title: Mohammed Atif Siddique

texts:
<mask> is a Scottish prisoner who was found guilty, but later cleared on appeal,  of one of his convictions "collecting terrorist-related information, setting up websites...and circulating inflammatory terrorist publications", resulting in a sentence of eight years' imprisonment. His defence has consistently been that he was a curious 20-year-old youth, still living with his parents, who was "looking for answers on the internet". One of his convictions was quashed on appeal on the 29th of January, 2010. He remains a convicted terrorist. BBC programme maker Peter Taylor reported in his acclaimed three part series "Generation Jihad" that <mask> was linked to extremist Abid Khan, who was later imprisoned for Terrorist offences also. <mask>'s parents, of South Asian descent, run a general store in Alva, Clackmannanshire which their son believed should stop serving alcohol as an off-licence. Arguments with his parents led to his running away from home once, before returning.<mask> attended Alva Academy where he was a "model student", before enrolling as a Computing Technician student at Glasgow Metropolitan College. Arrests
On April 12, 2006, <mask> was accompanying his 40-year-old paternal uncle <mask> on a trip to his farm in the Punjab region, when officials at Glasgow International Airport informed the pair that they would not be allowed to fly. The laptop computer that Siddique was carrying was confiscated, and agents DC Murray and Leigh Graham opened the computers files, against police protocol. His cell phone was also seized, after a photograph of Islamic protestors of the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons was discovered. It was alleged he was flying to meet Aabid Khan, a friend of one of the Toronto 18, and thus may have been plotting to involve himself with the group. At 7am the following morning, local police officers, MI5 and Special Branch stormed the Siddique house with a battering ram, arresting <mask>, his older brother Asif, their uncles Rafiq and <mask>, 46 - the latter of whom was a 26-year resident of Stirlingshire. The uncles were released from Govan police station after thirteen days imprisonment.<mask> was charged the next day under Section 58(1b) of the Terrorism Act 2000, collecting information that would "likely be useful" to a terrorist. Asif, who was a 25-year-old law student, was released the day after <mask>'s charges were laid, after he was questioned about his feelings towards the September 11th attacks after police found postcards sent from friends he maintained in New York City. Trial
During the four-week trial under judge Lord Carloway, <mask> was accused of having shown photographs of suicide bombers to students at Glasgow Metropolitan College, classmate Kyle Ramsey stated that <mask> had encouraged him to watch an online video of a beheading, and classmate Fozia Begum testified that he had claimed Osama bin Laden was his god, and he was a member of al-Qaeda. He was also accused of carrying on email correspondence with a suspected militant identified only as "The Englishman" in court proceedings. The emails had been discovered after Canadian authorities requested Britain monitor a suspected militant recruiter living in Northern England. The advocate depute was Brian McConnachie, who characterized the material stating "It's clear from that material that the whole idea was to glorify martyrdom operations..."

In June, Evan Kohlmann was given access to the contents of <mask>'s laptop by the Central Scotland Police, and he submit an 18-page summary stating that the images, documents and videos that Siddique had downloaded comprised "a formidable archive of authentic Al-Qaida recruitment and technical material that is designed and likely to be used for purposes relating to the commission, perpetration, or instigation of an act of terrorism—most specifically, a suicide or 'martyrdom' operation". Forensic analyst Michael Dickson also argued that because the majority of files were kept in the c:\windows\options folder, it showed a clear intent to "hide" his interest.The trial concluded with nine hours of deliberation by the jury of nine women and six men, resulting in a Guilty verdict on September 27, 2007. After the conviction, Kohlmann said that <mask> "apparently lacked in the skills, sophistication, lengthy credentials, and cold-blooded professionalism" associated with actual terrorists and described him as "undoubtedly naive". After the trial ended, the prosecution alleged that it had been his intention to disappear once in Pakistan to join a Toronto-based group arrested on allegations of wanting to bomb Canadian targets, though his counsel pointed out that no evidence was ever produced to support the allegation, and referred to it as a "smear". Following the trial, Lord Carloway announced he intended to seek contempt of court charges against Siddique's solicitor Aamer Anwar for making "disparaging remarks" about the outcome of the trial, referring to an "atmosphere of hostility". <mask>'s leading counsel was Donald Findlay. Appeal
On the 29th of January, 2010, one of the charges against Siddique was overturned on appeal. The appeal judge, Lord Osborne, stated that some directions given to the jury by the trial judge, Lord Carloway, were a "material misdirection" and amounted to a "miscarriage of justice".The Crown Office issued a statement on 9 February 2010  indicating that it had decided not to seek a retrial of <mask> <mask> on terrorism charges following the Criminal Appeal Court's decision two weeks ago to quash a conviction under section 57 of the Terrorism Act 2000, on the basis that the trial judge misdirected the jury as to the relevant law. The statement continues as follows:

“The law in relation to section 57 of Terrorism Act 2000 has, since the trial judge charged the jury, further developed through a number of decisions in the English courts. “After careful consideration of the Appeal Court’s judgment, the Crown has decided not to seek authority for a retrial. The fact that Mr <mask> has already served the majority of his sentence for charge 1, and has de facto served his sentence in full for the other terrorist offences, of which he remains convicted, means that a retrial would have little practical effect. Accordingly, the Crown has concluded that a retrial would not be in the public interest. "<mask> <mask> remains convicted of the other charges on the indictment which were:
 section 54 of the Terrorism Act 2000: setting up websites providing links to documents providing instructions on how to operate weaponry and make explosives
 section 2 of the Terrorism Act 2006: circulating terrorist publications by means of websites to encourage, induce or assist the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism)
 breach of the peace: showing images of suicide bombers, murders and beheadings to fellow students, threatening to be a suicide bomber and to carry out terrorism in Glasgow or elsewhere." References

Scottish people of Pakistani descent
People convicted on terrorism charges
Living people
Year of birth missing (living people)
People from Clackmannanshire
Overturned convictions in Scotland

masks:
Mohammed Atif Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Mohammed Rafiq
Siddique
Mohammed Niaz
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Siddique
Mohammed Atif
Siddique
Siddique
Mohammed Atif
Siddique


title: François-Henri de Montmorency, duc de Luxembourg

type: original

texts:
<mask>ville, Duke of Piney-Luxembourg, commonly known as Luxembourg (8 January 1628 – 4 January 1695), and nicknamed "The Upholsterer of Notre-Dame", was a French general and Marshal of France. A comrade and successor of the Great Condé, he was one of the most accomplished military commanders of the early modern period and is particularly noted for his exploits in the Franco-Dutch War and War of the Grand Alliance. Not imposing physically, as he was a slight man and hunchbacked, Luxembourg was nonetheless one of France's greatest generals. He never lost a battle in which he held command. Early years
<mask> was born at Paris. His father, the <mask>, had been executed six months before his birth for participating in a duel against the Marquis <mask>uvron. His aunt, <mask>, Princess of Condé, took charge of him and educated him with her son, the Duke of Enghien.The young Montmorency (or Bouteville as he was then called) attached himself to his cousin, and shared his successes and reverses throughout the troubles of the Fronde. He returned to France in 1659 and was pardoned, and Condé, then much attached to the Duchess of Châtillon, Montmorency's sister, contrived the marriage of his adherent and cousin to the greatest heiress in France, <mask> <mask>, Princess of Tingry and heiress of the Luxembourg dukedom (1661), after which he was created Duke of Luxembourg and peer of France. Luxembourg as general

War of Devolution and the Franco-Dutch War
At the opening of the War of Devolution (1667–68), Condé, and consequently Luxembourg, had no command, but during the second campaign he served as Condé's lieutenant general in the conquest of Franche-Comté. During the four years of peace which followed, Luxembourg cultivated the favour of Louvois, and in 1672 held a high command against the Dutch during the Franco-Dutch War (1672–1678). He defeated a counterattack by the Prince William III of Orange at Woerden but was blocked by the Dutch Water Line. On 27 December the inundations were frozen over and he began to cross over the ice, but a sudden thaw cut his force in half. Retreating, <mask> found the fortress town of Bodegraven abandoned by its garrison and ordered the entire civilian population to be burned alive with their houses.The Dutch anti-French propaganda quickly exploited this massacre and when <mask> bragged to Louis XIV that he had roasted any Dutchman he could find in the town, he was surprised to find that some at court considered such cruelties unnecessary. In 1673 he made his famous retreat from Utrecht to Maastricht with only 20,000 men in face of 70,000, an exploit which placed him in the first rank of generals. In 1674 he was made captain of the Garde du Corps, and in 1675 Marshal of France. In 1676 he was placed at the head of the Army of the Rhine replacing Condé, who was in bad health. However, he could not relieve the siege of Philippsburg. This fortress had been invested by Imperial troops under Charles V, Duke of Lorraine on 1 May. Luxembourg could neither break through the defenses of Wissembourg established by the Imperials, nor draw them out to do battle.Philippsburg fell on 17 September. In 1677 he stormed Valenciennes, defeated William of Orange again at Cassel and in 1678, repulsed another of his assault at Saint-Denis after the signature of the Peace of Nijmegen. His reputation was now high and it is reputed that he quarrelled with Louvois, who managed to involve him in the "Affair of the Poisons" and get him sent to the Bastille. Rousset in his Histoire de Louvois has shown that this quarrel is probably apocryphal. Luxembourg doubtlessly spent some months of 1680 in the Bastille, but on his release took up his post at court as capitaine des gardes. War of the Grand Alliance 1688-97
By 1690, during the War of the Grand Alliance, Luxembourg was entrusted with the command of King Louis' army in the Spanish Netherlands, superseding <mask> Crevant, Duke of Humières. On 1 July 1690, he won his greatest victory over William's allied commander, the Prince of Waldeck, at Fleurus.In the following year he was again victorious at Leuze on 18 September 1691. In the next campaign he covered the king's 1692 Siege of Namur, and defeated William at Steenkerque in 1692; and again on 29 July 1693, won the most famous of his battles over his eternal adversary at Neerwinden, after which he was called "Le Tapissier de Nôtre Dame" (The Upholsterer of Notre Dame) due to the number of captured enemy flags that he sent to the cathedral. He was received with enthusiasm at Paris by all but the king, who looked coldly on a relative and adherent of the Condés. St-Simon describes in the first volume of his Memoirs how, instead of ranking as eighteenth peer of France according to his patent of 1661, he claimed through his wife to be duc de Piney of an old creation of 1571, which would place him second on the roll. The affair is described with St-Simon's usual interest in the peerage, and was chiefly checked through his assiduity. In the campaign of 1694, Luxembourg did little in Flanders, except conducting a famous march from Vignemont to Tournai in face of the enemy. Death
On his return to Versailles for the winter he fell ill, and died.In his last moments he was attended by the famous Jesuit priest Bourdaloue, who said on his death, "I have not lived his life, but I would wish to die his death." Luxembourg was considered immoral, even in those times, but as a general he was Condé's grandest pupil. Though slothful like Condé in the management of a campaign, at the moment of battle he seemed seized with happy inspirations, against which no ardour of William's and no steadiness of Dutch or English soldiers could stand. His death and Catinat's disgrace close the second period of the military history of the reign of Louis XIV. Reputation
St-Simon said of Luxembourg:
...in his final calculations no one was ever more conscientious than M. <mask>; no one more brilliant, prudent and far-sighted in the face of the enemy or in battle. He had daring and confidence, and at the same time a cool-headedness that allowed him to observe and foresee in the midst of the fiercest cannonade, in dangerously critical moments. That was when he was truly great.At all other times he was idleness itself; no exercise, except where absolutely necessary; gambling; conversing with intimates; every night a small supper party; nearly always with the same company, and, if they happened to be near a town, an agreeable mingling of the sexes. He was distinguished for a pungent wit. One of his retorts referred to his deformity. "I never can beat that cursed humpback", William was reputed to have said of him. "How does he know I have a hump?" retorted Luxembourg, "he has never seen my back." He left four sons, the youngest of whom was a marshal of France as Marechal <mask>.Marriage and children

On 17 March 1661 François-<mask> Montmorency married <mask> Clermont-Tonnerre, duchess of Luxembourg, princess of Tingry, comtess of Ligny, baronness of Dangu, and had 5 children:

 Charles Frédéric <mask>-Luxembourg (1662–1726), duc de Piney-Luxembourg, father of Charles II Frédéric (1702–1764) Marshal of France (1757) ;
 Pierre Henri <mask>ncy-Luxembourg (1663–1700), abbot of Saint-Michel d'Orcamp ;
 Paul Sigismond <mask>-Luxembourg (1664-? ), duc de Châtillon, comte de Luxe and baron d'Apremont ;
 Angelique <mask> <mask>-Luxembourg (1666–1736), mademoiselle  de Luxembourg ; married Louis Henri <mask>, bâtard de Soissons, illegitimate son of <mask> Bourbon and had issue; had two children;
 Christian Louis <mask>-Luxembourg (1675–1746), prince de Tingry, comte de Luxe, pair de France, Marshal of France (1734). References
 Beaurain's Histoire militaire du duc de Luxembourg (Hague and Paris, 1756)
 Mémoires pour servir a l'histoire du maréchal due de Luxembourg (Hague and Paris, 1758)
 Courcelles, Dictionnaire des generaux français (Paris, 1823), vol. viii. Desormeaux's Histoire de la maison de Montmorency (1764), vols. iv. and v.
 Camille Rousset's Louvois''
 biography of Luxemburg by Count de Segur (1907)

1628 births
1695 deaths
1680 crimes
Nobility from Paris
Francois Henri
Dukes of Piney
Marshals of France
French military personnel of the Nine Years' War
French military personnel of the Franco-Dutch War
17th-century peers of France
Prisoners of the Bastille
Affair of the Poisons
Military personnel from Paris

masks:
François Henri de Montmorency Boute
François Henri de Montmorency
François de Montmorency Bouteville
de Be
Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency
Madeleine de
Luxembourg
de Luxembourg
de Luxembourg
Louis de
de Luxembourg
de Montmorency
Henri de
Madeleine de
de Montmorency
de Montmore
de Montmorency
Cunegonde
de Montmorency
de Bourbon
Louis de
de Montmorency


title: Martin Whitely

texts:
<mask> (born 19 October 1959 in Perth, Australia), is a mental health researcher, author and was a Labor member of the Western Australian Legislative Assembly from February 2001 until he retired from state politics in March 2013. During his parliamentary and research career <mask> has been a prominent critic of increasing child mental health medication prescribing rates. Research
Whilst still in politics Whitely wrote Speed Up and Sit Still - The Controversies of ADHD Diagnosis and Treatment (UWA Publishing 2010). Since retiring from politics he completed a PhD (thesis title ADHD Policy, Practice and Regulatory Capture in Australia 1992–2012). Subsequently, he has researched Australian mental health policy and practice and pharmaceutical and medical device regulation. His research has primarily focused on the drivers and outcomes of prescription mental health medication use by children, adolescents and young adults for ADHD and depression. ADHD research
Whitely led two research projects examining the effect of relative-age within a school classroom on the probability of school-children being medicated for ADHD.The first, Influence of birth month of Western Australian children on the probability of being treated for ADHD, was published in the Medical Journal of Australia in 2017. It found that among West Australian school children aged 6–10 the youngest in class (born in June) were approximately twice as likely to take ADHD medication as their oldest classmates (born the previous July). The second, Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder late birthdate effect common in both high and low prescribing international jurisdictions: a systematic review, published in 2019  examined 22 studies in 13 countries covering 15.4 million children. It found that is the global norm for the youngest students within a school year grade to be diagnosed with and medicated for ADHD than there older classmates. <mask> also co-authored a paper published in 2020, Look west for Australian evidence of the relationship between amphetamine‐type stimulant prescribing and meth/amphetamine use. It reviewed Western Australian (WA) evidence of the relationship between prescribing amphetamine type stimulants for ADHD and the illicit use of amphetamines. It found that the non-medical use of prescription ATS by WA secondary school students is the major component of their illicit amphetamine use.It also reported that since at least 2002 WA adults have been prescribed ATS at a much higher rate than other Australian adults and WA adult illicit amphetamine use rates have consistently been among the highest in Australia. Research examining antidepressant use and suicide by young Australians
Whitely led research published in 2020, Antidepressant Prescribing and Suicide/Self-Harm by Young Australians: Regulatory Warnings, Contradictory Advice, and Long-Term Trends. It examined the Australian response to the US Food and Drug Administration’s (FDA) 2004 black box warnings that antidepressant use was associated with an elevated risk of suicidal thinking and behaviours in people aged under 25.This research found that in the four years following the 2004 FDA warning there was a 31% decrease in antidepressant prescribing and a small fall in the rate of suicide by young Australians. However from 2009 to 2018 the rates of antidepressant use and suicide by young Australians increased consistently. In 2009 there were 275 suicides by Australians aged under 25 years, in 2018 this number rose to 458. <mask>, and his co-authors Prof Jon Juriedini and Dr Melissa Raven, concluded “correlation does not prove causation. However, given that the FDA warned that antidepressants were associated with an approximately doubled risk of suicidality relative to placebo, we are not surprised that rising dispensing rates have been accompanied by increasing youth suicide rates”.Parliamentary career
<mask> represented the electorate of Roleystone from 2001 to 2005. Following the abolition of Roleystone, he represented the electorate of Bassendean and was the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry from August 2006 until the Carpenter government lost office in September 2008. Anti-ADHD child medication parliamentary advocacy
From 1995 until his election to parliament in 2001, <mask> was a secondary school teacher. During this period Western Australian ADHD child prescribing rates rose rapidly. By 2000 they were among the highest in the world and over twice the per-capita rate in of the second highest Australian state (New South Wales). In his first parliamentary speech (2001) he called for tighter ADHD prescribing controls. In late December 2002 the Western Australian Health Minister Bob Kucera and <mask> jointly announced the abolition of “en bloc authorisation” which allowed “specialists to prescribe stimulants without individual patient authorisation”.In August 2003 the Stimulant Regulatory Scheme began collecting detailed annual reporting of ADHD stimulant in Western Australia. Data from the Stimulant Regulatory Scheme shows after these changes the number of Western Australian children prescribing stimulants fell from 8,859 in 2004 to 5,636 in 2010, despite the state's population increasing by approximately 17%. This approximates to a 46% decrease in per capita ADHD stimulant child prescribing rates over this period. Beginning in 2011 there was a rebound in child prescribing rates with most of the increase occurring after <mask> retired. By 2017, the number of Western Australian children who received at least one prescription of an ADHD stimulant had jumped to 9,587 . So from 2010 until 2017 the number of children medicated increased by 70% while the state's population increased by only 15%. <mask> also campaigned to influence national (Australian) ADHD policy.He unsuccessfully sought to prevent non-stimulant ADHD medication Strattera (Atomoxetine Hydrochloride) from being added to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme because of its boxed warning for increased risk of suicidality. Strattera was added to the PBS in 2007. Until 17 February 2018 the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) had received 149 reports of adverse events. This included 78 reports of suicidal/homicidal/self-harm ideation or behaviour, with four incomplete suicide attempts (including a 7-year-old girl) and three completed suicides (including a nine-year-old boy). Because adverse event reporting to the TGA by doctors is voluntary the actual number of adverse events associated with Strattera (or any medication) in Australia is unknown. He also campaigned to prevent the endorsement by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) ADHD national treatment guidelines developed by the Royal Australian College of Physicians (RACP). The guidelines were never endorsed by the NHMRC because of concerns about conflicts of interest among guidelines panel members and the heavy reliance on research lead by high-profile ADHD medication proponents with undisclosed significant conflicts of interest, most notably Professor Joseph Biederman.<mask>'s self-described “at times obsessive” campaign against the use of ADHD medications by children has attracted considerable criticism. Prominent Australian psychiatrists including Professors Florence Levy and Alasdair Vance, have been highly critical of <mask>, who has no medical training, for politicising the disorder, ignoring scientific evidence and promoting an emotive and sensationalist debate. However, <mask> has received praise for offering a "proven public health cure...for the false epidemic of ADHD" from prominent American psychiatrist Professor Allen Frances who led the development of the DSMIV on behalf of the American Psychiatric Association. Criticism of the diagnosis of Psychosis Risk Disorder
<mask> was also prominent in Australian efforts to prevent the official recognition of ‘Psychosis Risk Disorder’ in the influential American Psychiatric Association's, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 5th edition (DSM5) published in 2013. Psychosis Risk Disorder (officially termed Attenuated Psychosis Syndrome) was removed from the draft of the DSM5 after its inclusion lost the support of former prominent advocates including former Australian of the Year, psychiatrist Professor Patrick McGorry. References

External links
https://web.archive.org/web/20121108005453/http://www.martinwhitely.com/
Speed Up and Sit Still: The Controversies of ADHD Diagnosis and Treatment
<mask> discusses ADHD, psychiatric drugs, and the needs of children on the Dr. Peter Breggin Hour - 11/7/11. 1959 births
Living people
Members of the Western Australian Legislative Assembly
Australian Labor Party members of the Parliament of Western Australia
21st-century Australian politicians

masks:
Martin Paul Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Whitely
Martin Whitely


title: Emmett Till

texts:
<mask> (July 25, 1941August 28, 1955) was a 14-year-old African American who was lynched in Mississippi in 1955, after being accused of offending a white woman in her family's grocery store. The brutality of his murder and the fact that his killers were acquitted drew attention to the long history of violent persecution of African Americans in the United States. <mask> posthumously became an icon of the civil rights movement. <mask> was born and raised in Chicago, Illinois. During summer vacation in August 1955, he was visiting relatives near Money, Mississippi, in the Mississippi Delta region. He spoke to 21-year-old Carolyn Bryant, the white married proprietor of a small grocery store there. Although what happened at the store is a matter of dispute, <mask> was accused of flirting with or whistling at Bryant.<mask>'s interaction with Bryant, perhaps unwittingly, violated the unwritten code of behavior for a black male interacting with a white female in the Jim Crow-era South. Several nights after the incident in the store, Bryant's husband Roy and his half-brother J.W. Milam, who were armed, went to <mask>'s great-uncle's house and abducted <mask>. They took him away and beat and mutilated him, before shooting him in the head and sinking his body in the Tallahatchie River. Three days later, <mask>'s body was discovered and retrieved from the river. <mask>'s body was returned to Chicago where his mother insisted on a public funeral service with an open casket which was held at Roberts Temple Church of God in Christ. It was later said that "The open-coffin funeral held by Mamie <mask> exposed the world to more than her son <mask> <mask>'s bloated, mutilated body.Her decision focused attention not only on U.S. racism and the barbarism of lynching but also on the limitations and vulnerabilities of American democracy". Tens of thousands attended his funeral or viewed his open casket, and images of his mutilated body were published in black-oriented magazines and newspapers, rallying popular black support and white sympathy across the U.S. Intense scrutiny was brought to bear on the lack of black civil rights in Mississippi, with newspapers around the U.S. critical of the state. Although local newspapers and law enforcement officials initially decried the violence against <mask> and called for justice, they responded to national criticism by defending Mississippians, temporarily giving support to the killers. In September 1955, an all-white jury found Bryant and Milam not guilty of <mask>'s murder. Protected against double jeopardy, the two men publicly admitted in a 1956 interview with Look magazine that they had killed <mask>. <mask>'s murder was seen as a catalyst for the next phase of the civil rights movement. In December 1955, the Montgomery bus boycott began in Alabama and lasted more than a year, resulting eventually in a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that segregated buses were unconstitutional.According to historians, events surrounding <mask> <mask>'s life and death continue to resonate. An Emmett Till Memorial Commission was established in the early 21st century. The Sumner County Courthouse was restored and includes the Emmett Till Interpretive Center. Fifty-one sites in the Mississippi Delta are memorialized as associated with <mask>. Early childhood
<mask> <mask> was born in 1941 in Chicago; he was the son of Mamie Carthan (1921–2003) and <mask> (1922–1945). <mask>'s mother Mamie was born in the small Delta town of Webb, Mississippi. The Delta region encompasses the large, multi-county area of northwestern Mississippi in the watershed of the Yazoo and Mississippi rivers.When Carthan was two years old, her family moved to Argo, Illinois, as part of the Great Migration of rural black families out of the South to the North to escape violence, lack of opportunity and unequal treatment under the law. Argo received so many Southern migrants that it was named "Little Mississippi"; Carthan's mother's home was often used by other recent migrants as a way station while they were trying to find jobs and housing. Mississippi was the poorest state in the U.S. in the 1950s, and the Delta counties were some of the poorest in Mississippi. Mamie Carthan was born in Tallahatchie County, where the average income per white household in 1949 was $690 (). For black families, the figure was $462 (). In the rural areas, economic opportunities for blacks were almost nonexistent. They were mostly sharecroppers who lived on land owned by whites.Blacks had essentially been disenfranchised and excluded from voting and the political system since 1890, when the white-dominated legislature passed a new constitution that raised barriers to voter registration. Whites had also passed ordinances establishing racial segregation and Jim Crow laws. Mamie largely raised <mask> with her mother; she and <mask> separated in 1942 after she discovered that he had been unfaithful. Louis later abused her, choking her to unconsciousness, to which she responded by throwing scalding water at him. For violating court orders to stay away from Mamie, <mask> was forced by a judge in 1943 to choose between jail or enlisting in the U.S. Army. In 1945, a few weeks before his son's fourth birthday, he was executed for the murder of an Italian woman, and the rape of two others. At the age of six, <mask> contracted polio, which left him with a persistent stutter.Mamie and <mask> moved to Detroit, where she met and married "Pink" Bradley in 1951. <mask> preferred living in Chicago, so he returned there to live with his grandmother; his mother and stepfather rejoined him later that year. After the marriage dissolved in 1952, "Pink" Bradley returned alone to Detroit. Mamie <mask> and <mask> lived together in a busy neighborhood in Chicago's South Side, near distant relatives. She began working as a civilian clerk for the U.S. Air Force for a better salary. She recalled that <mask> was industrious enough to help with chores at home, although he sometimes got distracted. His mother remembered that he did not know his own limitations at times.Following the couple's separation, Bradley visited Mamie and began threatening her. At eleven years old, <mask>, with a butcher knife in hand, told Bradley he would kill him if the man did not leave. Usually, however, <mask> was happy. He and his cousins and friends pulled pranks on each other (<mask> once took advantage of an extended car-ride when his friend fell asleep and placed the friend's underwear on his head), and they also spent their free time in pickup baseball games. He was a natty dresser and was often the center of attention among his peers. Plans to visit relatives in Mississippi
In 1955, Mamie <mask>'s uncle, 64-year-old Mose Wright, visited her and <mask> in Chicago during the summer and told <mask> stories about living in the Mississippi Delta. <mask> wanted to see for himself.Wright planned to accompany <mask> with a cousin, Wheeler Parker; another cousin, Curtis Jones, would join them soon. Wright was a sharecropper and part-time minister who was often called "Preacher". He lived in Money, Mississippi, a small town in the Delta that consisted of three stores, a school, a post office, a cotton gin, and a few hundred residents,  north of Greenwood. Before <mask> departed for the Delta, his mother cautioned him that Chicago and Mississippi were two different worlds, and he should know how to behave in front of whites in the South. He assured her he understood. Statistics on lynchings began to be collected in 1882. Since that time, more than 500 African Americans have been killed by extrajudicial violence in Mississippi alone, and more than 3,000 across the South.Most of the incidents took place between 1876 and 1930; though far less common by the mid-1950s, these racially motivated murders still occurred. Throughout the South, whites publicly prohibited interracial relationships as a means to maintain white supremacy. Even the suggestion of sexual contact between black men and white women could carry severe penalties for black men. A resurgence of the enforcement of such Jim Crow laws was evident following World War II, when African-American veterans started pressing for equal rights in the South. Racial tensions increased after the United States Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education to end segregation in public education, which it ruled as unconstitutional. Many segregationists believed the ruling would lead to interracial dating and marriage. Whites strongly resisted the court's ruling; one Virginia county closed all its public schools to prevent integration.Other jurisdictions simply ignored the ruling. In other ways, whites used stronger measures to keep blacks politically disenfranchised, which they had been since the turn of the century. Segregation in the South was used to constrain blacks forcefully from any semblance of social equality. A week before <mask> arrived in Mississippi, a black activist named Lamar Smith was shot and killed in front of the county courthouse in Brookhaven for political organizing. Three white suspects were arrested, but they were soon released. Encounter between <mask> and Carolyn Bryant

<mask> arrived in Money, Mississippi, on August 21, 1955. On August 24, he and cousin Curtis Jones skipped church where his great-uncle Mose Wright was preaching and joined some local boys as they went to Bryant's Grocery and Meat Market to buy candy.The teenagers were children of sharecroppers and had been picking cotton all day. The market mostly served the local sharecropper population and was owned by a white couple, 24-year-old Roy Bryant and his 21-year-old wife Carolyn. Carolyn was alone in the front of the store that day; her sister-in-law was in the rear of the store watching children. Jones left <mask> with the other boys while Jones played checkers across the street. The facts of what took place in the store are still disputed. According to what Jones said at the time, the other boys reported that <mask> had a photograph of an integrated class at the school he attended in Chicago, and <mask> bragged to the boys that the white children in the picture were his friends. He pointed to a white girl in the picture, or referred to a picture of a white girl that had come with his new wallet, and said she was his girlfriend.According to Jones' account, one or more of the local boys then dared <mask> to speak to Bryant. However, writing a personal account of the incident in a book released in 2009, <mask>'s cousin Simeon Wright, who was also present, disputed Jones' version of what happened on that day. According to Wright, <mask> did not have a photo of a white girl in his wallet and no one dared him to flirt with Bryant. Speaking in 2015, Wright said: "We didn't dare him to go to the store – the white folk said that. They said that he had pictures of his white girlfriend. There were no pictures. They never talked to me.They never interviewed me." The FBI report completed in 2006 notes: "[Curtis] Jones recanted his 1955 statements prior to his death and apologized to Mamie <mask>". According to some versions, including comments from some of the youngsters standing outside the store, <mask> may have wolf-whistled at Bryant. <mask>'s cousin, Simeon Wright, who was with him at the store, stated that <mask> whistled at Bryant, saying, "I think [<mask>] wanted to get a laugh out of us or something", adding, "He was always joking around, and it was hard to tell when he was serious." Wright stated that following the whistle he became immediately alarmed. "Well, it scared us half to death", Wright recalled. "You know, we were almost in shock.We couldn't get out of there fast enough, because we had never heard of anything like that before. A black boy whistling at a white woman? In Mississippi? No." Wright stated "The Ku Klux Klan and night riders were part of our daily lives". Following his disappearance, a newspaper account stated that <mask> sometimes whistled to alleviate his stuttering. His speech was sometimes unclear; his mother said he had particular difficulty with pronouncing "b" sounds, and he may have whistled to overcome problems asking for bubble gum.She said that, to help with his articulation, she taught <mask> how to whistle softly to himself before pronouncing his words. During the murder trial, Bryant testified that <mask> grabbed her hand while she was stocking candy and said, "How about a date, baby?" She said that after she freed herself from his grasp, the young man followed her to the cash register, grabbed her waist and said, "What's the matter baby, can't you take it?" Bryant said she freed herself, and <mask> said, "You needn't be afraid of me, baby", used "one 'unprintable' word" and said "I've been with white women before." Bryant also alleged that one of <mask>'s companions came into the store, grabbed him by the arm, and ordered him to leave. According to historian Timothy Tyson, Bryant admitted to him in a 2008 interview that her testimony during the trial that <mask> had made verbal and physical advances was false. Bryant had testified <mask> grabbed her waist and uttered obscenities but later told Tyson "that part's not true".As for the rest of what happened, the 72-year-old stated she could not remember. Bryant is quoted by Tyson as saying "Nothing that boy did could ever justify what happened to him". However, the tape recordings that Tyson made of the interviews with Bryant do not contain Bryant saying those things. In addition, the woman with Bryant at the interviews, her daughter-in-law, Marsha Bryant, says that Bryant never told Tyson that. Decades later, <mask>'s cousin Simeon Wright also challenged the account given by Carolyn Bryant at the trial. Wright claims he entered the store "less than a minute" after <mask> was left inside alone with Bryant, and he saw no inappropriate behavior and heard "no lecherous conversation". Wright said <mask> "paid for his items and we left the store together".In their 2006 investigation of the cold case, the FBI noted that a second anonymous source, who was confirmed to have been in the store at the same time as <mask> and his cousin, supported Wright's account. Author Devery Anderson writes that in an interview with the defense's attorneys, Bryant told a version of the initial encounter that included <mask> grabbing her hand and asking her for a date, but not <mask> approaching her and grabbing her waist, mentioning past relationships with white women, or having to be dragged unwillingly out of the store by another boy. Anderson further notes that many remarks prior to <mask>'s kidnapping made by those involved indicate that it was his remarks to Bryant that angered his killers, rather than any alleged physical harassment. For instance, Mose Wright (a witness to the kidnapping) said that the kidnappers mentioned only "talk" at the store, and Sheriff George Smith only spoke of the arrested killers accusing <mask> of "ugly remarks". Anderson suggests that this evidence taken together implies that the more extreme details of Bryant's story were invented after the fact as part of the defense's legal strategy. In any event, after Wright and <mask> left the store, Bryant went outside to retrieve a pistol from underneath the seat of a car. The teenagers saw her do this and left immediately.It was acknowledged that <mask> whistled while Bryant was going to her car. However, it is disputed whether <mask> whistled toward Bryant or toward a checkers game that was occurring just across the street. One of the other boys ran across the street to tell Curtis Jones what happened in the store. When the older man with whom Jones was playing checkers heard the story, he urged the boys to leave quickly, fearing violence. Bryant told others of the events at the store, and the story spread quickly. Jones and <mask> declined to tell his great-uncle Mose Wright, fearing they would get in trouble. <mask> said he wanted to return home to Chicago.Carolyn's husband Roy Bryant was on an extended trip hauling shrimp to Texas and did not return home until August 27. Historian Timothy Tyson said an investigation by civil rights activists concluded Carolyn Bryant did not initially tell her husband Roy Bryant about the encounter with <mask>, and that Roy was told by a person who hung around down at their store. Roy was reportedly angry at his wife for not telling him. Carolyn Bryant told the FBI she didn't tell her husband because she feared he would beat <mask> up. Lynching
When Roy Bryant was informed of what had happened, he aggressively questioned several young black men who entered the store. That evening, Bryant, with a black man named J. W. Washington, approached a black teenager walking along a road. Bryant ordered Washington to seize the boy, put him in the back of a pickup truck, and took him to be identified by a companion of Carolyn's who had witnessed the episode with <mask>.Friends or parents vouched for the boy in Bryant's store, and Carolyn's companion denied that the boy Bryant and Washington

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title: Emmett Till

texts:
 seized was the one who had accosted her. Somehow, Bryant learned that the boy in the incident was from Chicago and was staying with Mose Wright. Several witnesses overheard Bryant and his 36-year-old half-brother, John William "J. W." Milam, discussing taking <mask> from his house. In the early morning hours of August 28, 1955, sometime between 2 and 3:30a.m., Bryant and Milam drove to Mose Wright's house. Milam was armed with a pistol and a flashlight. He asked Wright if he had three boys in the house from Chicago. <mask> was sharing a bed with another cousin; there were eight people in the small two-bedroom cabin.Milam asked Wright to take them to "the nigger who did the talking". <mask>'s great-aunt offered the men money, but Milam refused as he rushed <mask> to put on his clothes. Mose Wright informed the men that <mask> was from up north and didn't know any better. Milam reportedly then asked, "How old are you, preacher?" to which Wright responded "64". Milam threatened that if Wright told anybody he wouldn't live to see 65. The men marched <mask> out to the truck.Wright said he heard them ask someone in the car if this was the boy, and heard someone say "yes". When asked if the voice was that of a man or a woman Wright said "it seemed like it was a lighter voice than a man's". In a 1956 interview with Look magazine, in which they confessed to the killing, Bryant and Milam said they would have brought <mask> by the store in order to have Carolyn identify him, but stated they did not do so because they said <mask> admitted to being the one who had talked to her. They tied up <mask> in the back of a green pickup truck and drove toward Money, Mississippi. According to some witnesses, they took <mask> back to Bryant's Groceries and recruited two black men. The men then drove to a barn in Drew. They pistol-whipped him on the way and reportedly knocked him unconscious.Willie Reed, who was 18 years old at the time, saw the truck passing by. Reed recalled seeing two white men in the front seat, and "two black males" in the back. Some have speculated that the two black men worked for Milam and were forced to help with the beating, although they later denied being present. Willie Reed said that while walking home, he heard the beating and crying from the barn. He told a neighbor and they both walked back up the road to a water well near the barn, where they were approached by Milam. Milam asked if they heard anything. Reed responded "No".Others passed by the shed and heard yelling. A local neighbor also spotted "Too Tight" (Leroy Collins) at the back of the barn washing blood off the truck and noticed <mask>'s boot. Milam explained he had killed a deer and that the boot belonged to him. Some have claimed that <mask> was shot and tossed over the Black Bayou Bridge in Glendora, Mississippi, near the Tallahatchie River. The group drove back to Roy Bryant's home in Money, where they reportedly burned <mask>'s clothes. In an interview with William Bradford Huie that was published in Look magazine in 1956, Bryant and Milam said that they intended to beat <mask> and throw him off an embankment into the river to frighten him. They told Huie that while they were beating <mask>, he called them bastards, declared he was as good as they, and said that he had sexual encounters with white women.They put <mask> in the back of their truck, drove to a cotton gin to take a  fan—the only time they admitted to being worried, thinking that by this time in early daylight they would be spotted and accused of stealing—and drove for several miles along the river looking for a place to dispose of <mask>. They shot him by the river and weighted his body with the fan. Mose Wright stayed on his front porch for twenty minutes waiting for <mask> to return. He did not go back to bed. He and another man went into Money, got gasoline, and drove around trying to find <mask>. Unsuccessful, they returned home by 8:00 am. After hearing from Wright that he would not call the police because he feared for his life, Curtis Jones placed a call to the Leflore County sheriff, and another to his mother in Chicago.Distraught, she called <mask>'s mother Mamie <mask>. Wright and his wife Elizabeth drove to Sumner, where Elizabeth's brother contacted the sheriff. Bryant and Milam were questioned by Leflore County sheriff, George Smith. They admitted they had taken the boy from his great-uncle's yard, but claimed they had released him the same night in front of Bryant's store. Bryant and Milam were arrested for kidnapping. Word got out that <mask> was missing, and soon Medgar Evers, Mississippi state field secretary for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Amzie Moore, head of the Bolivar County chapter, became involved. They disguised themselves as cotton pickers and went into the cotton fields in search of any information that might help find <mask>.Three days after his abduction and murder, <mask>'s swollen and disfigured body was found by two boys who were fishing in the Tallahatchie River. His head was very badly mutilated, he had been shot above the right ear, an eye was dislodged from the socket, there was evidence that he had been beaten on the back and the hips, and his body weighted by a fan blade, which was fastened around his neck with barbed wire. He was nude, but wearing a silver ring with the initials "L. T." and "May 25, 1943" carved in it. His face was unrecognizable due to trauma and having been submerged in water. Mose Wright was called to the river to identify <mask>. The silver ring that <mask> was wearing was removed, returned to Wright, and next passed on to the district attorney as evidence. Funeral and reaction

Although lynchings and racially motivated murders had occurred throughout the South for decades, the circumstances surrounding <mask>'s murder and the timing acted as a catalyst to attract national attention to the case of a 14-year-old boy who had allegedly been killed for breaching a social caste system.<mask>'s murder aroused feelings about segregation, law enforcement, relations between the North and South, the social status quo in Mississippi, the activities of the NAACP and the White Citizens' Councils, and the Cold War, all of which were played out in a drama staged in newspapers all over the U.S. and abroad. After <mask> went missing, a three-paragraph story was printed in the Greenwood Commonwealth and quickly picked up by other Mississippi newspapers. They reported on his death when the body was found. The next day, when a picture of him his mother had taken the previous Christmas showing them smiling together appeared in the Jackson Daily News and Vicksburg Evening Post, editorials and letters to the editor were printed expressing shame at the people who had caused <mask>'s death. One read, "Now is the time for every citizen who loves the state of Mississippi to 'Stand up and be counted' before hoodlum white trash brings us to destruction." The letter said that Negroes were not the downfall of Mississippi society, but whites like those in White Citizens' Councils that condoned violence. <mask>'s body was clothed, packed in lime, placed into a pine coffin and prepared for burial.It may have been embalmed while in Mississippi. Mamie <mask> demanded that the body be sent to Chicago; she later said that she worked to halt an immediate burial in Mississippi and called several local and state authorities in Illinois and Mississippi to make sure that her son was returned to Chicago. A doctor did not examine <mask> post-mortem. Mississippi's governor, Hugh L. White, deplored the murder, asserting that local authorities should pursue a "vigorous prosecution". He sent a telegram to the national offices of the NAACP, promising a full investigation and assuring them "Mississippi does not condone such conduct". Delta residents, both black and white, also distanced themselves from <mask>'s murder, finding the circumstances abhorrent. Local newspaper editorials denounced the murderers without question.Leflore County Deputy Sheriff John Cothran stated, "The white people around here feel pretty mad about the way that poor little boy was treated, and they won't stand for this." Soon, however, discourse about <mask>'s murder became more complex. Robert B. Patterson, executive secretary of the segregationist White Citizens' Council, used <mask>'s death to claim that racial segregation policies were to provide for blacks' safety and that their efforts were being neutralized by the NAACP. In response, NAACP executive secretary Roy Wilkins characterized the incident as a lynching and said that Mississippi was trying to maintain white supremacy through murder. He said, "there is in the entire state no restraining influence of decency, not in the state capital, among the daily newspapers, the clergy, nor any segment of the so-called better citizens." Mamie <mask> told a reporter that she would seek legal aid to help law enforcement find her son's killers and that the State of Mississippi should share the financial responsibility. She was misquoted; it was reported as  "Mississippi is going to pay for this."The A. A. Rayner Funeral Home in Chicago received <mask>'s body. Upon arrival, Bradley insisted on viewing it to make a positive identification, later stating that the stench from it was noticeable two blocks away. She decided to have an open-casket funeral, saying: "There was just no way I could describe what was in that box. No way. And I just wanted the world to see." Tens of thousands of people lined the street outside the mortuary to view <mask>'s body, and days later thousands more attended his funeral at Roberts Temple Church of God in Christ.Photographs of his mutilated corpse circulated around the country, notably appearing in Jet magazine and The Chicago Defender, both black publications, generating intense public reaction. According to The Nation and Newsweek, Chicago's black community was "aroused as it has not been over any similar act in recent history". Time later selected one of the Jet photographs showing Mamie <mask> over the mutilated body of her dead son, as one of the 100 "most influential images of all time": "For almost a century, African Americans were lynched with regularity and impunity. Now, thanks to a mother's determination to expose the barbarousness of the crime, the public could no longer pretend to ignore what they couldn't see." <mask> was buried on September 6 in Burr Oak Cemetery in Alsip, Illinois. News about <mask> <mask> spread to both coasts. Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley and Illinois Governor William Stratton also became involved, urging Mississippi Governor White to see that justice was done.The tone in Mississippi newspapers changed dramatically. They falsely reported riots in the funeral home in Chicago. Bryant and Milam appeared in photos smiling and wearing military uniforms, and Carolyn Bryant's beauty and virtue were extolled. Rumors of an invasion of outraged blacks and northern whites were printed throughout the state, and were taken seriously by the Leflore County Sheriff. T. R. M. Howard, a local businessman, surgeon, and civil rights proponent and one of the wealthiest blacks in the state, warned of a "second civil war" if "slaughtering of Negroes" was allowed. Following Roy Wilkins' comments, white opinion began to shift. According to historian Stephen J. Whitfield, a specific brand of xenophobia in the South was particularly strong in Mississippi.Whites were urged to reject the influence of Northern opinion and agitation. This independent attitude was profound enough in Tallahatchie County that it earned the nickname "The Freestate of Tallahatchie", according to a former sheriff, "because people here do what they damn well please", making the county often difficult to govern. Tallahatchie County Sheriff Clarence Strider, who initially positively identified <mask>'s body and stated that the case against Milam and Bryant was "pretty good", on September 3 announced his doubts that the body pulled from the Tallahatchie River was that of <mask>. He speculated that the boy was probably still alive. Strider suggested that the recovered body had been planted by the NAACP: a corpse stolen by T. R. M. Howard, who colluded to place <mask>'s ring on it. Strider changed his account after comments were published in the press denigrating the people of Mississippi, later saying: "The last thing I wanted to do was to defend those peckerwoods. But I just had no choice about it."Bryant and Milam were indicted for murder. The state's prosecuting attorney, Hamilton Caldwell, was not confident that he could get a conviction in a case of white violence against a black male accused of insulting a white woman. A local black paper was surprised at the indictment and praised the decision, as did The New York Times. The high-profile comments published in Northern newspapers and by the NAACP were of concern to the prosecuting attorney, Gerald Chatham; he worried that his office would not be able to secure a guilty verdict, despite the compelling evidence. Having limited funds, Bryant and Milam initially had difficulty finding attorneys to represent them, but five attorneys at a Sumner law firm offered their services pro bono. Their supporters placed collection jars in stores and other public places in the Delta, eventually gathering $10,000 for the defense. Trial
The trial was held in the county courthouse in Sumner, the western seat of Tallahatchie County, because <mask>'s body was found in this area.Sumner had one boarding house; the small town was besieged by reporters from all over the country. David Halberstam called the trial "the first great media event of the civil rights movement". A reporter who had covered the trials of Bruno Hauptmann and Machine Gun Kelly remarked that this was the most publicity for any trial he had ever seen. No hotels were open to black visitors. Mamie <mask> arrived to testify, and the trial also attracted black congressman Charles Diggs from Michigan. Bradley, Diggs, and several black reporters stayed at T. R. M. Howard's home in Mound Bayou. Located on a large lot and surrounded by Howard's armed guards, it resembled a compound.The day before the start of the trial, a young black man named Frank Young arrived to tell Howard he knew of two witnesses to the crime. Levi "Too Tight" Collins and Henry Lee Loggins were black employees of Leslie Milam, J. W.'s brother, in whose shed <mask> was beaten. Collins and Loggins were spotted with J. W. Milam, Bryant, and <mask>. The prosecution team was unaware of Collins and Loggins. Sheriff Strider, however, booked them into the Charleston, Mississippi, jail to keep them from testifying. The trial was held in September 1955 and lasted for five days; attendees remembered that the weather was very hot. The courtroom was filled to capacity with 280 spectators; black attendees sat in segregated sections.Press from major national newspapers attended, including black publications; black reporters were required to sit in the segregated black section and away from the white press, farther from the jury. Sheriff Strider welcomed black spectators coming back from lunch with a cheerful, "Hello, Niggers!" Some visitors from the North found the court to be run with surprising informality. Jury members were allowed to drink beer on duty, and many white male spectators wore handguns. The defense sought to cast doubt on the identity of the body pulled from the river. They said it could not be positively identified, and they questioned whether <mask> was dead at all. The defense also asserted that although Bryant and Milam had taken <mask> from his great-uncle's house, they had released him that night.The defense attorneys attempted to prove that Mose Wright—who was addressed as "Uncle Mose" by the prosecution and "Mose" by the defense—could not identify Bryant and Milam as the men who took <mask> from his cabin. They noted that only Milam's flashlight had been in use that night, and no other lights in the house were turned on. Milam and Bryant had identified themselves to Wright the evening they took <mask>; Wright said he had only seen Milam clearly. Wright's testimony was considered remarkably courageous. It may have been the first time in the South that a black man had testified to the guilt of a white man in court—and lived. Journalist James Hicks, who worked for the black news wire service, the National Negro Publishers Association (later renamed the National Newspaper Publishers Association), was present in the courtroom; he was especially impressed that Wright stood to identify Milam, pointing to him and saying "There he is", calling it a historic moment and one filled with "electricity". A writer for the New York Post noted that following his identification, Wright sat "with a lurch which told better than anything else the cost in strength to him of the thing he had done".A reporter who covered the trial for the New Orleans Times-Picayune said it was "the most dramatic thing I saw in my career".

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title: Emmett Till

texts:
 Mamie <mask> testified that she had instructed her son to watch his manners in Mississippi and that should a situation ever come to his being asked to get on his knees to ask forgiveness of a white person, he should do it without a thought. The defense questioned her identification of her son in the casket in Chicago and a $400 life insurance policy she had taken out on him. While the trial progressed, Leflore County Sheriff George Smith, Howard, and several reporters, both black and white, attempted to locate Collins and Loggins. They could not, but found three witnesses who had seen Collins and Loggins with Milam and Bryant on Leslie Milam's property. Two of them testified that they heard someone being beaten, blows, and cries. One testified so quietly the judge ordered him several times to speak louder; he said he heard the victim call out: "Mama, Lord have mercy.Lord have mercy." Judge Curtis Swango allowed Carolyn Bryant to testify, but not in front of the jury, after the prosecution objected that her testimony was irrelevant to <mask>'s abduction and murder. It may have been leaked in any case to the jury. Sheriff Strider testified for the defense his theory that <mask> was alive, and that the body retrieved from the river was white. A doctor from Greenwood stated on the stand that the body was too decomposed to identify, and therefore had been in the water too long for it to be <mask>. In the concluding statements, one prosecuting attorney said that what <mask> did was wrong, but that his action warranted a spanking, not murder. Gerald Chatham passionately called for justice and mocked the sheriff and doctor's statements that alluded to a conspiracy.Mamie Bradley indicated she was very impressed with his summation. The defense stated that the prosecution's theory of the events the night <mask> was murdered was improbable, and said the jury's "forefathers would turn over in their graves" if they convicted Bryant and Milam. Only three outcomes were possible in Mississippi for capital murder: life imprisonment, the death penalty, or acquittal. On September 23 the all-white, all-male jury (both women and blacks had been banned) acquitted both defendants after a 67-minute deliberation; one juror said, "If we hadn't stopped to drink pop, it wouldn't have taken that long." In post-trial analyses, blame for the outcome varied. Mamie <mask> was criticized for not crying enough on the stand. The jury was noted to have been picked almost exclusively from the hill country section of Tallahatchie County, which, due to its poorer economic make-up, found whites and blacks competing for land and other agrarian opportunities.Unlike the population living closer to the river (and thus closer to Bryant and Milam in Leflore County), who possessed a noblesse oblige outlook toward blacks, according to historian Stephen Whitaker, those in the eastern part of the county were virulent in their racism. The prosecution was criticized for dismissing any potential juror who knew Milam or Bryant personally, for fear that such a juror would vote to acquit. Afterwards, Whitaker noted that this had been a mistake, as those who knew the defendants usually disliked them. One juror voted twice to convict, but on the third discussion, voted with the rest of the jury to acquit. In later interviews, the jurors acknowledged that they knew Bryant and Milam were guilty, but simply did not believe that life imprisonment or the death penalty were fit punishment for whites who had killed a black man. However, two jurors said as late as 2005 that they believed the defense's case. They also said that the prosecution had not proved that <mask> had died, nor that it was his body that was removed from the river.In November 1955, a grand jury declined to indict Bryant and Milam for kidnapping, despite their own admissions of having taken <mask>. Mose Wright and a young man named Willie Reed, who testified to seeing Milam enter the shed from which screams and blows were heard, both testified in front of the grand jury. After the trial, T. R. M. Howard paid the costs of relocating to Chicago for Wright, Reed, and another black witness who testified against Milam and Bryant, in order to protect the three witnesses from reprisals for having testified. Reed, who later changed his name to Willie Louis to avoid being found, continued to live in the Chicago area until his death on July 18, 2013. He avoided publicity and even kept his history secret from his wife until she was told by a relative. Reed began to speak publicly about the case in the PBS documentary The Murder of <mask> <mask>, aired in 2003. Media discourse
Newspapers in major international cities and religious, and socialist publications reported outrage about the verdict and strong criticism of American society.Southern newspapers, particularly in Mississippi, wrote that the court system had done its job. <mask>'s story continued to make the news for weeks following the trial, sparking debate in newspapers, among the NAACP and various high-profile segregationists about justice for blacks and the propriety of Jim Crow society. In October 1955, the Jackson Daily News reported facts about <mask>'s father that had been suppressed by the U.S. military. While serving in Italy, <mask> raped two women and killed a third. He was court-martialed and executed by hanging by the Army near Pisa in July 1945. Mamie <mask> and her family knew none of this, having been told only that Louis had been killed for "willful misconduct". Mississippi senators James Eastland and John C. Stennis probed Army records and revealed <mask>'s crimes.Although <mask> <mask>'s murder trial was over, news about his father was carried on the front pages of Mississippi newspapers for weeks in October and November 1955. This renewed debate about <mask> <mask>'s actions and Carolyn Bryant's integrity. Stephen Whitfield writes that the lack of attention paid to identifying or finding <mask> is "strange" compared to the amount of published discourse about his father. According to historians Davis Houck and Matthew Grindy, "<mask> became a most important rhetorical pawn in the high-stakes game of north versus south, black versus white, NAACP versus White Citizens' Councils". In 2016, reviewing the facts of the rapes and murder for which <mask> had been executed, John Edgar Wideman posited that, given the timing of the publicity about <mask>'s father, although the defendants had already confessed to taking <mask> from his uncle's house, the post-murder trial grand jury refused to even indict them for kidnapping. Wideman also presented evidence suggesting that the conviction and punishment of <mask> may have been racially motivated. Protected against double jeopardy, Bryant and Milam struck a deal with Look magazine in 1956 to tell their story to journalist William Bradford Huie for between $3,600 and $4,000.The interview took place in the law firm of the attorneys who had defended Bryant and Milam. Huie did not ask the questions; Bryant and Milam's own attorneys did. Neither attorney had heard their clients' accounts of the murder before. According to Huie, the older Milam was more articulate and sure of himself than the younger Bryant. Milam admitted to shooting <mask> and neither of them believed they were guilty or that they had done anything wrong. Reaction to Huie's interview with Bryant and Milam was explosive. Their brazen admission that they had murdered <mask> caused prominent civil rights leaders to push the federal government harder to investigate the case.<mask>'s murder contributed to congressional passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957: it authorized the U.S. Department of Justice to intervene in local law enforcement issues when individual civil rights were being compromised. Huie's interview, in which Milam and Bryant said they had acted alone, overshadowed inconsistencies in earlier versions of the stories. As a consequence, details about others who had possibly been involved in <mask>'s abduction and murder, or the subsequent cover-up, were forgotten, according to historians David and Linda Beito. Later events
<mask>'s murder increased fears in the local black community that they would be subjected to violence and the law would not protect them. According to Deloris Melton Gresham, whose father was killed a few months after <mask>, "At that time, they used to say that 'it's open season on n*****s.' Kill'em and get away with it." After Bryant and Milam admitted to Huie that they had killed <mask>, the support base of the two men eroded in Mississippi. Many of their former friends and supporters, including those who had contributed to their defense funds, cut them off.Blacks boycotted their shops, which went bankrupt and closed, and banks refused to grant them loans to plant crops. After struggling to secure a loan and find someone who would rent to him, Milam managed to secure  and a $4,000 loan to plant cotton, but blacks refused to work for him. He was forced to pay whites higher wages. Eventually, Milam and Bryant relocated to Texas, but their infamy followed them; they continued to generate animosity from locals. In 1961, while in Texas, when Bryant recognized the license plate of a Tallahatchie County resident, he called out a greeting and identified himself. The resident, upon hearing the name, drove away without speaking to Bryant. After several years, they returned to Mississippi.Milam found work as a heavy equipment operator, but ill health forced him into retirement. Over the years, Milam was tried for offenses such as assault and battery, writing bad checks, and using a stolen credit card. He died of spinal cancer on December 30, 1980, at the age of 61. Bryant worked as a welder while in Texas, until increasing blindness forced him to give up this employment. At some point, he and Carolyn divorced; he remarried in 1980. He opened a store in Ruleville, Mississippi. He was convicted in 1984 and 1988 of food stamp fraud.In a 1985 interview, he denied killing <mask> despite having admitted to it in 1956, but said: "if <mask> <mask> hadn't got out of line, it probably wouldn't have happened to him." Fearing economic boycotts and retaliation, Bryant lived a private life and refused to be photographed or reveal the exact location of his store, explaining: "this new generation is different and I don't want to worry about a bullet some dark night". He died of cancer on September 1, 1994, at the age of 63. <mask>'s mother married Gene Mobley, became a teacher, and changed her surname to <mask>. She continued to educate people about her son's murder. In 1992, <mask>-Mobley had the opportunity to listen while Bryant was interviewed about his involvement in <mask>'s murder. With Bryant unaware that <mask> was listening, he asserted that <mask> had ruined his life, expressed no remorse, and said: "<mask> <mask> is dead.I don't know why he can't just stay dead." In 1996, documentary filmmaker Keith Beauchamp, who was greatly moved by <mask>'s open-casket photograph, started background research for a feature film he planned to make about <mask>'s murder. He asserted that as many as 14 people may have been involved, including Carolyn Bryant Donham (who by this point had remarried). Mose Wright heard someone with "a lighter voice" affirm that <mask> was the one in his front yard immediately before Bryant and Milam drove away with the boy. Beauchamp spent the next nine years producing The Untold Story of <mask> <mask>, released in 2003. That same year, PBS aired an installment of American Experience titled The Murder of <mask> <mask>. In 2005, CBS journalist Ed Bradley aired a 60 Minutes report investigating the <mask> murder, part of which showed him tracking down Carolyn Bryant at her home in Greenville, Mississippi.A 1991 book written by Stephen J. Whitfield, another by Christopher Metress in 2002, and Mamie <mask>'s memoirs the next year all posed questions as to who was involved in the murder and cover-up. Federal authorities in the 21st century worked to resolve the questions about the identity of the body pulled from the Tallahatchie River. In 2004, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) announced that it was reopening the case to determine whether anyone other than Milam and Bryant was involved. David T. Beito, a professor at the University of Alabama, states that <mask>'s murder "has this mythic quality like the Kennedy assassination". The DOJ had undertaken to investigate numerous cold cases dating to the civil rights movement, in the hope of finding new evidence in other murders as well. The body was exhumed, and the Cook County coroner conducted an autopsy in 2005. Using DNA from <mask>'s relatives, dental comparisons to images taken of <mask>, and anthropological analysis, the exhumed body was positively identified as that of <mask>.It had extensive cranial damage, a broken left femur, and two broken wrists. Metallic fragments found in the skull were consistent with bullets being fired from a .45 caliber gun. In February 2007, a Leflore County grand jury, composed primarily of black jurors and empaneled by Joyce Chiles, a black prosecutor, found no credible basis for Beauchamp's claim that 14 people took part in <mask>'s abduction and murder. Beauchamp was angry with the finding. David Beito and Juan Williams, who worked on the reading materials for the Eyes on the Prize documentary, were critical of Beauchamp for trying to revise history and taking attention away from other cold cases. The grand jury failed to find sufficient cause for charges against Carolyn Bryant Donham. Neither the FBI nor the grand jury found any credible evidence that Henry Lee Loggins, identified by Beauchamp as a suspect who could be charged, had any role in the crime.Other than Loggins, Beauchamp refused to name any of the people he alleged were involved. Historical markers

The first highway marker remembering <mask> <mask>, erected in 2006, was defaced with "KKK", and then completely covered with black paint. In 2007, eight markers were erected at sites associated with <mask>'s lynching. The marker at the "River Spot" where <mask>'s body was found was torn down in 2008, presumably thrown in the river. A replacement sign received more than 100 bullet holes over the next few years. Another replacement was installed in June 2018, and in July it was vandalized by bullets. Three University of Mississippi students were suspended from their fraternity after posing in front of the bullet-riddled marker, with guns, and uploading the photo to Instagram.As stated by Jerry Mitchell, "It is not clear whether the fraternity students shot the sign or are simply posing before it." In 2019, a fourth sign was erected. It is made of steel, weighs , is over  thick, and is said by its manufacturer to be indestructible. Claim that Carolyn Bryant recanted her testimony
In 2017, author Timothy Tyson released details of a 2008 interview with Carolyn Bryant. He claimed that during the interview she had disclosed that she had fabricated parts of her testimony at the trial. Tyson said that during the interview, Bryant retracted her testimony that <mask> had grabbed her around her waist and uttered obscenities, saying "that part's not true". The jury did not hear Bryant's testimony at the trial as the judge had ruled it inadmissible, but the court spectators heard.The defense wanted Bryant's testimony as evidence for a possible appeal in case of a conviction. In the 2008 interview, the 72-year-old Bryant said she could not remember the rest of the events that occurred between her and <mask> in the grocery store. She also said: "nothing that boy did could ever justify what happened to him". Tyson said that Roy Bryant had been abusive toward Carolyn, and "it was clear she was frightened of her husband". Tyson believed Carolyn embellished her testimony under coercive circumstances. Bryant described Milam as "domineering and brutal and not a kind man". An editorial in The New York Times said, regarding Bryant's admission that portions of her testimony were false: "This admission is a reminder of how black lives were sacrificed to white lies in places like Mississippi.It also raises anew the question of why no one was brought to justice in the most notorious racially motivated murder of the 20th century, despite an extensive investigation by the F.B.I." The New York Times quoted Wheeler Parker, a cousin of <mask>'s, who said: "I was hoping that one day she [Bryant] would admit it, so it matters to me that she did, and it gives me some satisfaction. It's important to people understanding how the word of a white person against a black person was law, and a lot of black people lost their lives because of it. It really speaks to history, it shows what black people went through in those days." In a report to Congress in March 2018, the U.S. Department of Justice stated that it was reopening the investigation into <mask>'s death due to new information. However, the 'recanting' claim made by Tyson was not on his tape-recording of the interview. "It is true that

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 that part is not on tape because I was setting up the tape recorder" Tyson said.Donham's daughter-in-law, Marsha Bryant, who was present for the two interviews, said her mother-in-law "never recanted". The support Tyson provided to back up his claim, was a handwritten note that he said had been made at the time. In December 2021, the U.S. Justice Department announced that it had closed its investigation in the case. Influence on civil rights

<mask>'s case attracted widespread attention because of the brutality of the lynching, the victim's young age, and the acquittal of the two men who later admitted killing him. It became emblematic of the injustices suffered by blacks in the South. In 1955 The Chicago Defender urged its readers to react to the acquittal by voting in large numbers; this was to counter the disenfranchisement since 1890 of most blacks in Mississippi by the white-dominated legislature; other southern states followed this model, excluding hundreds of thousands of citizens from politics. Myrlie Evers, the widow of Medgar Evers, said in 1985 that <mask>'s case resonated so strongly because it "shook the foundations of Mississippi—both black and white, because ... with the white community ... it had become nationally publicized ... with us as blacks ... it said, even a child was not safe from racism and bigotry and death."The NAACP asked Mamie <mask> to tour the country relating the events of her son's life, death, and the trial of his murderers. It was one of the most successful fundraising campaigns the NAACP had ever conducted. Journalist Louis Lomax acknowledges <mask>'s death to be the start of what he terms the "Negro revolt", and scholar Clenora Hudson-Weems characterizes <mask> as a "sacrificial lamb" for civil rights. NAACP operative Amzie Moore considers <mask> the start of the Civil Rights Movement, at the very least, in Mississippi. The 1987 Eyes on the Prize, a 14-hour Emmy award-winning documentary, begins with the murder of <mask> <mask>. Accompanying written materials for the series, Eyes on the Prize and Voices of Freedom (for the second time period), exhaustively explore the major figures and events of the Civil Rights Movement. Stephen Whitaker states that, as a result of the attention <mask>'s death and the trial received,

In Montgomery, Rosa Parks attended a rally for <mask>, led by Martin Luther King Jr.Soon after, she refused to give up her seat on a segregated bus to a white passenger. The incident sparked a year-long well-organized grassroots boycott of the public bus system. The boycott was designed to force the city to change its segregation policies. Parks later said when she did not get up and move to the rear of the bus, "I thought of <mask> <mask> and I just couldn't go back." According to author Clayborne Carson, <mask>'s death and the widespread coverage of the students integrating Little Rock Central High School in 1957 were especially profound for younger blacks: "It was out of this festering discontent and an awareness of earlier isolated protests that the sit-ins of the 1960s were born." After seeing pictures of <mask>'s mutilated body, in Louisville, Kentucky, young Cassius Clay (later famed boxer Muhammad Ali) and a friend took out their frustration by vandalizing a local railyard, causing a locomotive engine to derail. In 1963, Sunflower County resident and sharecropper Fannie Lou Hamer was jailed and beaten for attempting to register to vote.The next year, she led a massive voter registration drive in the Delta region, and volunteers worked on Freedom Summer throughout the state. Before 1954, 265 black people were registered to vote in three Delta counties, where they were a majority of the population. At this time, blacks made up 41% of the total state population. The summer <mask> <mask> was killed, the number of registered voters in those three counties dropped to 90. By the end of 1955, fourteen Mississippi counties had no registered black voters. The Mississippi Freedom Summer of 1964 registered 63,000 black voters in a simplified process administered by the project; they formed their own political party because they were closed out of the Democratic Regulars in Mississippi. Legacy and honors

 A statue was unveiled in Denver in 1976 (and has since been moved to Pueblo, Colorado) featuring <mask> with Martin Luther King Jr.In 1984, a section of 71st Street in Chicago was named "<mask> <mask> Road" and in 2005, the 71st street bridge was named in his honor. In 1989, <mask> was included among the forty names of people who had died in the Civil Rights Movement; they are listed as martyrs on the granite sculpture of the Civil Rights Memorial in Montgomery, Alabama. A demonstration for <mask> was held in 2000 in Selma, Alabama, on the 35th anniversary of the march over the Edmund Pettus Bridge. His mother Mamie <mask> attended and later wrote in her memoirs: "I realized that <mask> had achieved the significant impact in death that he had been denied in life. Even so, I had never wanted <mask> to be a martyr. I only wanted him to be a good son. Although I realized all the great things that had been accomplished largely because of the sacrifices made by so many people, I found myself wishing that somehow we could have done it another way."In 2005, James McCosh Elementary School in Chicago, where <mask> Louis Till Math And Science Academy". In 2006 the "Emmett Till Memorial Highway" was dedicated between Greenwood and Tutwiler, Mississippi; this was the route his body was taken to the train station, to be returned to his mother for burial in Chicago. It intersects with the H. C. "Clarence" Strider Memorial Highway. In 2006 the Emmett Till Memorial Commission was established by the Tallahatchie Board of Supervisors
 In 2007, the Emmett Till Memorial Commission issued a formal apology to <mask>'s family at an event attended by 400 people. It reads
We the citizens of Tallahatchie County recognize that the <mask> <mask> case was a terrible miscarriage of justice. We state candidly and with deep regret the failure to effectively pursue justice. We wish to say to the family of <mask> <mask> that we are profoundly sorry for what was done in this community to your loved one.The same year, Georgia congressman John Lewis sponsored a bill to provide a plan for investigating and prosecuting unsolved (cold case) Civil Rights-era murders. The Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act was signed into law in 2008. In 2008 a memorial plaque that was erected in Tallahatchie County, next to the Tallahatchie River at Graball Landing where <mask>'s body was retrieved, was stolen, and never recovered. The plaque was a "frequent target for racist vandalism". The location is in a remote area and down a gravel road, meaning that vandals had to go out of the way to get to it. Its replacement was soon also shot up, as was the replacement sign after that. In October 2019, a new bulletproof sign costing over $10,000, and weighing over  was installed.In November 2019, a group of white supremacists was caught making a propaganda video in front of the sign raising new concerns that more vandalism is being planned. The group was carrying a white flag with a black St. Andrews cross, a flag commonly used by a racist Neo-Confederate group called the League of the South. The group quickly scattered when they set off alarms designed to protect the sign. The Tallahatchie County Courthouse in Sumner, site of the 1955 trial of <mask>'s killers, was restored and re-opened in 2012. The Emmett Till Interpretive Center opened across the street and is also serving as a community center. The Emmett <mask> Memorial Project is an associated website and smartphone app to commemorate <mask> <mask> archives. A 2018 film about the television series Star Trek: Deep Space Nine introduced a starship named after <mask>, the USS Emmett <mask>. In 2020, the National Trust for Historic Preservation named Roberts Temple Church of God in Christ, the site of <mask>'s funeral, as one of America's most endangered historic places. In 2022, the U.S. Senate voted to award <mask> <mask> and his mother, Mamie <mask>, the Congressional Gold Medal, forwarding the measure for concurrent action in the U.S. House of Representatives. Casket

During a renewed investigation of the crime in 2005, the Department of Justice exhumed <mask>'s remains to conduct an autopsy and DNA analysis which confirmed the identification of his body. As required by state reburial law, <mask> was reinterred in a new casket later that year.In 2009, his original glass-topped casket was found, rusting in a dilapidated storage shed at the cemetery. The casket was discolored and the interior fabric torn. It bore evidence that animals had been living in it, although its glass top was still intact. The Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, D.C. acquired the casket a month later. Representation in culture
Langston Hughes dedicated an untitled poem (eventually to be known as "Mississippi—1955") to <mask> in his October 1, 1955, column in The Chicago Defender. It was reprinted across the country and continued to be republished with various changes from different writers. Author William Faulkner, a prominent white Mississippi native who often focused on racial issues, wrote two essays on <mask>: one before the trial in which he pleaded for American unity and one after, a piece titled "On Fear" that was published in Harper's in 1956.In it he questioned why the tenets of segregation were based on irrational reasoning. <mask>'s murder was the focus of a 1957 television episode for the U.S. Steel Hour titled "Noon on Doomsday" written by Rod Serling. He was fascinated by how quickly Mississippi whites supported Bryant and Milam. Although the script was rewritten to avoid mention of <mask>, and did not say that the murder victim was black, White Citizens' Councils vowed to boycott U.S. Steel. The eventual episode bore little resemblance to the <mask> case. Gwendolyn Brooks wrote a poem titled "A Bronzeville Mother Loiters in Mississippi. Meanwhile, A Mississippi Mother Burns Bacon" (1960).The same year Harper Lee published To Kill a Mockingbird, in which a white attorney is committed to defending a black man named Tom Robinson, accused of raping a white woman. Lee, whose novel had a profound effect on civil rights, never commented on why she wrote about Robinson. Literature professor Patrick Chura noted several similarities between <mask>'s case and that of Robinson. Writer James Baldwin loosely based his 1964 drama Blues for Mister Charlie on the <mask> case. He later divulged that <mask>'s murder had been bothering him for several years. Anne Moody mentioned the <mask> case in her autobiography, Coming of Age in Mississippi, in which she states she first learned to hate during the fall of 1955. Audre Lorde's poem "Afterimages" (1981) focuses on the perspective of a black woman thinking of Carolyn Bryant 24 years after the murder and trial.Bebe Moore Campbell's 1992 novel Your Blues Ain't Like Mine centers on the events of <mask>'s death. Toni Morrison mentions <mask>'s death in the novel Song of Solomon (1977) and later wrote the play Dreaming Emmett (1986), which follows <mask>'s life and the aftermath of his death. The play is a feminist look at the roles of men and women in black society, which she was inspired to write while considering "time through the eyes of one person who could come back to life and seek vengeance". Emmylou Harris includes a song called "My Name is <mask> <mask>" on her 2011 album, Hard Bargain. According to scholar Christopher Metress, <mask> is often reconfigured in literature as a specter that haunts the white people of Mississippi, causing them to question their involvement in evil, or silence about injustice. The 2002 book Mississippi Trials, 1955 is a fictionalized account of <mask>'s death. The 2015 song by Janelle Monáe "Hell You Talmbout" invokes the names of African-American people – including <mask> <mask> – who died as a result of encounters with law enforcement or racial violence.In 2016 artist Dana Schutz painted Open Casket, a work based on photographs of <mask> in his coffin as well as on an account by <mask>'s mother of seeing him after his death. Documentaries
  The Murder and the Movement: The Story of the Murder of <mask> <mask> (1985) by Rich Samuel and produced by Anna Vasser (originally aired on WMAQ-TV in Chicago)
 The Murder of <mask> <mask> which aired during Season 15 of the TV series American Experience: website links to program transcript and additional materials for the PBS film
 The Untold Story of <mask> <mask> (2005) by Keith Beauchamp
 Eyes on the Prize:  Transcript of 2006 PBS documentary

Books, plays, and other works inspired by <mask>

This section includes creative works inspired by <mask>. For non-fiction books on <mask>, see Bibliography, below. Songs
 "The Death of Emmett <mask>", (1955) written by A. C. Bilbrew, recorded by The Ramparts with Scatman Crothers
 "The Ballad of Emmett <mask>" (1956), recorded by Red River Dave (David McEnery), in the TNT label's True Story Series
 "My Name is <mask> <mask>", (2013) from Hard Bargain, the twenty-sixth studio album by Emmylou Harris. "Too Many Martyrs" (1964) by Phil Ochs, mentions and eulogizes <mask>
"The Death of Emmett <mask>" (1962), also known as "The Ballad of Emmett <mask>", by Bob Dylan
 "Emmett's Ghost" written and recorded by American blues singer Eric Bibb. Other
 Poem: "Emmett Till" (1991) by James Emanuel
 Wolf Whistle (1993) by Lewis Nordan
 Juvenile fiction: Mississippi Trial, 1955 (2003) by Chris Crowe
 Drama: The State of Mississippi and the Face of Emmett Till (2005) by David Barr
 Poem: "A Wreath for <mask> Till" (2005) by Marilyn Nelson
 The Sacred Place (2007) by Daniel Black
 Musical: The Ballad of Emmett Till (2008) by Ifa Bayeza
 Drama: Anne and <mask> (2009) by Janet Langhart. An imaginary conversation between Till and Anne Frank, both killed as young teenagers because of racial persecution, the play features recorded narration by Morgan Freeman.Gathering of Waters (2012) by Bernice L. McFadden
 Painting: <mask> <mask>: How She Sent Him and How She Got Him Back (2012) by Lisa Whittington, on display at the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum
 Film: Ava DuVernay was commissioned by the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture to create a film which debuted at the museum's opening on September 24, 2016. This film, August 28: A Day in the Life of a People (2016), tells of six significant events in African-American history that happened on the same date, August 28. Events depicted include (among others) <mask>'s lynching. Film: My Nephew Emmett dramatizes <mask>'s uncle Mose Wright waiting for <mask>'s killers. The film was nominated for the Oscar for best live action short, 2018. Television series: HBO's science-fiction horror series Lovecraft Country features a version of <mask>, portrayed by Rhyan Hill, as a recurring character who appears in 2 episodes. The episode "Jig-A-Bobo" recreates <mask>'s funeral in Chicago.Gallery

See also

 1920 Duluth lynchings
 Isaac Woodard
 Louis Allen
 Ossian Sweet
 Scottsboro Boys

Notes

References

Bibliography

 Federal Bureau of Investigation (February 9, 2006). Prosecutive Report of Investigation Concerning (<mask> <mask>) Part 1 & Part 2 (PDF). Retrieved October 2011. Further reading

 The original 1955 Jet magazine with <mask> <mask>'s murder story pp. 6–9, and <mask> <mask>'s Legacy 50 Years Later" in Jet, 2005. NPR pieces on the <mask> <mask> murder
 Devery S. Anderson, "A Wallet, a White Woman, and a Whistle: Fact and Fiction in <mask> <mask>'s Encounter in Money, Mississippi" (PDF) The Southern Quarterly (July 2008)
 Booknotes interview with Christopher Benson on Death of Innocence: The Story of the Hate Crime That Changed America, April 25, 2004. Testimony of Carolyn Bryant at trial of Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam

External links

Emmett Till Archives Florida State University
Documents regarding the Emmett <mask> Case Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
Video interview with Mamie <mask> <mask> <mask>'s mother
"Emmett <mask> Murder", Civil Rights Digital Library.Treading the Tightrope of Jim Crow: <mask> <mask>. The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. 2006 FBI investigation and transcript of 1955 trial (464 pages)
Emmett Till Interpretative Center
Emmett Till Historic Intrepid Center
Mamie Till Mobley Memorial Foundation

1941 births
1955 deaths
1955 murders in the United States
African-American history of Mississippi
Burials in Illinois
Deaths by beating in the United States
Deaths by firearm in Mississippi
History of African-American civil rights
Incidents of violence against boys
Lynching deaths in Mississippi
Male murder victims
Murdered African-American people
Murdered American children
People from Summit, Illinois
People murdered in Mississippi
Racially motivated violence against African Americans
Tallahatchie County, Mississippi

Burials at Burr Oak

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Louis Till
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Till Mobley
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