican and stayed at a number of residences that belonged to the Vatican while in Rome where he started to gather his associates.<mask> formed the Croatian State Committee () headed by Lovro Sušić, Mate Frković and Božidar Kavran. Tito and his new Communist government accused the Catholic Church of harboring <mask> who they stated, along with the Western "imperialists", wanted to "revive Nazism" and take over communist Eastern Europe. The Yugoslav press claimed that <mask> had stayed at the papal summer residence at Castel Gandolfo, while CIA information states that he stayed at a monastery near the papal residence in the summer and autumn of 1948. Anglo-American intelligence agencies had employed former fascists and Nazis as agents against communist powers. For some time, <mask> hid in a Jesuit house near Naples. In the autumn of 1948 he met Krunoslav Draganović, a Roman Catholic priest, who helped him obtain a Red Cross passport in the Hungarian name of Pál Aranyos. Draganović allegedly planned to deliver <mask> to the Italian police, but <mask> avoided capture and fled to Argentina.The US never had any intention to have <mask> extradited to Yugoslavia, even if they had known his location. Argentina, Chile and attempted assassination
<mask> arrived in Buenos Aires on 6 November 1948 on the Italian merchant ship Sestriere, where he initially lived with the former Ustaša and writer Vinko Nikolić. In Buenos Aires <mask> was joined by his son Velimir and daughter Mirjana. Soon afterwards, his wife Maria and older daughter Višnja also arrived. <mask> took up employment as a security advisor to Argentinian president Juan Perón. <mask>'s arrival documents show the assumed name of Pablo Aranjos, which he continued to use. In 1950 <mask> was given amnesty and allowed to stay in Argentina along with 34,000 other Croats, including former Nazi collaborators and those who had fled from the Allied advance.Following this, <mask> reverted to his earlier pseudonym Antonio Serdar and continued to live in Buenos Aires. According to Robert B. McCormick, the Vatican saw <mask> as a man who had made mistakes but had fought for the just cause. As for most other political immigrants in Argentina, life was hard and he had to work (as a bricklayer). His best contact with the Peróns was another former Ustaša Branko Benzon, who enjoyed good relations with Evita Perón, wife of the president. Benzon had briefly been the Croatian ambassador to Germany during World War II and had known Hitler personally, which benefited Croatian-German relations. Thanks to Benzon's friendship with Evita Perón, <mask> became the owner of an influential building company. Not long after arriving he joined the Ustaše-related "Croatian Home Guard" () organization.At the end of the 1940s, many former Ustaše split from <mask> because they believed that Croats, now under new circumstances, needed new political direction. Many who split from <mask> continued to call themselves Ustaše and sought the revival of the Independent State of Croatia. The most well known of these separatists was the former Ustaše officer and head of the NDH concentration and extermination camp network, Vjekoslav Luburić, who lived in Spain. In Argentina, <mask> used the "Croatian Home Guard" to gather Croatian political emigrants. <mask> tried to expand the activities of this organization, and in 1950 founded the Croatian Statehood Party, which ceased to exist that year. On 10 April 1951, on the 10th anniversary of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> announced the Croatia State Government. This new government considered itself to be a government in exile.Other Ustaše emigrants continued to arrive in Argentina, and they united under <mask>'s leadership, increasing their political activities. <mask> himself remained politically active, publishing various statements, articles, and speeches in which he claimed that the Yugoslav Communist regime promoted Serbian hegemony. In 1954, <mask> met with Milan Stojadinović, a former Royal Yugoslav Prime Minister, who also lived in Buenos Aires. The subject of their meeting was trying to find a solution for the historic conciliation between the Serbs and Croats. The meeting stirred controversy, but had no practical significance. On 8 June 1956, <mask> and other Ustaše immigrants founded the Croatian Liberation Movement ( or HOP), which aimed to re-establish Nazism and the NDH. The HOP saw itself as "a determined adversary of communism, atheism and Yugoslavism in any possible form".On 10 April 1957, the 16th anniversary of the founding of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> was grievously wounded in an assassination attempt by the Serbian Blagoje Jovović, a hotel owner and former Royal Yugoslav officer who had been in the Montenegrin Chetniks during the war. Jovović had tried to assassinate <mask> multiple times, planning it as early as 1946, when he learned <mask> was in hiding inside the Vatican. Jovović shot <mask> in the back and collar bone while the latter was exiting a bus in El Palomar, a Buenos Aires suburb near his home. <mask> was transferred to the Syrian-Lebanese hospital, where his true identity was established. After Perón's fall from power, <mask> fell out of favour with the Argentine government; Yugoslavia again requested his extradition. <mask> refused to stay in hospital, even though a bullet was lodged in his spine. Two weeks after the shooting, as the Argentine authorities agreed to grant the Yugoslav government's extradition request, he moved to Chile.He spent four months in Santiago, and then moved to Spain. Reports circulated that <mask> had fled to Paraguay to work for the Stroessner regime; his Spanish asylum became known only in late 1959. Death in Spain
<mask> arrived in Madrid on 29 November 1957. He continued contacts with members of the Croatian Liberation Movement and received visitors from around the world. <mask> lived secretly with his family, probably by agreement with the Spanish authorities. Though he was granted asylum, the Spanish authorities did not allow him public appearances. In the middle of 1958, he sent a message from Madrid to the Assembly of Croatian Societies in Munich.He expressed his wish that all Croats unite with the goal of re-establishing the Independent State of Croatia. Some groups distanced themselves from <mask> and others did so after his death. In his will, he named  as his successor as the president of the Croatian Liberation Movement. <mask> died on 28 December 1959 at the Hospital Alemán in Madrid at the age of 70 from the wounds he sustained in the assassination attempt by Jovović. He was buried in San Isidro Cemetery, Madrid's oldest private burial ground. In popular culture
 Harry Turtledove's short story Ready for the Fatherland is set in an alternate history where the Independent State of Croatia continues to exist in 1979. <mask> is revered as the first Poglavnik and his image appears on the State's primary currency, but no further details are shared as to how his life played out in that timeline, which diverged from ours in February 1943.In a 2015 Croatian comedy film National Hero Lily Vidić, <mask> is portrayed by Dražen Čuček. The movie follows a group of Yugoslav partisans, led by a young poet Lily Vidić, who compete in the NDH's fictional talent show "Factor X" whose winner wins the chance to perform at the <mask>'s reception for Hitler. Partisans see it as an opportunity to kill both Hitler and <mask>, and thus end the WWII. In 2017, the movie was adapted into a theatrical play where <mask> was portrayed by Boris Mirković. References
Notes

Bibliography
Books

Journal articles

News articles

External links

1889 births
1959 deaths
20th-century lawyers
Anti-Serbian sentiment
Articles containing video clips
Croatian collaborators with Fascist Italy
Croatian collaborators with Nazi Germany
Croatian exiles
Croatian independence activists
Croatian lawyers
Croatian nationalists
Croatian people of World War II
Croatian Roman Catholics
Deaths by firearm in Spain
Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb alumni
Fascist rulers
Fugitives
Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia perpetrators
Holocaust perpetrators in Yugoslavia
Independent State of Croatia
Male murder victims
Party of Rights politicians
People from Konjic
People from the Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina
People sentenced to death in absentia
Persecution of Eastern Orthodox Christians
Representatives in the Yugoslav National Assembly (1921–1941)
Romani genocide perpetrators
Ustaše
World War II political leaders
Yugoslav fascists
Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Assassinated Croatian politicians
Assassinated Yugoslav people
Croatian people murdered abroad
People murdered

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić