title: Kennedy Stewart (Canadian politician)

texts:
 court order requiring those demonstrating to stay five metres back from company work sites, when they allegedly blocked the roadway. On April 9, 2018, Justice Kenneth Affleck of the British Columbia Supreme Court recommended that <mask> and the others arrested should be charged with criminal contempt in relation to the alleged incident. On April 16, 2018, it was reported that special prosecutors would be overseeing the charges against <mask> and May. On May 14, 2018, <mask> pleaded guilty to criminal contempt of court for his actions during the protest and was fined $500.As criminal contempt is a common law—not a Criminal Code—offence, <mask> does not have a criminal record. Vancouver municipal politics
<mask> announced on May 10, 2018, that he will be resigning from Parliament in order to run to be the mayor of Vancouver in the 2018 Vancouver municipal election. His resignation was effective September 14, 2018 (the last day he can file his paperwork to officially enter the mayoral race). Until his resignation became official on September 14, <mask> told CBC News he intended to continue to campaign for mayor and collect his MP salary, saying that there was "overlap" between both roles. On May 24, 2018, <mask> announced, if elected mayor, he would create a lobbyist registry and new conflict-of-interest rules for City Hall. <mask> won the mayoral election, with a margin of fewer than 1000 votes separating him from NPA candidate Ken Sim. <mask> is the first mayor of Vancouver to be unaffiliated with a municipal political party in over 30 years.Mayoral term

Housing
During the 2018 campaign, <mask> promised to address the housing crisis by approving the construction of more rental homes, co-ops, and market housing aimed at middle-income workers and families. He also promised to renew city-held leases to protect the city's current 6000 cooperative housing units. Since becoming mayor, <mask> has supported the Moderate Income Rental Housing Pilot Project (MIRHPP), which allows developers of secured market rental housing to add more units to their developments than the current zoning would allow as long as 20 percent of the units are

masks: Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart Stewart


title: Kennedy Stewart (Canadian politician)

type: original

texts:
 permanently reserved for moderate income households. In August 2019, the federal Minister of Families, Children and Social Development, Jean-Yves Duclos, and <mask> announced a partnership where the federal government would provide $184million in low-interest loans and grants to fund the construction of 1,100 units of affordable housing on City-owned land. In November 2019, <mask>along with Vancouver City Councilvoted to increase the Empty Homes Tax rate from 1% to 1.25% for the 2020 fiscal year and approved future increases in 0.25% increments in 2021 and 2022. Opioid crisis
As promised during the 2018 campaign, <mask> created a Mayor’s Overdose Emergency Task Force to address the opioid crisis in Vancouver. The task force produced 31 recommendations, which were unanimously approved by Council for implementation in December 2018.An additional eight recommendations were unanimously approved in July 2019, as well as a Safe Supply Statement advocating for a regulated, safe supply of drugs to prevent deaths from drug poisoning. Transportation
During the 2018 campaign, <mask> expressed his support for extending the planned Broadway extension of the SkyTrain's Millennium Line to Arbutus all the way to the University of British Columbia (UBC). He said that 2020 is a "critical year" to secure federal and provincial funding for the project and, on January 29, 2020, signed a memorandum of understanding with the Musqueam Indian Band, the Squamish Nation, the Tsleil-Waututh Nation and UBC, agreeing to work with the other signatories to seek funding to build SkyTrain to UBC. Re-election announcement
In November 2019, <mask> announced that he plans to run for re-election in the 2022 municipal elections. Electoral record

References

External links

<mask> - NDP Website
<mask> - Mayoral Campaign Website

1966 births
Alumni of the London School of Economics
Living people
Members of the House of Commons of Canada from British Columbia
New Democratic Party MPs
People from Halifax, Nova Scotia
Simon Fraser University alumni
People from Burnaby
Simon Fraser University faculty
Acadia University alumni
21st-century Canadian politicians
Mayors of

masks:
Stewart
Stewart
Stewart
Stewart
Stewart
Kennedy Stewart
Kennedy Stewart


title: Nathaniel Gist

texts:
<mask> (15 October 1733 – 1812) was born in Maryland and fought during the French and Indian War and the American Revolutionary War. He was reputed to be the father of Sequoyah the famous Cherokee by Wurteh Watts. Like his father <mask> (1706–1759), he served in Braddock's Expedition in 1755 and the Forbes Expedition in 1758. The outbreak of the American Revolution found him on the frontier. At first suspected of sympathizing with the British, he convinced the Americans of his loyalty. George Washington, a close friend of his father, authorized him to form <mask>'s Additional Continental Regiment in January 1777. <mask> probably participated in Light Horse Harry Lee's Paulus Hook Raid in 1779.He and his regiment were captured at the Siege of Charleston in May 1780. After the war, he took an American wife Judith Cary Bell (1750–1833) and the couple had four daughters, one of whom married Francis P. Blair. He is variously said to have died in 1796, 1812, or at the end of the War of 1812. He is confused with his uncle <mask> (1707–1780). He was a first cousin of Mordecai <mask>. French and Indian War
Born on 15 October 1733 in Baltimore, Province of Maryland, <mask>'s parents were <mask> (1706–1759) and Sarah Howard (b. 1711).The surname was sometimes rendered Guest. In 1753 his father made a remarkable trek through the wilderness with George Washington. By this time the 20-year-old <mask> was a trader living with the Overhill Cherokee near Echota. He and a partner Richard Pearis sold his father's goods to the Native Americans. Both men coveted the land at Long Island in the Holston River (now Kingsport, Tennessee) and soon fell out.

masks:
Nathaniel Gist
Christopher Gist
Gist
Gist
Nathaniel Gist
Gist
Gist
Christopher Gist
Nathaniel Gist


title: Nathaniel Gist

texts:
 Governor Robert Dinwiddie blamed the quarrel for the failure of the Cherokees to aid the British against the French. In 1755 <mask> accompanied Braddock's Expedition in 1755, serving as a lieutenant in his father's ranger company in Washington's colonial regiment.He continued his military service in 1756, protecting the frontier against raids by pro-French Indians. In 1757, <mask> received promotion to captain and was given responsibility for 200 Cherokees living in Virginia. He was credited with leading these native peoples as an auxiliary force during the successful Forbes Expedition of 1758. In 1760, <mask> accompanied Daniel Boone and other hunters on a trek to Abingdon, Virginia, then called Wolf Hill. The two then split up, with Boone going on to Long Island and <mask> traveling to Cumberland Gap. He was said to have sired Sequoyah in 1760 or 1761, but this is unlikely because the Anglo-Cherokee War was raging and <mask> was serving in Adam Stephen's colonial Virginia regiment against the Cherokees. This unit advanced as far as Long Island before peace was made between the two sides.American Revolutionary War

Samuel C. Williams believed that <mask> fathered Sequoyah around 1775 by his mother Wurteh Watts. Of a prominent clan, she was related to Old Tassel. Williams dismissed the story that Sequoyah's father was an itinerant German peddler by the name of Guess. He noted that Sequoyah went by George Guess, Guest, and <mask>, and that he finished the Cherokee alphabet in 1821 when he was about 40. This was much too young for a man born in 1761. Williams noted that a letter showed that in 1828, Sequoyah visited Gist relatives in

masks: Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist


title: Nathaniel Gist

texts: Kentucky and was acknowledged as a family member. The year 1775 found <mask> living with the Overhill Cherokees.After a trip to West Florida, he returned to Cherokee country with Henry Stuart, the brother of John Stuart, the British agent to the southern tribes. At this time, the Stuarts and another agent Alexander Cameron were trying to get the white settlers on the Nolichucky and Watauga Rivers to move to West Florida. When the American Revolution broke out, the British agents desired to separate the American loyalist settlers from the rebels, so that the Indians could attack the rebels. They apparently hoped to enlist <mask> in the effort. Jarret Williams, a settler got back to Virginia with the news that <mask> was working with the British. In fact, <mask> was in the pay of Cameron at the time. For his part, <mask> warned the Cherokees not to start a war, but they began attacking the settlements anyway.In 1776, Virginia sent an expedition under William Christian against the Cherokees. He was enjoined to capture the Stuarts, Cameron, and <mask> as enemies. When the column reached the French Broad River, <mask> came into the Virginian camp under a flag of truce. On 15 October 1776, Christian reported to Governor Patrick Henry that some of the Virginia troops recalled <mask>'s exploits on the frontier in a good light, while most of the soldiers wanted to lynch him as a British spy. Christian thought <mask> was remorseful for becoming involved with the British agents, but did not entirely trust him. Nevertheless, he kept him from harm and <mask> later regained his popularity. <mask> maintained that it was impossible for him to escape

masks: Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist Gist


title: Nathaniel Gist

texts: so he appeared to go along with the enemy purpose, a story that was accepted by Governor Henry and the Virginia council in December.Washington appointed <mask> colonel in command of <mask>'s Additional Continental Regiment on 11 January 1777. The regiment was intended to be a light infantry unit. Four companies of southern frontier rangers would be enrolled. In addition, <mask> was to recruit 500 natives from the Cherokee and other tribes to serve as scouts. Aside from the military purpose, it was believed that enlisting the braves would bind the tribes in an alliance with the American cause. Only three companies were formed from Virginians and Marylanders. The regiment did not fight as a whole.Instead, the companies of Captains <mask> and Joseph Smith were attached to the 3rd Maryland Regiment while the company of Captain Samuel Lapsley served with the 12th Virginia Regiment. The three companies that comprised the regiment fought with the main army in the Philadelphia Campaign in the summer and fall of 1777 and at the Battle of Monmouth in June 1778. On 22 April 1779, Gist's Regiment absorbed Grayson's Additional Continental Regiment and Thruston's Additional Continental Regiment. The consolidated regiment reformed in the strength of eight companies. The unit was assigned to the 1st Virginia Brigade on 12 May. <mask> preferred charges against Light Horse Harry Lee after the latter's capture of British prisoners at the Battle of Paulus Hook on 19 August 1779. Brigadier General George Weedon, who evidently disagreed with the charges, called <mask> "the head of the Wrongheads".On 4 December, the regiment was ordered to march to

masks:
Gist
Gist
Gist
John Gist
Gist
Gist


title: Nathaniel Gist

texts:
 Charleston, South Carolina. On 6 April 1780, William Woodford's contingent of 750 Virginia Continentals arrived, having marched . <mask> and his regiment were captured on 12 May 1780 at the Siege of Charleston. He retired from the army on 1 January 1783. <mask> received 7,000 acres in Kentucky for his services in the war. He moved there in 1793 and built an estate called Canewood. At that time he was described as six feet tall and "stout-framed", with a dark complexion.Williams believed that he died around the end of the War of 1812. Historian Francis B. Heitman asserted that <mask> died in 1796. Family
<mask> had two brothers, <mask>, who was born on 2 September 1729 and died at the Battle of King's Mountain in 1780, and <mask>, who moved to Kentucky after the American Revolutionary War. Heitman states that it was <mask> Jr., an ensign in his father's regiment, who died at King's Mountain. His father had two brothers. <mask> is sometimes confused with his uncle <mask>. In 1783, <mask> married Judith Cary Bell and the couple had four daughters, Eliza Violet, Sarah Howard, Anne Cary, and Maria.Eliza married Francis Preston Blair and was the mother of Montgomery Blair who served in Abraham Lincoln's cabinet and Francis Preston Blair Jr. a Union general and US Senator. Sarah married Jesse Bledsoe who became a US Senator, Anne wed Dr. Joseph Boswell, and Maria married Benjamin Gratz. The noted Maryland officer Mordecai <mask> was his first cousin. Notes
Footnotes

Citations

References

1733 births
1812 deaths
Continental Army officers from Virginia
Virginia colonial people
Colonial American Indian agents
People of Maryland in the

masks:
Gist
Gist
Gist
Nathaniel
Richard Gist
Thomas Gist
Nathaniel Gist
Nathaniel
Nathaniel
Gist
Gist


title: James Currie (physician)

texts:
<mask> FRS (31 May 1756 in Dumfriesshire, Scotland – 31 August 1805 in Sidmouth) was a Scottish physician, best known for his anthology and biography of Robert Burns and his medical reports on the use of water in the treatment of fever. A watercolour portrait by Horace Hone (1756–1825) is in the National Galleries of Scotland. His early attempt to set up a merchanting business in Virginia was a failure and he returned to Scotland. After qualifying as a medical doctor he established a successful practice in Liverpool, England and after a few years was able to purchase a small estate in Dumfriesshire. He became a Fellow of the London Medical Society and was a founder member of the Liverpool Literary Society. He was an early advocate of the abolition of slavery and wrote several political letters and pamphlets, including one to William Pitt, which made him a number of enemies. Throughout his life he was dogged by illness and in 1804 he became seriously unwell.In an effort to find a cure, he relinquished his Liverpool practice and went to Bath, Clifton and finally Sidmouth, where he died on 31 August 1805 at age 49. Family and education
He was born in Kirkpatrick-Fleming, in Annandale, Dumfriesshire, a son of the minister, the Reverend <mask>, and Jane, the only daughter of Robert Boyd, of Dumfries. The <mask>s were an old Scottish family, descended from the <mask>s of Dunse, Berwickshire, and originally from the Corrie family of Annandale. <mask>'s first school was in the nearby parish of Middlebie, in Annandale, where his father had become Minister, and from age 13 he attended the grammar school in Dumfries, run by Dr George Chapman.

masks:
James Currie
James Currie
Currie
Currie
James


title: James Currie (physician)

texts:
 After a period in America, described below, he returned in 1776 to Scotland to study medicine at Edinburgh. During his first year at university he contracted rheumatic fever, a disease which recurred periodically throughout his life. He obtained his degree of M.D.in Glasgow and in 1780 settled in Liverpool, where he was appointed as one of the physicians at the infirmary. He married Lucy Wallace in 1783, with whom he had five children. Her father was a prosperous merchant, a descendant of William Wallace, nicknamed The Hero of Scotland by Sir Walter Scott. Virginia
Attracted by the stories of prosperity in America he went in 1771 to Virginia, at that time a British colony, settling as a merchant on the James River, where he spent five hard years, much of the time ill and always in unprofitable commercial business. Trade between Britain and America suffered as a result of the dissension between the two countries and he turned his attention to politics. Under the misleading pseudonym 'An Old Man' he published a series of articles in defence of the right of the mother country to tax her colonies. He was an outspoken man, and his views were unlikely to have enhanced his business prospects.The outbreak of the American Revolution ended any further chance of success and he sailed for home in the spring of 1776. The ship was captured by the revolutionary army. He was made to serve in the Colonial Army, but bought his freedom and made a second attempt to sail to England. He was captured again and this time he had to sail 150 miles in an open boat to gain his freedom. He reached Deptford, England, on 2 May 1777. Medical publications
Dr <mask>


title: James Currie (physician)

texts:
 used cold water treatments in the successful treatment of a contagious fever in Liverpool "and in 1797 made public his views and experiences, with a list of cures effected by his measures". This pamphlet, Medical Reports on the Effects of Water, Cold and Warm, as a Remedy in Fevers and Other Diseases (1797), had some influence in promoting the use of cold water affusion, and contains the first systematic record in English of clinical observations with the thermometer.A fourth edition was published in July 1805, the month before his death. In the 1840s, there was a strong revival of interest in cold water cures, or hydropathy, following the promotion of Vincent Priessnitz's methods by Captain R. T. Claridge and others. Yet while acknowledging the contributions of <mask>'s predecessors, such as John Floyer, Claridge noted that "After all, the merit of settling the use of cold water on just a principle, belongs incontestably to our own countryman, <mask>, whose work, published in 1797, upon the efficacy of water, may be considered the scientific base of Hydropathy". Anthology of Robert Burns
<mask> was an admirer of Burns's poetry and met him once in Dumfries. One of his wife Lucy's relatives, Mrs Dunlop, was a close friend of the poet. Burns visited Mrs Dunlop at her home on five occasions and over a period of ten years they exchanged a great number of letters, 186 of which survive to this day. After Burns's death, <mask> was entrusted with the publication of an authoritative anthology.Although inexperienced in such a task, he had many advantages, including access through Mrs Dunlop to original manuscripts of poems and letters and help

masks: Currie Currie Currie Currie


title: James Currie (physician)

texts:
 from Gilbert Burns, Robert's brother, and several of Burns's friends. When The Complete Poetical Works of Robert Burns: With Explanatory and Glossarial Notes; And a Life of the Author was published in four volumes in 1800, it met with immediate success and second, third and fourth editions were published in 1801–3. In addition to containing revised versions of Burns' songs such as "The Battle of Sherramuir", it also contained an introductory criticism and an essay on the character and condition of the Scottish peasantry. The work remains an authoritative source, but not without criticism. It is claimed that <mask> exaggerated Burns's fondness for drink and that he deliberately misdated some of Burns's letters to Mrs Dunlop. An eighth edition, published in 1820, included an additional section Some Further Particulars of the Author's Life by Gilbert Burns. However, the publishers advised Gilbert not to impugn <mask>'s accuracy and the legend that Burns was an incurable alcoholic remained unchallenged.References

See also

List of abolitionist forerunners

1756 births
1805 deaths
People from Dumfries and Galloway
Alumni of the University of Edinburgh
Scottish book editors
18th-century Scottish medical doctors
Fellows of the Royal

masks: Currie Currie


title: Reed Brody

texts:
<mask> is an American human rights lawyer. He specializes in helping victims pursue abusive leaders for atrocities, and has gained fame as the "Dictator Hunter". He worked as counsel for the victims in the case of the exiled former dictator of Chad, Hissène Habré – who was convicted of crimes against humanity in Senegal - and has worked with the victims of Augusto Pinochet and Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier. He currently works with victims of the former dictator of Gambia, Yahya Jammeh. Early life and education

<mask> was born in Brooklyn, New York, in 1953. His father, <mask>, a Hungarian Jew, spent three years in German labor camps before emigrating to the United States and teaching at Fairleigh Dickinson University. His mother, Francesca Cash, was an arts teacher at a Brooklyn inner-city school.<mask> went to Stuyvesant High School in New York and received his Bachelor of Arts in Political Science from Fairleigh Dickinson University where he was Student Government President and a leader in the anti-Vietnam War movement. He earned his law degree from Columbia University School of Law, where he was a Harlan Fiske Stone Scholar. While a law student, <mask> worked a year in Paris as a teaching assistant at the Université de Paris (Panthéon-Sorbonne). <mask> holds an honorary doctorate from Fairleigh Dickinson University and was awarded a Public Interest Achievement Award by Columbia University Law School. Career

After law school, <mask> worked as New York State Assistant Attorney General from 1980 to 1984 where he authored consumer protection laws and advocated on behalf of consumers and workers in class action-type suits against large corporations and financial institutions. He was called "the leading expert in the country on career-counseling malpractices.”

<mask> left his position as Assistant Attorney General to research and uncover a pattern of atrocities against Nicaraguan civilians by US-funded "contras". His report,

masks:
Reed Brody
Brody
Ervin Brody
Brody
Brody
Brody
Brody
Brody


title: Reed Brody

texts: Contra Terror in Nicaragua received national front-page coverage and led to U.S. Congressional hearings and a temporary halt to contra funding.<mask> conducted a speaking tour of over 60 U.S. cities and appeared as co-counsel with the Center for Constitutional Rights in litigation in U.S. federal court to stop U.S. aid to contras. His report was also introduced into evidence in the case Nicaragua v. United States at the International Court of Justice in The Hague. He was attacked by United States President Ronald Reagan, who called him a Sandinista "sympathizer". From 1987 until 1991, <mask> worked for the International Commission of Jurists in Geneva, as the Director of its Centre for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers (CIJL), where he organized campaigns on behalf of harassed and/or detained jurists and engaged in high-level regional and national seminars on the independence of numerous judiciary systems around the world. Together with P. N. Bhagwati, former Chief Justice of India, he assisted the government of Mongolia on behalf of the United Nations in preparing its 1991 constitution. In 1992, <mask> became Executive Director of the International Human Rights Law Group (now Global Rights), where he served until 1994 placing activists in-country to train and empower locally based rights advocates in a dozen countries, and in 1993, he was spokesman for the more than 3,000 NGO representatives at the UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna. <mask> then served as Director of the Human Rights Division of the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) from 1994 until 1995, where he led a staff of human rights officers and police observers responsible for verifying respect for human rights, monitoring compliance with peace accords, and coordinating international support to El Salvador’s judiciary and Human Rights Ombudsman.He was also a member of the UN Preliminary Mission to establish a human rights

masks: Brody Brody Brody Brody


title: Reed Brody

texts:
 verification mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA) in 1994. In 1995, <mask> helped found the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Haiti to prosecute human rights crimes committed during de facto military rule. The investigations he began led to the convictions of 57 military and paramilitary officers for the "Raboteau Massacre," the most significant rights prosecution in Haitian history. From 1995 to 1997 he worked as a free-lance activist. He served as media liaison for the exiled Tibetan Women's Delegation at the 1995 UN Women’s Conference in Beijing. In 1995, he was expelled from occupied East Timor by Indonesian authorities. He led an Amnesty International fact-finding mission to Sierra Leone (1996).As former Executive Secretary, he was a coordinator of the International Commission of Jurists' report Tibet: Human Rights and the Rule of Law, published in 1997. He was a member of the U.S. National Criminal Justice Commission, which produced The Real War on Crime, published in 1996. In 1997, <mask> was Deputy Director of the United Nations Secretary General’s Investigative Team in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, charged with probing atrocities committed by troops loyal to Laurent Kabila. Human Rights Watch

<mask> was with Human Rights Watch from 1998 to 2016 and was an integral part of the organization’s efforts to hold perpetrators of large-scale human rights violations accountable for their crimes. Most notably, <mask> directed Human Rights Watch’s participation in the landmark case of former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet before the British House of Lords, a seminal case that many say marked the beginning of the end of impunity for powerful former heads of state. <mask> credits the Pinochet case as the defining moment in pushing him to pursue similar cases that would serve as a "wake-up call" to tyrants and a “spark of hope for victims.” In the wake of the Pinochet case, <mask> began pursuing other former exiled leaders

masks: Brody Brody Brody Brody Brody Brody


title: Reed Brody

texts: including Hissène Habré of Chad, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, Jean-Claude Duvalier and Raul Cédras of Haiti, and Idi Amin of Uganda. He wrote the Human Rights Watch booklet The Pinochet Precedent: How Victims can Pursue Human Rights Criminals Abroad.<mask> was an observer at the 2012 trial of Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón. Judge Garzón is best known for using the doctrine of universal jurisdiction to investigate war crimes and torture across national lines, most notably ordering the arrest of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet and seeking to indict members of the Bush administration for their role in torturing prisoners. On 9 February 2012, the Supreme Court of Spain convicted Judge Garzón of illegally wiretapping conversations to discover evidence of illicit money laundering tactics being used by suspects and their lawyers. In April 2010, <mask> spoke at a rally of over 60,000 in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol, noting the irony that Judge Garzón was prosecuted for attempting to apply the very principles that he had successfully promoted internationally. <mask> expressed disbelief that Judge Garzón was the first judge in Spain to be put on trial for ordering wiretaps. In 2010, he assisted the Haitian government in building the case against former dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, and he co-authored the HRW report Haiti’s Rendezvous with History: The Case of Jean-Claude Duvalier.<ref>Human Rights Watch Report, Haiti’s Rendezvous with History: The Case of Jean-Claude Duvalier, April 2011. (pdf)</ref> He is featured in a video on the case produced by Human Rights Watch.He is author of the July 2011 HRW report Getting Away with Torture which examined the impunity of former US President George W. Bush and other top officials for the widespread mistreatment of Muslim prisoners, and of the book Faut-il Juger George Bush? based on the report. His other reports on counter-terrorism issues include The Road to Abu Ghraib (June 2004),

masks: Brody Brody Brody


title: Reed Brody

texts:
 which investigated the roots of the prisoner abuse scandal and The United States’ 'Disappeared' (October 2004), which looked at the long-term incommunicado detention of al-Qaeda leaders in "secret locations". Hissène Habré case

<mask> has worked since 1999 with the victims of the former dictator of Chad, Hissène Habré to bring Habré and his accomplices to justice. Habré is accused of thousands of political killings and systematic torture when he ruled Chad from 1982 to 1990 and has been living in exile in Senegal ever since. After what the Toronto Globe and Mail called “one of the world’s most patient and tenacious campaigns for justice" waged by the victims with <mask>’s support, Habré’s trial by a special court in Senegal finally began on July 20, 2015 and ended on February 11, 2016. On May 30, 2016, the court convicted Habré for crimes against humanity, including torture, rape and sexual slavery, and sentenced him to life imprisonment.It was the first time ever that a head of state had been prosecuted in the courts of another country. The New York Times, among others, hailed the case as “a Milestone for justice in Africa.” On April 27, 2017, an appeals court confirmed the verdict and ordered Habré to pay approximately 123 million euros in victim compensation. Also as a result of the victims’ campaign, on March 25, 2015, a Chadian criminal court convicted 20 Habré-era security agents on charges of murder, torture, kidnapping and arbitrary detention. Current Work

While away from Human Rights Watch in 2016-2017, <mask> was active in human rights causes in the United States. In October 2016, he represented the journalist Amy Goodman, host of the television and radio show Democracy Now!, who was charged with criminal offenses for her reporting on an attack against Native American-led anti-pipeline protesters at Standing Rock, North Dakota. The charges were dropped

In January 2017, <mask> was elected to the International


title: Reed Brody

texts:
 Commission of Jurists. In 2017, he returned to Human Rights Watch to work with victims of the former dictator of Gambia Yahya Jammeh who is now in exile in Equatorial Guinea.<mask> organized a meeting between the victims of Hissène Habré and the victims of Yahya Jammeh and helped launch the “Campaign to Bring Yahya Jammeh and his Accomplices to Justice”- (“#Jammeh2Justice"). In May 2018, he spearheaded an investigation which revealed that 56 West African migrants, mostly from Ghana, had been killed by a death squad taking orders from Jammeh. His June 2019 investigation uncovered the cases of three women who accused Jammeh of rape and sexual abuse. He also helped initiate a criminal case in Argentina against Saudi Arabia’s visiting Crown Prince Mouhamed bin Salman. Publications and academia

<mask> has authored several books, including, Faut-il Juger George Bush?, The Pinochet Papers: The Case of Augusto Pinochet in Britain and Spain, Tibet: Human Rights and the Rule of Law, and Contra Terror in Nicaragua. His articles have appeared in the International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, Boston Globe, Le Monde, Le Soir, and El País. <mask> has taught law at Columbia University Law School and American University’s Washington College of Law and been a guest lecturer at the law schools of Cornell, Georgetown, Harvard, NYU, Wisconsin and Yale.Appearances in films and media

<mask>’s work has been featured in documentaries including “The trial of Hissène Habré, an inconvenient ally” (Al-Jazeera/France24, 2016), Le Chasseur de Dictateurs  (France 2, Complément d'enquête, 2011), Le Chasseur de Dictateurs: Jean-Claude Duvalier (Radio Canada TV, 2011), Hissène Habré: La Traque d’un Dictateur (Canal+, France, 2009), and The Dictator Hunter (directed by Klaartje Quirijns, 2007). <mask> has also appeared as an actor in the feature films of his life partner Isabel Coixet, notably “Endless Night” (2015). References

1953 births
Human Rights

masks: Brody Brody Brody Brody Brody


title: Mou Zongsan

texts:
<mask> (; 1909–1995) was a Chinese philosopher and translator. He was born in Shandong province and graduated from Peking University. In 1949 he moved to Taiwan and later to Hong Kong, and he remained outside of mainland China for the rest of his life. His thought was heavily influenced by Immanuel Kant, whose three Critiques he translated from English, possibly first, into Chinese, and above all by Tiantai Buddhist philosophy. Over the last 40 years of his life, <mask> wrote histories of "Neo-Daoist," Confucian, and Buddhist philosophy (totaling six volumes) a group of constructive philosophic treatises, culminating in his 1985 work, On the Summum Bonum (), in which he attempts to rectify the problems in Kant's system through a Confucian-based philosophy reworked with a set of concepts appropriated from Tiantai Buddhism. In the People's Republic of China, <mask> is especially famous for his cultural traditionalism and his defense of democracy as a traditional Chinese value. Biography
<mask> was born into the family of an innkeeper in Qixia, Shandong.He went to Peking University for college prep (1927) and undergraduate courses (1929). During that time he became a follower of Xiong Shili, author of the New Treatise on Consciousness-only and soon to be the most eminent philosopher in China until supplanted by <mask> himself. After graduating in 1933, <mask> moved around the country working as a secondary school teacher and a faculty member at

masks:
Mou Zongsan
Mou
Mou
Mou Zongsan
Mou
Mou


title: Mou Zongsan

texts:
 different universities. In 1949 he followed the Nationalist government to Taiwan. His student at Tunghai University was Tu Weiming. In 1960 he moved to Hong Kong and eventually took up a post at New Asia College in Hong Kong (now part of the Chinese University of Hong Kong) and helped found New Asia Middle School. During the last two decades of his life <mask> was something of an intellectual celebrity.He lectured frequently on Confucian, Buddhist, Daoist, and Kantian philosophy at Hong Kong University, National Taiwan Normal University, and National Taiwan University. He died in Taipei in 1995, leaving dozens of disciples in top academic jobs in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Works
<mask>'s complete works contains more than 30 volumes written over about 60 years. In religious studies and philosophy programs, attention is paid mostly to his production in his last 30 years. These can be divided into histories of Chinese philosophy and philosophic treatises. Histories of philosophy
Physical Nature and Speculative Reason 才性與玄理 (1963). This is <mask>'s main treatise on "Neo-Daoism" or xuanxue 玄學.It is an analysis of intellectual developments of the Wei-Jin dynasties (220-420 AD), said to set the agenda for much of later Chinese philosophy and anticipate the developments in Buddhist philosophy later understood by <mask> as a pattern underlying the main line of Song-Ming Confucianism. Substance of Mind and Substance of Human Nature 心體與性體 (1968–1969). This is

masks: Mou Mou Mou Mou


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 probably the most studied of <mask>'s books, and by far the most famous in the West. It is a three volume history of Confucianism in the Song (960-1279) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties, often called "Neo-Confucianism" in the West. It challenges usual two-part division of Neo-Confucian thought into a "school of principle" (lixue 理學), the Cheng-Zhu school represented by Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, and Zhu Xi, and a "school of mind" (xinxue 心學) or Lu-Wang school represented by Lu Xiangshan and Wang Yangming. Mou identifies a third lineage, whose main figures are Hu Hong (Hu Wufeng) and Liu Zongzhou (Liu Jishan), which best conveys the basic message of the classical sage Mencius. <mask>'s later book From Lu Xiangshan to Liu Jishan () (1979) is treated as the fourth volume of this book.Buddha-Nature and Prajna 佛性與般若 (1977). This is <mask>'s main examination of Buddhist philosophy, written in two volumes. It upends usual Chinese recognition of Huayan school as most well-developed form of Buddhism and puts the Tiantai school in first place. <mask> credits Tiantai with having the best concepts for understanding the authoritative Hong-Liu line of Confucianism. Philosophical treatises
Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy 智的直覺與中國哲學 (1971). In this treatise, Mou applies the Kantian idea of 'intellectual intuition' to Chinese philosophy, which he believes affirms the idea that human beings can have such awareness. He expresses strong interest in the


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 utility of Buddhist philosophy for Confucian purposes.This book is often thought of as an early version of Phenomenon and Thing-in-Itself. Phenomenon and Thing-in-Itself 現象與物自身 (1975). This develops <mask>'s famous doctrine of "two-level ontology," patterned off of Kantian and Buddhist metaphysics. Treatise on Summum Bonum () (1985). This is <mask>'s last major work. <mask> did not intend it as his final book, but scholars generally treat it as the definitive summary of his thinking. It attempts to use Tiantai ontological concepts as inspiration to find Confucian solution to Kant's problem of the highest good or summum bonum.It includes a chapter with <mask> and a more complete evaluation of the place of Daoist and Buddhist philosophy for the modern Confucian. Philosophical work

<mask> and Kant

Following his teacher Xiong Shili, <mask> <mask> sought to articulate and justify a moral metaphysics. A moral metaphysics asserts the interconnectedness of ontology and morality, implying the moral value of all objects including the self. <mask>'s philosophy attempts to demonstrate the limits of Kant, suggesting instead the ways in which Chinese thought may surpass Kantian morality. Several of <mask>'s titles directly reveal his engagement with Kant – Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy, Phenomenon and Thing-in-Itself, and Treatise of the Perfect Good – a commitment that is reflected in <mask>'s decision to express his philosophy in Kantian

masks: Mou Mou Mou Moucius Mou Mou Zongsan Mou Mou Mou


title: Mou Zongsan

texts: terms. For example, <mask>'s philosophy inherits the Kantian concepts of autonomy, intellectual intuition, and Thing-in-Itself, although Confucianism inspires Mou to transform these concepts. The reason behind this decision to use Kantian terms remains unknown, but some scholars argue that Mou's use of certain terminologies aims to facilitate a dialogue between the East and West, pointing to <mask>'s comparison of Mencius and Kant, whereby he demonstrates the compatibility of Chinese and Western philosophies.<mask>'s philosophy develops as a critique and transformation of Kant's critical philosophy. <mask> believes in the compatibility of Chinese thought and Kantian philosophy because both are backed by the Way, where the Way is essentially truth and different philosophies manifest different aspects it. <mask>'s analysis of Kant centers on Kant's Critique of Pure Reason. One of <mask>'s major criticisms of Kant involves Kant's regard for free will as theoretical. Herein lies one of <mask>'s fundamental beliefs, that morality and the moral life are, contrary to what Kant posits, really real. This presumption stems from <mask>'s belief in the metaphysical necessity of the capability of improving one's moral praxis, and thus Mou develops a moral metaphysics within the tenet of subjectivism. While Kant believes that intellectual intuition is only possible for God, Mou ascribes human beings equal capability of this intuition, which Mou finds

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 superior to Heidegger’s fundamental ontology.<mask> rejects Heidegger because according to Kant, true metaphysics is transcendent. <mask> further departs from Kant’s philosophy, eventually transforming it into what is commonly referred to as New Confucianism or Mind Confucianism. <mask> and Heidegger

<mask>'s relation to Heidegger
<mask> <mask>’s interest in Heidegger’s philosophy arises from his critique and transformation of Kant's philosophy. <mask>'s interpretation of Kant is greatly influenced by Heidegger’s elaboration of Kant's Critique of Pure Reason in his books Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics (Kantbuch) and Introduction to Metaphysics. Under the influence of Heidegger’s philosophy, <mask> change his interpretation of Kant’s first critique from an epistemological approach to an ontological approach. In his treatise Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy (zhi de zhexue yu zhongguo zhexue) 智的直覺與中國哲學 (1971), <mask> not only wrote his reflection on Heidegger’s philosophy (and translated two chapters from Being and Time), but also criticized Heidegger’s fundamental ontology with his moral metaphysics. Actually, <mask> may get influence from Heidegger even in his early major work Substance of Mind and Substance of Human Nature (xinti yu xingti) 心體與性體 (1968–1969).<mask>’s argument of the “Three modes” of Neo-Confucianism may be inspired by Heidegger's “Three ontological difference”, which was introduced to Mou from Max Müller’s

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title: Mou Zongsan

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 works. <mask> <mask> agrees to a certain extent with Heidegger’s interpretation of Kant. Mou introduces a two-layer structure of understanding of the transcendental determination of the Kantian categories: a “logical” layer of understanding and an “ontological” layer of understanding. <mask> believes the Kantian thesis that “objectivity is subjectivity” is not an “ontical proposition” but rather an “ontological proposition”. He agrees with Heidegger's analysis of Transcendental Schematism, which indicates that the meaning of objectification presupposes a subjective horizon that enables the object to appear. Mou names the ontology of the phenomenal world as “attached ontology” (zhi de cunyoulun). Mou rejects Kant's declaration that human beings are incapable of producing any intuitive knowledge of thing-in-itself.He embraces Heidegger's affirmation of the “subjective” character of the Kantian transcendental distinction, which he learns from Kantbuch:

The distinction between the concept of thing in itself and that of appearance is not objective but merely subjective.The thing in itself is not another but another aspect (respectus) of the representation with regard to the same object. <mask>'s critique
In general, <mask> holds a critical attitude towards Heidegger's fundamental ontology in his treatise Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy:

Heidegger’s descriptions could let us think of a disclosure of a “true mind” (zhen xin) for

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 instance when he speaks about “call of consciousness”(Ruf, liangxin de huhuan), feeling of guilt ( jiuze zhi gan), dread (Sorge, jiaolü), determined being (Entschlossenheit, jueduan) or nothingness (Nichtigkeit, xuwu). Nevertheless, all these descriptions are still “floating” and he has not been able to pave the way for a “true mind.”

According to Mou, Heidegger's descriptions are “floating” because Heidegger's thought does not recognize any transcendental reality (chaoyue de shiti) but focus on the immanent metaphysics (neizai xingershangxue) to develop his fundamental ontology. “True metaphysics” is “transcendent.” In the eyes of <mask> Zongsan, since the immanent metaphysics merely focuses on the problem of the meaning of phenomenal beings, it fails to deal with Kant's transcendental concepts of freedom, immortality, and God. <mask> also thinks Heidegger's philosophy is too heroic and romantic and thereby fails to maintain an inherent calmness to approach to “true mind.” Besides, Mou disagrees with Heidegger's “value-free,” and in particular, “morally-neutral” approach. The lack of moral awareness indicates that Heidegger's fundamental ontology does not reach the realm of moral metaphysics, but merely offers an empty and inauthentic answer to the subject. In short, Mou considers Heidegger only as a “commentator” or “usurper” of Kant.According to <mask>, the reason why Heidegger's fundamental ontology fails to reach the realm of moral

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title: Mou Zongsan

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 metaphysics is that Heidegger sticks to the Kantian thesis of the finitude of human being and fails to recognize the intellectual intuition (zhi de zhijue) of human beings. <mask> claims that although the study of Kant's philosophy helps him understand the relation between phenomenal world and metaphysical ontology, it is his teacher Xiong Shili who makes him realize the fundamental union of the two via the intellectual intuition. The idea of intellectual intuition is widely manifested in Confucianism, Neo-Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, especially in the thought of Wang Yangming, who assimilates moral learning with the course of action such as archery and calligraphy. According to Mou, intellectual intuition is not the central concept of a highly complex speculative system, but a form of knowledge acquired through our deeds (including emotions and intentions). Mou's "misplacement"
Some scholars argue that <mask> <mask>'s critique of Heidegger's fundamental ontology actually “misplaces (wuzhi)” Heidegger's transcendental metaphysics. It turns out that Mou may agree with Heidegger more than he believes. Heidegger's discussions of Being actually achieve a similar metaphysical level with <mask>'s discussions of transcendental concepts, such as God, freedom, ren or Dao.Instead of being “floating”, Heidegger's fundamental ontology finds its root in the “transcendent metaphysics” in Being. Far away from “a way of being” in immanent metaphysics,

masks: Mou Mou Zongsan Mou


title: Mou Zongsan

texts: Heidegger's Being actually serves as an ontological basis for beings in phenomenal world. Moreover, in Heidegger's theory, the unveiledness of the Being of beings (“beings” encompass the phenomenal world) is inseparable from the practical and ethical reason. This echoes with <mask>’ belief in unifying phenomenal world with metaphysical ontology through the intellectual intuition. They also share a similar interpretation of the “knowledge”. Mou believes moral learning can pave a way to moral metaphysics, while Heidegger also believes that we can open ourselves to the Being in our daily lives. <mask>'s “misplacement” of Heidegger's transcendental metaphysics may arise from his misconception of Heidegger's Time (Zeit, shijian).Heidegger's concept of Time is different from the time as a priori knowledge for Kant, which is actually the temporality (Zeitlichkeit, shijian xing) of Dasein (the experience of being that is peculiar to human beings). Heidegger's Time serves not only as the fundamental character for Being, but also as the fundamental unveiledness of Being. Mou confuses Heidegger's Time (Zeit, shijian) with temporality (Zeitlichkeit, shijian xing) and thereby fails to see the transcendental nature in neither Time nor Being. The different understanding of the concept Time further causes Mou's disagreement with Heidegger's discussions of finitude of human beings. In fact, Heidegger's discussions of finitude are based on his interpretation of

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texts: the natural universe, which, for Mou, equates to the moral principle. Further, Mou believes that one's uncomfortable reaction to crime and degeneracy indicates the presence of moral consciousness, which Mou signifies as the inner essence of human beings. This belief, that the infinite within benti similarly exists within human beings, known as the doctrine of infinite mind, can be compared with Heidegger's acceptance of being-with-others as a feature of Dasein, Wittgenstein’s rejection of a private language, and Husserl’s discussion of the immediacy of our recognition of others and their mental states within the lived world. Subsequently, Mou uses 良知 (liangzhi, or good consciousness) and 智的直觉 (zhi de zhijue, or intellectual intuition) to identify the substance in his system. Again, Mou chooses to translate his philosophy in Kantian terminology. Here, liangzhi refers to the foundation or essence of morality. Within Confucianism liangzhi also means the essence of human beings, explaining why Mou writes that, “the substance of human being is one and the same as that of the world, the world of value, but not the world of reality.” For Mou, this substance is independent of social background.This idea reflects the human nature proposed by Mencius through the example of the apparent, innate reaction of an individual to seeing a child sitting precariously on a well (The Four Beginnings). Here, <mask> departs from traditional Confucianism by defining


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 the essence of an individual in terms of modern individualism. Thus with regards to Mencius’ example, it is the very life of the child that evokes a reaction, and not the individual's relation to the child. Mou notes that the basic implications of this example – an individual's inherent benevolence – are consistent with the autonomy of a moral subject. This autonomy, the motivating force for morality according to Mou, exists within the transcendental and philosophical mind of the individual. In accord with his notions of intellectual intuition, Mou is committed to the idea of moral transformation, whereby all individuals can transcend themselves to ultimately become sages. Mou borrows this conception of moral transformation from Confucianism, as well as the concept of summum bonum, in which there exists a connection between one's worthiness of happiness and the actual attainment of happiness.Discussion and criticism of Mou’s philosophy
Several consequences arise from Mou's moral metaphysics. Some scholars view <mask> as a defender of Zen Buddhism over other critical Buddhisms, pointing to Mou's morality, which, similar to Zen Buddhism, maintains that the possibility of enlightenment is more important than actually attaining it. Additionally, ascribing human beings intellectual intuition ultimately assigns humans moral responsibility. However, this allows individuals access to Kant's noumenon. According to Mou, intellectual intuition for human


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 beings is the foundation of all of Chinese thought. In Phenomena and Noumena <mask> <mask> writes that, “if it is true that human beings cannot have intellectual intuition, then the whole of Chinese philosophy must collapse completely”. Despite the fact that this is Mou's claim, many scholars debate its validity, maintaining the legitimacy of Chinese philosophy and New Confucianism independent of intellectual intuition.Some traditional Confucians reject Mou, citing his wholesale acceptance of Western liberty and democracy as problematic. Despite <mask>'s attempt at Confucian Modernity, critics claim that New Confucianism cannot handle modernity's interconnectedness and its inevitable negative consequences. Others argue that because Mou is not political, he should not even be considered a Confucian because much of Confucian doctrine advocates for the active pursuit of change. However, the limitations of speech in China during the time period when Mou philosophized may address this criticism. Scholarship in English
Angle, Stephen C. “Sagehood: The Contemporary Significance of Neo-Confucian Philosophy.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Asakura, Tomomi. “On Buddhistic Ontology: A Comparative Study of <mask> Zongsan and Kyoto School Philosophy.” Philosophy East and West 61(4): 647–678.Billioud, Sebastien. Thinking Through Confucian Modernity: A Study of <mask> <mask>'s Moral Metaphysics. Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2011. Chan, N. Serina. The

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 Thought of <mask> <mask>. Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2011. Chan, Wing-Cheuk.“<mask> <mask>’s Transformation of Kant’s Philosophy.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 33(1): 125–139. Clower, Jason, "<mask> <mask> Tsung-san) ," Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Clower, Jason T. The Unlikely Buddhologist: Tiantai Buddhism in the New Confucianism of <mask> <mask>. Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2010. Clower, Jason (ed.). Late Works of <mask> <mask>: Selected Essays on Chinese Philosophy. Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2014. Clower, Jason."Chinese Ressentiment and Why New Confucians Stopped Caring about Yogācāra" in Transforming Consciousness: Yogacara Thought in Modern China, ed. John Makeham. New York: Oxford, 2014. Kantor, Hans-Rudolf. "Ontological Indeterminacy and Its Soteriological Relevance: An Assessment of <mask> <mask>'s (1909-1995) Interpretation of Zhiyi's (538-597) Tiantai Buddhism." Philosophy East and West 56(1): 16–68. Lin Chen-kuo."Dwelling in Nearness to the Gods: The Hermeneutical Turn from MOU Zongsan to TU Weiming." Dao 7: 381–392. Lin Tongqi and Zhou Qin. "The Dynamism and Tension in the Anthropocosmic Vision of <mask> <mask>." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 22. Liu, Shu-hsien. “<mask> Tsung-san (<mask> Zongsan)” in Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, ed.A.S. Cua. New York: Routledge, 2003. Rošker, Jana S. The Ideological Foundations of Taiwanese Modernity: <mask> <mask>'s New Moral Philosophy. Asian and African Studies, ISSN 1408-5429, Vol. 15,

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 Issue two https://revije.ff.uni-lj.si/as/article/viewFile/2882/2871
 Rošker, Jana S. The Fusion of Modern Confucianism and Buddhism: <mask> <mask>'s Journey from Double to Fundamental Ontology. Taiwan journal of East Asian studies, ISSN 1812-6243, 2016, Vol. 13, No.1, pp. 57–76. Rošker, Jana S.. The Rebirth of the Moral Self: the Second Generation of Modern Confucians and their Modernization Discourses. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, cop. 2016
Stephan Schmidt. “<mask> <mask>, Hegel, and Kant: The Quest for Confucian Modernity.” Philosophy East and West 61(2): 260–302.Students

Cai Renhou 蔡仁厚
Dai Lianzhang 戴璉璋
Wang Bangxiong 王邦雄
Zeng Zhaoxu 曾昭旭
Lu Xuekun 盧雪崑
Huizhen You 尤惠貞
Chen Guimiao 陳癸淼

Wei Zhengtong 韋政通
He Shujing 何淑靜
Zhu Jianmin 朱建民
Fan Liangguang 范良光
Wang Caigui 王財貴
Lee Shui-chuen 李瑞全
Zhou Yangshan 周楊山

Yang Zuhan 楊祖漢
Yan Guoming 顏國明
Lin Yuehui 林月惠
Li Minghui 李明輝
Zhuang Yaolang 莊耀郎
Liu Jinxian 劉錦賢

Xie Daning 謝大寧
Lin Anwu 林安梧
Fan Kewei 樊克偉
Tu Weiming 杜維明
Wu Rujun (Ng Yu-kwan) 吳汝鈞
Chen Rongzhuo (Wing-cheuk Chan) 陳榮灼

References

External links
 <mask> <mask>, Nineteen Lectures  excerpted from <mask> <mask>, Nineteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy translated by Julie Wei. 1909 births
1995 deaths
20th-century essayists
20th-century Chinese philosophers
20th-century translators
Chinese Confucianists
Chinese Culture University faculty
Chinese University of Hong Kong people
Educators from Shandong
Hong Kong philosophers
National Taiwan

masks: Mou Zongsan Mou Zongsan Mou Zongsan Mou Zongsan


title: Franz Josef Giessibl

texts:
<mask> (born 27 May 1962 in Amerang) is a German physicist and university professor at the University of Regensburg. Life
<mask> studied physics from 1982 to 1987 at the Technical University of Munich and at Eidgenössische Technischen Hochschule Zürich. He received a diploma in experimental physics in 1988 with Professor Gerhard Abstreiter and continued with a PhD in physics with Nobel Laureate Gerd Binnig at the IBM Physics Group Munich on atomic force microscopy. After submitting his PhD thesis in the end of 1991, he continued for 6 months as a Postdoctoral Fellow at the IBM Physics Group Munich and moved to Silicon Valley to join Park Scientific Instruments, Inc as a senior scientist and later director of vacuum products from mid 1992 until the end of 1994. He joined the Munich office of management consulting firm McKinsey & Company from 1995 to 1996 as a senior associate. During that time, he invented the qPlus sensor, a new probe for atomic force microscopy and continued experimental and theoretical work on the force microscope at the chair of Professor Jochen Mannhart at University of Augsburg where he received a habilitation in 2001. In 2005, he obtained offers for a chair at the University of Bristol (England) and University of Regensburg (Germany).In 2006, he joined the faculty at the Department of Physics at the University of Regensburg in Germany. From about 2005, he collaborated with the scanning tunneling microscopy groups of IBM Almaden Research Center and IBM Zurich Research Laboratory and from about 2010 with National Institute of Standards and Technology to

masks:
Franz Josef Gießibl
Giessibl


title: Franz Josef Giessibl

texts:
 help to establish combined scanning tunneling microscopy and atomic force microscopy at ultralow temperatures. He was a visiting fellow at the center for nanoscience and technology (CNST) of the National Institute of Standards and Technology and a visiting professor at University of Maryland, College Park from fall 2015 to spring 2016. Some of Giessibl's experimental and simulated images inspired the offset print editions Erster Blick (2000)  and Graphit (2004) by visual artist Gerhard Richter. <mask> is married and has two sons. Scientific contributions
Giessibl spent most of his professional career improving atomic force microscopy, and published papers on ground breaking experiments, instrumentation
and theoretical foundations
of atomic force microscopy. Giessibl is the inventor of the  qPlus sensor, a sensor for Non-contact atomic force microscopy that relies on a quartz cantilever.His invention has enabled atomic force microscopy to obtain subatomic spatial resolution on individual atoms and submolecular resolution on organic molecules. Today, the qPlus sensor is used in many commercial and homebuilt atomic force microscopes. 1992: Built the first low-temperature force microscope for ultrahigh vacuum with Gerd Binnig (PhD adviser) and Christoph Gerber (F.J. Giessibl, C. Gerber, G. Binnig, Journal of Vacuum Science and Technology B 1991 and obtained atomic resolution on KBr with it (F.J. <mask>, G. Binnig, Ultramicroscopy 1992)]. KBr has a very low reactivity, yet major challenges such as jump-to-contact of AFM tip and sample had to be overcome to obtain atomic

masks:
Franz Giessibl
Giessibl


title: Franz Josef Giessibl

texts: resolution. 1992: Proposed a mechanism allowing atomic resolution in noncontact-AFM Phys Rev B 1992). 1994: Solved the problem of imaging reactive samples and obtained for the first time atomic resolution on Silicon 7x7 by force microscopy using frequency-modulation atomic force microscopy in noncontact mode with large amplitudes (Science 1995). 1996: Invented the qPlus sensor, a self sensing AFM quartz sensor that is self sensing (piezoelectric effect), highly stable in frequency and stiff enough to allow sub-Angstrom oscillation amplitudes (Patents DE19633546, US6240771, Appl.Phys. Lett. 1998). 1997: Introduces a formula that connects frequency shifts and forces for large amplitudes (Phys Rev B 1997). 2000: Obtains atomic spatial resolution using qPlus sensor (Appl. Phys. Lett.2000). 2000: Observes subatomic resolution on tip features (F.J<mask>, S. Hembacher, H. Bielefeldt, J. Mannhart, Science 2000). 2001: Invents an algorithm to deconvolute forces from frequency shifts (Appl Phys Lett 2001.). 2003: Extended version of his habilitation thesis is published in Reviews of Modern Physics (RMP 2003). 2003: Obtaines atomically resolved lateral force microscopy (F.J<mask>, M. Herz, J. Mannhart, PNAS 2003). 2004: Achieves sub-Angstrom resolution on tip features using a qPlus sensor in a low temperature AFM using higher harmonic force microscopy (S. Hembacher, F.J. <mask>, J. Mannhart, Science 2004). 2005–2008: Helps to spread out qPlus sensor technology to IBM Research Laboratories Almaden and Rüschlikon, leading to measurements of forces that act during atomic manipulation (M.

masks:
. Giessibl
. Giessibl
Giessibl


title: Franz Josef Giessibl

texts: Ternes, C.P.Lutz, C. Hirjibehedin, F.J. Giessibl, A. Heinrich, Science 2008) and single-electron charges on single gold atoms (Science 2009). 2012: Introduces carbon monoxide front atom identification (COFI), a method for the atomic and subatomic characterization of scanning probe tips (J. Welker, F.J. Giessibl, Science 2012). 2013: Observes evidence for superexchange interaction and very low noise data of exchange interactions between CoSm tips and antiferromagnetic NiO (F. Pielmeier, F.J. <mask>, Phys. Rev. Lett. 2013). 2013: Observes atomic resolution in ambient conditions without special sample preparation (D. Wastl, A.J.Weymouth, F.J. Giessibl, Phys. Rev. B 2013). 2014: Measurement of CO-CO interactions by lateral force microscopy (A.J. Weymouth, T. Hofmann, F.J. Giessibl, Science 2014). 2015: Atomic resolution of few atom metal clusters and subatomic resolution of single metal atoms (M. Emmrich et al., Science 2015). 2016: Simultaneous inelastic tunneling spectroscopy and AFM (N. Okabayashi et al., Phys.Rev. B 2016), AFM with superconductive tips (A. Peronio, F.J<mask>, Phys. Rev. B 2016), Multifrequency AFM using bimodal qPlus sensors (H. Ooe et al., Appl Phys Lett 2016). 2018: Simultaneous inelastic tunneling spectroscopy and AFM shows bond weakening effect (N. Okabayashi et al., PNAS 2018). 2018: Joint study with John Sader group on well- and ill posed force deconvolution schemes (J. Sader, B. Hughes, F. Huber, F.J<mask>, Nature Nanotechnology 2018). 2019: Review article about qPlus sensors and applications (Review of Scientific Instruments 2019).2021: Measurement of

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. Giessibl


title: Franz Josef Giessibl

texts:
 very weak bonds to artificial atoms formed by quantum corrals ( https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abe2600 Science 2021''). Selected publications

Books
1. Noncontact Atomic Force Microscopy: Volume II (NanoScience and Technology), S. Morita, F.J<mask>, R. Wiesendanger (Eds. ), Springer 2012

2. Noncontact Atomic Force Microscopy: Volume III (NanoScience and Technology), S. Morita, F.J<mask>, E. Meyer, R. Wiesendanger (Eds. ), Springer 2015

3. Erster Blick in das Innere eines Atoms – Begegnungen mit Gerhard Richter zwischen Kunst und Wissenschaft, <mask> J. Gießibl, Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther und Franz König, Köln, Germany (2022)

4.First View inside an Atom― Encounters with Gerhard Richter between Art and Science, English Edition, <mask>. Gießibl, Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther und Franz König, Köln, Germany (2022)

Awards and honors

 1994: R&D 100 Award (together with Brian Trafas)
 2000: Deutscher Nanowissenschaftspreis
 2001: Rudolf-Kaiser-Preis
 2009: Karl Heinz Beckurts-Preis
 2010: Ehrenfest Kolloquium Leiden (Netherlands)
 2013: Zernike Kolloquium Groningen (Netherlands)
 2014: Joseph F. Keithley Award For Advances in Measurement Science of the American Physical Society
 2015: Rudolf-Jaeckel Prize of the German Vacuum Society
 2016: Foresight Institute Feynman Prize in Nanotechnology

References

External links
  <mask><mask> at Google Scholar
 Mark Wendman nanoscience blog

University of Regensburg faculty
21st-century German physicists
21st-century German inventors
Technical University of Munich alumni
1962 births
Living people
Microscopists
People from

masks:
. Giessibl
. Giessibl
Franz
Franz J
Franz J
. Giessibl


title: Bessie Braddock

texts: <mask> (née Bamber; 24 September 1899 – 13 November 1970) was a British Labour Party politician who served as Member of Parliament (MP) for the Liverpool Exchange division from 1945 to 1970. She was a member of Liverpool County Borough Council from 1930 to 1961. Although she never held office in government, she won a national reputation for her forthright campaigns in connection with housing, public health and other social issues. <mask> inherited much of her campaigning spirit from her mother, Mary Bamber, an early socialist and trade union activist. After some years in the Independent Labour Party (ILP), <mask> joined the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) on its foundation in 1920, but quickly became disillusioned with the party's dictatorial tendencies. She left the CPGB in 1924 and later joined the Labour Party. Before the Second World War, alongside her husband <mask> she established a reputation as a crusading left-wing councillor, frequently at odds with her party while pursuing an agenda of social reform.During the war she worked in Liverpool's ambulance service, before winning the Exchange division for Labour in the 1945 general election. With her formidable physique and outspoken manner, <mask> was a pugnacious presence in parliament, and a keen supporter of the 1945–51 Attlee ministry's reform agenda, particularly the establishment of the National Health Service in 1948. She served on Labour's National Executive Committee between 1947 and 1969. Her combative style led to a brief suspension from parliament in 1952. For most of her parliamentary career she remained a member of Liverpool's council, and was a central figure in the controversy that arose in the 1950s

masks:
Elizabeth Margaret Braddock
Braddock
Braddock
Jack Braddock
Braddock


title: Bessie Braddock

texts:
 over the city's decision to acquire and flood Capel Celyn in a valley along Afon Tryweryn in Wales for the construction of the Llyn Celyn reservoir. Between 1953 and 1957 <mask> served on the Royal Commission for Mental Health which led to the Mental Health Act 1959. From the early 1950s she moved steadily to the right wing of her party, and was increasingly acerbic in her judgements of her former colleagues on the left.When Labour won the 1964 general election she refused office on the grounds of age and health; thereafter her parliamentary contributions dwindled as her health worsened. Towards the end of her life she became Liverpool's first woman freeman. After her death in 1970 her Guardian obituarist hailed her as "one of the most distinctive political personalities of the century". Life

Early years

Childhood
Elizabeth Bamber was born on 24 September 1899 at 23 Zante Street, in the Everton area of Liverpool, the eldest daughter of Hugh Bamber, a bookbinder, and his wife Mary, née Little. Mary had come to Liverpool as a child when her father, a well-to-do Edinburgh lawyer, abandoned his family after his descent into alcoholism and poverty. Liverpool in the late 19th century suffered extremes of deprivation, and had the highest infant mortality rate in the country. Mary became a trade union organiser and campaigner against deplorable social conditions, and established a reputation as an outstanding platform speaker.She was the dominant early influence on her daughter Elizabeth, who formed a lifelong determination to represent and fight for the disadvantaged. In 1902 the Bamber family relocated to Smollett Street in nearby Bootle, one of several moves that caused Elizabeth's


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texts: classes run by the Workers' Educational Association and the Plebs' League: "They told me how the capitalists controlled money, business and the land, and ... hung on to them". Within the group of young socialists who gathered regularly at the ILP's local headquarters, there were three Elizabeths. To avoid confusion, lots were drawn to decide who should be known respectively as Elizabeth, Betty, or <mask>. By this means Elizabeth Bamber took the name <mask>, which she retained for the rest of her life. Among the other ILP activists at Kensington was Sydney Silverman, four years older than <mask>, the son of a poor draper. Silverman was a considerable influence on the youthful <mask>; he would be her future colleague, both in the Liverpool council chamber and the House of Commons. When the First World War began in August 1914, the ILP opposed it as "an appalling crime upon the nations" who had been "stampeded by fear and panic".On the introduction of conscription in 1916, Silverman and others adopted positions of uncompromising pacifism, and were imprisoned. The ILP welcomed news of the Russian Revolution of 1917, and vigorously opposed allied intervention in the civil war that followed it. <mask> played a leading role in a TUC "Hands Off Russia" rally in Liverpool's Sheil Park, where she and others resisted the efforts of the British Empire Union to capture the ILP's red flag. At the end of the war in 1918, <mask> left the Co-op and took a clerical post with the Warehouse Workers' Union. In the course of her ILP activities she had met and befriended John "Jack<mask>, a wagon builder and union activist with a reputation as a firebrand. He had arrived in Liverpool from Dewsbury in

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 1915, hoping to emigrate to Canada, but had stayed in the port and immersed himself in left-wing politics and the fight to improve working conditions. He and <mask> became very close; in 1919 they helped Mary Bamber to fight for a Liverpool council seat, as the ILP's candidate in the Everton district.The election campaign was bitter and at times violent, but resulted in Bamber's victory by the slim margin of 13 votes. Communist activist
By 1920 Mary Bamber, <mask> and <mask> had become disillusioned with the ILP, which seemed to them to lack the necessary radicalism to march with the times. At the time, Sylvia Pankhurst's Workers' Socialist Federation, the British Socialist Party and other socialist organisations were increasingly coordinating their activities, and in 1920 merged to form the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Under Mary Bamber's influence, both <mask> and <mask> left the ILP to become members of the new party. Within the CPGB the young couple became acquainted with Wal Hannington, leader of the National Unemployed Workers Committee Movement. They joined his "work or maintenance" campaign which aimed to raise the levels of Poor Law relief to what they considered a proper subsistence level. The couple did not endear themselves to the CPGB hierarchy when, on egalitarian grounds, they opposed the levels of salary which the party wanted to pay to its full-time officials.In the joint autobiography written with Jack, The Braddocks (1963), <mask> cites the formative experience of police violence on "Bloody Sunday" in 1911 as a motivating factor for her CPGB activities. On 12 September 1921, again at St George's Plateau, she attended a rally for the city's jobless,

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 organised by the Liverpool Unemployed Workers' Committee. Again there was police intervention; Jack and Mary Bamber were charged with unlawful assembly and received a token one day's imprisonment. In 1922 <mask> and other party members provided comfort and shelter to Hannington's hunger marchers, as the columns of unemployed passed through Lancashire on their way to London. <mask> combined her party roles—she was treasurer of the Liverpool branch—with her full-time union post; Jack, meanwhile, was only intermittently in work, as his incendiary reputation meant that employers were reluctant to give him a job. He had been living for some time at the Bambers' home when, in February 1922, the couple were married at Brougham Terrace registry office, during the course of a working day. After a brief reception they returned to their respective duties—<mask> to her union job and Jack to his volunteer work for the CPGB.The Braddocks were not comfortable as CPGB members. They objected to the lack of autonomy afforded to local branches by the party's central "Political Bureau", and to what they perceived as the leadership's unquestioning subservience to the Soviet Union. Mary Bamber, after a visit to Russia, opined that there were as many true communists in Liverpool as in Moscow. In 1924, increasingly convinced that communist rule would lead to the enslavement rather than the liberation of workers, the entire leadership of the Liverpool CPGB branch, including both Braddocks, resigned from the party. Liverpool council
After leaving the CPGB, the Braddocks continued their socialist activism in Liverpool. Jack's role in the Merseyside Council of Action (an impromptu militant action group)

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texts: during the 1926 General Strike made employers even less willing to engage him. He was rescued by the action of Sir Benjamin Johnson, a liberal-minded industrialist, who lent him the money to purchase a Co-operative Insurance Society agency.Jack and <mask> were now determined to pursue their political aims by democratic methods, and in 1926 they joined the Fairfield ward of the Liverpool Labour Party. In the 1929 Liverpool council elections, Jack was returned unopposed as the Labour councillor for the Fairfield ward. A year later <mask> joined him, elected in the St Anne's ward. St Anne's, one of the most deprived areas of the city, contained a closed workhouse at Brownlow Hill, which the Conservative-controlled council had decided to sell to the Roman Catholic Church as the potential site for a cathedral. The Labour group's official policy was to delay the sale for several years, so that the empty workhouse buildings could be used as temporary housing during slum clearance and rebuilding. The issue split Labour on religious lines; nearly all the Catholic members of the Labour group defied party policy and voted for an immediate sale. Among the rebels was the sitting St Anne's councillor, Olive Hughes.She was thereupon deselected by the St Anne's ward, which chose <mask> as their candidate for the 1930 election. <mask> faced a difficult task, since Hughes chose to stand against her as an Independent Socialist, with the support of leading local Catholics in a ward where the electorate was 85 per cent Catholic. An intense campaign, during which <mask> claimed to have visited every street in the ward, brought her success. This victory did not delay the workhouse's fate; the site was

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texts: duly sold to the Catholic Church for £110,000, and demolition began in January 1931. Nevertheless, <mask>, who had been appalled by the housing conditions in the ward, helped to instigate a slum clearance campaign which slowly brought improvements. As a member of the council's Port Sanitary and Hospitals Committee, which controlled all the city's hospitals and residential homes for the elderly, <mask> discovered that the hospitals were generally verminous, drably decorated and poorly ventilated, with inadequate cooking facilities. Patients' record-keeping systems were rudimentary, with little or no communication between hospitals.She became involved in the reform, reorganisation and modernisation of many of the city's health facilities, particularly those related to mothers and children. From 1934 she was chairman of the Maternity and Child Welfare subcommittee, and in June 1936 worked with other women's groups to organise a national conference on maternity and child welfare issues. The Labour group on the council remained divided. The group's leader was Luke Hogan (1885–1954), of Irish stock and closely identified with the Catholic caucus. He enjoyed the strong support of around two-thirds of the Labour councillors; the Braddocks, and from 1932 Sydney Silverman, were part of the smaller leftist wing of the group. Clashes between the two sides were frequent, the main contention being the supposed attempts by Hogan and his followers to "catholicise" the local party. When in 1936 Hogan tried to block the renewal of a grant to a local birth control clinic, <mask> led a cross-party rebellion of councillors which ensured that the grant was maintained.She argued that most of the 87


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texts: women who had died in childbirth the previous year might have survived with access to contraception. Mostly, <mask> was uncompromising in her attitude towards the council's ruling Conservatives; on one occasion she was ejected from the council chamber by the police, after she had called the Housing Committee chairman a liar and refused the mayor's order to withdraw the remark. She justified this behaviour on the grounds that "if you didn't do something outrageous, nobody would take any notice of you". She had earlier resorted to using a two-foot megaphone in a council meeting, to demand action over housing conditions and slums. Inspired by her colleague Silverman, who in the 1935 general election became MP for Nelson and Colne, <mask> determined to seek a parliamentary career of her own. This ambition contrasted with that of Jack, who turned down the chance to be Labour's candidate in the Everton constituency to concentrate on his local government role. In 1936 <mask> was selected as Labour candidate for Liverpool Exchange.This inner-city division had long been held by the Conservatives, mainly because of a substantial "business vote" which, before the abolition of plural voting in 1948, gave owners of businesses an extra vote in the constituency where their business operated. In the recent election the seat had been held by the Conservative, Sir John Shute, with a majority of 4,412. <mask> was then 36 years old; she would have to wait for nearly 10 years before she could fight her seat, as the general election that would normally have been held in 1939 or 1940 was postponed by the Second World War. In the years immediately before the war <mask> was concerned at the extent of


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 recruitment in the city by the British Union of Fascists. She was outspoken in her attacks on fascist groups, and in her defence of those who attacked their parades. The death of her mother Mary Bamber in June 1938, at the age of 63, was a considerable personal blow to <mask>, and was widely mourned within Liverpool's socialist community. Second World War
On the outbreak of war in September 1939, <mask> left her union post and joined G Division of the Liverpool Ambulance Service, as a driver.Initially her main job was to train other drivers, mostly young women. She became a section leader and then a deputy leader of G Division, an administrative post that should have kept her at headquarters. However, she records that she drove her ambulance through all the 68 major air raids that struck Liverpool during the war years. It was dangerous work; on a single day, 3 May 1941, 14 drivers lost their lives. <mask> remained with the ambulance service almost until the end of the war in 1945. In 1942 <mask> and Jack moved to what would be their home for the remainder of their lives, a suburban semi-detached house in ZigZag Road, in Liverpool's West Derby district. They remained active members of Liverpool council, and in 1943 Jack became deputy leader of the Labour group.Two years later the Braddocks healed the rift with Hogan by proposing and seconding his appointment as the city's Lord Mayor for the year 1945–46; Jack succeeded him as leader of the Labour group on the council, a post he held until his death in 1963. <mask> became honorary president of the Liverpool Trades Council and Labour Party (LTCLP), the body that had been formed in 1921 when the Liverpool Trades Council merged with


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 the newly formed local Labour Party to form a united labour front. Labour MP

Labour government 1945–51

Despite some opinion polls indicating a Labour lead, most commentators expected that Winston Churchill's prestige would ensure a comfortable Conservative victory in the July 1945 general election. Before polling day, The Manchester Guardian surmised that "the chances of Labour sweeping the country and obtaining a clear majority ... are pretty remote". The News of the World predicted a working Conservative majority, while in Glasgow a pundit forecast the result as Conservatives 360, Labour 220, Others 60. The expectations of a Labour victory in Liverpool Exchange were not high, but <mask>'s chances were boosted by the poor local record of the sitting member, Colonel Shute, and she herself was confident. Defying most forecasts, across the country Labour won 393 seats, and with an overall majority of 146, Clement Attlee formed the first majority Labour government.<mask> won Liverpool Exchange with a majority of 665 from 16,000 votes cast. In an assessment of the new MPs, the Daily Express described <mask> as "a character among the Labour women. Very forthright in her speech, strong in her Labour faith ... never hesitates to call a spade a spade". Physically imposing—she admitted to weighing 15 stone (210 pounds, 95 kg)—she made an impact with her maiden speech on 17 October 1945, during a debate on the national housing shortage. After taunting the Conservative opposition by claiming to have "filched" the Exchange seat—"the prize Division of the [Liverpool] Tory Party"—she made an impassioned plea to the new Minister of Health, Aneurin Bevan, for immediate measures to improve the


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texts: slum housing conditions in Liverpool, and throughout the country: "Particularly in industrial areas, people are living in flea-ridden, bug-ridden, rat-ridden, lousy hell-holes". She ended her speech with a promise that she and other Labour back-benchers would continue to agitate until the conditions in which many were forced to live, "as a result of having been represented for so long by the Conservative Party", were removed. <mask>'s aggressive anti-Toryism was frequently in evidence during her first years in parliament, especially when she could attribute to them the economic miseries of her Liverpool constituents.In a Commons debate on 28 March 1946 she welcomed the government's decision to close the Liverpool Cotton Association, which she denounced as "the bulwark of the Tory administration in Liverpool", nothing more than a group of financiers who gambled with the industry in order to make profits for themselves. On 1 May 1947 The Manchester Guardian, reporting the chaotic Commons scenes during the divisions following a debate on the nationalisation of the railways, recorded that "Mrs E.M. <mask> ... danced a jig as she moved over to the Opposition benches where she occupied the seat usually used by Mr Churchill." When the Bolton Evening News called her performance "nauseating, a sorry degradation of democratic discussion" she sued the newspaper for defamation. She lost the case, and a subsequent appeal was unsuccessful. In 1947 <mask> was elected to the Labour Party's National Executive Committee (NEC). At the time she was generally identified with the left wing of the party, and was associated with a grouping known as the "Socialist Fellowship", which espoused a programme

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 of colonial freedom, workers' control and reduced arms expenditure. She resigned from the Fellowship in 1950, along with fellow-MPs Fenner Brockway and Ellis Smith, when it condemned the United Nations intervention in the Korean War.She continued her wholehearted campaigning on behalf of the poorest in the country, pleading with parliament to "remember the queues outside the Poor Relief offices", and castigating the "New Look" fashion of 1948 as wasteful, "the ridiculous whim of idle people". <mask>'s fiery reputation did not harm her electorally; in the February 1950 general election, with the Exchange constituency greatly increased by boundary changes, her majority rose to 5,344. Nationally, Labour lost 76 seats, and its parliamentary majority was reduced to five. Attlee's second government was short-lived; in the October 1951 general election <mask> increased her personal majority again, to 6,834, but nationally Labour was defeated by the Conservatives and went into opposition. Outside her political duties <mask>, a keen fan of boxing, accepted the honorary presidency of the Professional Boxers' Association, and was a passionate defender of the sport. Her enthusiasm arose in part from her experiences as a juvenile court magistrate; she believed that the sport fostered character and mutual respect. She was frequently at odds with her parliamentary colleague Edith Summerskill, a physician who wrote the anti-boxing tract The Ignoble Art, and campaigned for the sport's abolition.1950s: Rightward shift
After leaving Socialist Fellowship, <mask> moved steadily towards the centre and right of her party, distancing herself from colleagues with whom she had earlier found common cause.

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texts: She did not support Aneurin Bevan when he resigned from the government in April 1951 over the introduction of National Health Service charges, and later asserted that, by making dissidence fashionable, Bevan had "weakened the [Labour] National Executive to the point where it could no longer deal effectively with infiltrating Trotskyists and Communists". In 1955 her opposition to the Bevanite faction was such that she supported efforts by Hugh Gaitskell and Herbert Morrison to have Bevan expelled from the party. She regularly attacked the Labour left at party conferences, and in 1952 was involved in scuffles with other delegates after the unexpected success of Bevanite candidates in the NEC elections. Also in 1952, <mask>'s volatile temperament caused her to become the first woman member to be suspended from the House of Commons, after she repeatedly protested to the Deputy Speaker for failing to call her during a debate on the textile industry, a matter of great concern to her constituents. In general, however, her forthright attitude won her cross-party respect, and in 1953 she was appointed by Churchill (who had returned as prime minister in 1951) to the Royal Commission on Mental Health, otherwise known as the Percy Commission, whose work led to the Mental Health Act 1959. <mask>'s increasingly centrist stance troubled party members in Liverpool Exchange, where the Bevanite faction was generally popular.In 1954 the local party passed a motion requesting that she step down before the next general election. This was rejected by the NEC, who believed that Bessie was a national electoral asset. Shortly before the May 1955 general election the Exchange party tried again, and voted

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 by 40 to 39 to deselect her. <mask>, convinced that this vote had been rigged, appealed to the NEC, who set the decision aside and imposed her on the constituency. These party machinations had no effect on <mask>'s popularity with the voters; in the election on 26 May, despite the intervention of a left-wing Independent Socialist candidate, she increased her majority to 7,186. Nevertheless, nationally the Conservatives retained power with an increased parliamentary majority. In the municipal elections held that same month, Labour won control of Liverpool's council for the first time; <mask> became council leader.<mask> gave up her St Anne's ward seat, after 25 years, but remained on the council as a co-opted alderman. Campaigns and controversies, 1956–59
In May 1956 <mask>'s concerns about the treatment of prisoners in Walton Prison led to an investigation by Sir Godfrey Russell Vick, which revealed numerous instances of violence by members of the prison staff, and brought about reforms. In July that year, during a home affairs debate, <mask> demanded tougher regulations on the supply and licensing of air pistols, which under the existing law were readily available to juveniles. She alarmed the house by brandishing two such pistols which, she explained, she had confiscated in the course of her duties as a juvenile court magistrate. When rebuked by the Deputy Speaker, she replied that she had deliberately used shock tactics, reprising her earlier council chamber argument that "no one takes any notice unless someone does something which is out of order, or is unusual". She also campaigned for the rights of larger women to obtain fashionable clothes; using her substantial 50" – 40"

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texts: – 50" measurements to advantage, she took part in a fashion show aimed at the larger-than-average woman. In 1956, as part of a Liverpool council delegation, the Braddocks visited the Soviet Union at the invitation of the mayor of Odessa, a city with which Liverpool had informal fraternal links.Her overall impression of the country was of drabness and oppression, with welfare provision generally well below British levels, although she conceded that medical facilities were excellent. Before returning home she informed the mayor of Odessa that "after forty years of socialism ... you haven't achieved half of what we have in Britain". In the later 1950s an issue arose which tarnished the reputations of both Braddocks in the eyes of much of Liverpool's Welsh community and the people of Wales. In 1955 Liverpool council applied for the compulsory purchase of land in the Tryweryn Valley, Merionethshire, North Wales, for the construction of a reservoir to serve Liverpool's increasing needs for water—some 65 million gallons a day. The proposal would mean the flooding of the small village of Capel Celyn, and several farms. On 7 November a deputation led by the Plaid Cymru president Gwynfor Evans sought to address the council in a plea for a change in policy. According to <mask>'s biographer Ben Rees, while Evans was speaking, <mask> banged on the table and joined other councillors in insulting Evans and demanding that he "go back to Wales".In July 1957, when the enabling legislation reached its second House of Commons reading, <mask> described the scheme as regional rather than local, and claimed that some parts of Wales would benefit from it. The land to be flooded in the Tryweryn Valley


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 was not, she said, of high agricultural value, and "nothing was done that was not agreed to by the tenants in the area". The bill became law, and construction began in 1959, but protests and demonstrations continued until the reservoir's opening in 1965. The slogan Cofiwch Dryweryn ("Remember  Tryweryn") was coined by nationalists, says Rees, as "a reminder of Liverpool's greed and lack of sensitivity". In October 2015, on the 50th anniversary of the reservoir's completion, protestors demonstrated around the statue of Bessie at Liverpool Lime Street station. In the October 1959 general election the Conservatives, now led by Harold Macmillan, increased their majority in parliament to 100 seats. In Liverpool Exchange Bessie defied the national swing, and increased her proportion of the vote.On a reduced turnout her personal majority fell slightly, to 6,971. Later career, 1960–68
In 1961 <mask>'s aldermanic term on Liverpool's council expired. That year, the Conservatives briefly took control of the council, and used their majority to block her reappointment. This ended 31 years' service on the council. In 1963, when Labour regained control, she did not seek re-instatement. The year 1963 saw the publication of The Braddocks, in which <mask> made a sustained attack on communism and Trotskyism: "The purpose of this book is to bring home to the rank and file how wide that influence is ... unless positive steps are taken by the workers themselves ... democracy will be dead". Reviewing the book for the Socialist Standard, Lawrence Weidberg thought it gave a useful picture of early 20th century working-class life in Liverpool, but concluded that "from the evidence of this book the


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 Braddocks qualified fully for the role of blind leaders of the blind".On 12 November 1963 <mask> died of a heart attack at the age of 71, while attending an official function in Liverpool. The October 1964 general election brought Labour a narrow victory under Harold Wilson, while in Liverpool Exchange, <mask> achieved her best personal majority to date, 9,746. She did not take a post in the new government; according to The Guardian she was offered a job, but declined on the grounds of health and age. Although she fought the next election, in March 1966, and held Liverpool Exchange easily, for the final six years of her parliamentary life she was relatively inactive and often absent through illness. Her last contribution in the House was on 27 January 1969, a question regarding facilities for disabled drivers. Final years and death
In 1968 <mask> became vice chairman (and therefore chairman-elect) of the Labour Party. However, in February 1969 she collapsed with exhaustion and was hospitalised.In August she resigned from the NEC on health grounds, thus forgoing her succession to the party chairmanship. In September she announced that she did not intend to contest the next general election, and would retire from politics, a decision which shocked and disappointed her constituents. In April 1970 she was awarded the freedom of the City of Liverpool, the first woman thus honoured. <mask> formally left parliament at the dissolution before the June 1970 general election; on 13 November 1970 she died in Liverpool's Rathbone Hospital, at the age of 71. At her funeral service held a few days later at Anfield Crematorium, in the course of his tribute, Harold Wilson summed her up thus: "She

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 was born to fight for the people of the docks, of the slums, of the factories and in every part of the city where people needed help". The service was non-sectarian in accordance with her atheism. Appraisal

At the time of her death, commentators described <mask> as one of the most notable political personalities of her time, and perhaps the best-known woman in Britain after Queen Elizabeth II.She was especially appreciated in Liverpool, where much of her campaigning zeal for better housing and healthcare was concentrated. Widely known and remembered as "Battling <mask>", thirty years after her death she was placed eighth in a BBC poll of "great Merseysiders". <mask> was renowned for the sharpness of her tongue, either in pursuit of her campaigns or in denouncing her enemies. She frequently used inflammatory, colourful language, once describing an opposing councillor as a "blasted rat", and another time telling the Tory majority that she was willing "to take a machine gun to the lot of you". In contrast to this aggressive public, <mask>'s private life was unostentatious. She did not smoke or drink, dressed conventionally and holidayed modestly in Scarborough. Nevertheless, she enjoyed the company of many glamorous friends from the worlds of show business and boxing.Towards perceived adversaries, <mask> showed neither patience nor respect, especially those with whom she had once shared common ground on the far left. Apart from her attacks on Bevan, she displayed particular scorn for the future Labour Party leader Michael Foot, whose practice in the 1950s of writing articles attacking the Labour leadership for right-wing newspapers was, she thought, disloyal. A much reported


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 exchange between her and Churchill has her accusing him of being drunk, and him concurring but adding: "My dear you are ugly, but tomorrow I shall be sober and you will still be ugly"—or similar words. There is no reliable evidence that any such exchange took place; despite its popularity, commentators are generally sceptical. In 1984, Radio City, an independent Liverpool radio station, broadcast a 4-part dramatisation of Jack and <mask> <mask>'s lives. <mask> <mask> is commemorated in Liverpool by the statue in Lime Street Station, and by a blue plaque erected at her modest home in ZigZag Road. In a 2014 Fabian Society essay the Labour MP Lisa Nandy wrote that <mask> "brought her experiences of life in the slums of Liverpool right into the heart of Westminster.Now, more than ever, we need the voices of working women to be heard in parliament". Notes and references

Notes

Citations

Books

Newspapers and journals

Online

External links

 Watch Anglia News from 1962 with <mask> speech recorded in Norfolk

1899 births
1970 deaths
Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers-sponsored MPs
Labour Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
UK MPs 1945–1950
UK MPs 1950–1951
UK MPs 1951–1955
UK MPs 1955–1959
UK MPs 1959–1964
UK MPs 1964–1966
UK MPs 1966–1970
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Liverpool constituencies
Female members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for English constituencies
Councillors in Liverpool
20th-century British women politicians
English atheists
English socialists
English people of Scottish descent
Industrial Workers of the World members
Labour Party (UK) councillors
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for constituencies in

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<mask><mask> (born 21 May 1987) is a director, activist, producer and official Forbes Council member. He directed the feature film 51 Degrees North and co-founded the global awareness movement Asteroid Day with astrophysicist and Queen guitarist Brian May. <mask> was Kevin Spacey's filmmaker-in-residence at the Old Vic Theatre and activist Stephen Sutton's documentarian before Sutton's death in 2014. He filmed and produced his first documentary at the age of 11. He also walked from Paris to Berlin to advocate for refugee children who are stuck in Greek refugee camps. Biography
Born and raised in Hamburg, Germany, <mask> has been making films since he was old enough to hold a camera. He became a child model at the age of two.His childhood home had access to the river Alster, a right tributary of the Elbe river in Northern Germany. At the age of seven, he set up a stand at the river and started selling hot dogs and drinks to people on boats, making him over one thousand Euros on a good day, enough money to buy expensive camera equipment. In 2003, he moved to the UK and attended the sixth-form college Hurtwood House where he earned the school's "Best Director" award. In 2003 he directed his first commercial for the fitness and wellness chain Meridian SPA

In 2004, he used the money he saved from his days as a child model and directed a short film called "Dean's Life" which ran at several festivals. German actor Mario Adorf was originally attached to play the character "Ashriel" but eventually dropped out due to a conflict in his schedule. In 2006, he worked as an assistant at the Berlin-based production company Egoli Tossell Film where he helped to secure the music rights for Paul Verhoeven's film Black Book and helped cast Helen Mirren in The Last Station after Meryl Streep dropped out. That same year he directed a short film, IMAGINE, while studying direction

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