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texts: Alexander in 1934 in conjunction with the IMRO.<mask> was once again sentenced to death after being tried in France in absentia and, under international pressure, the Italians imprisoned him for 18 months, and largely obstructed the Ustaše in the following period. At the behest of the Germans, senior Ustaša Slavko Kvaternik declared the NDH's establishment on 10 April 1941 in the name of <mask>. Calling himself the Poglavnik, or supreme leader, <mask> returned from Italy and took control of the puppet government. He created a political system similar to that of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The NDH, though constituting a Greater Croatia, was forced by the Italians to relinquish several territorial concessions to the latter. After taking control, <mask> imposed largely anti-Serbian and antisemitic policies that resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 Serbs and Jews in concentration and extermination camps in the NDH, murdering and torturing several hundred thousand Serbs, along with tens of thousands of Roma and Jews. These persecutions and killings have been described as the "single most disastrous episode in Yugoslav history".The racial policies of the NDH greatly contributed to their rapid loss of control over Croatia as they fed the ranks of both the Chetniks and Partisans and caused even the Nazis to attempt to restrain <mask> and his genocidal campaign. In 1945, he ordered the executions of prominent NDH politicians Mladen Lorković and <mask> Vokić on charges of treason when they were arrested for plotting to oust him and align the NDH with the Allies. Following the surrender of Germany in May 1945, <mask> ordered his troops to keep fighting even after the surrender. The remainder of the NDH

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 government decided to flee to Austria on 3 May 1945, but <mask> instead ordered them to retreat to Austria over the former border of the Third Reich and have the Croatian Armed Forces surrender to the British Army. The British refused to accept the surrender and directed them to surrender to the Partisans. The Partisans began carrying out killings of the Ustaše when the latter attacked their position, killing them in the Yugoslav death march of Nazi collaborators. <mask> himself fled to Austria, and later Argentina, whose president Juan Perón provided sanctuary for German war criminals and several Ustaše.On 10 April 1957, he was shot several times in a failed assassination attempt by the Serbian assassin Blagoje Jovović. <mask> survived the attempt and soon left Argentina for Spain. He died two and a half years later, on 28 December 1959, aged 70, from the injuries he sustained in the attempted assassination. Early life

Birth and education
<mask> <mask> was born in the Herzegovinian village of Bradina on the slopes of Ivan Mountain north of Konjic, roughly  southwest of Hadžići, then part of the Ottoman Empire occupied by Austrian-Hungarian Empire. His parents had moved to Bosnia and Herzegovina from the village of Krivi Put in the central part of the Velebit plain, in southern Lika (in today's Croatia), to work on the Sarajevo-Metković railway line. Searching for work, his family moved to the village of Jezero outside Jajce, where <mask> attended primary school, or maktab. Here <mask> learned Muslim traditions and lessons that influenced his attitude towards Bosnia and its Muslims.<mask> also attended a Jesuit primary  school in Travnik, growing up in a Muslim-majority city. Bosnian Muslim

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texts: culture later became a major influence on his political views. <mask>'s sense of Croat nationalism grew from a visit to Lika with his parents, where he heard townspeople speaking Croatian, and realised it was not just the language of peasants. While attending school in Travnik he became an adherent of the nationalist ideologies of <mask> Starčević and his successor as the leader of the Party of Rights, Josip Frank. Health problems briefly interrupted his education in 1905. In summer he found work on the railway in Sarajevo and Višegrad. He continued his education in Zagreb, the home city of his elder brother Josip.In Zagreb, <mask> attended high school. His failure to complete his fourth-year classes meant he had to retake the exam. Early in his high school days, he joined the Pure Party of Rights as well as the Frankovci students' organization, founded by Josip Frank, the father-in-law of Slavko Kvaternik, an Austro-Hungarian colonel. Later he attended high school in Senj at the classical gymnasium, where he completed his fifth-year classes. Health problems again interrupted his education, and he took a job on the road in Istria, near Buzet. In 1909 he finished his sixth-year classes in Karlovac. His seventh-year classes were completed in Senj.<mask> graduated in Zagreb in 1910 and entered the Law Faculty of the University of Zagreb. In 1912 <mask> was arrested on suspicion of involvement in the attempted assassination of the Ban of Croatia-Slavonia, Slavko Cuvaj. He completed his law degree in 1914, and obtained his doctorate in July 1915. From 1915 until 1918 he worked as a clerk in the office of , president of the Party of Rights. After completing his clerkship, he became a lawyer in Zagreb.

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 Political rise
During World War I, <mask> played an active role in the Party of Rights. As an employee and friend of its leader Horvat, he often attended important party meetings, taking over Horvat's duties when he was absent.In 1918, <mask> entered the party leadership and its Business Committee. After the unification of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia on 1 December 1918, the Party of Rights held a day of public protest claiming that the Croatian people were against having a Serbian king, and that their highest state authorities had not agreed to unification. Further, the party expressed their wish for Croatian republic in a program from March 1919, signed by president of the party, Vladimir Prebeg and <mask>. At the 1921 local elections in Zagreb, <mask> was elected member of the city assembly. In the name of the party, he contacted Nikola Pašić, the Yugoslav Prime Minister and member of the People's Radical Party, with the goal of weakening the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS), the dominant Croatian party in the interwar period. <mask> was a member of the Frankovci faction of the Party of Rights. Ivica Peršić, a Croatian politician from the competing Milinovci faction, wrote in his memoir how <mask>'s 1921 election significantly raised the standing of his law office in Zagreb – a number of rich Jewish clients paid him to obtain Yugoslav citizenship, and <mask> subsequently started to make frequent visits to Belgrade, where he would procure those documents through his increasing number of connections to the members of the ruling People's Radical Party.In 1921, fourteen Party of Rights members, including <mask>, Ivo Pilar and Milan Šufflay, were arrested for

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 anti-Yugoslav activities, for their alleged contacts with the Croatian Committee, a Croatian nationalist organization that was based in Hungary at the time. <mask> acted as the defence lawyer at the subsequent trial and was released. On 12 August 1922, in St. Mark's Church, Zagreb, <mask> married Maria Lovrenčević. They had three children, daughters Višnja and Mirjana and son Velimir. Maria was part Jewish through her mother's family and her father, Martin Lovrenčević, was a member of the Party of Rights and a well-known journalist. Later <mask> became vice-president of the Croatian Bar Association, the professional body representing Croatian lawyers. In his speeches to the Yugoslav Parliament he opposed Serbian nationalism and spoke in favor of Croatian independence.He was active with the youth of the Croatian Party of Rights and began contributing to the Starčević and Kvaternik newspapers. Serbian members of the Yugoslav Parliament disliked him and when a Serbian member said "Good night" to him in parliament, <mask> responded:

In 1927, <mask> became the vice-president of the party. In June 1927, <mask> represented Zagreb County at the European Congress of Cities in Paris. When he was returning from Paris, he visited Rome and submitted a memorandum in the name of HSP to the Italian ministry of foreign affairs in which he offered to cooperate with Italy in dismembering Yugoslavia. In order to obtained Italian support for Croatian independence, the memorandum effectively made any such Croatia 'little more than an Italian protectorate'. The memorandum also stated that the Party of Rights recognised the existing territorial settlements between Italy and Yugoslavia, thus giving up all Croatian claims

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texts: to Istria, Rijeka, Zadar and the Adriatic islands which Italy had annexed after World War I. These areas contained between 300,000 and 400,000 Croats.Further, the memorandum also agreed to cede the Bay of Kotor and Dalmatian headlands of strategic importance to Italy, and agreed that a future Croatia would not establish a navy. As the most radical politician of the Croatian Bloc, <mask> sought opportunities to internationalize the "Croatian question" and highlight Yugoslavia's unsustainability. In December 1927, <mask> defended four Macedonian students in Skopje who were accused of belonging to the Macedonian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization founded by Ivan Mihailov. During the trial, <mask> accused the court of setting them up and stressed the right to self-determination. This trial received public attention in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. Following his election as a member of the Croatian Bloc in the 1927 election, <mask> became his party's liaison with Nikola Pašić. He was one of two elected Croatian Bloc candidates alongside <mask> Trumbić, one of the key politicians in the creation of a Yugoslav state.From 1927 until 1929, he was part of the minuscule delegation of the Party of Rights in the Yugoslav Parliament. In 1927, he secretly contacted Benito Mussolini, dictator of Italy and founder of fascism, and presented his separatist ideas to him. <mask> proposed an independent Greater Croatia that should cover the entire historical and ethnic area of the Croats. In summer 1928, the leaders of the Croatian Bloc, Trumbić and <mask>, addressed the Italian consul in Zagreb to gain support for the Croatian struggle against regime of King Alexander. On 14 July, they received a positive response,

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 after which <mask> maintained contact. Historian Rory Yeomans claimed  that there are indications that <mask> had been considering the formation of some kind of nationalist insurgency group as early as 1928. After the assassination of Croatian politicians in the National Assembly, of which he was an eyewitness, <mask> joined the Peasant-Democratic Coalition and started to publish a magazine called  in which he advocated Croatian independence.His political party radicalised after the assassination. He found support in the Croatian Rights Republican Youth (Hrvatska pravaška republikanska omladina), a youth wing of the Party of Rights led by Branimir Jelić. On 1 October 1928 he founded an armed group with the same name, an act through which he openly called on Croatians to revolt. This group trained as part of a legal sport society. Yugoslav authorities declared the organization illegal and banned its activities. In exile
<mask> held the position of the Party of Rights secretary until 1929, the beginning of the 6 January Dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. According to Croatian historian Hrvoje Matković, after the King declared his dictatorship <mask>'s house was under constant police watch.At this time, <mask> started to organize the Ustaša (Ustaša – Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret) as an organization with military and conspiratorial principles. Its official foundation was 7 January 1929. The Ustaša movement was "founded on the principles of racialism and intolerance". Because of the threat of arrest, <mask> escaped during a surveillance lapse and went to Austria on the night of 19/20 January 1929. According to Tomasevich, <mask> left for Vienna to "seek medical aid". Initial exile and trial


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He contacted other Croatian emigrants, mainly political émigrés, former Austrian-Hungarian officers, who gathered around Stjepan Sarkotić and refused to return to Yugoslavia. After a short stay in Austria, alongside Gustav Perčec, <mask> moved to Budapest.In March 1929, the Ustaše commenced a campaign of terrorism within Yugoslavia with the assassination of Toni Schlegel in Zagreb. Schlegel was a pro-Yugoslav editor of the newspaper Novosti who was also a close confidante of King Alexander. After establishing contact with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization in April 1929, he and Perčec went to Sofia in Bulgaria. On 29 April 1929, <mask> and Ivan Mihailov signed the Sofia Declaration in which they formalized cooperation between their movements. In the declaration, they obligated themselves to separate Croatia and Macedonia from Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia protested to Bulgaria. <mask> was found guilty of high treason and sentenced to death in absentia along with Perčec on 17 August 1929.Because of the Yugoslav verdict, on 25 September 1929 <mask> was arrested in Vienna and expelled to Germany. <mask>'s stay in Germany was constrained by opposition from the German ambassador to Yugoslavia, Adolf Köster, a supporter of Yugoslavia. A friend of King Alexander, he did his best to prevent Croatian nationalist activity in Yugoslavia. Exile in Italy
<mask> left Germany under a false passport and went to Italy, where his family already lived. In Italy he frequently changed location and lived under false names, most often as "Antonio Serdar". Since he had been in contact with Italian authorities since 1927, he easily established contact with the fascists. In autumn 1929 he established contacts


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texts: with Italian journalists and Mussolini's brother Arnaldo, who supported Croatian independence without any territorial concession.<mask> created sympathy and understanding of Croats among Italians. That autumn <mask> published a brochure called Establishment of the Croatian State: Lasting Peace in the Balkans which summarized important events of Croatian history. The Italian authorities did not want to formally support Ustaše or <mask>, to protect their reputation; nevertheless, the group received support from Benito Mussolini, who saw them as a means to help destroy Yugoslavia and expand Italian influence in the Adriatic. Mussolini allowed <mask> to live in exile in Rome and train his paramilitaries for war with Yugoslavia. In the Ustaša organization of 1929–1930, <mask>'s closest associates were Gustav Perčec, Branimir Jelić, Ivan Perčević and later Mladen Lorković and Mile Budak. The Ustaše began with the creation of military formations trained for sabotage and terrorism. With financial help from Mussolini, in 1931 <mask> established terrorist training camps, first in Bovegno in the Brescia region, and encouraged the foundation of such camps all around Italy.Camps were founded in Borgotaro, Lepari and Janka-Puszta in Hungary. The Ustaše were involved with smuggling weapons and propaganda into Yugoslavia from their camps in Italy and Hungary. At the demands of Italian authorities, the camps were often moved. The main Ustaše headquarters was at first in Torino, and later in Bologna. On <mask>'s initiative, his associates established Ustaše associations in Belgium, Netherlands, France, Germany, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Brazil and North America. <mask> also encouraged publishing magazines in


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: various countries. The series of bombings and shootings by the Ustaše in Yugoslavia resulted in a severe crackdown on political activity as the state met terror with terror.Impoverished Croat peasants were hardest hit by the counter-terror, usually meted out by Serb policemen. In 1932 he started a newspaper named the "Ustaša – –Herald of Croatian Revolutionaries" (). From its very first publication, <mask> announced that the use of violence was central to the Ustaše: ‘"The dagger, revolver, machine-gun and time bomb; these are the bells that will announce the dawn and the resurrection of the Independent State of Croatia. "’ According to Ivo Goldstein, there were no instances of antisemitism in the newspaper in the beginning. Goldstein suggests there were three reasons for this; the total focus of the Ustaše on the Belgrade government, lack of the necessary intellectual capacity within the early Ustaše movement to properly develop their ideology, and the active involvement of Jews with the Ustaše. Goldstein points out that as Ustaše ideology developed in later years it became more anti-Semitic. At a meeting held in Spittal in Austria in 1932, <mask>, Perčec and Vjekoslav Servatzy decided to start a small uprising.It began at midnight on 6 September 1932 and was known as the Velebit uprising. Led by Andrija Artuković, the insurgency involved around 20 Ustaše members armed with Italian equipment. They attacked a police station and half an hour later pulled back to Velebit with no casualties. This uprising was to scare Yugoslav authorities. Despite the small scale the Yugoslav authorities were unnerved because the power of the Ustaše had been unknown. As a result, major security measures were

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 introduced. This action appeared in the foreign press, especially in Italy and Hungary.On 1 June 1933 and 16 April 1941, the Ustaša program and "The Seventeen Principles of the Ustaše Movement" were published in Zagreb by the Propaganda Department of the Supreme Ustaša Headquarters. The main goal was the creation of an independent Croatian state based on its historical and ethnic areas, with <mask> stating that Ustaše must pursue this end by any means necessary, even by force of arms. According to his rules he would organize actions, assassinations and diversions. With this document the organization changed its name from Ustaša – Croatian Revolutionary Movement to Ustaša – Croatian Revolutionary Organization (; abbreviated to UHRO). Assassination of King Alexander and aftermath
By killing the king of Yugoslavia, <mask> saw an opportunity to cause riots in Yugoslavia and eventual collapse of the state. In December 1933, <mask> ordered the assassination of King Alexander. The assassin was caught by the police and the assassination attempt failed.However, <mask> tried again in October 1934 in Marseilles. On 9 October 1934, King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French foreign minister Louis Barthou were assassinated in Marseille. The perpetrator Vlado Chernozemski, a Bulgarian revolutionary, was killed right after the assassination by French police. Three Ustaša members, who had been waiting at different locations for the king, were captured and sentenced to life imprisonment by a French court. <mask> along with Eugen Kvaternik and Ivan Perčević were subsequently sentenced to death in absentia by a French court. That the security was lax even though one attempt had already been made on Alexander's life

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 testified to <mask>'s organizational abilities; he had apparently been able to bribe a high official in the Sûreté General. The Marseilles Prefect of Police, Jouhannaud, was subsequently removed from office.The Ustaša believed that the assassination of King Alexander had effectively "broken the backbone of Yugoslavia" and that it was their "most important achievement." Under pressure from France, the Italian police arrested <mask> and several Ustaša emigrants on 17 October 1934. <mask> was imprisoned in Turin and released in March 1936. After he met with Eugen Dido Kvaternik on Christmas 1934 in prison, he stated that assassination was "the only language Serbs understand". During his time in prison, <mask> was informed about the situation in Yugoslavia and the 5 May 1935 election, in which a coalition of opposition parties was led by HSS leader Vladko Maček. <mask> declared the election results as a "success of the Ustaše actions". By the mid-1930s, graffiti with the initials ŽAP meaning "Long live Ante <mask>" () had begun to appear on the streets of Zagreb.After <mask>'s released from prison, he remained under surveillance by the Italian authorities, and his Ustaše were interned. Disappointed with relations between the Italians and the Ustaše organization, <mask> became closer to Nazi Germany, who promised to change the map of Europe fixed under the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. In October 1936 he finished a survey for the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the Croatian Question (; ). According to Ivo Goldstein, the survey deemed the "Serbian state authorities, international Freemasonry, Jews and communism"’ as enemies and stated that:

According to Matković, after 1937 <mask> paid more

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texts: attention to the Ustaše in Yugoslavia than elsewhere, since the emigrants had become passive after the assassination. In 1938 he instructed the Ustaše to form stations in Yugoslav towns. The fall of Stojadinović's government and the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939 further increased Ustaše activity; they founded Uzdanica (Hope), a savings co-operative. Under Uzdanica, Ustaše founded Ustaše University Headquarters and the illegal association Matija Gubec.However, Pavlowitch observes that <mask> had few contacts with the Ustaše within Yugoslavia, and that his esteemed position within the Ustaše was partly due to his isolation in Italy. Despite their rise in activity in the 1930s, the movement experienced only moderate growth of popularity, and remained a marginal group. In the late 1930s, about half of the 500 Ustaša in Italy were voluntarily repatriated to Yugoslavia, went underground and increased their activities. During the intensification of ties with Nazi Germany in the 1930s, <mask>ović-Ciano agreement, all Ustaše units were dissolved by the Italian government. After that, <mask> was put under house arrest in Siena, where he lived until 1939. During this period he penned his anti-Bolshevik work Horrors and Mistakes (; ) which was published in 1938.It was immediately seized by the authorities. At the onset of World War II he moved to a villa near Florence under police watch until spring 1941. After Italy occupied Albania and prepared an attack on Yugoslavia, Ciano invited <mask> to negotiations. They discussed Croatian armed revolt, Italian military intervention and the creation of a Croatian state with monetary, customs and personal unions with Italy, which <mask> later refused. In

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 1940 <mask> negotiated with the Italians for military assistance in creating a separate Croatian state which would have had strong ties to Italy, but this plan was postponed by the invasion of France, and subsequently derailed by Adolf Hitler. Ustaše regime

Establishment
On 25 March 1941, Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, but two days later the government was overthrown in a bloodless military coup by opponents who were motivated by a range of factors. Two days after the Belgrade coup, Mussolini invited <mask> from Florence to his private residence in Rome, the Villa Torlonia; this was their first meeting since <mask>'s arrival in Italy.<mask> was escorted by Matija Bzik, but Mussolini received only <mask>. Acting Foreign Minister Filippo Anfuso was present during the meeting. <mask> and Mussolini discussed Croatia's position after Yugoslav capitulation. Mussolini was concerned that Italian designs on Dalmatia be achieved, and in response <mask> acknowledged the agreements he had made earlier and reassured him. <mask> requested the release of the remaining interned Ustaše, an Italian liaison officer was allocated to him, and the Italians also lent him a radio station in Florence so he could conduct late evening broadcasts. On 1 April 1941 <mask> called for the liberation of Croatia. On 6 April 1941 the Axis invaded Yugoslavia from multiple directions, rapidly overwhelming the under-prepared Royal Yugoslav Army which capitulated 11 days later.The German operational plan included making 'political promises to the Croats' to increase internal discord. The Germans generally preferred to collaborate with non-fascists who were willing to work with them, and only placed out-and-out fascists in


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texts: charge as a last resort. Croatia was no exception. The Nazis wanted any Croatian puppet government to have popular support, so that they could control their zone of occupation with minimal forces and exploit the available resources peacefully. The administration of Banovina Croatia had been under the control of an alliance of Vladko Maček's HSS and the mostly Croatian Serb Independent Democratic Party. Maček was very popular among Croats, had been vice-premier in the Yugoslav Cvetković government, was a supporter of Yugoslav accession to the Axis and had a ready made para-military force in the form of the HSS Croatian Peasant Defence. As a result, the Germans attempted to get Maček to proclaim an "independent Croatian state" and form a government.When he refused to cooperate, the Germans decided they had no alternative other than to support <mask>, even though they considered that the Ustaše could not provide an assurance they could govern in the way the Germans wanted. It was estimated by the Germans that <mask> had around 900 sworn Ustaše in Yugoslavia at the time of the invasion, and the Ustaše themselves considered that their supporters only numbered some 40,000. The Germans also considered <mask> to be an Italian agent or "Mussolini's man", but considered that other senior Ustašas such as deputy leader () Slavko Kvaternik were sufficiently pro-German to ensure their interests would be supported by any regime led by <mask>. On 10 April 1941, Kvaternik declared an Independent State of Croatia in the name of the Poglavnik Ante Pavelić via the Zagreb Radio Station. Kvaternik was acting on the orders of SS-Brigadeführer (Brigadier) Edmund Veesenmayer. The proclamation was viewed favourably by a

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texts: significant portion of the population, particularly those living in Zagreb, western Herzegovina and Lika. The Croatian Peasant Defence, which had been infiltrated by the Ustaše, assisted by disarming Royal Yugoslav Army units and imposing some control.However, the Ustashe received limited support from ordinary Croats. The commander of German forces in the NDH estimated that only around 2% of the country's population supported the Ustashe regime. The Ustaše that had been interned in Italy had been concentrated at Pistoia, about 50 km from Florence where they were issued with Italian uniforms and small arms. They were joined by <mask> on 10 April and listened to radio broadcasts announcing the proclamation of the NDH. <mask>'s visit to Pistoia was actually his first meeting with the Ustaše after the assassination in Marseilles. In Pistoia, <mask> gave a speech in which he announced that their struggle for an independent Croatia was near the end. After that he returned to his home in Florence where he heard Kvaternik's proclamation on a radio broadcast from Vienna.On 11 April, <mask> went to Rome, where he was hosted by Anfuso, after which he was received by Mussolini. During the meeting <mask> was guaranteed that his government would be recognized immediately after he arrived in Zagreb. After a meeting in Rome, <mask> boarded the train with his Ustaše escort and went to Zagreb via Trieste and Rijeka. He arrived at Karlovac on 13 April with about 250—400 Ustaše where was greeted by Veesenmayer who was appointed by German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop to supervise the state's creation. In Karlovac, <mask> was asked to confirm that he had not made any commitments to the Italians, but

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 Mussolini's envoy arrived while he was there and negotiations ensued to ensure that his messages to Hitler and Mussolini would deal satisfactorily with the questions of Dalmatia and recognition by the Axis powers. This issue was the first sign of Italo-German tensions over the NDH. Diplomatic recognition of the NDH by the Axis was delayed to ensure that <mask> made the promised territorial concessions to Italy.These concessions meant that <mask> handed to Italy some 5,400 square kilometres of territory with a population of 380,000, consisting of about 280,000 Croats, 90,000 Serbs, 5,000 Italians and 5,000 others. Once this was completed <mask> travelled to Zagreb on 15 April, and Axis recognition was also granted to the NDH on that day. On 16 April 1941, <mask> signed a decree appointing the new Croatian State Government. He was the first to take an oath, after which he stated:

<mask> thus presented the NDH as the embodiment of the "historical aspirations of the Croatian people". The decree named Osman Kulenović as the vice-president of the government, and Slavko Kvaternik as <mask>'s deputy, and appointed eight other senior Ustaše as ministers. The Ustaše made use of the existing bureaucracy of the Banovina of Croatia, after it had been purged and "ustašised". The new regime drew upon the concept of an uninterrupted Croatian state since the arrival of the Croats in their contemporary homeland, and reflected extreme Croat nationalism mixed with Nazism and Italian Fascism, Catholic clerical authoritarianism and the peasantism of the Croatian Peasant Party.When the anti-Serb atrocities were under way, <mask> remained a devoted Catholic: he participated in mass in his chapel, worshipped and confessed


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 his sins. <mask> tried to prolong the negotiations with Italy about the boundary between the two states. At the time, he was receiving support from Berlin. Ciano insisted that Italy must annex the whole Croatian littoral, and after some time the Germans pulled back to protect German-Italian relations. On 25 April, <mask> and Ciano met in Ljubljana again discussing borders. Ciano's first proposal was Italian annexation of the whole Croatian littoral and hinterland all the way to Karlovac. Another proposal was somewhat less demanding but with closer ties with Italy, including a monetary, customs and personal union.<mask> refused and instead demanded that Croatian gain the towns of Trogir, Split and Dubrovnik. Ciano didn't respond, but promised another meeting. <mask> was still counting on German support, but without success. On 7 May 1941, <mask> and Mussolini met in Tržič and agreed to discuss the matter in Rome. On 18 May 1941 <mask> went to Rome with his delegation and signed a Treaty of Rome in which Croatia gave up part of Dalmatia, Krk, Rab, Korčula, Biograd, Šibenik, Trogir, Split, Čiovo, Veliki i Mali Drvenik, Šolta, Mljet and parts of Konavle and the Bay of Kotor to Italy. A Croatian proposal that Split and Korčula Island be jointly administrated was ignored. These annexations shocked the people and led to the only public demonstration recorded in the Independent State of Croatia's history.Hundreds of citizens, members of the Ustaše Movement and the Domobranstvo (Army) protested on 25 December 1941. <mask> tried to retrieve the lost areas, but kept his real feelings and those of the people from the Italians to maintain the pretext of good relations. Prime Minister
<mask> agreed to name


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 Prince Aimone, Duke of Aosta as King of Croatia to avoid a union with Italy, but delayed the formalities in the hope of gaining more territory in return for accepting the new king. Aimone was officially declared King of the Independent State of Croatia on 18 May 1941 under the name of Tomislav II and appointed <mask> as Prime Minister; however, the King's powers were purely ceremonial, to the point that he never even visited Croatia during his Kingdom, but preferred to deal with his royal duties from an office in Rome. On 10 July 1941, <mask> accepted the annexation of Međimurje by Hungary. Legislation
On 14 April 1941, in one of his first acts after assuming power, <mask> signed the 'Decree-Law concerning the Preservation of Croatian National Property', which annulled all large property transactions made by Jews in the two months prior to the proclamation of the NDH. He signed the Law-Decree on Protection of the Nation and the State on 17 April 1941, which came into effect immediately, was retrospective, and imposed the death penalty for any actions causing harm to the honour or vital interests of the NDH.This law was the first of three decrees that effectively placed the Serb, Jewish and Roma populations of the NDH outside the law and lead to their persecution and destruction. On April 19 and 22, the Ustashe issued decrees suspending all employees of state and local governments, and state enterprises. This allowed the new regime to get rid of all unwanted employees – "in principle this meant all Jews, Serbs and all Yugoslav-oriented Croats"

On 25 April 1941, he signed into law a decree prohibiting the use of the Cyrillic alphabet, which directly impacted on the Serbian Orthodox population of

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 the NDH, as the rites of the church were written in Cyrillic. On 30 April 1941, <mask> enacted the 'Law concerning Nationality', which essentially made all Jews non-citizens, and this was followed by further laws restricting their movement and residency. From 23 May all Jews were required to wear yellow identification tags, and on 26 June <mask> issued a decree which blamed Jews for activities against the NDH and ordered their internment in concentration camps. Poglavnik

As Prime Minister of the NDH, <mask> had full control over the state. The oath taken by all government employees declared that <mask> represented the sovereignty of the NDH.His title Poglavnik represented the close ties between the Croatian state and the Ustaše movement, since he had the same title as leader of the Ustaše. Moreover, <mask> made all significant decisions, including naming state ministers and leaders of the Ustaše. As the NDH had no functional legislature, <mask> approved all of the laws, which made him the most powerful person in the state. Through the incorporation of the extreme right-wing of the popular HSS, <mask>'s regime was initially accepted by the majority of Croats in the NDH. The regime also attempted to re-write history by falsely claiming the legacy of the founder of the HSS Stjepan Radić, and that of Croatian nationalist <mask> Starčević. Soon afterwards, <mask> visited Pope Pius XII in May 1941, attempting to win Vatican recognition, but failed (although the Papacy placed a legat in Zagreb). The Vatican maintained relations with the Yugoslav Government-in-exile.On 9 June 1941, <mask> visited Adolf Hitler at the Berghof. Hitler impressed on <mask> that he should maintain a policy of "national

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: intolerance" for fifty years. Hitler also encouraged <mask> to accept Slovenian immigrants and deport Serbs to the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. Over the next few months, the Ustaše deported around 120,000 Serbs. In July 1941, the German Plenipotentiary General in the NDH, Edmund Glaise von Horstenau met with <mask> to express his "grave concern over the excesses of the Ustaše". This was the first of many occasions over the next three years during which von Horstenau and <mask> clashed over the conduct of the Ustaše. By the end of 1941, the acceptance of the Ustaše regime by most Croats had been transformed into disappointment and discontent, and as a result of the terror perpetrated by the regime some pro-Yugoslav sentiment was beginning to re-emerge, along with pro-communist feelings.The discontent was made worse when <mask> had Vladko Maček arrested and sent to Jasenovac concentration camp in October 1941. By the end of 1941 HSS propaganda leaflets were urging peasants to be patient as the "day of liberation is near!" In the public arena there were efforts to create a cult of personality around <mask>. These efforts included the imposition of a Nazi-style salute, emphasising that he had been sentenced to death in absentia by a Yugoslav court, and repeatedly claiming that he had undergone great hardship to achieve the independence of the NDH. <mask> summoned the Sabor on 24 January 1942. It met between 23 and 28 February, but it had little influence and after December 1942 was never called again. On 3 March 1942, Hitler awarded <mask> the Grand Cross of the Order of the German Eagle.Siegfried Kasche, the German envoy, handed it to him in Zagreb. Eugen Dido Kvaternik, son of


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: Slavko Kvaternik, and one of the main protagonists in the Ustaše genocide of the Serbs stated that <mask> directed Croat nationalism against the Serbs in order to distract the Croat population from a potential backlash against the Italians over his territorial concessions to them in Dalmatia. The worst policies directed against minorities were Ustaše-run concentration and forced labor camps. The most notorious camp was the Jasenovac concentration camp, where 80,000–100,000 people died, including around 18,000 Croatian Jews, or around 90% of the pre-World War II Jewish community. <mask> founded the Croatian Orthodox Church with the aim of pacifying the Serbs. However, the underlying ideology behind the creation of the Croatian Orthodox Church was connected to the ideas of <mask> Starčević, who considered that Serbs were "Orthodox Croats", and reflected a desire to create a Croatian state comprising three main religious groupings, Roman Catholic, Muslim and Croatian Orthodox. There is some evidence that the status of Sarajevo Serbs improved after they joined the Croatian Orthodox Church in significant numbers.Through both forcible and voluntary conversions between 1941 and 1945, 244,000 Serbs were converted to Catholicism. In June 1942, <mask> met with General Roatta and they agreed that Ustaše administration could be returned to Zone 3 except in towns with Italian garrisons. <mask> agreed to the continued presence of the Chetnik Anti-Communist Volunteer Militia (MVAC) in this zone, and that the Italians would intervene in Zone 3 if they considered that was necessary. The result of this agreement was that Italian forces largely withdrew from areas that the NDH had virtually no presence and no means

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: by which to reimpose their authority. This created a wide no-man's land from the Sandžak to western Bosnia in which the Chetniks and Partisans could operate. By mid-1942, <mask>'s regime effectively controlled only the Zagreb region along with some larger towns that were home to strong NDH and German garrisons. <mask> loyalists, mainly Ustaše, wanted to fight the Communist-led partisans while others, unnerved by the idea of a new Yugoslavia, also supported him.In 1941–42, the majority of Partisans in Croatia were Serbs, but by October 1943 the majority were Croats. This change was partly due to the decision of a key Croatian Peasant Party member, Božidar Magovac, to join the Partisans in June 1943, and partly due to the capitulation of Italy. <mask> and his government devoted attention to culture. Although most literature was propaganda, many books did not have an ideological basis, which allowed Croatian culture to flourish. The Croatian National Theatre received many world-famous actors as visitors. The major cultural milestone was the publication of the Croatian Encyclopedia, a work later outlawed under the Communist regime. In 1941 the Croatian Football Association joined FIFA.On 16 December 1941, <mask> met with Italian Foreign Minister Ciano in Venice and advised him that there were no more than 12,000 Jews left in the NDH. In the second half of 1942, the Wehrmacht Commander-in-Chief of the South East, Generaloberst Alexander Löhr and Glaise urged Hitler to have <mask> remove both the incompetent Slavko Kvaternik and his son the bloodthirsty Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik from power. When <mask> visited Hitler in the Ukraine in September 1942, he agreed. The following month Slavko Kvaternik was


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: allowed to retire to Slovakia, and Eugen went with him. <mask> then used the Kvaternik's as scapegoats for both the terror of 1941–42 and the failure of NDH forces to impose law and order within the state. In January 1943, Glaise told <mask> that it would be better for everyone "if all concentration camps in the NDH were closed and their inmates sent to work in Germany". Löhr also tried to get Hitler to remove <mask>, disband the Ustaše and appoint Glaise as plenipotentiary general with supreme authority over the territory of the NDH.By March Hitler had decided to give the task of pacifying the NDH to the Reichsführer-SS (Field Marshal) Heinrich Himmler, who appointed his own plenipotentiary, Generalleutnant der Polizei (Major General of Police) . Kammerhofer brought the 7th SS Volunteer Mountain Division Prinz Eugen to the NDH and established a 20,000-strong German gendarmerie with a core of 6,000 Volksdeutsche reinforced by Croats taken from the NDH Home Guard and police. This new gendarmerie swore allegiance to Hitler, not <mask>. Shortly before the Italian capitulation, <mask> appointed a new government led by Nikola Mandić as prime minister, which included Miroslav Navratil as Minister of the Armed Forces. Navratil was suggested by Glaise, and was appointed by <mask> to placate the Germans. As a direct result, the 170,000-strong armed forces of the NDH were reorganised under German control into smaller units with greater mobility and the size of the Ustaše militia was also increased to 45,000. In September 1944, <mask> met with Hitler for the last time.<mask> requested that the Germans stop arming and supplying Chetnik units, and asked that the Germans disarm the Chetniks or allow the NDH to


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 disarm them. Hitler agreed that the Chetniks could not be trusted, and issued orders to German forces to stop cooperating with the Chetniks and assist NDH authorities to disarm them. However, German commanders were given sufficient leeway that they were able to avoid carrying out the orders. After the Italian capitulation
Following the fall of Fascism in Italy, Tomislav II abdicated as King of Croatia on the orders of Victor Emmanuel III. With the King officially gone, <mask> assumed functions as Head of State of the NDH under the title of Poglavnik and appointed Nikola Mandić as new Prime Minister. Italy was later invaded and occupied by the Germans in Operation Achse. As soon as the Italians capitulated in September 1943, <mask> was quick to amalgamate Italian-annexed Dalmatia into the NDH and offer an amnesty to Croats that had joined the rebels.However, the Germans occupied the previously Italian-occupied zone themselves, including the mines and key agricultural areas. By November 1943, <mask> and his regime controlled little of the territory of the NDH, and by March 1944 SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS (Brigadier) Ernst Fick observed that "In terms of power, Dr. <mask> <mask> is only mayor of the city of Zagreb, excluding the suburbs". One of the key events in the history of the Independent State of Croatia was the Lorković-Vokić coup of 1944. Minister Mladen Lorković and army officer <mask> Vokić suggested a plan whereby Croatia would change sides in the war and <mask> would no longer be head of state in accordance with British demands. At first, <mask> supported their ideas but changed his mind following a visit from a local Gestapo officer who told him that Germany would

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Ante Pavelić Ante Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 win the war with new weapons under development. <mask> arrested Lorković and Vokić along with others involved in the coup (some representatives of the Croatian Peasant Party and a number of Domobran officers). Lorković and Vokić were shot at the end of April 1945 in the Lepoglava prison.After plans for an "Anglo-American" coup were discovered, from September 1944 until February 1945 <mask> negotiated with the Soviet Union. The Soviets agreed to recognize the Croatian state on condition that the Red Army had free access and Communists were allowed free rein. <mask> refused their proposal and remained allied with Nazi Germany until the end of the war. Genocide
As leader of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> was the main instigator of the genocidal crimes committed in the NDH, and was responsible for a campaign of terror against Serbs, Jews, Roma and anti-Axis Croats and Bosniaks which included a network of concentration camps. Numerous testimonies from the Nuremberg Trials along with records in German, Italian and Austrian war archives bear witness to atrocities perpetrated against the civilian population. In terms of the proportion of the state population killed by its own government, the <mask> regime was the most murderous in Europe after Stalin's Soviet Union, Hitler's Germany, and outside of Europe has only been exceeded by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia and some genocides in African states. As the main instigator of the genocide, <mask> was supported by his closest associate Eugen Dido Kvaternik and Minister of Interior Andrija Artuković, who were responsible for planning and organization, and Vjekoslav Luburić, who executed the orders.In late April 1941, <mask> was interviewed by an


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: Italian journalist, Alfio Russo. <mask> stated that Serb rebels would be killed. In response, Russo asked him, "what if all Serbs rebel?" <mask> answered, "We shall kill them all." Around this time the first mass atrocities occurred, the Gudovac, Veljun and Glina massacres, which were committed by groups of Ustaše under the direct command of Luburić. Serbian, Jewish, and Romani men, women, and children were hacked to death. Whole villages were razed and people driven into barns, which the Ustaše then set on fire.Synagogues were also destroyed, most notably, the main one in Zagreb, which was completely razed. General Edmund von Glaise-Horstenau reported to the German Army Command OKW on 28 June 1941. ... according to reliable reports from countless German military and civil observers during the last few weeks the Ustaše have gone raving mad. On 10 July, General Glaise-Horstenau added:Our troops have to be mute witnesses of such events; it does not reflect well on their otherwise high reputation ... I am frequently told that German occupation troops would finally have to intervene against Ustaše crimes. This may happen eventually. Right now, with the available forces, I could not ask for such action.Ad hoc intervention in individual cases could make the German Army look responsible for countless crimes which it could not prevent in the past. A report (to SS chief Heinrich Himmler, dated 17 February 1942) on increased partisan activities stated that "Increased activity of the bands is chiefly due to atrocities carried out by Ustaše units in Croatia against the Orthodox population." The Ustaše committed their deeds not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless elderly people,


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 women and children. Between 172,000 and 290,000 Serbs, 31,000 of the 40,000 Jews, and almost all of the 25,000—40,000 Roma were killed in the Independent State of Croatia by the Ustaše and their Axis allies. Both Jews and Gypsies were subject to a policy of extermination. According to an official Yugoslav report, only 1,500 out of 30,000 Croatian Jews remained alive at the end of World War II. Approximately 26,000 Gypsies were murdered of approximately 40,000 residents.Some 26,000 Croatian anti-fascists (Partisans, political opponents and civilians) were also killed by the NDH regime, including an estimated 5,000-12,000 Croat anti-fascists and other dissidents that were killed at the Jasenovac concentration camp alone. End of the NDH
Seeing Germany's collapse and aware that the Croatian army could not resist the Communists, <mask> started a move of his forces to Austria, causing several groups of tens of thousands of Croatian soldiers as well as civilians to start a major northward march without a clear strategy. <mask> left the country on 6 May 1945, and on 8 May, he convened a final meeting of the NDH government in Rogaška Slatina. At the meeting, General Alexander Löhr informed the government of Germany's capitulation and handed command of the NDH forces to <mask>. <mask> subsequently named General Vjekoslav Luburić commander. Later that day <mask>'s convoy passed into the Soviet occupation zone in Austria, separate from the rest of the NDH government which went to the British occupation zone. The group made it into the American occupation zone and by 18 May arrived at the village of Leingreith near Radstadt where <mask>'s wife Mara and their two daughters had been living after leaving the NDH


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 in December 1944.On May 8, <mask> ordered that the columns from NDH continue to Austria, and that they refuse to surrender to the advancing Yugoslav Army, instead planning to surrender to the British. However, they were instead turned back in the mid-May Bleiburg repatriations, and many were subsequently killed by the Yugoslav Army. The sheer number of civilians slowed down the retreat, made the surrender unfeasible to the Allies, and ultimately led to the belief that they were nothing more than a human shield to the Ustashe. For his abandonment of Croatian soldiers and civilians, later Croatian emigrants would accuse <mask> of cowardice. The <mask> family afterwards lived in the American Occupation Zone. Although <mask> reported himself to American intelligence, neither they nor their British counterparts arrested him. Several members of the NDH government were executed after a one-day trial in Zagreb on 6 June.Shortly after this, <mask> moved to the village of Tiefbrunau closer to Salzburg. In September, American officials – believing the family were refugees and unaware of their identity – resettled them in the village of St. Gilgen. After St Gilgen, <mask> stayed with the family of a prewar Macedonian revolutionary for several weeks before settling in Obertrum. <mask> stayed there until April 1946. Post-war

Italy

He entered Italy disguised as a priest with a Peruvian passport. Passing Venice and Florence, he arrived in Rome in the spring of 1946 disguised as a Catholic priest and using the name Don Pedro Gonner. On arrival in Rome he was given shelter by the Vatican and stayed at a number of residences that belonged to the Vatican while in Rome where he started to gather his


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 associates.<mask> formed the Croatian State Committee () headed by Lovro Sušić, Mate Frković and Božidar Kavran. Tito and his new Communist government accused the Catholic Church of harboring <mask> who they stated, along with the Western "imperialists", wanted to "revive Nazism" and take over communist Eastern Europe. The Yugoslav press claimed that <mask> had stayed at the papal summer residence at Castel Gandolfo, while CIA information states that he stayed at a monastery near the papal residence in the summer and autumn of 1948. Anglo-American intelligence agencies had employed former fascists and Nazis as agents against communist powers. For some time, <mask> hid in a Jesuit house near Naples. In the autumn of 1948 he met Krunoslav Draganović, a Roman Catholic priest, who helped him obtain a Red Cross passport in the Hungarian name of Pál Aranyos. Draganović allegedly planned to deliver <mask> to the Italian police, but <mask> avoided capture and fled to Argentina.The US never had any intention to have <mask> extradited to Yugoslavia, even if they had known his location. Argentina, Chile and attempted assassination
<mask> arrived in Buenos Aires on 6 November 1948 on the Italian merchant ship Sestriere, where he initially lived with the former Ustaša and writer Vinko Nikolić. In Buenos Aires <mask> was joined by his son Velimir and daughter Mirjana. Soon afterwards, his wife Maria and older daughter Višnja also arrived. <mask> took up employment as a security advisor to Argentinian president Juan Perón. <mask>'s arrival documents show the assumed name of Pablo Aranjos, which he continued to use. In 1950 <mask> was given amnesty and allowed to stay in Argentina along with 34,000 other Croats,

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: including former Nazi collaborators and those who had fled from the Allied advance.Following this, <mask> reverted to his earlier pseudonym Antonio Serdar and continued to live in Buenos Aires. According to Robert B. McCormick, the Vatican saw <mask> as a man who had made mistakes but had fought for the just cause. As for most other political immigrants in Argentina, life was hard and he had to work (as a bricklayer). His best contact with the Peróns was another former Ustaša Branko Benzon, who enjoyed good relations with Evita Perón, wife of the president. Benzon had briefly been the Croatian ambassador to Germany during World War II and had known Hitler personally, which benefited Croatian-German relations. Thanks to Benzon's friendship with Evita Perón, <mask> became the owner of an influential building company. Not long after arriving he joined the Ustaše-related "Croatian Home Guard" () organization.At the end of the 1940s, many former Ustaše split from <mask> because they believed that Croats, now under new circumstances, needed new political direction. Many who split from <mask> continued to call themselves Ustaše and sought the revival of the Independent State of Croatia. The most well known of these separatists was the former Ustaše officer and head of the NDH concentration and extermination camp network, Vjekoslav Luburić, who lived in Spain. In Argentina, <mask> used the "Croatian Home Guard" to gather Croatian political emigrants. <mask> tried to expand the activities of this organization, and in 1950 founded the Croatian Statehood Party, which ceased to exist that year. On 10 April 1951, on the 10th anniversary of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> announced the Croatia State


title: Ante Pavelić

texts: Government. This new government considered itself to be a government in exile.Other Ustaše emigrants continued to arrive in Argentina, and they united under <mask>'s leadership, increasing their political activities. <mask> himself remained politically active, publishing various statements, articles, and speeches in which he claimed that the Yugoslav Communist regime promoted Serbian hegemony. In 1954, <mask> met with Milan Stojadinović, a former Royal Yugoslav Prime Minister, who also lived in Buenos Aires. The subject of their meeting was trying to find a solution for the historic conciliation between the Serbs and Croats. The meeting stirred controversy, but had no practical significance. On 8 June 1956, <mask> and other Ustaše immigrants founded the Croatian Liberation Movement ( or HOP), which aimed to re-establish Nazism and the NDH. The HOP saw itself as "a determined adversary of communism, atheism and Yugoslavism in any possible form".On 10 April 1957, the 16th anniversary of the founding of the Independent State of Croatia, <mask> was grievously wounded in an assassination attempt by the Serbian Blagoje Jovović, a hotel owner and former Royal Yugoslav officer who had been in the Montenegrin Chetniks during the war. Jovović had tried to assassinate <mask> multiple times, planning it as early as 1946, when he learned <mask> was in hiding inside the Vatican. Jovović shot <mask> in the back and collar bone while the latter was exiting a bus in El Palomar, a Buenos Aires suburb near his home. <mask> was transferred to the Syrian-Lebanese hospital, where his true identity was established. After Perón's fall from power, <mask> fell out of favour with the Argentine government; Yugoslavia again

masks: Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić Pavelić


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 requested his extradition. <mask> refused to stay in hospital, even though a bullet was lodged in his spine. Two weeks after the shooting, as the Argentine authorities agreed to grant the Yugoslav government's extradition request, he moved to Chile.He spent four months in Santiago, and then moved to Spain. Reports circulated that <mask> had fled to Paraguay to work for the Stroessner regime; his Spanish asylum became known only in late 1959. Death in Spain
<mask> arrived in Madrid on 29 November 1957. He continued contacts with members of the Croatian Liberation Movement and received visitors from around the world. <mask> lived secretly with his family, probably by agreement with the Spanish authorities. Though he was granted asylum, the Spanish authorities did not allow him public appearances. In the middle of 1958, he sent a message from Madrid to the Assembly of Croatian Societies in Munich.He expressed his wish that all Croats unite with the goal of re-establishing the Independent State of Croatia. Some groups distanced themselves from <mask> and others did so after his death. In his will, he named  as his successor as the president of the Croatian Liberation Movement. <mask> died on 28 December 1959 at the Hospital Alemán in Madrid at the age of 70 from the wounds he sustained in the assassination attempt by Jovović. He was buried in San Isidro Cemetery, Madrid's oldest private burial ground. In popular culture
 Harry Turtledove's short story Ready for the Fatherland is set in an alternate history where the Independent State of Croatia continues to exist in 1979. <mask> is revered as the first Poglavnik and his image appears on the State's primary currency, but no further details are shared


title: Ante Pavelić

texts:
 as to how his life played out in that timeline, which diverged from ours in February 1943.In a 2015 Croatian comedy film National Hero Lily Vidić, <mask> is portrayed by Dražen Čuček. The movie follows a group of Yugoslav partisans, led by a young poet Lily Vidić, who compete in the NDH's fictional talent show "Factor X" whose winner wins the chance to perform at the <mask>'s reception for Hitler. Partisans see it as an opportunity to kill both Hitler and <mask>, and thus end the WWII. In 2017, the movie was adapted into a theatrical play where <mask> was portrayed by Boris Mirković. References
Notes

Bibliography
Books

Journal articles

News articles

External links

1889 births
1959 deaths
20th-century lawyers
Anti-Serbian sentiment
Articles containing video clips
Croatian collaborators with Fascist Italy
Croatian collaborators with Nazi Germany
Croatian exiles
Croatian independence activists
Croatian lawyers
Croatian nationalists
Croatian people of World War II
Croatian Roman Catholics
Deaths by firearm in Spain
Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb alumni
Fascist rulers
Fugitives
Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia perpetrators
Holocaust perpetrators in Yugoslavia
Independent State of Croatia
Male murder victims
Party of Rights politicians
People from Konjic
People from the Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina
People sentenced to death in absentia
Persecution of Eastern Orthodox Christians
Representatives in the Yugoslav National Assembly (1921–1941)
Romani genocide perpetrators
Ustaše
World War II political leaders
Yugoslav fascists
Croats of Bosnia and


title: James Hemings

texts:
<mask> (17651801) was the first American to train as a chef in France. He was African American and born in Virginia in 1765. At 8 years old, he became enslaved by Thomas Jefferson through an inheritance. He was an older brother of <mask> and a half-sibling of Jefferson's wife Martha Jefferson, with whom he shared John Wayles as father. As a young man, Hemings was selected by Jefferson to accompany him to Paris when the latter was appointed Minister to France. There Hemings was trained to be a French chef; independently, he took lessons to learn how to speak the French language. He returned to the United States with Jefferson, likely because of kinship ties with his large Hemings family at Monticello.Jefferson continued to pay Hemings wages as his chef when he worked for Jefferson in Philadelphia. Hemings negotiated with Jefferson for his freedom, which he gained in 1796, after training his brother Peter for three years to replace him as chef. Said to suffer from alcoholism, Hemings died by suicide at age 36. Biography

Early life
<mask> was born into slavery to <mask>, who was the mixed-race daughter of an enslaved African mother, and  an English sea captain father whose surname was <mask>. <mask> was the second of her six children by her enslaver John Wayles, who took Betty as a forced concubine after he was widowed for the third time. This situation lasted for 12 years, until his death, and he had six children with her. They were three-quarters European by ancestry.Betty had four older children by another man. Wayles died in 1773, leaving Betty and the 10 children to his daughter Martha Jefferson, half-sister to his children by Betty. Martha was then married to Thomas Jefferson, who became their enslaver by marriage. In 1784 Thomas Jefferson took

masks:
James Hemings
Sally Hemings
James Hemings
Betty Hemings
Hemings
James


title: James Hemings

texts:
 <mask> with him when he went to Paris as Minister to France, as he wanted the young man, then 19, trained as a chef. While they were in France, Jefferson paid Hemings a wage of four dollars per month. Hemings studied cooking and apprenticed to pastry chefs and other specialists. He paid personally to learn the language from a French tutor.He earned the role of chef de cuisine in Jefferson's kitchen on the Champs-Élysées. He served his creations to the European aristocrats, writers and scientists whom Jefferson invited to dinner. Career
It was during his time in France that Hemings learned the French dish of pasta and cheese. He prepared a dish called "macaroni pie". This dish evolved to what Americans call macaroni and cheese today. In Paris, Jefferson became concerned that Hemings might learn that he could be free when France had abolished slavery in 1789. He wrote about this issue to another American enslaver in a similar situation.According to the 1873 memoir of <mask>, his uncle <mask> and (future) mother Sally actively considered staying in France for freedom while they were in Paris. (<mask> had accompanied one of Jefferson's daughters to France and worked for the family until they returned to the United States.) While fearful of their seeking freedom, Jefferson, who was in debt for most of his life, was also concerned about having paid for training <mask>. In 1789, however, both the Hemingses returned to America with Jefferson; he continued to pay <mask> wages to work as his chef. They first returned to Monticello. They lived briefly in a leased house on Maiden Lane in New York City (when the national government was based there), where <mask> ran the kitchen. In the spring of 1791, when <mask> and Jefferson were resident in Philadelphia, then

masks:
James Hemings
Madison Hemings
James
Sally Hemings
James
James
James Hemings
James Hemings


title: James Hemings

texts:
 the capital, the young enslaved man accompanied Jefferson and <mask> on a month-long vacation in the Northeast.The party traveled through New York and Vermont, stopping at Albany, Lake George, Lake Champlain and Bennington. Jefferson often entrusted Hemings to travel alone ahead of the others to arrange accommodations along the way. After returning south through western Massachusetts and Connecticut, Jefferson and Hemings returned for a long-term stay in Philadelphia. As Pennsylvania did not allow slavery, Jefferson paid Hemings a wage while he worked there. After two years in Philadelphia, Jefferson made plans to return to Virginia. Reluctant to return to a slave state, Hemings negotiated a contract with Jefferson by which he would gain freedom after training a replacement chef at Monticello to take his place. In the 1793 agreement, Jefferson wrote:

Having been at great expence in having <mask>s taught the art of cookery, desiring to befriend him, and to require from him as little in return as possible, I hereby do promise & declare, that if the said <mask> should go with me to Monticello in the course of the ensuing winter, when I go to reside there myself, and shall there continue until he shall have taught such person as I shall place under him for that purpose to be a good cook, this previous condition being performed, he shall thereupon be made free ...Considering that Hemings had served Jefferson well for years, some historians have described this as a grudging manumission. For two years, Hemings trained his younger brother Peter, also enslaved from birth, as chef at Monticello, and finally gained his freedom in 1796. He spoke French and English and was literate; his handwritten inventory of kitchen supplies made before he left Monticello is

masks:
James Madison
James Heming
James


title: James Hemings

texts: held by the Library of Congress. He also left recipes and other writings. After traveling to Europe, Hemings eventually returned to the United States, where he found work as a cook in Philadelphia. Little is known about Hemings' personal life. He never married, nor did he have children.According to culinary historian Michael Twitty, it is possible that Hemings had a "somewhat fluid sexuality". In 1801, Jefferson offered Hemings a position at the White House, which Hemings declined, as he felt he could not immediately leave his position in Baltimore. When Jefferson inquired a second time, Hemings responded through an intermediary, Francis Sayes, who had worked with Hemings when they were in New York and in Philadelphia. Sayes reported, "I have spoke to <mask> according to your Desire he has made mention again as he did before that he was willing to serve you before any other man in the Union but sence he understands that he would have to be among strange servants he would be very much obliged to you if you would send him a few lines of engagement and on what conditions and what wages you would please to give him with your own hand wreiting." Jefferson did not write Hemings, reasoning that he did not want to "urge him against inclination." Hemings later returned briefly to Monticello, working for a month and a half in the kitchen and earning thirty dollars before leaving. Later, while employed as a cook in a tavern in Baltimore, he died by suicide, at age 36.Jefferson's friend William Evans in Baltimore made inquiries, and on November 5, 1801, he wrote: The report respecting <mask>s having committed an act of suicide is true. I made every inquiry at the time this melancholy circumstance took place. The result of which was, that he had been delirious for

masks:
James
James Heming


title: James Hemings

texts:
 some days prior to committing the act, and it was the general opinion that drinking too freely was the cause. On November 9, 1801, Jefferson wrote from Washington, DC, to <mask>, the Irish joiner managing much of the construction at Monticello, recounting the circumstances of Hemings' death, presumably with instructions to tell his mother Betty and his brother John, who was Dinsmore's assistant. On December 4, 1801, Jefferson wrote to his son-in-law, Thomas Mann Randolph, characterizing <mask>' death as a "tragical end." Further reading
Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family, New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 2008, winner of the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for History and 15 other history/literary awards
Lucia Stanton, Free Some Day: The African-American Families of Monticello, Charlottesville: Thomas Jefferson Foundation, 2000. Thomas J. Craughwell, Thomas Jefferson's Creme Brûlée: How a Founding Father and His Slave <mask>s Introduced French Cuisine to America, Philadelphia: Quirk Books, 2012, 233 pages; .Charles A. Cerami, Dinner at Mr. Jefferson's: Three Men, Five Great Wines, and the Evening that Changed America, Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, 2008, 270 pages; . References

External links
Thomas Jefferson – <mask>s Deed of Manumission
François Furstenberg, "Jefferson's Other Family: His concubine was also his wife's half-sister", review of Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello, Slate, September 23, 2008

1765 births
1801 deaths
18th-century African-American people
American chefs
American male chefs
18th-century American slaves
Hemings family
People from Charles City County, Virginia
Suicides by firearm in Maryland
Virginia colonial people
Presidents of the United States and slavery
1800s suicides
American people of

masks:
James Dinsmore
Hemings
James Heming
James Heming


title: LaToya London

texts:
<mask> (born December 29, 1978) is an American R&B and soul singer and stage actress who was fourth-place finalist on the third season of American Idol. Her debut album, Love & Life, was released in September 2005 and spawned a number of moderate R&B chart hits. She has concentrated on stage work, including originating and performing the role of Nettie in the national tour of the Broadway musical The Color Purple from 2007 to 2010, for which she won an Ovation Award. She was the lead in the U.S. regional debut of The Bodyguard, a musical based on the 1992 film. Early life
<mask> was born in San Francisco, California and raised in Oakland, California, where she had her first public musical performance when, at the age of 7, she sang in her mother's wedding. Her interest in singing began when she was just 4 years old, when she frequently sang when attending Allen Temple Baptist church. As a teenager, she sang with the Oakland Youth Chorus from 1993 to 1996.In 1996, she graduated from Skyline High School (the same school actor Tom Hanks and basketball player Gary Payton attended). She also worked as a waitress and a bartender and sang in a Christian rock group. She was also a backup vocalist and did frequent guest vocals for several Bay Area artists. When she began American Idol, she was the lead vocalist in a band, All-Star Jukebox, which usually performed at weddings. American Idol

London auditioned for the third season of American Idol in Los Angeles, California. Although she moved on through each round, she had not been featured prominently in any aired footage and was written off by many fans before the first studio performances. However, as a member of the third group of eight semifinalists, she sang Eric Carmen's "All by Myself," and received a standing ovation from celebrity judges Donna Summer, Randy Jackson and Paula Abdul.Jackson labeled her performance as "brilliant" and "what the search for a

masks:
LaToya Renee London
London


title: LaToya London

texts: superstar is all about," Abdul called her "unbelievable" and praised her "quiet confidence," and Simon Cowell said she was "the best of the group" and that it was a "superb, outstanding performance." She was voted through to the final 12 contestants with 32.3 percent of audience votes, the largest percentage for every week of the semifinals. In the following nine weeks, London had several high points on American Idol. Cowell called her performance of Chaka Khan's "Ain't Nobody" "amazing" and "awesome." Abdul said that she reminded her of "a young Gladys Knight" after she performed the Garth Brooks song "Ain't Goin' Down ('Til the Sun Comes Up)," Nickolas Ashford of famed soul duo Ashford & Simpson called her performance of "Ooo Baby Baby" by Smokey Robinson as "beautiful" and full of "sex appeal," Film director Quentin Tarantino called her a "powerhouse" after her performance of "Somewhere" from the musical West Side Story, and Cowell announced her as "the best singer in the competition" after she sang "All the Time" by Barry Manilow and gave her "a ten out of ten" for her performance of "Don't Rain on My Parade," which also garnered standing ovations from Abdul and Jackson. London was central to one of the first controversies of the show. On April 21, 2004, the night after the final seven contestants performed Barry Manilow songs, <mask>, Jennifer Hudson, and eventual winner Fantasia Barrino ended up in the bottom three with the least viewer votes.Together, these three had been dubbed "The Three Divas" for their critically acclaimed performances. London had the highest vote totals out of the three, and Hudson was ultimately eliminated. Because all three of the singers were African American and the frontrunners of the competition, music icon Elton John deemed the voting as "racist," igniting a flurry of news and speculation over the validity of the voting system. John complained at a promotional news


title: LaToya London

texts:
 performed for such events and galas as the Richmond/Ermet AIDS Foundation, 100 Black Men of America, and the Clear Channel holiday party. London has also performed the national anthem for numerous National Football League games, including the 2005 Super Bowl NFL Commissioner pre-game party. She has shared the stage with such icons and superstars as Elton John, Whoopi Goldberg, Barry Manilow, Gladys Knight, Nancy Wilson, Chaka Khan, Rachelle Ferrell, Goapele, and Burt Bacharach. In November 2004, it was announced that <mask> had been signed to jazz recording label Peak Records, an imprint of Concord Records, the final label of jazz legend Ray Charles before his death. Her first single, "Appreciate," which featured a guest rap from Black Thought of the Hip-Hop group The Roots, hit the airwaves in July, and a music video of that song followed. The CD single, "Appreciate/Every Part of Me/All By Myself" reached number eight on the Billboard Singles Sales Chart. The single sold 8,500 units.2005–2006: Love & Life
Her debut studio album, Love & Life, was released on September 20, 2005. A mix of R&B, soul, jazz, and hip-hop, Love & Life featured songwriting by <mask>, along with songs by well-known producers such as David Foster and Narada Michael Walden. The San Francisco Chronicle called her "impassioned and polished" with "sumptuous, wondrously elastic mezzo pipes," People magazine called it one of the best post-American Idol albums, and Apple Computer's iTunes named it one of the best albums of 2005, and her song "Non A What'cha Do" as one of the best individual recordings of the year. Love & Life sold 12,546 albums in its first week, landing at number 82 on Billboard Top 200 Albums chart and at number 27 on Billboard Top R&B/Hip-Hop Albums. To date, it has sold approximately 58,000 copies. Additionally, London has sold over 15,000 digital downloads. London released two follow-up singles, "Every Part of Me"

masks: London London


title: LaToya London

texts:
 and "State of My Heart" in 2006, the latter of which hit number 40 on the Billboard Adult Contemporary Tracks chart and number five on the radio industry periodical Friday Morning Quarterbacks Adult Contemporary spin chart.<mask> was also nominated for an award in the R&B category of the 2006 Bay Area Rap Scene (BARS) Awards; however, violence and disruption ended the show early before the award winners were announced. Latoya was competing against R&B star Goapele, among others. <mask> announced that despite having an initial three-album deal, she had parted ways from Peak Records and Concord Records. She is currently writing songs for her second album and is shopping for a new recording label. In February 2006, she landed a lead role in Laterras R. Whitfield's touring dramatic comedy play Issues: We All Have 'Em. She sang a jazz-tinged version of "Hark! Hear the Bells" on the VH1 Soul Train Christmas television special, and sang the same song on a special edition of the 40th Anniversary A Charlie Brown Christmas album.In late summer 2006, <mask> made her Los Angeles professional stage debut with a starring role in the retro musical, Beehive, at the El Portal Theater in North Hollywood. <mask> and the show earned rave reviews. That same year, the cast was nominated by the Los Angeles Drama Critics Circle for Best Ensemble Performance in their annual awards. <mask> was featured as a guest vocalist on Paul Taylor's new album, Ladies' Choice, released in May 2007. <mask> played Nettie in The Color Purple, which debuted at the Cadillac Palace Theatre for an extended run in Chicago, Illinois. <mask> ended her run in 2010 and received a nomination for a NAACP Theatre Award in 2008 in the best supporting actress in an equity production category. 2010–present: Urban Punk
<mask> joined with hip-hop artist H2O in 2010 to form the group Urban Punk,Interview with former ‘Idol’ contestant La Toya <mask>, now of

masks: London London London London London London London London London


title: LaToya London

texts:
 ‘Urban Punk’  producing music that combines Europop melodies with hip-hop rhythms.They have released two tracks, "Around the World" and "Twisted". In June 2013, <mask> joined the cast of the Carolina Opry in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. <mask> has starred in a number of national tours, including Redemption of a Dogg, and Tyler Perry's Madea on the Run, as well as regional productions, including Silence! The Musical and as Shug Avery in Celebration Theatre's production of The Color Purple. She was the lead in the U.S. regional debut of The Bodyguard, a musical based on the 1992 film. Personal life
London suffered a setback when she had to pull out of the VH1 Soul Tour with Jaguar Wright and Kindred due to a "family emergency." Additionally, when Ebony magazine named her one of the hottest African American bachelorettes in America in its July 2005 issue, speculation about the state of her marriage sparked off.While she was on American Idol, she proudly stated that she was married and had stepchildren. She later confirmed that she and her husband had divorced. Politics and endorsements
London posed for a political print advertising campaign by Declare Yourself, encouraging voter registration among youth for the 2008 United States presidential election. In the ads by photographer David LaChapelle, London has a nail through her upper and lower lips, pinning her mouth shut in a symbolic function. The ads drew national attention. London also performed "Ain't Nobody" in Oakland on Election Day 2008 celebrating Barack Obama's historic victory. Discography
Albums

Singles
 Appreciate/Every Part of Me/All By Myself (August 2005)
 Every Part of Me
 State Of My Heart Number 40 Hot AC Tracks

Guest contributions

 "If U Buyin'" (with C-Bo) (1999)
 "I Know You Want Me" (with H2O from "The Mixtape Vol.1") (2004)
 "I Want to Show You" (with H2O from "The Mixtape Vol. 1") (2004)
 "Konfessions" (with H2O from "The


title: Rolles Gracie Jr.

texts:
<mask> (born July 14, 1978) is a Brazilian professional mixed martial artist, Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu practitioner, and professional wrestler. As the son of <mask>, he is a third generation martial arts member of the <mask> family, and a 5th degree black belt in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu. MMA career
<mask> stepped into the International Fight League for his first MMA fight on the undercard of the IFL World Team Championships in 2007. He joined his cousin <mask>'s New York Pitbulls in the IFL. <mask>'s younger brothers Igor and Gregor are also mixed martial artists. <mask> was set to fight Ricardo Romero at Ring of Combat 24, April 17, 2009, but he withdrew from the fight a week before due to an injury sustained in practice. <mask> signed with Art of War Fighting Championship and made his debut on May 23, 2009, where he defeated in a mixed martial match Magomedbag Agaev from Daghestan at 5:09 seconds in Round 1.<mask>, in his second fight for the Art of War FC promotion, defeated K-1 kickboxing veteran, but at the time 0–2 in MMA, Peter Graham early in the first round. Ultimate Fighting Championship
<mask> was expected to make his UFC debut on February 6, 2010 in Las Vegas, Nevada against Mostapha Al-Turk  Due to Mostapha Al Turk having visa troubles, <mask> instead faced Joey Beltran in his UFC debut. <mask> secured a takedown early, and managed to take Beltran's back. However he would quickly become exhausted, and Beltran would defend the rest of his takedowns with ease. In the second round, <mask> attempted another takedown but was denied, and Beltran immediately started landing

masks:
Rolles Gracie
Rolls Gracie
Gracie
Gracie
Renzo Gracie
Gracie
Gracie
Gracie
Rolles
Gracie
Gracie
Gracie
Gracie


title: Rolles Gracie Jr.

texts:
 ground and pound which <mask> was unable to defend, causing referee Herb Dean to stop the fight. Following the defeat, Renzo <mask> described <mask>' performance as "embarrassing", saying his exhaustion was caused by nerves and the pressure he put on himself. <mask> was released from the UFC after just one fight.Post-UFC
<mask> was to face Mike Ciesnolevicz at a Shine Fights event on January 8, 2011. The event, however, did not materialize. Instead, <mask> made his first post-UFC appearance on April 22, 2011 at UCC 4: Supremacy. He defeated Braden Bice via submission in the first round. ONE Fighting Championship
On December 8, 2011 it was announced that <mask> had signed for Asian promotion ONE Fighting Championship. He made his debut at ONE FC: Battle of Heroes in Jakarta, Indonesia on February 11, 2012 where he took on Bob Sapp. <mask> won the fight in the first round by submission due to strikes.<mask> faced Tony Bonello in a Heavyweight bout at ONE FC: Pride of a Nation in Quezon City, Philippines. He won via submission in the third round. World Series of Fighting
Gracie was set to take on Dave Huckaba at WSOF 3 on June 14, 2013. However <mask> was forced out of the fight due to a wrist injury. In his promotion debut, <mask> faced Derrick Mehmen on WSOF 5 on September 14, 2013 at World Series of Fighting 5: Arlovski vs. Kyle, where he was knocked out in the second round after outboxing Mehmen in the first. KSW
After signing with the Polish MMA promotion KSW, <mask> challenged Karol Bedorf for the KSW Heavyweight Championship at KSW 28 on October 4, 2014. He lost the

masks: Gracie Gracie Rolles Rolles Gracie Gracie Gracie Gracie Rolles Gracie Gracie Gracie


title: Rolles Gracie Jr.

texts:
 fight by TKO in the first round.He then faced former Polish strongman and five-time World's Strongest Man winner Mariusz Pudzianowski at KSW 31 on May 23, 2015. <mask> lost in surprising fashion by KO after Pudzianowski landed a punch just 27 seconds into the first round. Professional wrestling career
On October 14, 2013, <mask>, along with <mask>, made an appearance for professional wrestling promotion New Japan Pro-Wrestling (NJPW) at the King of Pro-Wrestling pay-per-view, issuing an open challenge for the January 4, 2014, Wrestle Kingdom 8 in Tokyo Dome event, which was later answered by Yuji Nagata and Kazushi Sakuraba, the latter known as the "Gracie Hunter" for his MMA bouts with members of the <mask> family. The Gracies lost the match via disqualification, after Daniel choked Nagata out with his gi. A rematch between the two teams took place on February 11 at The New Beginning in Osaka and saw <mask> submit Sakuraba for the win. On April 6 at Invasion Attack 2014, the Gracies defeated Takashi Iizuka and Toru Yano in another tag team match. The Gracies' win streak continued on May 3 at Wrestling Dontaku 2014, where they defeated Sakuraba and Shinsuke Nakamura.On May 25 at Back to the Yokohama Arena, <mask> wrestled his first singles match, where he was defeated by Sakuraba. Personal life
<mask> is the eldest son of <mask> (1951–1982), and grandson of <mask> (1902–1994). He is the older brother of <mask> and <mask>. <mask> lives in New Jersey where he is the main instructor at his cousin Renzo <mask>’s jiu-jitsu school in Middletown, New Jersey. He also owns and

masks:
Gracie
Rolles
Daniel Gracie
Gracie
Rolles
Rolles
Gracie
Rolls Gracie
Carlos Gracie
Igor Gracie
Gregor Gracie
Gracie
Gracie


title: John So

texts:
<mask>  (; born 2 October 1946) is a Hong Kong Australian businessman who served as the 102nd Lord Mayor of Melbourne, the capital of Victoria, Australia. He was the first Lord Mayor in the city's history to be directly elected by voters; previously, Lord Mayors were elected by the councillors. He is also the first Lord Mayor of Melbourne of Chinese descent. First elected in 2001 and re-elected in 2004, <mask> is the second-longest-serving Lord Mayor of Melbourne, serving for seven-and-a-half years. In 2006, he won the World Mayor award. On 1 October 2008, <mask> announced that he would not seek re-election for a third term as Lord Mayor. He was succeeded by Robert Doyle.<mask> currently serves as chairman of the Global Business Council, an international forum established by the World Chinese Economic Forum in Malaysia aimed at facilitating trade between China, India, ASEAN and the Middle East. In December 2013, <mask> was appointed by the Chinese government as a special advisor to the All-China Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese. Background
<mask> was born in British Hong Kong on 2 October 1946. When he was 17 years old, he moved to Melbourne and completed his secondary education at University High School. He then went on to tertiary studies, obtaining a Diploma of Education and Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Melbourne. After graduating, he taught physics at Fitzroy High School. <mask> became a business operator in 1973, with interests across Australia, Hong Kong and Mainland China.<mask>'s political career has included positions as director of Asia Society's AustralAsia Centre, commissioner of Victoria Ethics Affairs Commission, director of Melbourne Water, honorary member of the World Mayors Council on Climate Change, former executive member of the Committee For Melbourne, president of the Lord Mayor's Charitable Fund, chairman of the Asia Pacific Racing Carnival and chairman of the Victorian Chinese Welfare Centre. <mask> is

masks:
John Chun Sai So
So
So
So
So
So
So
So
So


title: John So

texts:
 actively involved in Australia's major sporting events. He was the number-one ticket holder for the Melbourne Demons football club and number-one ticket holder for the Melbourne Victory soccer club. Politics

In 1991, <mask> contested politics for the first time and was elected as one of the councillors of the City of Melbourne. He was re-elected in 1996 and 1999. In 1999, <mask> came within one vote of being elected Lord Mayor, losing 4-5 to Peter Costigan. In 2001, the Victorian Government dismissed the Lord Mayor, Deputy Lord Mayor and councillors for ongoing infighting that resulted in the council's inability to function.The government immediately reformed the system to give the Lord Mayor a stronger mandate. Under the new system, the Lord Mayor and Deputy Lord Mayor were to be directly elected by the citizens in a US presidential-style election, as opposed to being elected in-house among the councillors. First term as Lord Mayor, 2001–2004
In the 2001 Lord Mayoral election, <mask> polled 14.9% of the primary vote, second only to Peter Sheppard, who received 15.2%, but after preferences were distributed, <mask> comfortably defeated Sheppard. <mask> also defeated the then-Premier Steve Bracks's preferred candidate, Peter McMullin, and former federal minister and Australian Democrats founder Don Chipp. <mask> presided over a prosperous term in which Melbourne was voted World's Most Livable City on more than one occasion. Along with television presenter Livinia Nixon, he was the face of the "That's Melbourne" campaign to encourage tourism to the city. He campaigned against crime and was a member of the Police Minister's Crime Prevention Council.He also pushed for the federal government to build a national indigenous museum in Melbourne. <mask> was criticised for his communication skills, partly due to his heavily Cantonese-accented English. A restaurant with ties to <mask> was also fined $75,000 for breaches of the Food Safety Act by his own council. In

masks: So So So So So So So So


title: John So

texts:
 2002, <mask> was accused of putting his relationship with the Chinese government ahead of Melbourne by refusing to meet the Dalai Lama during his Australian visit. The council was also punished by the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal for prohibiting Falun Gong from participating in the city's annual Moomba parade. Second term as Lord Mayor, 2004–2008

2004 election
Though he had been a relatively popular mayor, <mask> was widely expected to be defeated at the 2004 election. Despite this, he polled well on election day, achieving 42.2% of the primary vote (compared to his nearest rival who received 9.2%), and was re-elected.<mask>'s ticket for the Councillor positions was also successful, winning a historic majority in the Town Hall. Commonwealth Games
During the 2006 Commonwealth Games, <mask> was warmly welcomed by Melbourne as a figurehead of the city. This led to "<mask>, he's our bro'." T-shirts and "<mask> for PM'" shirts and stickers being manufactured and worn by some Melburnians as a testament to the city's tolerance and multiculturalism. At the closing ceremony of the 2006 Commonwealth Games, at every mention of <mask>'s name, there was a tremendous applause from the crowd, which became progressively louder with each occurrence. Planning and development
<mask> presided over a number of major developments throughout his second term. The most significant of these include the refurbishment of the city's key shopping complex, the Melbourne Central Shopping Centre; construction of the Council's second building, Council House 2, the first Six Green Star-rated building in Australia; development, in partnership with the State Government, of the new Melbourne Convention Centre; and refurbishment of Melbourne's key shopping precinct Bourke Street Mall.During <mask>'s term, the Council also regained from the State Government jurisdiction over Melbourne's new waterfront, Melbourne Docklands. Controversies
In 2007, <mask> was criticised for

masks:
So
So
So
So
John So
John So
So
So
So
So


title: John So

texts:
 redundancies of staff at the Melbourne City Council after an efficiency review found that the Council had a A$4.2 million budget discrepancy. <mask> used his casting vote to defeat a "vote of no confidence" by opposition councillors over the incident. Following the vote, opposition councillors stepped up their attack and criticised <mask> for not meeting with the Dalai Lama during the latter's 2007 visit, and claimed <mask> had also tried to stop them from meeting the Dalai Lama. World Mayor
<mask>'s popularity in office resulted in him being named World Mayor for 2006. He won the contest ahead of Amsterdam Mayor Job Cohen and Harrisburg Mayor Stephen R. Reed. World Mayor cited, amongst other things, the successful staging of the 2006 Commonwealth Games and <mask>'s popularity among the young population of Melbourne as a reason for his victory.In its verdict, the judging panel described <mask> as "possibly the first city leader to enjoy 'cult status. <mask> told the media he was "delighted to be elected" and that "the honour belongs to the amazing people of this wonderful city and the hard-working team at the City of Melbourne". Retirement as Lord Mayor
Speculation had been rife that <mask> was preparing to stand for the Lord Mayoral election in November 2008. Rumours surfaced that former Victoria Premier Jeff Kennett might be able to challenge <mask> effectively and Kennett confirmed that several Liberal Party members had approached him on this matter. In late September 2008, Kennett announced that he would not run for Lord Mayor. On 1 October 2008, <mask> officially announced that he would not seek re-election, stating "you can't work at 110 percent forever and that is what this job requires." Honours and positions
In 2006, <mask> was named World Mayor ahead of other candidates including Job Cohen, Ray Nagin, Michael Bloomberg and Shintaro Ishihara.In 2006, <mask> was among eleven recipients of the You Bring Charm to the World Award, presented at Peking

masks: So So So So So So So So So So So So


title: John So

texts:
 University in Beijing. The award was jointly sponsored by Phoenix Television, Baidu, and Beijing Youth Daily and recognised the achievements of the "most influential Chinese in 2006". In 2007, <mask> received an honorary degree of Doctor of the University from Victoria University, in recognition of his services to local government. In 2010, <mask> was appointed as one of the six panel members of the Lee Kuan Yew World City Prize Council. In 2011, <mask> was a recipient of the World Chinese Economic Forum Lifetime Achievement Award. In 2013, <mask> was awarded the Sir Edward 'Weary' Dunlop Asia Medal. On the Queen's Birthday in 2014, <mask> was made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) for "distinguished service to local government and community relations, as an ambassador for cultural diversity, and to the promotion of Melbourne as a tourist and investment destination".<mask> is also a Member of the World Mayors Council on Climate Change. Personal life
<mask> has been married twice and has four children. His partner, Wendy Cheng, served as the Lady Mayoress of Melbourne and chaired the Lady Mayoress' Committee between 2001 and 2008. <mask>'s youngest son, <mask> Jnr, an investment banker and businessman, ran unsuccessfully to be elected as Deputy Lord Mayor of Melbourne alongside Australia Sotheby's CEO, Gary Singer, in the 2012 Melbourne City Council Elections. Singer was previously Deputy Lord Mayor while <mask> Snr was in office. <mask> supports the Melbourne Demons in the Australian Football League. References

External links
<mask> – Official Website
<mask> No.1 World Mayor
WCEF Global Business Council

Mayors and Lord Mayors of Melbourne
Businesspeople from Melbourne
Australian politicians of Chinese descent
Australian politicians of Hong Kong descent
University of Melbourne alumni
Hong Kong emigrants to Australia
1946 births
Living people
People educated at University High School, Melbourne
Politicians from Melbourne
Officers of the Order of

masks:
So
So
So
So
So
So
So
So
John So
John So
So
John So
John So


title: Marcia C. Inhorn

texts:
<mask> is a medical anthropologist and William K. Lanman Jr. Professor of Anthropology and International Affairs at Yale University where she serves as Chair of the Council on Middle East Studies. A specialist on Middle Eastern gender and health issues, <mask> conducts research on the social impact of infertility and assisted reproductive technologies in Egypt, Lebanon, the United Arab Emirates, and Arab America. Before joining the Yale faculty in 2008, <mask> was a professor of medical anthropology at the University of Michigan and director of the Center for Middle Eastern and North African Studies. <mask> served as president of the Society for Medical Anthropology of the American Anthropological Association. Research

Egypt
<mask>’s scholarship is firmly situated at the intersection of feminist science and technology studies (STS), Middle East gender studies (including masculinity studies), and the anthropology of reproduction. She was the first anthropologist to study infertility and assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs) outside of the West, following the globalization of IVF to Egypt.Working in Egypt during the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, she was able to document the significant social, religious, kinship, and gender ramifications of infertility and its treatment, as well as the impact that IVF had on both the medical system and gender relations in the country. In the decade between 1993-2003, she published an “Egyptian trilogy”—three books called Quest for Conception (1994), Infertility and Patriarchy (1996), and Local Babies,

masks:
Marcia Claire Inhorn
Inhorn
Inhorn
Inhorn
Inhorn


title: Marcia C. Inhorn

texts:
 Global Science (2003). These books could be described, respectively, as a classic medical anthropological ethnography, a gender studies ethnography, and an STS ethnography of the globalization of IVF into the Muslim Middle East. Throughout these volumes, <mask> charts Egyptian social and cultural understandings of infertility as a problem of personhood, marriage, kinship, and community life, while explaining how treatment options such as IVF are fundamentally shaped by local religious moralities. In the final book, based on research in Cairo’s IVF clinics, she argues that numerous “arenas of constraint”—social, structural, ideological, and practical—limit and sometimes curtail access to IVF, even among elite Egyptian couples who engage in transnational quests to create a “baby of the tubes.” These books have won several medical anthropology and feminist awards, including the American Anthropological Association’s Diana Forsythe Prize for outstanding feminist anthropological research on work, science, technology, and biomedicine, and the Society for Medical Anthropology’s Eileen Basker Memorial Prize for the most significant contribution to anthropological scholarship on gender and health. Lebanon

Since 2003, <mask> has undertaken three Middle Eastern research projects outside of Egypt. All have been funded by the National Science Foundation’s Cultural Anthropology and Science, Technology, and Society programs, as well as the U.S. Department of Education's Fulbright-Hays Faculty Research Abroad program.Her book, The New Arab Man: Emergent

masks: Inhorn Inhorn