title: Malati Choudhury

texts:
 Branch of the All India Congress Socialist Party. Proverbial courage, sheer dynamism and a strong zeal to fight for the rights of the oppressed and have-nots were the dominant features of her character.She was frank and outspoken, and was never afraid to speak up. In 1934, she had accompanied Gandhiji in his "padayatra" in Orissa. After a daylong walk, he was obviously too tired to visit a Harijan village which was in his itinerary. The villagers, who had waited long, were disappointed, but were prepared to forgive Gandhiji for the minor lapse. <mask> Choudhury did not spare Gandhiji, and told him point blank, "Bapu, you have not done the right thing." Gandhiji apologized, and cooled her down with his disarming smile. She  was arrested  several times (in 1921, 1936, 1942)  with other women independence activists  like Sarala Devi, Ramadevi Choudhury and others and was sent to jail

Even before Independence, she had established the Bajiraut Chhatravas at Angul in Orissa in 1946, and the Utkal Navajeevan Mandal, also at Angul, in 1948.The Bajiraut Chhatravas had its genesis in the Prajamandal Movement (the resistance movement organized and sustained by the people) and its initial activities were geared towards providing residential facilities and educational opportunities to the children of the freedom fighters. Over the passage of time, there was a societal demand on the Bajiraut Chhatravas to provide educational facilities to children belonging to the "Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes" and under-privileged sections of the society coming from all over Orissa. Established


title: Malati Choudhury

type: original

texts: in the memory of a twelve-year-old boy Bajiraut, who sacrificed his life by disallowing the British forces to cross Brahmani River by boat, the Bajiraut Chhatravas has become an institution of national importance. The Utkal Navajeevan Mandal is a voluntary organization of repute, engaged in rural development and tribal welfare in the rural and tribal areas of Orissa. The State Resource Centre for Adult Education, which was established by the Government of India, under the auspices of the Utkal Navajeevan Mandal, at Angul in 1978, had done pioneering work in Adult Education. She had organized the ‘Krusaka Andolana’ (Farmers Movement) as part of the freedom struggle against the zamindars and moneylenders, who exploited the poor. She had seen and experienced the untold sufferings of the people while walking through many villages in Orissa.She had also realized that women were victims of many superstitious beliefs, and they alone were to fight against superstitions for their own empowerment. As a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, she felt restless, because she was not in tune with the views of other members; when the Mahatma's famous Noakhali yatra began, she joined it at the instance of Thakkarbappa. After independence, <mask> Choudhury, as a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, and as the President of the Utkal Pradesh Congress Committee, tried her best to emphasize the role of education, especially adult education in rural reconstruction. When Nabakrushna Choudhuri became the Chief Minister of Orissa in 1951, she highlighted the plight of the have-nots, particularly those


title: Malati Choudhury

texts:
 belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Eventually, she decided not to join politics, because Gandhiji had advised that all Congress activists need not join politics, but should work for and with the people with service as their goal. A dynamic person like her did not slow down her efforts after the Bajiraut Chhatravas, Utkal Navajeevan Mandal and the Postbasic School at Champatimunda, near Angul, were established. She had joined the Bhoodan Movement of Acharya Vinoba Bhave.During the Emergency she raised her voice against the anti-people policy and oppressive measures adopted by the government and was imprisoned. <mask> Choudhury lived an eventful life and died at the age of ninety-three. Honours and awards
National Award for Child Welfare (1987)
Jamnalal Bajaj Award (1988)
Utkal Seva Sammaan (1994)
Tagore Literacy Award (1995)
Honour by the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha on the occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the first sitting of the Constituent Assembly (1997)
Honour by the State Social Welfare Advisory Board (1997)
Honour by the Rajya Mahila Commission (1997)
Deshikottama (D.Litt. Honoris Causa) from Viswa-Bharati
In 1988, she refused to receive the prestigious Jamnalal Bajaj Award from the hands of the  Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, because, according to her, Rajiv Gandhi had not done anything to promote Gandhian values. References

<mask> Chaudhury by Prof Manoranjan Mohanty
Phulbani & <mask> Chaudhury
Unforgettable life in Koraput:Vishvanath Pattanayak

1904 births
1998 deaths
Brahmos
Indian civil rights activists
Indian feminists
Social workers
People associated with

masks: Malati Malati Malati


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts:
<mask> is a child psychiatrist, social activist, and former President of the American Psychiatric Association (APA). <mask> played a central role in the APA's 1973 decision to remove homosexuality as a diagnosis of mental illness from its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual. This change opened the modern era of LGBTQ rights by providing support for the overturning of laws against homosexuals and by advancing gay civil rights, including the right to marry. Early life
<mask> was born in Vienna, Austria in 1937 into a family of intellectual social reformers. <mask>'s early years were unsettled by the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany (Anschluss), and his family's consequent emigration from Vienna to Paris in 1938, to Switzerland in 1939, and to New York City in 1941. His father was <mask> (1894–1970), an internationally known psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, as well as a student and analysand of Sigmund Freud. He became widely known as an ego-psychologist and a dean of world psychoanalysis in the mid-twentieth century.His mother, Dora Karplus <mask>, M.D. (1902–1974), came from a family of lawyers and publishers. A noted mountaineer in her early life, she chose to become a pediatrician in Vienna over the objections of her father who believed that a woman's constitution was not strong enough to endure medical school. She continued her medical training in New York to become a psychiatrist and psychoanalyst. Education
<mask> was

masks:
Lawrence Hartmann
Hartmann
Hartmann
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Heinz Hartmann
Hartmann
Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts:
 educated at the Fieldston School in New York City after which he attended Harvard College, where he received a B.A. in History and Literature (magna cum laude, Phi Betta Kappa). As a Rhodes Scholar, <mask> earned two degrees in English Literature from Oxford University.He received an M.D. from Harvard Medical School and then served as an intern in pediatrics at the University of California in San Francisco. He served his residency in psychiatry (1965–1967) and a fellowship in child psychiatry (1967–1969) at the Massachusetts Mental Health Center (MMHC). Upon completion of his training, <mask> began a private practice and continued as a clinical professor of psychiatry at MMHC. Career
Following the Kent State Shootings in 1970, <mask> co-founded and chaired the Committee of Concerned Psychiatrists within the American Psychiatric Association with the goal of persuading the APA to “acknowledge and take part in social issues that affect mental health and mental illness.” The CoCP quickly expanded its involvement in social issues to include the Vietnam War and Civil Rights, as well as the newly emerging Women's Rights and Gay Rights Movements. Finding the governing structure of the APA deeply conservative and self-perpetuating, Hartmann encouraged reform-minded candidates to run for leadership positions. Two such candidates encouraged by <mask> and the CoCP were Alfred Friedman (1917–2011) who served as APA president in 1973–1974 and

masks: Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts: John Spiegel (1911–1991) who served as APA president in 1974–1975.Both of these men shared the CoCP's belief that public laws against homosexuality and prohibitions against homosexuals in psychiatry were based upon flawed studies, societal prejudice, and outdated psychoanalytic theory. <mask> and the CoCP also participated in the APA's selection of Melvin Sabshin (1925–2011), a psychiatrist and social reformer open to broader membership participation in the APA, who served as the organization's medical director from 1974 until 1997. Through his membership on the Social Issues Committee of the Northern New England Psychiatric Society (NNPS), <mask> and Richard PIllard (b.1933) who had just become one of the country's first psychiatrists to identify himself publicly as gay, drafted a position paper for the NNPS arguing that the homosexuality did not meet the scientific or clinical criteria for a diagnosis of mental illness, and that homosexuals deserved full civil rights. With minor modification, this paper was adopted by the NNPS and forwarded to the Assembly of the APA which passed a resolution drawn largely from the paper. In December 1973, the Board of Trustees of the APA voted 13-0, concurring that homosexuality was not valid as a diagnosis of mental illness. A small group of opponents attempted to reverse the Board's vote by referendum, but that effort failed, and the APA's membership affirmed the removal of homosexuality as a

masks: Hartmann Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts: diagnosis of mental illness. <mask>'s activism led him to be elected a member of the APA Assembly and subsequently Speaker of the Assembly before being elected Vice President (1990) and President of the APA (1991–1992).As a member of the APA's Board of Trustees and International Affairs Committee, <mask> led and participated in human rights missions to examine mental health conditions under apartheid in the Union of South Africa and under dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Working closely with Melvin Sabshin, <mask> traveled to the Soviet Union to meet with dissident psychiatrists and to examine evidence of the abuse of psychiatry by the Soviet government. <mask>'s findings contributed to the successful efforts of Melvin Sabshin and the APA to persuade the World Psychiatric Association World Psychiatric Association (WPA) to establish an Ethics Committee to investigate abuses of psychiatry. The Soviet Union resigned from the WPA in protest. In 1992, <mask> led a Travelling University of Psychiatry to post-Iron-Curtain Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary under APA sponsorship. In 1996, <mask> co-founded the Committee on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity of the Boston Psychoanalytic Institute (BPSI) with Gerald Adler, M.D. psychiatrist and psychoanalyst.This work was part of a broader effort that resulted in the American Psychoanalytic Association issuing a public apology to the LGBTQ community on June 21, 2019 for its

masks: Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts:
 past views pathologizing homosexuality and transgender identities. In 2019, BPSI awarded Honorary Membership, to <mask> citing his role in the APA's 1973 vote and his contribution to psychoanalysis by helping “to remove homophobia from our institutional culture by organizing conferences, leading evening programs, serving as a discussant during clinical presentations, and providing mentorship for gay analytic Candidates when none existed.”

Personal life
<mask> has lived with Brian Pfeiffer, an architectural historian, in Cambridge, Massachusetts since 1973. They married in 2004 when Massachusetts became the first state in the nation to grant full civil rights for same-sex marriage. Drescher, J. An Interview with <mask>, M.D. p. 129. Boston Psychoanalytic Institute.https://bpsi.org/page-2/

Selected bibliography
 Doerr, O., <mask>, L., Lira, E. & Weinstein, E. (1992), Torture: Phenomenology and psychiatric sequelae. Psychiatry, 55(5):177-184. <mask>, L. (1973), Some Uses of Dirty Words by Children. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 12(1):108-122. https://www.jaacap.org/article/S0002-7138(09)61221-8/abstract
 <mask>, L. & Hanson, G. (1986), Child psychotherapy. In: Current Psychiatric Therapies, ed. J. Masserman.New York: Grune and Stratton, pp. 29-43. Nightingale, E., <mask>, L., Hannibal, K., Geiger, J., <mask>, R. & Spurlock, J. (1990), Apartheid medicine. JAMA, 264(16):2097-2102. <mask>, L.

masks:
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Hartmann
Lawrence Hartmann
Hartmann
Hartmann
Hartmann
Hartmann
Lawrence
Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts: (1991), Humane values and bio-psychosocial integration. Amer.J. Psychiatry., 148(3):1130-1134. <mask>, L. (1992a), Some social psychiatric problems in Chile, South Africa and the Soviet Union. In: Psychiatry and World Accords, ed. J. Masserman. New York, Gardner, pp. 5-15.<mask>, L. (1992b), Reflections on humane values and bio-psychosocial Integration. Amer. J. Psychiatry., 149(9):1135-1144. <mask>, L. (1994), Heinz Hartmann: A memorial tribute and filial memoir. Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 49:3-12. Hanson, G. & <mask>, L. (1996), Latency development in prehomosexual boys.In: Textbook of Homosexuality and Mental Health, ed. R.P. Cabaj & T.S. Stein. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, pp. 253-266. <mask>, L. (1996), Foreword.In: Textbook of Homosexuality and Mental Health, ed. R.P. Cabaj & T.S. Stein. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, pp. xxv-xxxi. <mask>, L. (1998a), Children are left out.Amer. J. Forensic Psychiatry. 19(3):33-44. <mask>, L. (1998b), Eros in a gay dyad: A discussion. Gender & Psychoanalysis., 3(3)361-371. <mask>, L. (1998c), Physician-assisted suicide. Psychiatric Services, 49(11):1468-1474.<mask>, L. (2001), Confidentiality. In: Primer of the APA, ed. D. Langsley. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, pp. 39-45. <mask>, L. (2003), Too flawed. Don't publish: A commentary on Spitzer and changing sexual orientation.Archives Sexual Behavior, 32:436-438. <mask>, <mask>. "Koryagin,

masks: Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Hartmann Lawrence


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts:
 suspicious of glasnost, recounts ongoing Soviet abuses." Psychiatric Times, Sept. 2015, p. 52. https://go.gale.com/ps/anonymous?id=GALE%7CA431722026&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=r&linkaccess=abs&issn=08932905&p=AONE&sw=w
 Nightingale, Elena, MD, PhD; Hannibal, Kari, MA; Geiger, H. Jack, MD; <mask>, <mask>, MD; <mask>, Robert, MD; Spurlock, Jeanne, MD. Apartheid Medicine: Health and Human Rights in South Africa. https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/383706

References

Additional references
 American Psychoanalytic Association. Press Release: APsaA Issues Overdue Apology to LGBTQ Community.June 21, 2019. https://apsa.org/content/news-apsaa-issues-overdue-apology-lgbtq-community
 American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, <mask>, M.D., Life Member’s Report, June, 2012. https://www.aacap.org/aacap/Life_Members/Reports/2012/Hartmann_201206.aspx
 Bayer, R. Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis. New York: Basic Books; New York, NY, USA: 1981. Drescher, J. An Interview with <mask>, M.D., Journal of Gay and Lesbian Psychotherapy, Vol. 10, Issue 1, 2006. https://www.tandfonline.com/action/doSearch?AllField=Interview+with+<mask>mann&SeriesKey=wglm20
 Drescher, J. and J. P. Merlino, ed. American psychiatry and Homosexuality: An Oral History. Chapter 3: An Interview with <mask>, MD.Routledge: 2007. Drescher J., Merlino J.P., editors. American Psychiatry and Homosexuality: An Oral History.

masks:
Hartmann
Lawrence
Lawrence
Lawrence Hartmann
Lawrence Hartmann
Lawrence Hart
Lawrence Hartmann


title: Lawrence Hartmann

texts:
 Routledge; New York, NY, USA: 2007. Levin, Aaron. Global Initiative on Psychiatry. Psychiatric News, Vol.48, Issue 3, p 12. https://psychnews.psychiatryonline.org/doi/pdf/10.1176/pn.2013.48.issue-3
 Sabshin, Melvin M.D. : <mask>, M.D., One Hundred Twentieth President, 1991–1992. American Journal of Psychiatry, v 149.9, Sept., 1992. https://ajp.psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/ajp.149.9.1145
 Spiegel, Alix. 81 Words: The Story of how the American Psychiatric Association decided in 1973 that homosexuality was no longer a mental illness. This American Life, 204: January 18, 2002. https://www.thisamericanlife.org/204/81-words

1937 births
Living people
Alumni of the University of Oxford
Harvard College alumni
Harvard Medical School


title: Koki Tanaka

texts:
is a Japanese singer–songwriter and actor. He was a member of Jpop idol boy band KAT-TUN from their debut until September 30, 2013 when his contract with Johnny & Associates (the company that manages KAT-TUN) was terminated. When he was a member of KAT-TUN, he was recognized as the rapper in the group and has a hip-hop-influenced style. Out of the other members, <mask> was most often paired up with Yuichi Nakamaru and they even formed a comedy duo 'TaNaka'. After leaving Johnny & Associates, <mask> formed his own indie rock band called INKT. Biography

Early life

Born in Chiba, Chiba prefecture; Japan on November 5, 1985, <mask> is the second oldest of 5 siblings, all brothers and raised by their single mother. His younger brother Juri is also an actor and signed with Johnny & Associates.Juri along with <mask>'s youngest brother Subaru even appeared alongside <mask> in the first episode of the TV series Tokkyu Tanaka 3 Go in which <mask> played the lead role. His younger brother Hyouga is also an actor, and <mask>'s older brother is named Kazunaru. Before <mask> was born, his mother thought he would be a girl, so she thought of the name Maria (Saint). But he turned out to be a boy instead, so the Kanji letter of his name '聖' was kept, but its pronunciation was changed to “Kōki” (“Kōki” also means “Saint” in

masks: Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka


title: Koki Tanaka

texts:
 Japanese). Furthermore, when he was little his face was so cute and feminine that he was often mistaken for a girl. <mask> graduated from Horikoshi High School, and eventually went to study at Josai International University, but he quit halfway. He loves animals so much that he originally wanted to become a veterinarian.Career
<mask> joined Johnny & Associates in 1998 when he was only 13 years old, he once stated the reason why he applied was “My mother sent the application form behind my back. So I went to the audition without knowing anything at all. She told me it was because my cousin applied too. Therefore, we went to the audition together. But in the end, my cousin failed, while I passed.”

He became a member of Jpop idol boy band KAT-TUN from their debut in 2001 until September 30, 2013 when his contract with Johnny & Associates was terminated due to several contract violations and he left the company. In November the same year he formed his own Indie rock band called INKT and was the lead vocalist in the band, and they finally released their debut album on November 8, 2014. On September 1, 2017 it was announced on the band's website that INKT has now officially disbanded.After the band's disbandment, <mask> still continues to release music and perform in live shows as a solo artist. On January 23, 2019 <mask>

masks: Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka


title: Koki Tanaka

texts:
 released his first solo album Easter under his own record label 'Project KOKI', followed by a solo national tour in Japan from February 2 to April 6, 2019. On July 31, 2019 <mask> released his solo single Round and Round / end of begin and held a one-man solo live tour in August and a band tour in October. He then released a mini album LOUDER on October 2, 2019. On January 5, 2020 <mask> started his own official Youtube channel where he uploads original content often featuring him with his younger brother Hyouga. In 2020 <mask> announced that he would write, direct and star in his own stage show called OLD Maid-JOKER, the shows were originally scheduled to begin in June 2020 but had to be postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the shows have since been rescheduled to play from April 21–25, 2021. Since February 22, 2021 <mask> has started a radio podcast show with his brother Hyouga called Tanaka Family Raaaaadio which broadcasts shows weekly every Sundays in Japan.As an actor, <mask> has appeared in a string of Japanese TV series and movies and has won 2 awards for his acting work in My Boss My Hero. Personal life
On May 24, 2017 <mask> was arrested for marijuana possession during a traffic stop, despite claiming the cannabis in his car were not his he was tested positive to the drug and was detained for 2 weeks

masks: Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka


title: Koki Tanaka

texts:
 while investigations were ongoing. He was eventually released from jail on June 7, on June 30 it was reported that <mask> will not be prosecuted for marijuana possession charges as the police were not able to obtain enough evidence to prosecute him. On February 24, 2022, <mask> was arrested by police in Nagoya for alleged possession of methamphetamine. <mask> has denied the allegations, and was quoted as saying that he did not know anything about the drugs. <mask> can play several instruments. His main instrument is the guitar; he can also play the piano and the shamisen.He wrote most of the rap lyrics for KAT-TUN's songs and his solos, going by the pen-name of "JOKER". While in INKT, he wrote all the band's songs under his name 'KOKI'. <mask> loves to design things and is very artistic and has a talent for sewing and he designs his own apparels. Discography

INKT
Studio albums

Solo
Singles

Studio albums

Live performances

Concerts
This is a list of all the live concerts that <mask>OZA presents "Brand New Vibe Road to Zepp Divercity Special Countdown Party to 2017"
| Guest performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (December 31)
|-
|rowspan="10"|2017
|KING presents "KING OF ROCK SHOW New Year Special
| Guest performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (January 7)
|-
|L & P Attractive presents "All Happiness !! Extra edition" [Sushi Fest]
|

masks: Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka Tanaka TanakaO


title: Koki Tanaka

texts:
 Guest performer
| Osu RAD HALL; Nagoya (February 3)
|-
|Nagoya Large Circuit Festival RAD CREATION presents "Tora Rock Festival 2017"
| Guest performer
| this festival had several shows at various different venues in Aichi Prefecture, but INKT only guest performed at 1 show on February 4
|-
|Muscle King Party ~ MTR Birthday Festival ~
| Guest performer
| TSUTAYA O-WEST (February 16)
|-
|"Wicked!!!"live
| Guest performer
| Daikanyama LOOP; Tokyo (February 17)
|-
|Palooza presents "Bakugan Festival"
| Lead performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (February 25)
|-
|HateItOrLoveIt & Club Lizard Yokohama Presents "Rabbit's Revenge Vol.4" Club Lizard 15th Anniversary & Closure live
| Guest performer
| Club Lizard; Yokohama (March 10)
|-
|INKT Live house tour 2017
| Lead performer
| almost 50 shows held at many different venues across Japan from March 4 - July 23
|-
|PALOOZA meets WHITE SHADOW "SHADOW NET" live
| Lead performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (May 11)
|-
|Knock Out Kashiwa Idiot" live
| Lead performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (December 31)
|-
|rowspan="1"|2018
|Hide tribute 2018
| Guest performer
| Kashiwa PALOOZA (May 5 & 6)
|-
|rowspan="7"|2019
|<mask>ki presents Easter TOUR 2019
| Lead performer
| <mask> <mask>'s first national solo tour held at various venues across Japan from February 2 to April 6. |-
|The Last Day of Heisei!

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Tanaka Ko
Koki
Tanaka


title: Michel Foucault

texts: Paul-<mask> (, ; ; 15 October 192625 June 1984) was a French philosopher, historian of ideas, writer, political activist, and literary critic. <mask>'s theories primarily address the relationship between power and knowledge, and how they are used as a form of social control through societal institutions. Though often cited as a structuralist and postmodernist, <mask> rejected these labels. His thought has influenced academics, especially those working in communication studies, anthropology, psychology, sociology, criminology, cultural studies, literary theory, feminism, Marxism and critical theory. Born in Poitiers, France, into an upper-middle-class family, <mask> was educated at the Lycée Henri-IV, at the École Normale Supérieure, where he developed an interest in philosophy and came under the influence of his tutors Jean Hyppolite and Louis Althusser, and at the University of Paris (Sorbonne), where he earned degrees in philosophy and psychology. After several years as a cultural diplomat abroad, he returned to France and published his first major book, The History of Madness (1961). After obtaining work between 1960 and 1966 at the University of Clermont-Ferrand, he produced The Birth of the Clinic (1963) and The Order of Things (1966), publications which displayed his increasing involvement with structuralism, from which he later distanced himself.These first three histories exemplified a historiographical technique <mask> was developing called "archaeology." From 1966 to 1968, <mask> lectured at the University of Tunis before returning to France, where he became head of the philosophy department at the new experimental university of Paris VIII. <mask> subsequently published The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). In

masks:
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Foucault
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title: Michel Foucault

texts:
 1970, <mask> was admitted to the Collège de France, a membership he retained until his death. He also became active in several left-wing groups involved in campaigns against racism and human rights abuses and for penal reform. <mask> later published Discipline and Punish (1975) and The History of Sexuality (1976), in which he developed archaeological and genealogical methods which emphasized the role that power plays in society. <mask> died in Paris from complications of HIV/AIDS; he became the first public figure in France to die from complications of the disease.His partner Daniel Defert founded the AIDES charity in his memory. Early life

Early years: 1926–1938
<mask> <mask> was born on 15 October 1926 in the city of Poitiers, west-central France, as the second of three children in a prosperous, socially-conservative, upper-middle-class family. Family tradition prescribed naming him after his father, <mask> (1893–1959), but his mother insisted on the addition of <mask>; referred to as Paul at school, he expressed a preference for "<mask>" throughout his life. His father, a successful local surgeon born in Fontainebleau, moved to Poitiers, where he set up his own practice. He married Anne Malapert, the daughter of prosperous surgeon Dr. Prosper Malapert, who owned a private practice and taught anatomy at the University of Poitiers' School of Medicine. <mask> eventually took over his father-in-law's medical practice, while Anne took charge of their large mid-19th-century house, Le Piroir, in the village of Vendeuvre-du-Poitou. Together the couple had three children—a girl named Francine and two boys, <mask> and Denys—who all shared the same fair hair and bright blue eyes.The children were raised to be nominal

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Michel
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Paul Michel


title: Michel Foucault

texts:
 Catholics, attending mass at the Church of Saint-Porchair, and while <mask> briefly became an altar boy, none of the family was devout. In later life, <mask> revealed very little about his childhood. Describing himself as a "juvenile delinquent," he claimed his father was a "bully" who sternly punished him. In 1930, two years early, <mask> began his schooling at the local Lycée Henry-IV. There he undertook two years of elementary education before entering the main lycée, where he stayed until 1936. Afterwards, he took his first four years of secondary education at the same establishment, excelling in French, Greek, Latin, and history, though doing poorly at mathematics, including arithmetic. Teens to young adulthood: 1939–1945
In 1939, the Second World War began, followed by Nazi Germany's occupation of France in 1940.<mask>'s parents opposed the occupation and the Vichy regime, but did not join the Resistance. That year, <mask>'s mother enrolled him in the Collège Saint-Stanislas, a strict Catholic institution run by the Jesuits. Although he later described his years there as an "ordeal," <mask> excelled academically, particularly in philosophy, history, and literature. In 1942 he entered his final year, the terminale, where he focused on the study of philosophy, earning his baccalauréat in 1943. Returning to the local Lycée Henry-IV, he studied history and philosophy for a year, aided by a personal tutor, the philosopher . Rejecting his father's wishes that he become a surgeon, in 1945 <mask> went to Paris, where he enrolled in one of the country's most prestigious secondary schools, which was also known as the Lycée Henri-IV. Here he studied under the philosopher Jean Hyppolite, an existentialist and expert on the

masks: Michel Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault


title: Michel Foucault

texts:
 work of 19th-century German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.Hyppolite had devoted himself to uniting existentialist theories with the dialectical theories of Hegel and Karl Marx. These ideas influenced <mask>, who adopted Hyppolite's conviction that philosophy must develop through a study of history. University studies: 1946–1951

In autumn 1946, attaining excellent results, <mask> was admitted to the élite École Normale Supérieure (ENS), for which he undertook exams and an oral interrogation by Georges Canguilhem and Pierre-Maxime Schuhl to gain entry. Of the hundred students entering the ENS, <mask> ranked fourth based on his entry results, and encountered the highly competitive nature of the institution. Like most of his classmates, he lived in the school's communal dormitories on the Parisian Rue d'Ulm. He remained largely unpopular, spending much time alone, reading voraciously. His fellow students noted his love of violence and the macabre; he decorated his bedroom with images of torture and war drawn during the Napoleonic Wars by Spanish artist Francisco Goya, and on one occasion chased a classmate with a dagger.Prone to self-harm, in 1948 <mask> allegedly attempted suicide; his father sent him to see the psychiatrist Jean Delay at the Sainte-Anne Hospital Center. Obsessed with the idea of self-mutilation and suicide, <mask> attempted the latter several times in ensuing years, praising suicide in later writings. The ENS's doctor examined <mask>'s state of mind, suggesting that his suicidal tendencies emerged from the distress surrounding his homosexuality, because same-sex sexual activity was socially taboo in France. At the time, <mask> engaged in homosexual activity with men whom he encountered in

masks: Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault


title: Michel Foucault

texts: the underground Parisian gay scene, also indulging in drug use; according to biographer James Miller, he enjoyed the thrill and sense of danger that these activities offered him. Although studying various subjects, <mask> soon gravitated towards philosophy, reading not only Hegel and Marx but also Immanuel Kant, Edmund Husserl and most significantly, Martin Heidegger. He began reading the publications of philosopher Gaston Bachelard, taking a particular interest in his work exploring the history of science. He graduated from the ENS with a B.A.(licence) in Philosophy in 1948 and a DES (, roughly equivalent to an M.A.) in Philosophy in 1949. His DES thesis under the direction of Hyppolite was titled La Constitution d'un transcendental dans La Phénoménologie de l'esprit de Hegel (The Constitution of a Historical Transcendental in Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit). In 1948, the philosopher Louis Althusser became a tutor at the ENS. A Marxist, he influenced both <mask> and a number of other students, encouraging them to join the French Communist Party. <mask> did so in 1950, but never became particularly active in its activities, and never adopted an orthodox Marxist viewpoint, rejecting core Marxist tenets such as class struggle. He soon became dissatisfied with the bigotry that he experienced within the party's ranks; he personally faced homophobia and was appalled by the anti-semitism exhibited during the 1952–53 "Doctors' plot" in the Soviet Union.He left the Communist Party in 1953, but remained Althusser's friend and defender for the rest of his life. Although failing at the first attempt in 1950, he passed his agrégation in philosophy on the second try, in 1951. Excused from national service on medical grounds, he

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 decided to start a doctorate at the Fondation Thiers in 1951, focusing on the philosophy of psychology, but he relinquished it after only one year in 1952. <mask> was also interested in psychology and he attended Daniel Lagache's lectures at the University of Paris, where he obtained a B.A. (licence) in Psychology in 1949 and a Diploma in Psychopathology (Diplôme de psychopathologie) from the University's Institute of Psychology (now ) in June 1952. Early career (1951–1960)

Over the following few years, <mask> embarked on a variety of research and teaching jobs. From 1951 to 1955, he worked as a psychology instructor at the ENS at Althusser's invitation.In Paris, he shared a flat with his brother, who was training to become a surgeon, but for three days in the week commuted to the northern town of Lille, teaching psychology at the Université de Lille from 1953 to 1954. Many of his students liked his lecturing style. Meanwhile, he continued working on his thesis, visiting the Bibliothèque Nationale every day to read the work of psychologists like Ivan Pavlov, Jean Piaget and Karl Jaspers. Undertaking research at the psychiatric institute of the Sainte-Anne Hospital, he became an unofficial intern, studying the relationship between doctor and patient and aiding experiments in the electroencephalographic laboratory. <mask> adopted many of the theories of the psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud, undertaking psychoanalytical interpretation of his dreams and making friends undergo Rorschach tests. Embracing the Parisian avant-garde, <mask> entered into a romantic relationship with the serialist composer Jean Barraqué. Together, they tried to produce their greatest work, heavily used recreational drugs and engaged in

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title: Michel Foucault

texts: sado-masochistic sexual activity.In August 1953, <mask> and Barraqué holidayed in Italy, where the philosopher immersed himself in Untimely Meditations (1873–1876), a set of four essays by the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. Later describing Nietzsche's work as "a revelation", he felt that reading the book deeply affected him, being a watershed moment in his life. <mask> subsequently experienced another groundbreaking self-revelation when watching a Parisian performance of Samuel Beckett's new play, Waiting for Godot, in 1953. Interested in literature, <mask> was an avid reader of the philosopher Maurice Blanchot's book reviews published in Nouvelle Revue Française. Enamoured of Blanchot's literary style and critical theories, in later works he adopted Blanchot's technique of "interviewing" himself. <mask> also came across Hermann Broch's 1945 novel The Death of Virgil, a work that obsessed both him and Barraqué. While the latter attempted to convert the work into an epic opera, <mask> admired Broch's text for its portrayal of death as an affirmation of life.The couple took a mutual interest in the work of such authors as the Marquis de Sade, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Franz Kafka and Jean Genet, all of whose works explored the themes of sex and violence. Interested in the work of Swiss psychologist Ludwig Binswanger, <mask> aided family friend Jacqueline Verdeaux in translating his works into French. <mask> was particularly interested in Binswanger's studies of Ellen West who, like himself, had a deep obsession with suicide, eventually killing herself. In 1954, <mask> authored an introduction to Binswanger's paper "Dream and Existence", in which he argued that dreams constituted "the birth of the world" or "the heart laid

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 bare," expressing the mind's deepest desires. That same year, <mask> published his first book, Maladie mentale et personalité (Mental Illness and Personality), in which he exhibited his influence from both Marxist and Heideggerian thought, covering a wide range of subject matter from the reflex psychology of Pavlov to the classic psychoanalysis of Freud. Referencing the work of sociologists and anthropologists such as Émile Durkheim and Margaret Mead, he presented his theory that illness was culturally relative. Biographer James Miller noted that while the book exhibited "erudition and evident intelligence," it lacked the "kind of fire and flair" which <mask> exhibited in subsequent works.It was largely critically ignored, receiving only one review at the time. <mask> grew to despise it, unsuccessfully attempting to prevent its republication and translation into English. Sweden, Poland, and West Germany: 1955–1960
<mask> spent the next five years abroad, first in Sweden, working as cultural diplomat at the University of Uppsala, a job obtained through his acquaintance with historian of religion Georges Dumézil. At Uppsala he was appointed a Reader in French language and literature, while simultaneously working as director of the Maison de France, thus opening the possibility of a cultural-diplomatic career. Although finding it difficult to adjust to the "Nordic gloom" and long winters, he developed close friendships with two Frenchmen, biochemist Jean-François Miquel and physicist Jacques Papet-Lépine, and entered into romantic and sexual relationships with various men. In Uppsala he became known for his heavy alcohol consumption and reckless driving in his new Jaguar car. In spring 1956 Barraqué broke from his


title: Michel Foucault

texts: relationship with <mask>, announcing that he wanted to leave the "vertigo of madness".In Uppsala, <mask> spent much of his spare time in the university's Carolina Rediviva library, making use of their Bibliotheca Walleriana collection of texts on the history of medicine for his ongoing research. Finishing his doctoral thesis, <mask> hoped that Uppsala University would accept it, but Sten Lindroth, a positivistic historian of science there, remained unimpressed, asserting that it was full of speculative generalisations and was a poor work of history; he refused to allow <mask> to be awarded a doctorate at Uppsala. In part because of this rejection, <mask> left Sweden. Later, <mask> admitted that the work was a first draft with certain lack of quality. Again at Dumézil's behest, in October 1958 <mask> arrived in the capital of Polish People's Republic, Warsaw and took charge of the University of Warsaw's Centre Français. <mask> found life in Poland difficult due to the lack of material goods and services following the destruction of the Second World War. Witnessing the aftermath of the Polish October of 1956, when students had protested against the governing communist Polish United Workers' Party, he felt that most Poles despised their government as a puppet regime of the Soviet Union, and thought that the system ran "badly".Considering the university a liberal enclave, he traveled the country giving lectures; proving popular, he adopted the position of de facto cultural attaché. Like France and Sweden, Poland legally tolerated but socially frowned on homosexual activity, and <mask> undertook relationships with a number of men; one was with a Polish security agent who hoped to trap <mask> in an embarrassing situation,

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 which therefore would reflect badly on the French embassy. Wracked in diplomatic scandal, he was ordered to leave Poland for a new destination. Various positions were available in West Germany, and so <mask> relocated to the  (where he served as director in 1958–1960), teaching the same courses he had given in Uppsala and Warsaw. Spending much time in the Reeperbahn red light district, he entered into a relationship with a transvestite. Growing career (1960–1970)

Madness and Civilization: 1960

In West Germany, <mask> completed in 1960 his primary thesis (thèse principale) for his State doctorate, titled Folie et déraison: Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique (trans. "Madness and Insanity: History of Madness in the Classical Age"), a philosophical work based upon his studies into the history of medicine.The book discussed how West European society had dealt with madness, arguing that it was a social construct distinct from mental illness. <mask> traces the evolution of the concept of madness through three phases: the Renaissance, the later 17th and 18th centuries, and the modern experience. The work alludes to the work of French poet and playwright Antonin Artaud, who exerted a strong influence over <mask>'s thought at the time. Histoire de la folie was an expansive work, consisting of 943 pages of text, followed by appendices and a bibliography. <mask> submitted it at the University of Paris, although the university's regulations for awarding a State doctorate required the submission of both his main thesis and a shorter complementary thesis. Obtaining a doctorate in France at the period was a multi-step process. The first step was to obtain a rapporteur, or "sponsor" for the work: <mask> chose Georges

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title: Michel Foucault

texts: Canguilhem.The second was to find a publisher, and as a result Folie et déraison was published in French in May 1961 by the company Plon, whom <mask> chose over Presses Universitaires de France after being rejected by Gallimard. In 1964, a heavily abridged version was published as a mass market paperback, then translated into English for publication the following year as Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason. Folie et déraison received a mixed reception in France and in foreign journals focusing on French affairs. Although it was critically acclaimed by Maurice Blanchot, <mask>, Roland Barthes, Gaston Bachelard, and Fernand Braudel, it was largely ignored by the leftist press, much to <mask>'s disappointment. It was notably criticised for advocating metaphysics by young philosopher Jacques Derrida in a March 1963 lecture at the University of Paris. Responding with a vicious retort, <mask> criticised Derrida's interpretation of René Descartes. The two remained bitter rivals until reconciling in 1981.In the English-speaking world, the work became a significant influence on the anti-psychiatry movement during the 1960s; <mask> took a mixed approach to this, associating with a number of anti-psychiatrists but arguing that most of them misunderstood his work. <mask>'s secondary thesis (), written in Hamburg between 1959 and 1960, was a translation and commentary on German philosopher Immanuel Kant's Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View (1798); the thesis was titled Introduction à l'Anthropologie. Largely consisting of <mask>'s discussion of textual dating—an "archaeology of the Kantian text"—he rounded off the thesis with an evocation of Nietzsche, his biggest philosophical influence.

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 This work's rapporteur was <mask>'s old tutor and then-director of the ENS, Hyppolite, who was well acquainted with German philosophy. After both theses were championed and reviewed, he underwent his public defense of his doctoral thesis (soutenance de thèse) on 20 May 1961. The academics responsible for reviewing his work were concerned about the unconventional nature of his major thesis; reviewer Henri Gouhier noted that it was not a conventional work of history, making sweeping generalisations without sufficient particular argument, and that <mask> clearly "thinks in allegories". They all agreed however that the overall project was of merit, awarding <mask> his doctorate "despite reservations."University of Clermont-Ferrand, The Birth of the Clinic, and The Order of Things: 1960–1966
In October 1960, <mask> took a tenured post in philosophy at the University of Clermont-Ferrand, commuting to the city every week from Paris, where he lived in a high-rise block on the rue du Dr Finlay. Responsible for teaching psychology, which was subsumed within the philosophy department, he was considered a "fascinating" but "rather traditional" teacher at Clermont. The department was run by Jules Vuillemin, who soon developed a friendship with <mask>. <mask> then took Vuillemin's job when the latter was elected to the Collège de France in 1962. In this position, <mask> took a dislike to another staff member whom he considered stupid: Roger Garaudy, a senior figure in the Communist Party. <mask> made life at the university difficult for Garaudy, leading the latter to transfer to Poitiers. <mask> also caused controversy by securing a university job for his lover, the philosopher Daniel Defert, with whom he retained a non-monogamous

masks: Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault Foucault


title: Michel Foucault

texts: relationship for the rest of his life.<mask> maintained a keen interest in literature, publishing reviews in literary journals, including Tel Quel and Nouvelle Revue Française, and sitting on the editorial board of Critique. In May 1963, he published a book devoted to poet, novelist, and playwright Raymond Roussel. It was written in under two months, published by Gallimard, and was described by biographer David Macey as "a very personal book" that resulted from a "love affair" with Roussel's work. It was published in English in 1983 as Death and the Labyrinth: The World of Raymond Roussel. Receiving few reviews, it was largely ignored. That same year he published a sequel to  Folie et déraison, titled Naissance de la Clinique, subsequently translated as The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception. Shorter than its predecessor, it focused on the changes that the medical establishment underwent in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.Like his preceding work, Naissance de la Clinique was largely critically ignored, but later gained a cult following. It was of interest within the field of medical ethics, as it considered the ways in which the history of medicine and hospitals, and the training that those working within them receive, bring about a particular way of looking at the body: the 'medical gaze'. <mask> was also selected to be among the "Eighteen Man Commission" that assembled between November 1963 and March 1964 to discuss university reforms that were to be implemented by Christian Fouchet, the Gaullist Minister of National Education. Implemented in 1967, they brought staff strikes and student protests. In April 1966, Gallimard published <mask>'s Les Mots et les choses ('Words and Things'),


title: Michel Foucault

texts:
 later translated as The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. Exploring how man came to be an object of knowledge, it argued that all periods of history have possessed certain underlying conditions of truth that constituted what was acceptable as scientific discourse. <mask> argues that these conditions of discourse have changed over time, from one period's épistémè to another.Although designed for a specialist audience, the work gained media attention, becoming a surprise bestseller in France. Appearing at the height of interest in structuralism, <mask> was quickly grouped with scholars such as Jacques Lacan, Claude Lévi-Strauss, and Roland Barthes, as the latest wave of thinkers set to topple the existentialism popularized by Jean-Paul Sartre. Although initially accepting this description, <mask> soon vehemently rejected it. <mask> and Sartre regularly criticised one another in the press. Both Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir attacked <mask>'s ideas as "bourgeois", while <mask> retaliated against their Marxist beliefs by proclaiming that "Marxism exists in nineteenth-century thought as a fish exists in water; that is, it ceases to breathe anywhere else." University of Tunis and Vincennes: 1966–1970

In September 1966, <mask> took a position teaching psychology at the University of Tunis in Tunisia. His decision to do so was largely because his lover, Defert, had been posted to the country as part of his national service.<mask> moved a few kilometres from Tunis, to the village of Sidi Bou Saïd, where fellow academic Gérard Deledalle lived with his wife. Soon after his arrival, <mask> announced that Tunisia was "blessed by history", a nation which "deserves to live forever because it was where Hannibal


title: Michel Foucault

texts: and St. Augustine lived." His lectures at the university proved very popular, and were well attended. Although many young students were enthusiastic about his teaching, they were critical of what they believed to be his right-wing political views, viewing him as a "representative of Gaullist technocracy", even though he considered himself a leftist. <mask> was in Tunis during the anti-government and pro-Palestinian riots that rocked the city in June 1967, and which continued for a year. Although highly critical of the violent, ultra-nationalistic and anti-semitic nature of many protesters, he used his status to try to prevent some of his militant leftist students from being arrested and tortured for their role in the agitation. He hid their printing press in his garden, and tried to testify on their behalf at their trials, but was prevented when the trials became closed-door events.While in Tunis, <mask> continued to write. Inspired by a correspondence with the surrealist artist René Magritte, <mask> started to write a book about the impressionist artist Édouard Manet, but never completed it. In 1968, <mask>rard. After the May 1968 student protests, Minister of Education Edgar Faure responded by founding new universities with greater autonomy. Most prominent of these was the Centre Expérimental de Vincennes in Vincennes on the outskirts of Paris. A group of prominent academics were asked to select teachers to run the centre's departments, and Canguilheim recommended <mask> as head of the Philosophy Department. Becoming a tenured professor of Vincennes, <mask>'s desire was to obtain "the best in French philosophy today" for his department, employing <mask>, Judith Miller, Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière, François

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 Regnault, Henri Weber, Étienne Balibar, and François Châtelet; most of them were Marxists or ultra-left activists.Lectures began at the university in January 1969, and straight away its students and staff, including <mask>, were involved in occupations and clashes with police, resulting in arrests. In February, <mask> gave a speech denouncing police provocation to protesters at the Maison de la Mutualité. Such actions marked <mask>'s embrace of the ultra-left, undoubtedly influenced by Defert, who had gained a job at Vincennes' sociology department and who had become a Maoist. Most of the courses at <mask>'s philosophy department were Marxist–Leninist oriented, although <mask> himself gave courses on Nietzsche, "The end of Metaphysics", and "The Discourse of Sexuality", which were highly popular and over-subscribed. While the right-wing press was heavily critical of this new institution, new Minister of Education Olivier Guichard was angered by its ideological bent and the lack of exams, with students being awarded degrees in a haphazard manner. He refused national accreditation of the department's degrees, resulting in a public rebuttal from Foucault. Later life (1970–1984)

Collège de France and Discipline and Punish: 1970–1975
Foucault desired to leave Vincennes and become a fellow of the prestigious Collège de France.He requested to join, taking up a chair in what he called the "history of systems of thought," and his request was championed by members Dumézil, Hyppolite, and Vuillemin. In November 1969, when an opening became available, <mask> was elected to the Collège, though with opposition by a large minority. He gave his inaugural lecture in December 1970, which was subsequently published as L'Ordre du


title: Michel Foucault

texts: discours (The Discourse of Language). He was obliged to give 12 weekly lectures a year—and did so for the rest of his life—covering the topics that he was researching at the time; these became "one of the events of Parisian intellectual life" and were repeatedly packed out events. On Mondays, he also gave seminars to a group of students; many of them became a "Foulcauldian tribe" who worked with him on his research. He enjoyed this teamwork and collective research, and together they published a number of short books. Working at the Collège allowed him to travel widely, giving lectures in Brazil, Japan, Canada, and the United States over the next 14 years.In 1970 and 1972, <mask> served as a professor in the French Department of the University at Buffalo in Buffalo, New York. In May 1971, <mask> co-founded the Groupe d'Information sur les Prisons (GIP) along with historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet and journalist Jean-Marie Domenach. The GIP aimed to investigate and expose poor conditions in prisons and give prisoners and ex-prisoners a voice in French society. It was highly critical of the penal system, believing that it converted petty criminals into hardened delinquents. The GIP gave press conferences and staged protests surrounding the events of the Toul prison riot in December 1971, alongside other prison riots that it sparked off; in doing so it faced a police crackdown and repeated arrests. The group became active across France, with 2,000 to 3,000, members, but disbanded before 1974. Also campaigning against the death penalty, <mask> co-authored a short book on the case of the convicted murderer Pierre Rivière.After his research into the penal system, <mask> published Surveiller et punir: Naissance de la prison


title: Michel Foucault

texts: (Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison) in 1975, offering a history of the system in western Europe. In it, <mask> examines the penal evolution away from corporal and capital punishment to the penitentiary system that began in Europe and the United States around the end of the 18th century. Biographer Didier Eribon described it as "perhaps the finest" of <mask>'s works, and it was well received. <mask> was also active in anti-racist campaigns; in November 1971, he was a leading figure in protests following the perceived racist killing of Arab migrant Djellali Ben Ali. In this he worked alongside his old rival Sartre, the journalist Claude Mauriac, and one of his literary heroes, Jean Genet. This campaign was formalised as the Committee for the Defence of the Rights of Immigrants, but there was tension at their meetings as <mask> opposed the anti-Israeli sentiment of many Arab workers and Maoist activists. At a December 1972 protest against the police killing of Algerian worker Mohammad Diab, both <mask> and Genet were arrested, resulting in widespread publicity.<mask> was also involved in founding the Agence de Press-Libération (APL), a group of leftist journalists who intended to cover news stories neglected by the mainstream press. In 1973, they established the daily newspaper Libération, and <mask> suggested that they establish committees across France to collect news and distribute the paper, and advocated a column known as the "Chronicle of the Workers' Memory" to allow workers to express their opinions. <mask> wanted an active journalistic role in the paper, but this proved untenable, and he soon became disillusioned with Libération, believing that it distorted the facts; he did not publish in it until


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 1980. In 1975 he had an LSD experience with Simeon Wade and Michael Stoneman in Death Valley, California and later wrote "it was the greatest experience of his life, and that it profoundly changed his life and his work". In front of Zabriskie Point they took LSD while listening to a well-prepared music program: Richard Strauss's Four Last Songs, followed by Charles Ives's Three Places in New England, ending with a few avant-garde pieces by Stockhausen. According to Wade, as soon as he came back to Paris, <mask> scrapped the second History of Sexuality's manuscript, and totally rethought the whole project. The History of Sexuality and Iranian Revolution: 1976–1979
In 1976, Gallimard published <mask>'s Histoire de la sexualité: la volonté de savoir (The History of Sexuality: The Will to Knowledge), a short book exploring what <mask> called the "repressive hypothesis".It revolved largely around the concept of power, rejecting both Marxist and Freudian theory. <mask> intended it as the first in a seven-volume exploration of the subject. Histoire de la sexualité was a best-seller in France and gained positive press, but lukewarm intellectual interest, something that upset <mask>, who felt that many misunderstood his hypothesis. He soon became dissatisfied with Gallimard after being offended by senior staff member Pierre Nora. Along with Paul Veyne and François Wahl, <mask> launched a new series of academic books, known as Des travaux (Some Works), through the company Seuil, which he hoped would improve the state of academic research in France. He also produced introductions for the memoirs of Herculine Barbin and My Secret Life. <mask>'s Histoire de la sexualité concentrates on the relation between truth and sex.He defines


title: Michel Foucault

texts: truth as a system of ordered procedures for the production, distribution, regulation, circulation, and operation of statements. Through this system of truth, power structures are created and enforced. Though <mask>'s definition of truth may differ from other sociologists before and after him, his work with truth in relation to power structures, such as sexuality, has left a profound mark on social science theory. In his work, he examines the heightened curiosity regarding sexuality that induced a "world of perversion" during the elite, capitalist 18th and 19th century in the western world. According to <mask> in History of Sexuality, society of the modern age is symbolized by the conception of sexual discourses and their union with the system of truth. In the "world of perversion", including extramarital affairs, homosexual behavior, and other such sexual promiscuities, <mask> concludes that sexual relations of the kind are constructed around producing the truth. Sex became not only a means of pleasure, but an issue of truth.Sex is what confines one to darkness, but also what brings one to light. Similarly, in The History of Sexuality, society validates and approves people based on how closely they fit the discursive mold of sexual truth. As <mask> reminds us, in the 18th and 19th centuries, the Church was the epitome of power structure within society. Thus, many aligned their personal virtues with those of the Church, further internalizing their beliefs on the meaning of sex. However, those who unify their sexual relation to the truth become decreasingly obliged to share their internal views with those of the Church. They will no longer see the arrangement of societal norms as an effect of the Church's deep-seated


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 power structure. <mask> remained a political activist, focusing on protesting government abuses of human rights around the world.He was a key player in the 1975 protests against the Spanish government who were set to execute 11 militants sentenced to death without fair trial. It was his idea to travel to Madrid with six others to give a press conference there; they were subsequently arrested and deported back to Paris. In 1977, he protested the extradition of Klaus Croissant to West Germany, and his rib was fractured during clashes with riot police. In July that year, he organised an assembly of Eastern Bloc dissidents to mark the visit of Soviet general secretary Leonid Brezhnev to Paris. In 1979, he campaigned for Vietnamese political dissidents to be granted asylum in France. In 1977, Italian newspaper Corriere della sera asked <mask> to write a column for them. In doing so, in 1978 he travelled to Tehran in Iran, days after the Black Friday massacre.Documenting the developing Iranian Revolution, he met with opposition leaders such as Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari and Mehdi Bazargan, and discovered the popular support for Islamism. Returning to France, he was one of the journalists who visited the Ayatollah Khomeini, before visiting Tehran. His articles expressed awe of Khomeini's Islamist movement, for which he was widely criticised in the French press, including by Iranian expatriates. <mask>'s response was that Islamism was to become a major political force in the region, and that the West must treat it with respect rather than hostility. In April 1978, <mask> traveled to Japan, where he studied Zen Buddhism under Omori Sogen at the Seionji temple in Uenohara. Final years: 1980–1984
Although remaining critical of


title: Michel Foucault

texts: power relations, <mask> expressed cautious support for the Socialist Party government of François Mitterrand following its electoral victory in 1981. But his support soon deteriorated when that party refused to condemn the Polish government's crackdown on the 1982 demonstrations in Poland orchestrated by the Solidarity trade union.He and sociologist Pierre Bourdieu authored a document condemning Mitterrand's inaction that was published in Libération, and they also took part in large public protests on the issue. <mask> continued to support Solidarity, and with his friend Simone Signoret traveled to Poland as part of a Médecins du Monde expedition, taking time out to visit the Auschwitz concentration camp. He continued his academic research, and in June 1984 Gallimard published the second and third volumes of Histoire de la sexualité. Volume two, L'Usage des plaisirs, dealt with the "techniques of self" prescribed by ancient Greek pagan morality in relation to sexual ethics, while volume three, Le Souci de soi, explored the same theme in the Greek and Latin texts of the first two centuries CE. A fourth volume, Les Aveux de la chair, was to examine sexuality in early Christianity, but it was not finished. In October 1980, <mask> became a visiting professor at the University of California, Berkeley, giving the Howison Lectures on "Truth and Subjectivity", while in November he lectured at the Humanities Institute at New York University. His growing popularity in American intellectual circles was noted by Time magazine, while <mask> went on to lecture at UCLA in 1981, the University of Vermont in 1982, and Berkeley again in 1983, where his lectures drew huge crowds.<mask> spent many evenings in the San Francisco gay scene,

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 frequenting sado-masochistic bathhouses, engaging in unprotected sex. He praised sado-masochistic activity in interviews with the gay press, describing it as "the real creation of new possibilities of pleasure, which people had no idea about previously." <mask> contracted HIV and eventually developed AIDS. Little was known of the virus at the time; the first cases had only been identified in 1980. <mask> initially referred to AIDS as a "dreamed-up disease". In summer 1983, he developed a persistent dry cough, which concerned friends in Paris, but <mask> insisted it was just a pulmonary infection. Only when hospitalized was <mask> correctly diagnosed; treated with antibiotics, he delivered a final set of lectures at the Collège de France.<mask> entered Paris' Hôpital de la Salpêtrière—the same institution that he had studied in Madness and Civilisation—on 10 June 1984, with neurological symptoms complicated by sepsis. He died in the hospital on 25 June. Death
On 26 June 1984, Libération announced <mask>'s death, mentioning the rumour that it had been brought on by AIDS. The following day, Le Monde issued a medical bulletin cleared by his family that made no reference to HIV/AIDS. On 29 June, <mask>'s la levée du corps ceremony was held, in which the coffin was carried from the hospital morgue. Hundreds attended, including activists and academic friends, while Gilles Deleuze gave a speech using excerpts from The History of Sexuality. His body was then buried at Vendeuvre-du-Poitou in a small ceremony.Soon after his death, <mask>'s partner Daniel Defert founded the first national HIV/AIDS organisation in France, AIDES; a play on the French language word for "help" (aide) and the English language acronym for the disease.


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 On the second anniversary of <mask>'s death, Defert publicly revealed that <mask>'s death was AIDS-related in The Advocate. Personal life
<mask>'s first biographer, Didier Eribon, described the philosopher as "a complex, many-sided character", and that "under one mask there is always another". He also noted that he exhibited an "enormous capacity for work". At the ENS, <mask>'s classmates unanimously summed him up as a figure who was both "disconcerting and strange" and "a passionate worker". As he aged, his personality changed: Eribon noted that while he was a "tortured adolescent", post-1960, he had become "a radiant man, relaxed and cheerful", even being described by those who worked with him as a dandy. He noted that in 1969, <mask> embodied the idea of "the militant intellectual".<mask> was an atheist. He loved classical music, particularly enjoying the work of Johann Sebastian Bach and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and became known for wearing turtleneck sweaters. After his death, <mask>'s friend Georges Dumézil described him as having possessed "a profound kindness and goodness", also exhibiting an "intelligence [that] literally knew no bounds." His life-partner Daniel Defert inherited his estate, whose archive was sold to the France's national library, for €3.8m ($4.5m, April 2021). Politics
Politically, <mask> was a leftist throughout much of his life, though his particular stance within the left often changed. In the early 1950s, while never adopting an orthodox Marxist viewpoint, <mask> had been a member of the French Communist Party, leaving the party after three years as he expressed disgust in the prejudice within its ranks against Jews and homosexuals. After spending some time working in Poland, governed at


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 the time as a socialist state by the Polish United Workers' Party, he became further disillusioned with communist ideology.As a result, in the early 1960s, <mask> was a proponent of adult-child underage sex and of pedophilia, considering them a form of liberation for both actors; he argued young children could give sexual consent. In 1977, along with Jean-Paul Sartre, Jacques Derrida, and other intellectuals, <mask> signed a petition to the French parliament calling for the decriminalization of all "consensual" sexual relations between adults and minors below the age of fifteen, the age of consent in France. Philosophical work

<mask>'s colleague Pierre Bourdieu summarized the philosopher's thought as "a long exploration of transgression, of going beyond social limits, always inseparably linked to knowledge and power." Philosopher Philip Stokes of the University of Reading noted that overall, <mask>'s work was "dark and pessimistic." Though it does, however, leave some room for optimism, in that it illustrates how the discipline of philosophy can be used to highlight areas of domination. In doing so, as Stokes claimed, the ways in which we are being dominated become better understood, so that we may strive to build social structures that minimise this risk of domination.In all of this development there had to be close attention to detail; it is the detail which eventually individualizes people. Later in his life, <mask> explained that his work was less about analyzing power as a phenomenon than about trying to characterize the different ways in which contemporary society has expressed the use of power to "objectivise subjects." These have taken three broad forms: one involving scientific authority to classify and

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 'order' knowledge about human populations; the second has been to categorize and 'normalise' human subjects (by identifying madness, illness, physical features, and so on); and the third relates to the manner in which the impulse to fashion sexual identities and train one's own body to engage in routines and practices ends up reproducing certain patterns within a given society. Literature
In addition to his philosophical work, <mask> also wrote on literature. Death and the Labyrinth: The World of Raymond Roussel, published in 1963 and translated in English in 1986, is <mask>'s only book-length work on literature. He described it as "by far the book I wrote most easily, with the greatest pleasure, and most rapidly." <mask> explores theory, criticism, and psychology with reference to the texts of Raymond Roussel, one of the first notable experimental writers.<mask> also gave a lecture responding to Roland Barthes' famous essay "The Death of the Author" titled "What Is an Author?" in 1969, later published in full. According to literary theoretician Kornelije Kvas, for <mask>, "denying the existence of a historical author on account of his/ her irrelevance for interpretation is absurd, for the author is a function of the text that organizes its sense." Theory of power
<mask>'s analysis of power comes in two forms: empirical and theoretical. The empirical analyses concern themselves with historical (and modern) forms of power and how these emerged from previous forms of power. <mask> describes three types of power in his empirical analyses: sovereign power, disciplinary power, and biopower. <mask> is generally critical of "theories" that try to give absolute answers to "everything."Therefore, he considered his own


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 "theory" of power to be closer to a method than a typical "theory." According to <mask>, most people misunderstand power. For this reason, he makes clear that power cannot be completely described as:
 A group of institutions and/or mechanisms whose aim it is for a citizen to obey and yield to the state (a typical liberal definition of power);
 Yielding to rules (a typical psychoanalytical definition of power); or
 A general and oppressing system where one societal class or group oppresses another (a typical feminist or Orthodox Marxist definition of power). <mask> is not critical of considering these phenomena as "power", but claims that these theories of power cannot completely describe all forms of power. <mask> also claims that a liberal definition of power has effectively hidden other forms of power to the extent that people have uncritically accepted them. <mask>'s own theory of power begins on micro-level, with singular "force relations". Richard A. Lynch defines <mask>'s concept of "force relation" as "whatever in one's social interactions that pushes, urges or compels one to do something."According to <mask>, force relations are an effect of difference, inequality or unbalance that exists in other forms of relationships (such as sexual or economic). Force, and power, is however not something that a person or group "holds" (such as in the sovereign definition of power), instead power is a complex group of forces that comes from "everything" and therefore exists everywhere. That relations of power always result from inequality, difference or unbalance also means that power always has a goal or purpose. Power comes in two forms: tactics and strategies. Tactics is power on the micro-level, which can for example be


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 how a person chooses to express themselves through their clothes. Strategies on the other hand, is power on macro-level, which can be the state of fashion at any moment. Strategies consist of a combination of tactics.At the same time, power is non-subjective according to <mask>. This posits a paradox, according to Lynch, since "someone" has to exert power, while at the same time there can be no "someone" exerting this power. According to Lynch this paradox can be solved with two observations:
 By looking at power as something which reaches further than the influence of single people or groups. Even if individuals and groups try to influence fashion, for example, their actions will often get unexpected consequences. Even if individuals and groups have a free choice, they are also affected and limited by their context/situation. According to <mask>, force relations are constantly changing, constantly interacting with other force relations which may weaken, strengthen or change one another. <mask> writes that power always includes resistance, which means there is always a possibility that power and force relations will change in some way.According to Richard A. Lynch, the purpose of <mask>'s theory of power is to increase peoples' awareness of how power has shaped their way of being, thinking and acting, and by increasing this awareness making it possible for them to change their way of being, thinking and acting. Sovereign power
With "sovereign power" <mask> alludes to a power structure that is similar to a pyramid, where one person or a group of people (at the top of the pyramid) holds the power, while the "normal" (and oppressed) people are at the bottom of the pyramid. In the middle parts of the pyramid are the


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 people who enforce the sovereign's orders. A typical example of sovereign power is absolute monarchy. In historical absolute monarchies, crimes had been considered a personal offense against the sovereign and his/her power. The punishment was often public and spectacular, partly to deter others from committing crimes, but also to reinstate the sovereign's power. This was however both expensive and ineffective – it led far too often to people sympathizing with the criminal.In modern times, when disciplinary power is dominant, criminals are instead subjected to various disciplinary techniques to "remold" the criminal into a "law abiding citizen". According to Chloë Taylor, a characteristic for sovereign power is that the sovereign has the right to take life, wealth, services, labor and products. The sovereign has a right to subtract – to take life, to enslave life, etc. – but not the right to control life in the way that later happens in disciplinary systems of power. According to Taylor, the form of power that the philosopher Thomas Hobbes is concerned about, is sovereign power. According to Hobbes, people are "free" so long they are not literally placed in chains. Disciplinary power
What <mask> calls "disciplinary power" aims to use bodies' skills as effectively as possible.The more useful the body becomes, the more obedient it also has to become. The purpose of this is not only to use the bodies' skills, but also prevent these skills from being used to revolt against the power. Disciplinary power has "individuals" as its object, target and instrument. According to <mask>, "individual" is however a construct created by disciplinary power. The disciplinary power's techniques create a "rational self-control", which in

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texts: practice means that the disciplinary power is internalized and therefore doesn't continuously need external force. <mask> says that disciplinary power is primarily not an oppressing form of power, but rather so a productive form of power. Disciplinary power doesn't oppress interests or desires, but instead subjects bodies to reconstructed patterns of behavior to reconstruct their thoughts, desires and interests.According to <mask> this happens in factories, schools, hospitals and prisons. Disciplinary power creates a certain type of individual by producing new movements, habits and skills. It focuses on details, single movements, their timing and speed. It organizes bodies in time and space, and controls every movement for maximal effect. It uses rules, surveillance, exams and controls. The activities follow certain plans, whose purpose it is to lead the bodies to certain pre-determined goals. The bodies are also combined with each other, to reach a productivity that is greater than the sum of all bodies activities.Disciplinary power has according to Foucault been especially successful due to its usage of three technologies: hierarchical observation, normalizing judgement and exams. By hierarchical observation, the bodies become constantly visible to the power. The observation is hierarchical since there is not a single observer, but rather so a "hierarchy" of observers. An example of this is mental asylums during the 19th century, when the psychiatrist was not the only observer, but also nurses and auxiliary staff. From these observations and scientific discourses, a norm is established and used to judge the observed bodies. For the disciplinary power to continue to exist, this judgement has to be normalized. <mask>


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texts: mentions several characteristics of this judgement: (1) all deviations, even small ones, from correct behavior are punished, (2) repeated rule violations are punished extra, (3) exercises are used as a behavior correcting technique and punishment, (4) rewards are used together with punishment to establish a hierarchy of good and bad behavior/people, (5) rank/grades/etc.are used as punishment and reward. Examinations combine the hierarchical observation with judgement. Exams objectify and individualize the observed bodies by creating extensive documentation about every observed body. The purpose of the exams is therefore to gather further information about each individual, track their development and compare their results to the norm. According to <mask>, the "formula" for disciplinary power can be seen in philosopher Jeremy Bentham's plan for the "optimal prison": the panopticon. Such a prison consists of a circle-formed building where every cell is inhabited by only one prisoner. In every cell there are two windows – one to let in light from outside and one pointing to the middle of the circle-formed building.In this middle there is a tower where a guard can be placed to observe the prisoners. Since the prisoners will never be able to know whether they are being watched or not at a given moment, they will internalize the disciplinary power and regulate their own behavior (as if they were constantly being watched). <mask> says this construction (1) creates an individuality by separating prisoners from each other in the physical room, (2) since the prisoners cannot know if they are being watched at any given moment, they internalize the disciplinary power and regulate their own behavior as if they were always watched,


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 (3) the surveillance makes it possible to create extensive documentation about each prisoner and their behavior. According to <mask> the panopticon has been used as a model also for other disciplinary institutions, such as mental asylums in the 19th century. F.W. Taylor's The Principles of Scientific Management

Marcelo Hoffman posits that an example of disciplinary power can be seen in Frederick Winslow Taylor's book The Principles of Scientific Management. Taylor's purpose was to increase the efficacy of workers by having their behavior controlled by the company's management.He mentions as an example an attempt to increase the amount of pig iron carried by each worker during a day from 12.5 tonnes to 47 tonnes, without causing the workers to strike. Here, Hoffman says, is a clear example of how the disciplinary power tries to make the body more obedient the more useful it becomes. Taylor describes that he started out with observing his 75 workers to pick out the most skilled workers. He had studied the workers history, character, habits and ambitions. Here is an example of how the disciplinary power creates an individuality. One of the selected workers, "Schmidt", was according to Taylor a man with high ambitions that valued a high salary. Schmidt accepted the terms given: He would earn 61% more if he agreed to obey without protest the orders given to him by an appointed instructor.Schmidt was thereafter observed and controlled in every detail of his working day – he was told when and how to work, when to rest, etc. According to Taylor, Schmidt never failed to obey during the three years during which he was subjected to this detailed control and higher workload. Another example mentioned by Taylor is taken from a


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 different industry, where Taylor had calculated the "optimal" workload for each worker. There Taylor had developed a system where every worker was not only continuously observed, but also punished if they had failed to reach up to the daily quota the previous workday. Every day the workers received a yellow or white note at the end of each shift, where yellow notes were given to those who had not reached the daily quota. Those who were given yellow notes were then threatened with redeployment to a "working role better fit for their productive capacities", which according to Taylor effectively led the workers to work harder. According to Taylor, the workers who were given yellow notes were not immediately redeployed.Instead, Taylor writes that a "skilled teacher" were sent to teach the workers how to do the work properly. The teachers job was however not only to "teach" the workers how to work more effectively, but also to observe them and their working capacity. Besides this teacher, Taylor also describes that the workers were observed by others, such as administrators, managers, etc. Biopower

With "biopower" <mask> refers to power over bios (life) – power over populations. Biopower primarily rests on norms which are internalized by people, rather than external force. It encourages, strengthens, controls, observes, optimizes and organize the forces below it. <mask> has sometimes described biopower as separate from disciplinary power, but at other times he has described disciplinary power as an expression of biopower.Biopower can use disciplinary techniques, but in contrast to disciplinary power its target is populations rather than individuals. Biopower studies populations regarding (for example) number of births,


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texts: life expectancy, public health, housing, migration, crime, which social groups are over-represented in deviations from the norm (regarding health, crime, etc.) and tries to adjust, control or eliminate these norm deviations. One example is the age distribution in a population. Biopower is interested in age distribution to compensate for future (or current) lacks of labor power, retirement homes, etc. Yet another example is sex: because sex is connected to population growth, sex and sexuality have been of great interest to biopower. On a disciplinary level, people who engaged in non-reproductive sexual acts have been treated for psychiatric diagnoses such as "perversion", "frigidity" and "sexual dysfunction".On a biopower-level, the usage of contraceptives has been studied, some social groups have (by various means) been encouraged to have children, while others (such as poor, sick, unmarried women, criminals or people with disability) have been discouraged or prevented from having children. In the era of biopower, death has become a scandal and a catastrophe, but despite this biopower has according to <mask> killed more people than any other form of power has ever done before it. Under sovereign power, the sovereign king could kill people to exert his power or start wars simply to extend his kingdom, but during the era of biopower wars have instead been motivated by an ambition to "protect life itself". Similar motivations has also been used for genocide. For example, Nazi Germany motivated its attempt to eradicate Jews, the mentally ill and disabled with the motivation that Jews were "a threat to the German health", and that the money spent on healthcare for mentally ill and disabled would be better spent on "viable


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 Germans". Chloë Taylor also mentions the Iraq War was motivated by similar tenets. The motivation was at first that Iraq was thought to have weapons of mass destruction and connections to Al-Qaeda.However, when the Bush and Blair administrations didn't find any evidence to support either of these theories, the motivation for the war was changed. In the new motivation, the cause of the war was said to be that Saddam Hussein had committed crimes against his own population. Taylor means that in modern times, war has to be "concealed" under a rhetoric of humanitarian aid, despite the fact that these wars often cause humanitarian crises. During the 19th century, slums were increasing in number and size across the western world. Criminality, illness, alcoholism and prostitution was common in these areas, and the middle class considered the people who lived in these slums as "unmoral" and "lazy". The middle class also feared that this underclass sooner or later would "take over" because the population growth was greater in these slums than it was in the middle class. This fear gave rise to the scientific study of eugenics, whose founder Francis Galton had been inspired by Charles Darwin and his theory of natural selection.According to Galton, society was preventing natural selection by helping "the weak", thus causing a spread of the "negative qualities" into the rest of the population. Theory of the body and sexuality
According to <mask>, the body is not something objective that stands outside of history and culture. Instead, <mask> argues, the body has been and is continuously shaped by society and history – by work, diet, body ideals, exercise, medical interventions, etc. <mask> presents no "theory" of the body, but does


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texts: write about it in Discipline and Punish as well as in The History of Sexuality. <mask> was critical of all purely biological explanations of phenomena such as sexuality, madness and criminality. Further, <mask> argues, that the body is not sufficient as a basis for self-understanding and understanding of others. In Discipline and Punish, <mask> shows how power and the body are tied together, for example by the disciplinary power primarily focusing on individual bodies and their behavior.<mask> argues that power, by manipulating bodies/behavior, also manipulates people's minds. <mask> turns the common saying "the body is the prison of the soul" and instead posits that "the soul is the prison of the body." According to <mask>, sexology has tried to exert itself as a "science" by referring to the material (the body). In contrast to this, <mask> argues that sexology is a pseudoscience, and that "sex" is a pseudo-scientific idea. For <mask> the idea of a natural, biologically grounded and fundamental sexuality is a normative historical construct that has also been used as an instrument of power. By describing sex as the biological and fundamental cause to peoples' gender identity, sexual identity and sexual behavior, power has effectively been able to normalize sexual and gendered behavior. This has made it possible to evaluate, pathologize and "correct" peoples' sexual and gendered behavior, by comparing bodies behaviors to the constructed "normal" behavior.For <mask>, a "normal sexuality" is as much of a construct as a "natural sexuality". Therefore, <mask> was also critical of the popular discourse that dominated the debate over sexuality during the 1960s and 1970s. During this time, the popular discourse argued for a


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texts: "liberation" of sexuality from a cultural, moral and capitalistic oppression. <mask>, however, argues that peoples' opinions about and experiences of sexuality are always a result of cultural and power mechanisms. To "liberate" sexuality from one group of norms only means that another group of norms takes its place. This, however, does not mean that <mask> considers resistance to be futile. What Foucault argues for is rather that it is impossible to become completely free from power, and that there is simply no "natural" sexuality.Power always involves a dimension of resistance, and therefore also a possibility for change. Although <mask> considers it impossible to step outside of power-networks, it is always possible to change these networks or navigate them differently. According to <mask>, the body is not only an "obedient and passive object" that is dominated by discourses and power. The body is also the "seed" to resistance against dominant discourses and power techniques. The body is never fully compliant, and experiences can never fully be reduced to linguistic descriptions. There is always a possibility to experience something that is not possible to describe with words, and in this discrepancy there is also a possibility for resistance against dominant discourses. <mask>'s view of the historical construction of the body has influenced many feminist and queer-theorists.According to Johanna Oksala, <mask>'s influence on queer theory has been so great than he can be considered one of the founders of queer theory. The fundamental idea behind queer theory is that there is no natural fundament that lies behind identities such as gay, lesbian, heterosexual, etc. Instead these identities are considered cultural


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 constructions that have been constructed through normative discourses and relations of power. Feminists have with the help of <mask>'s ideas studied different ways that women form their bodies: through plastic surgery, diet, eating disorders, etc. <mask>'s historization of sex has also affected feminist theorists such as Judith Butler, who used <mask>'s theories about the relation between subject, power and sex to question gendered subjects. Butler follows <mask> by saying that there is no "true" gender behind gender identity that constitutes its biological and objective fundament. However, Butler is critical of <mask>.She argues <mask> "naively" presents bodies and pleasures as a ground for resistance against power, without extending his historization of sexuality to gendered subjects/bodies. <mask> has received criticism from other feminists, such as Susan Bordo and Kate Soper. Johanna Oksala argues that <mask>, by saying that sex/sexuality are constructed, doesn't deny the existence of sexuality. Oksala also argues that the goal of critical theories such as <mask> is not to liberate the body and sexuality from oppression, but rather to question and deny the identities that are posited as "natural" and "essential" by showing how these identities are historical and cultural constructions. Theory of subjectivity
<mask> considered his primary project to be the investigation of how people through history have been made into "subjects." Subjectivity, for <mask>, is not a state of being, but a practice – an active "being." According to <mask>, "the subject" has, by western philosophers, usually been considered as something given; natural and objective.On the contrary, <mask> considers subjectivity to be a construction

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texts: created by power. <mask> talks of "assujettissement", which is a French term that for Foucault refers to a process where power creates subjects while also oppressing them using social norms. For Foucault "social norms" are standards that people are encouraged to follow, that are also used to compare and define people. As an example of "assujettissement", <mask> mentions "homosexual", a historically contingent type of subjectivity that was created by sexology. <mask> writes that sodomy was previously considered a serious sexual deviation, but a temporary one. Homosexuality, however, became a "species", a past, a childhood and a type of life. "Homosexuals" has by the same power that created this subjectivity been discriminated against, due to homosexuality being considered as a deviation from the "normal" sexuality.However, <mask> argues, the creation of a subjectivity such as "homosexuality" does not only have negative consequences for the people who are subjectivised – the subjectivity of homosexuality has also led to the creation of gay bars and the pride parade. According to <mask>, scientific discourses have played an important role in the disciplinary power system, by classifying and categorizing people, observing their behavior and "treating" them when their behavior has been considered "abnormal". He defines discourse as a form of oppression that does not require physical force. He identifies its production as "controlled, selected, organized and redistributed by a certain number of procedures", which are driven by individuals' aspiration of knowledge to create "rules" and "systems" that translate into social codes. Moreover, discourse creates a force that extends beyond societal institutions and could be found


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 in social and formal fields such as health care systems, educational and law enforcement. The formation of these fields may seem to contribute to social development; however, <mask> warns against discourses' harmful aspects on society. Sciences such as psychiatry, biology, medicine, economy, psychoanalysis, psychology, sociology, ethnology, pedagogy and criminology have all categorized behaviors as rational, irrational, normal, abnormal, human, inhuman, etc.By doing so, they have all created various types of subjectivity and norms, which are then internalized by people as "truths". People have then adapted their behavior to get closer to what these sciences has labeled as "normal". For example, <mask> claims that psychological observation/surveillance and psychological discourses has created a type of psychology-centered subjectivity, which has led to people considering unhappiness a fault in their psychology rather than in society. This has also, according to <mask>, been a way for society to resist criticism – criticism against society has been turned against the individual and their psychological health. Self-constituting subjectivity
According to <mask>, subjectivity is not necessarily something that is forced upon people externally – it is also something that is established in a person's relation to themselves. This can, for example, happen when a person is trying to "find themselves" or "be themselves", something Edward McGushin describes as a typical modern activity. In this quest for the "true self", the self is established in two levels: as a passive object (the "true self" that is searched for) and as an active "searcher".The ancient Cynics and the 19th-century philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche posited that


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 the "true self" can only be found by going through great hardship and/or danger. The ancient Stoics and 17th-century philosopher René Descartes, however, argued that the "self" can be found by quiet and solitary introspection. Yet another example is Socrates, who argued that self-awareness can only be found by having debates with others, where the debaters question each other's foundational views and opinions. <mask>, however, argued that "subjectivity" is a process, rather than a state of being. As such, <mask> argued that there is no "true self" to be found. Rather so, the "self" is constituted/created in activities such as the ones employed to "find" the "self". In other words, exposing oneself to hardships and danger does not "reveal" the "true self", according to <mask>, but rather creates a particular type of self and subjectivity.However, according to <mask> the "form" for the subject is in great part already constituted by power, before these self-constituting practices are employed. Schools, workplaces, households, government institutions, entertainment media and the healthcare sector all, through disciplinary power, contribute to forming people into being particular types of subjects. Theory of freedom
Todd May defines <mask>'s concept of freedom as: that which we can do of ourselves within our specific historical context. A condition for this, according to <mask>, is that we are aware of our situation and how it has been created/affected (and is still being affected) by power. According to May, two of the aspects of how power has shaped peoples′ way of being, thinking and acting is described in the books where Foucault describes disciplinary power and the history of sexuality. However, May argues, there


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 will always be aspects of peoples′ formation that will be unknown to them, hence the constant necessity for the type of analyses that <mask> did. <mask> argues that the forces that have affected people can be changed; people always have the capacity to change the factors that limit their freedom.Freedom is thus not a state of being, but a practice – a way of being in relation to oneself, to others and to the world. According to Todd May <mask>'s concept of freedom also includes constructing histories like the ones Foucault did about the history of disciplinary power and sexuality – histories that investigate and describe the forces that have influenced people into becoming who they are. From the knowledge that is reached from such investigations, people can thereafter decide which forces they believe are acceptable and which they consider to be intolerable and has to be changed. Freedom is for Foucault a type of "experimentation" with different "transformations". Since these experiments cannot be controlled completely, May argues they may lead to the reconstruction of intolerable power relations or the creation of new ones. Thus, May argues, it is always necessary to continue with such experimentation and Foucauldian analyses. Practice of critique
Foucault's "alternative" to the modern subjectivity is described by Cressida Heyes as "critique."For Foucault there are no "good" and "bad" forms of subjectivity, since they are all a result of power relations. In the same way, <mask> argues there are no "good" and "bad" norms. All norms and institutions are at the same time enabling as they are oppressing. Therefore, <mask> argues, it is always crucial to continue with the practice of "critique". Critique is for Foucault a