title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 briefly held power during negotiations that ended with <mask> assuming the presidency on 7 July.<mask> consolidated his power in an October 1954 election, in which he was the only candidate; the MLN, which he led, was the only party allowed to contest the congressional elections. Árbenz's popular agricultural reform was largely rolled back, with land confiscated from small farmers and returned to large landowners. <mask> cracked down on unions and peasant organizations, arresting and killing thousands. He created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism, which investigated over 70,000 people and added 10 percent of the population to a list of suspected communists. <mask> faced significant internal resistance, which was blamed on communist agitation. The government, plagued by corruption and soaring debt, became dependent on aid from the US. In 1957 <mask> was assassinated by a presidential guard with leftist sympathies.He was the first of a series of authoritarian rulers in Guatemala who were close allies of the US. His reversal of the reforms of his predecessors sparked a series of leftist insurgencies in the country after his death, culminating in the Guatemalan Civil War of 1960 to 1996. Early life and career

<mask> <mask> was born on 4 November 1914, in Santa Lucía Cotzumalguapa in the department of Escuintla. He was the son of a landowner, but was born out of wedlock, making him ineligible to inherit the property. In 1936 he graduated from the Guatemalan military academy. His time at the academy overlapped with that of Jacobo Árbenz, who would later become President of Guatemala. In June 1944, a series of popular protests forced the resignation of dictator Jorge Ubico.Ubico's

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Carlos Castillo
Armas


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

type: original

texts: successor Federico Ponce Vaides pledged to hold free elections, but continued to suppress dissent, leading progressives in the army to plot a coup against him. The plot was initially led by Árbenz and Aldana Sandoval; Sandoval persuaded Francisco Javier Arana, the influential commander of the Guardia de Honor, to join the coup in its final stages. On 19 October, Arana and Árbenz launched a coup against Ponce Vaides' government. In the election that followed, Juan José Arévalo was elected president. <mask> was a strong supporter and protégé of Arana, and thus joined the rebels. Speaking of <mask>, Árbenz would later say that he was "modest, brave, sincere" and that he had fought with "great bravery" during the coup. For seven months, between October 1945 and April 1946, <mask> received training at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where he came in contact with American intelligence officers.After serving on the General Staff, he became director of the military academy until early 1949, at which point he was made the military commander at Mazatenango, Suchitepéquez, a remote military garrison. <mask> had eventually risen to the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was at Mazatenango when Arana launched his failed coup attempt against Arévalo on 18 July 1949, and was killed: <mask> did not hear of the revolt until four days later. Historians differ on what happened to him at this point. Historian Piero Gleijeses writes that <mask> was expelled from the country following the coup attempt against Arévalo. Nick Cullather and Andrew Fraser state that <mask> was arrested in August 1949, that Árbenz had him imprisoned under doubtful charges until December 1949, and that he was found in Honduras a month later.

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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 Operation PBFortune and CIA ties

Following the end of Arévalo's highly popular presidency in 1951, Árbenz was elected president.He continued the reforms of Arévalo and also began an ambitious land reform program known as Decree 900. Under it, the uncultivated portions of large land-holdings were expropriated in return for compensation and redistributed to poverty-stricken agricultural laborers. The agrarian reform law angered the United Fruit Company, which at the time dominated the Guatemalan economy. Benefiting from decades of support from the US government, by 1930 the company was already the largest landowner and employer in Guatemala. It was granted further favors by Ubico, including  of public land, and an exemption from all taxes. Feeling threatened by Árbenz's reforms, the company responded with an intensive lobbying campaign directed at members of the United States government. The Cold War had also predisposed the administration of US President Harry Truman to see the Guatemalan government as communist.The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started to explore the notion of lending support to detractors and opponents of Árbenz. Walter Bedell Smith, the Director of Central Intelligence, ordered J. C. King, the chief of the Western Hemisphere Division, to examine whether dissident Guatemalans could topple the Árbenz government if they had support from the authoritarian governments in Central America. <mask> had encountered the CIA in January 1950, when a CIA officer learned he was attempting to get weapons from Anastasio Somoza García and Rafael Trujillo, the right-wing authoritarian rulers of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, respectively. The CIA officer had described him as "a


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: quiet, soft-spoken officer who [did] not seem to be given to exaggeration". <mask> met with the CIA a few more times before November 1950. Speaking to the CIA, he had stated that he had the support of the Guardia Civil (the Civil Guard), the army garrison at Quezaltenango, as well as the commander of Matamoros, the largest fortress in Guatemala City. A few days after his last meeting with the CIA, <mask> had led an assault against Matamoros along with a handful of supporters.The attack failed, and <mask> was wounded and arrested. A year later, he bribed his way out of prison, and escaped back to Honduras. <mask>'s stories of his revolt and escape from prison proved popular among the right-wing exiles in Honduras. Among these people, <mask> claimed to still have support among the army, and began planning another revolt. His reputation was inflated by stories that he had escaped from prison through a tunnel. The engineer dispatched by the CIA to liaise with <mask> informed the CIA that <mask> had the financial backing of Somoza and Trujillo. Truman thereupon authorized Operation PBFortune.When contacted by the CIA agent dispatched by Smith, <mask> proposed a battle-plan to gain CIA support. This plan involved three forces invading Guatemala from Mexico, Honduras, and ElSalvador. These invasions were supposed to be supported by internal rebellions. King formulated a plan to provide <mask>as with $225,000 as well as weaponry and transportation. Somoza was involved in the scheme; the CIA also contacted Trujillo, and Marcos Pérez Jiménez, the US-supported right-wing dictator of Venezuela, who were both supportive, and agreed to contribute some funding. However, the coup attempt was terminated by

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Castillo Armas
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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 Dean Acheson, the US Secretary of State, before it could be completed. Accounts of the final termination of the coup attempt vary: some argue that it was due to the US State Department discovering the coup, while others say that it was due to Somoza spreading information about the CIA's role in it, leading to the coup's cover being blown.<mask>'s services were retained by the CIA, who paid him $3,000 a week, which allowed him to maintain a small force. The CIA remained in contact with him, and continued to provide support to the rebels. The money paid to <mask> has been described as a way of making sure that he did not attempt any premature action. Even after the operation had been terminated, the CIA received reports from a Spanish-speaking agent operating under the code name "Seekford" that the Guatemalan rebels were planning assassinations. <mask> made plans to use groups of soldiers in civilian clothing from Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador to kill political and military leaders in Guatemala. Coup d'état

Planning

In November 1952 Dwight Eisenhower was elected president of the US, promising to take a harder line against communism. Senior figures in his administration, including Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother and CIA director Allen Dulles, had close ties to the United Fruit Company, making Eisenhower more strongly predisposed than Truman to support Árbenz's overthrow.These factors culminated in the Eisenhower administration's decision to authorize "Operation PBSuccess" to overthrow the Guatemalan government in August 1953. The operation had a budget of between five and seven million dollars. It involved a number of CIA agents, and widespread local recruiting.

masks:
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Castillo Armas
Castillo Armas


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: The plans included drawing up lists of people within Árbenz's government to be assassinated if the coup were to be carried out. A team of diplomats who would support PBSuccess was created; the leader of this team was John Peurifoy, who took over as the US ambassador in Guatemala in October 1953. The CIA considered several candidates to lead the coup. Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, the conservative candidate who had lost the 1950 election to Árbenz, held favor with the opposition but was rejected for his role in the Ubico regime, as well as his European appearance, which was unlikely to appeal to the majority mixed-race "Ladinos", or mestizo population.<mask>, in contrast, is described by historian Nick Cullather as a "physically unimposing man with marked mestizo features". Another front-runner was coffee planter Juan Córdova Cerna, who had briefly served in Arévalo's cabinet. The death of his son in an anti-government uprising in 1950 had turned him against the administration. Although his status as a civilian gave him an advantage over <mask>, he was diagnosed with throat cancer in 1954, taking him out of the reckoning. This led to the selection of <mask>, the former lieutenant of Arana, who had been in exile following the failed coup in 1949. <mask> had remained on the CIA payroll since the aborted Operation PBFortune in 1951. Historians have also stated that <mask> was ultimately seen as the most dependable leader from the CIA's perspective.He also had the advantage of having had a clerical education during his exile, and therefore the support of Guatemala's archbishop. In CIA documents, he was referred to by the codename "Calligeris." <mask> was given enough money to recruit a small force of

masks:
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Castillo Armas
Castillo Armas
Castillo Armas
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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: approximately 150 mercenaries from among Guatemalan exiles and the populations of nearby countries. This band was called the "Army of Liberation". The CIA established training camps in Nicaragua and Honduras, and supplied them with weapons as well as several planes flown by American pilots. Prior to the invasion of Guatemala, the US signed military agreements with both of those countries, allowing it to move heavier arms freely. These preparations were only superficially covert: the CIA intended Árbenz to find out about them, as a part of its plan to convince the Guatemalan people that the overthrow of Árbenz was inevitable.<mask>as's army was not large enough to defeat the Guatemalan military, even with US-supplied planes. Therefore, the plans for Operation PBSuccess called for a campaign of psychological warfare, which would present <mask>as's victory as a fait accompli to the Guatemalan people, and would force Árbenz to resign. The US propaganda campaign began well before the invasion, with the United States Information Agency writing hundreds of articles on Guatemala based on CIA reports, and distributing tens of thousands of leaflets throughout Latin America. The CIA persuaded the governments that were friendly to it to screen video footage of Guatemala that supported the US version of events. The most wide-reaching psychological weapon was the radio station known as the "Voice of Liberation". This station began broadcasting on 1 May 1954, carrying anti-communist messages and telling its listeners to resist the Árbenz government and support the liberating forces of Castillo Armas. The station claimed to be broadcasting from deep within the jungles of the Guatemalan hinterland, a message

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Castillo Arm


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 that many listeners believed.In actuality, the broadcasts were concocted in Miami by Guatemalan exiles, flown to Central America, and broadcast through a mobile transmitter. Invasion

<mask>as's force of 480 men was split into four teams, ranging in size from 60 to 198. On 15 June 1954, these four forces left their bases in Honduras and El Salvador and assembled in various towns just outside the Guatemalan border. The largest force was supposed to attack the Atlantic harbor town of Puerto Barrios, while the others were to attack the smaller towns of Esquipulas, Jutiapa, and Zacapa, the Guatemalan Army's largest frontier post. The invasion plan quickly faced difficulties; the 60-man force was intercepted and jailed by Salvadoran policemen before it got to the border. At 8:20am on 18 June 1954, <mask> led his invading troops over the border. Ten trained saboteurs preceded the invasion, with the aim of blowing up railways and cutting telegraph lines.At about the same time, Castillo Armas's planes flew over a pro-government rally in the capital. Castillo Armas demanded Árbenz's immediate surrender. The invasion provoked a brief panic in the capital, which quickly decreased as the rebels failed to make any significant headway. Travelling on foot and weighed down by weapons and supplies, Castillo Armas's forces took several days to reach their targets, although their planes blew up a bridge on 19 June. When the rebels did reach their targets, they experienced further setbacks. The force of 122 men targeting Zacapa was intercepted and decisively beaten by a small garrison of 30 loyalist soldiers, with only 30 rebels escaping death or capture. The force that attacked Puerto Barrios was defeated by

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Castillo Armas


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 policemen and armed dockworkers, with many of the rebels fleeing back to Honduras.In an effort to regain momentum, the rebels attacked the capital with their planes. These attacks caused little material damage, but they had a significant psychological impact, leading many citizens to believe that the invasion force was more powerful than it actually was. The CIA also continued to transmit propaganda from the supposed "Voice of Liberation" station throughout the conflict, broadcasting news of rebel troops converging on the capital, and contributing to massive demoralization among both the army and the civilian population. Aftermath

Árbenz was initially confident that his army would quickly dispatch the rebel force. The victory of the small Zacapa garrison strengthened his belief. However, the CIA's psychological warfare made the army unwilling to fight Castillo Armas. Gleijeses stated that if it were not for US support for the rebellion, the officer corps of the Guatemalan army would have remained loyal to Árbenz because although not uniformly his supporters, they were more wary of Castillo Armas; they had strong nationalist views, and were opposed to foreign interference.As it was, they believed that the US would intervene militarily, leading to a battle they could not win. On 17 June, the army leaders at Zacapa had begun to negotiate with Castillo Armas. They signed a pact, known as the Pacto de Las Tunas, three days later, which placed the army at Zacapa under <mask> Armas in return for a general amnesty. The army returned to its barracks a few days later, "despondent, with a terrible sense of defeat", according to Gleijeses. Árbenz decided to arm the civilian population to defend the


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: capital; this plan failed, as an insufficient number of people volunteered. At this point, Colonel <mask> Díaz de León, the chief of staff of the Guatemalan army, reneged on his support for the president and began plotting to overthrow Árbenz with the assistance of other senior army officers. They informed Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz's resignation.On 27 June 1954, Árbenz met with Díaz, and informed him that he was resigning. Historian Hugo Jiménez wrote that <mask> Armas's invasion did not pose a significant direct threat to Árbenz; rather, the coup led by Diaz and the Guatemalan army was the critical factor in his overthrow. Árbenz left office at 8pm, after recording a resignation speech that was broadcast on the radio an hour later. Immediately afterward, Díaz announced that he would be taking over the presidency in the name of the Guatemalan Revolution, and stated that the Guatemalan army would still fight against <mask> Armas's invasion. Peurifoy had not expected Díaz to keep fighting. A couple of days later, Peurifoy informed Díaz that he would have to resign; according to the CIA officer who spoke to Díaz, this was because he was "not convenient for American foreign policy". At first, Díaz attempted to placate Peurifoy by forming a junta with Colonel Elfego Monzón and Colonel José Angel Sánchez, and led by himself.Peurifoy continued to insist that he resign, until Díaz was overthrown by a rapid bloodless coup led by Monzón, who, according to Gleijeses, was more pliable. The other members of Monzón's junta were José Luis Cruz Salazar and Mauricio Dubois. Initially, Monzón was not willing to hand over power to <mask>as. The US State

masks:
Carlos Enrique
Castillo
Castillo
Castillo Arm


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: Department persuaded Óscar Osorio, the president of ElSalvador, to invite Monzón, <mask>, and other significant individuals to participate in peace talks in San Salvador. Osorio agreed to do so, and after Díaz had been deposed, Monzón and <mask>as arrived in the Salvadoran capital on 30 June. <mask> wished to incorporate some of his rebel forces into the Guatemalan military; Monzón, was reluctant to allow this, leading to difficulties in the negotiations. <mask> Armas also saw Monzón as having been late to enter the fight against Árbenz.The negotiations nearly broke down on this issue on the very first day, and so Peurifoy, who had remained in Guatemala City to give the impression that the US was not heavily involved, traveled to San Salvador. Allen Dulles later said that Peurifoy's role was to "crack some heads together". Peurifoy was able to force an agreement due to the fact that neither Monzón nor <mask> was in a position to become or remain president without the support of the US. The deal was announced at 4:45am on 2 July 1954, and under its terms, <mask> and his subordinate, Major Enrique Trinidad Oliva, became members of the junta led by Monzón, although Monzón remained president. The settlement negotiated by <mask> and Monzón also included a statement that the five-man junta would rule for fifteen days, during which a president would be chosen. Colonels Dubois and Cruz Salazar, Monzón's supporters on the junta, had signed a secret agreement without Monzón's knowledge. On 7 July they resigned in keeping with the terms of the agreement.Monzón, left outnumbered on the junta, also resigned, and on 8 July, <mask> was unanimously elected president of the junta. Dubois and Salazar were each

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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 paid US$100,000 for cooperating with <mask>. The US promptly recognized the new government on 13 July. Presidency and assassination

Election

Soon after taking power, <mask> faced a coup from young army cadets, who were unhappy with the army's capitulation. The coup was put down, leaving 29 dead and 91 wounded. Elections were held in early October from which all political parties were barred from participating. <mask> was the only candidate; he won the election with 99 percent of the vote, completing his transition into power.<mask>as became affiliated with a party named the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN), which remained the ruling party of Guatemala from 1954 to 1957. It was led by Mario Sandoval Alarcón, and was a coalition of municipal politicians, bureaucrats, coffee planters, and members of the military, all of whom were opposed to the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution. In the congressional elections held under <mask>as in late 1955, it was the only party allowed to run. Authoritarian rule

Prior to the 1954 coup, <mask> had been reluctant to discuss how he would govern the country. He had never articulated any particular philosophy, which had worried his CIA contacts. The closest he came to doing so was the "Plan de Tegucigalpa", a manifesto issued on 23 December 1953, that criticized the "Sovietization of Guatemala". <mask> had expressed sympathy for justicialismo, the philosophy supported by Juan Perón, the President of Argentina.Upon taking power <mask>, worried that he lacked popular support, attempted to eliminate all opposition. He quickly arrested many thousands of opposition leaders, branding them communists. Detention camps were built to hold the prisoners when the

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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: jails exceeded their capacity. Historians have estimated that more than 3,000 people were arrested following the coup, and that approximately 1,000 agricultural workers were killed by <mask>'s troops in Tiquisate. Acting on the advice of Dulles, <mask> also detained a number of citizens trying to flee the country. He also created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism (CDNCC), with sweeping powers of arrest, detention, and deportation. Over the next few years, the committee investigated nearly 70,000 people.Many were imprisoned, executed, or "disappeared", frequently without trial. In August 1954, the government passed Decree59, which permitted the security forces to detain anybody on the blacklist of the CDNCC for six months without trial. The eventual list of suspected communists compiled by the CDNCC included one in every ten adults in the country. Attempts were also made to eliminate from government positions people who had gained them under Árbenz. All political parties, labor unions, and peasant organizations were outlawed. In histories of the period, <mask> has been referred to as a dictator. <mask>'s junta drew support from individuals in Guatemala that had previously supported Ubico.José Bernabé Linares, the deeply unpopular head of Ubico's secret police, was named the new head of the security forces. Linares had a reputation for using electric-shock baths and steel skull-caps to torture prisoners. <mask> also removed the right to vote from all illiterate people, who constituted two-thirds of the country's population, and annulled the 1945 constitution, giving himself virtually unbridled power. His government launched a concerted campaign against trade unionists, in which

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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 some of the most severe violence was directed at workers on the plantations of the United Fruit Company. In 1956 <mask> implemented a new constitution and had himself declared president for four years. His presidency faced opposition from the beginning: agricultural laborers continued to fight <mask>'s forces until August 1954, and there were numerous uprisings against him, especially in the areas that had experienced significant agricultural reform. Opposition to his government grew during <mask>'s presidency.On Labor Day in 1956, members of the government were booed off a stage at a labor rally, while officials who had previously been in the Árbenz administration were cheered. The Guatemalan Communist Party began to recover underground, and became prominent in the opposition. Overall, the government had to deal with four serious rebellions, in addition to the coup attempt by the cadets in 1954. On 25 June 1956, government forces opened fire on student protesters, killing six people and wounding a large number. <mask> responded by declaring a "state of siege", and revoked all civil liberties. On the advice of the US ambassador, the protests were portrayed as a communist plot. Decree 900 reversal

<mask>'s government also attempted to reverse the agrarian reform project initiated by Árbenz, and large areas of land were seized from the agrarian laborers who had received them under Árbenz and given to large landowners.In only a few isolated instances were peasants able to retain their lands. Castillo Armas's reversal of Árbenz's agrarian reforms led the US embassy to comment that it was a "long step backwards" from the previous policy. Thousands of peasants who attempted to remain on the lands


title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 they had received from Árbenz were arrested by the Guatemalan police. Some peasants were arrested under the pretext that they were communists, though very few of them were. Few of these arrested peasants were ever convicted, but landlords used the arrests to evict peasants from their land. The government under <mask> Armas issued two ordinances related to agricultural policy. In theory, these decrees promised to protect the grants of land made by the Árbenz government under Decree900.The decrees also allowed landowners to petition for the return of land seized "illegally". However, the repressive atmosphere at the time in which the decrees were passed meant that very few peasants could take advantage of them. In total, of the 529,939 manzanas of land expropriated under Decree900, 368,481 were taken from peasants and returned to landowners. Ultimately, <mask> did not go as far towards restoring the power and privileges of his upper-class and business constituency as they would have liked. A "liberation tax" that he imposed was not popular among the wealthy. Economic issues

<mask>'s dependence on the officer corps and the mercenaries who had put him in power led to widespread corruption, and the USgovernment was soon subsidizing the Guatemalan government with many millions of dollars. Guatemala quickly came to depend completely on financial support from the Eisenhower administration.<mask> proved unable to attract sufficient business investment, and in September 1954 asked the US for $260million  in aid. <mask> also directed his government to provide support to the CIA operation "PBHistory", an unsuccessful effort to use documents captured after the 1954 coup to sway international opinion in

masks:
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Castillo Armas
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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts: its favor. Despite examining many hundreds of thousands of documents, this operation failed to find any evidence that the Soviet Union was controlling communists within Guatemala. <mask> also found himself too dependent on a coalition of economic interests, including the cotton and sugar industries in Guatemala and real estate, timber, and oil interests in the US, to be able to seriously pursue reforms that he had promised, such as free trade with the US. By April 1955 the  government's foreign exchange reserves had declined from US$42million at the end of 1954 to just $3.4million. The regime was thus facing difficulties borrowing money, leading to capital flight. The government also received criticism for the presence of black markets and other signs of approaching bankruptcy.By the end of 1954 the number of unemployed people in the country had risen to 20,000, four times higher than it had been during the latter years of the Árbenz government. In April 1955 the Eisenhower administration approved an aid package of $53million and began to underwrite the debt of the Guatemalan government. Although officials in the USgovernment complained about <mask>'s incompetence and corruption, he also received praise in that country for acting against communists, and his human rights violations generally went unremarked. In 1955, during a corn famine, <mask> gave corn import licenses to some of his old fighters in return for a $25,000 bribe. The imported corn, upon inspection by the United Nations, turned out to be unfit for consumption. When a student newspaper exposed the story, Castillo Armas launched a police crackdown against those criticizing him. Castillo Armas returned some of the privileges that

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title: Carlos Castillo Armas

texts:
 the United Fruit Company had had under Ubico, but the company did not benefit substantially from them; it went into a gradual decline following disastrous experiments with breeding and pesticides, falling demand, and an anti-trust action.Death and legacy

On 26 July 1957, <mask> was shot dead by a leftist sympathizer in the presidential palace in Guatemala City. The assassin, Romeo Vásquez Sánchez, was a member of the presidential guard; he approached <mask> as he was walking with his wife and shot him twice. <mask> died instantly; Vásquez was reported to have fled to a different room and committed suicide. There is no conclusive information about whether Vásquez was acting alone or whether he was a part of a larger conspiracy. Elections were held following <mask>'s death in which the government-aligned Miguel Ortiz Passarelli won a majority. However, supporters of Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, who had also been a candidate in the election, rioted, after which the army seized power and annulled the result, and another election was held. Ydígoras Fuentes won this election by a comfortable margin, and soon afterward declared a "state of siege" and seized complete control over the government.Historian Nick Cullather wrote that by overthrowing Árbenz, the CIA ended up undermining its own initial goal of a stable Guatemalan government. Historian Stephen Streeter stated that while the US achieved certain strategic goals by installing the "malleable" <mask> as president, it did so at the cost of Guatemala's democratic institutions. He further states that, although <mask> probably would have committed the human rights violations that he did even without a US presence, the US State Department had certainly


title: Michael Robert Hogan

texts:
<mask> (born September 24, 1946) is a former United States District Judge of the United States District Court for the District of Oregon. He served as Chief Judge from 1995 to 2002. He was based at the Wayne L. Morse United States Courthouse in Eugene, Oregon. While he was Chief Judge, he was an influential force on the design of the new courthouse. He took senior status with the court on September 24, 2011 and retired on November 1, 2012. Education and career

Born in Oregon City, Oregon, <mask> received a Bachelor of Arts degree, with honors, from the University of Oregon in 1968 and received his Juris Doctor from Georgetown University Law Center in 1971. <mask> was a law clerk for Judge <mask>. Belloni after getting his law degree.He then went into private practice in Portland before becoming a bankruptcy judge with the District Court in 1973. Later he continued with the district as a United States Magistrate. Federal judicial service

On June 27, 1991, <mask> was nominated by President George H. W. Bush to a new seat on the United States District Court for the District of Oregon created by 104 Stat. 5089. <mask> was confirmed by the United States Senate on September 12, 1991, and received commission on September 16, 1991. He served as Chief Judge from 1995 to 2002, took senior status on September 24, 2011, and retired on November 1, 2012. In June 1994, the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge manager notified Dwight Hammond that his permit to graze his cattle and grow hay on the refuge was revoked.Two months later, Hammond and his son Steven obstructed the completion of a refuge boundary fence intended to keep their cattle out of the refuge's protected marsh

masks:
Michael Robert Hogan
Hogan
Hogan
Robert C
Hogan
Hogan


title: Michael Robert Hogan

texts: knew were camped on the slopes above. The fires threatened to trap four BLM firefighters. One of those later confronted Dwight Hammond at the fire scene after he had moved his crews to avoid the danger.Two days later, Steven Hammond threatened to frame a BLM employee with arson if he didn't terminate the investigation. In 2012, the Hammonds were tried in federal district court on multiple charges. During a break in jury deliberations, partial verdicts were rendered, convicting them on two counts of arson on federal land. Striking a plea bargain, in order to have the four remaining charges dismissed and for sentences on the two convictions to run concurrently, the Hammonds waived their rights to appeal their convictions. They knew the trial would proceed to sentencing at which the prosecution intended to seek imposition of the statute's mandatory five-year minimum sentences, under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA). Judge <mask> independently decided that sentences of that length "would shock the conscience" and would violate the constitutional prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. On his last day on the bench before retiring, October 31, 2012, <mask> instead sentenced Dwight Hammond to three months' imprisonment and Steven Hammond to a year and a day's imprisonment and then retired on November 1, 2012.Both men served those sentences. However, in what was described by one source as a "rare" action, the government (represented by the United States Attorney's Office for the District of Oregon, led by U.S. Attorney Amanda Marshall) successfully appealed the sentence to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth

masks: Hogan Hogan


title: Maciej Giertych

texts:
<mask> (, born 24 March 1936 in Warsaw) is a Polish dendrologist and social conservative politician of the League of Polish Families (LPR). He favours state intervention in the economy. He was a member of the Sejm (between 2001 and 2004) and a Polish member of the European Parliament (from 2004 to 2009). He was a candidate in the 2005 Polish presidential elections, but withdrew from the race because of low vote results (circa 3%). He is a notable creationist and has stated that he opposes the theory of evolution as a scientist, a geneticist, and not on religious grounds. Biography

<mask> was born on 24 March 1936 in Warsaw, the son of notable writer politician of the nationalist National Democracy movement <mask> and his wife Maria. <mask> was one of nine children, including his brother <mask>, O.P., Theologian of the Papal Household and professor of theology at the Pontifical University of Saint Thomas Aquinas, Angelicum in Rome.Two of his sisters also entered religious life. In late 1945 his family left Poland for post-war Germany's British zone and finally settled in the United Kingdom. In 1954 <mask> passed his final school exams and entered Oxford University, where he founded the Polish Students Club during his studies. He received the BA and MA in forestry. Between 1958 and 1962 he studied at the University of Toronto, where he received his PhD for studies on tree physiology. In 1962, Giertych returned to Poland, where he completed his qualifications for an assistant professorship at the Institute of Dendrology of the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) in Kórnik near Poznań. In 1964 he married Antonina <mask>, née Jachnik.In 1970, he received his Habilitation degree for his studies on forest genetics at the Agricultural University of Poznań. Since 1976, he has lectured at the Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. He has also published more than 200 works and studies, mostly

masks:
Maciej Marian Giertych
Maciej Giertych
Jędrzej Giertych
Giertych
Wojciech Giertych
Giertych
Giertych


title: Maciej Giertych

texts:
 on forest-related topics. The same year he became a member of the Forest Sciences Committee of the PAN. In 1981 he received the grade of associate professor and in November 1989 of full professor. In 1986, Giertych joined the advisory council (Rada Konsultacyjna), made up of opposition members and party officials set up by the leader of the communist authorities, Wojciech Jaruzelski. He continuously showed his support for General Jaruzelski, and supported the alliance between Poland and the Soviet Union.The council included several prominent Poles such as Marek Kotański, Krzysztof Skubiszewski and Kazimierz Dejmek, but also leading members of the communist party. He also served as the Polish representative to the International Union of Forest Research Organisations from 1986 to 1995. After the fall of the communist regime in Poland in 1990, <mask> continued his scientific work; between 1993 and 2000 he was an advisor to the Ministry of Environmental Affairs. In 1990 he was a member of one of the minor political parties, the National Party of Poland (Stronnictwo Narodowe). Most of its members eventually entered the League of Polish Families (LPR) and dissolved the National Party. On 23 September 2001 <mask> was elected to the Polish Parliament from a Poznań constituency. On 16 June 2004 he became a Member of the European Parliament for the LPR.Together with the rest of his party he sits as a Non-attached Member. <mask> comes from a prominent family of Polish nationalist politicians: he is the grandson of Franciszek <mask> and son of Jędrzej <mask>, and father of <mask>, who led the LPR in the past. Political views

<mask> <mask> opposed lifting the ban on purchase of land in Poland by foreigners (due to fears of resurgence of German colonialism), homosexuality and moral relativism. He criticized and opposed Poland's entry into the European Union. He has supported closer ties with

masks:
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Roman Giertych
Maciej
Giertych


title: Maciej Giertych

texts:
 Eastern European countries (especially Russia), as well as defending Polish industry against what he regards as the unfair practices of western companies. He is also against the proposed European Constitution. In general, the views of <mask> <mask> are in line with the ideology of Radio Maryja, a media group and political-religious channel of religiously conservative parties in Poland.During his discourse <mask> had explicitly condemned National Socialism and insisted Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler also had an "atheistic and socialistic taste about them". He praised Francisco Franco, António Salazar and Éamon de Valera, as guardsmen of traditional European values, in the same address to the European Parliament. In February 2007, Giertych sparked outrage among European Union officials and Jewish organizations by publishing a brochure called "Civilisations at war in Europe" that claimed Jews create their own "ghettos" because they supposedly prefer to separate themselves from others. A number of journalists and certain Jewish organizations considered the brochure to be anti-Semitic. During the European Parliament's session on 14 March 2007, Parliament's President Hans-Gert Pöttering reprimanded <mask> <mask> for the content of his pamphlet in accordance with Rule 147 of the EP's Rules of Procedure. He said that the publication was "a serious breach of fundamental rights and, in particular, the dignity of human beings to which our institution so strongly adheres". Pöttering dissociated the Parliament from the work saying that it had made no financial contribution to its publication.Several members of the Parliament have joined with the European Jewish Congress in calling for an investigation of the publishing of the pamphlet and whether Parliament funds were involved. Creationist views

Giertych supports a version of creationism that attributes the creation of the universe, life,

masks: Maciej Giertych Giertych Maciej Giertych


title: Maciej Giertych

texts:
 and its further development to an act of God's will. He is an honorary member of the Daylight Origins Society, a creationist organisation based in the United Kingdom. In his foreword to Gerard Keane's 1999 book Creation Rediscovered, Giertych documented how his views changed from assuming evolution is true to being skeptical of it. In 2006, Giertych rebutted the accusation that he advocated teaching creationism in schools. He stated, "I am a scientist — a population geneticist with a degree from Oxford University and a PhD from the University of Toronto — and I am critical of the theory of evolution as a scientist, with no religious connotation." On 11 October 2006 Giertych introduced and moderated a pro-creationist seminar held in Brussels for members of the European Parliament; The title of the presentation was Teaching evolutionary theory in Europe.Is your child being indoctrinated in the classroom? In 2008, <mask> appeared in Ben Stein's movie Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed (credited as Marciej <mask>). The documentary features <mask> talking about his views on the theory of evolution. See also
 2005 Polish presidential election
 Radio Maryja

References

External links
 personal website (Polish & English)
 League of Polish Families (Polish)
 <mask> <mask> – "Poland above all!" <mask> <mask> – Speech in European Parliament, 4 July 2006, about the Spanish Civil War
 Skeptics: scientists who are skeptical of the claims of Darwinism, abiogenesis or macroevolution

 Civilisations at war in Europe

1936 births
Living people
Politicians from Warsaw
Christian creationists
Polish Roman Catholics
Candidates in the 2005 Polish presidential election
Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń faculty
University of Toronto alumni
Alumni of the University of Oxford
Members of the Polish Sejm 2001–2005
Dendrologists
League of Polish Families MEPs
MEPs for Poland 2004
MEPs for Poland

masks: Giertych Giertych Giertych Maciej Giertych Maciej Giertych


title: Dar Lyon

texts:
<mask> (22 April 1898 – 17 February 1964), generally known as <mask> was an English first-class cricketer who played for Somerset County Cricket Club through the 1920s. He was a right-handed top order batsman known for his beautiful driving who occasionally captained and kept wicket for the county. He also became a politician, barrister, and later a magistrate, colonial administrator and judge in various British colonies. He was Chief Justice of the Seychelles from 1948 to 1957. Early career
Born in Caterham, Surrey, on 22 April 1898, <mask> was educated at Rugby School. He enjoyed a lot of success in school cricket, playing in the school XI for three years, and captaining the side in his final year. He finished his schooling in the middle of the First World War (1914–1918), and was called up for service in the British Army.He initially served in the ranks of the Royal Field Artillery, but was commissioned as an officer, with the rank of second lieutenant, on 20 February 1917. He was wounded in action during the war. After demobilisation in 1919, <mask> chose to continue his studies at Trinity College, Cambridge. During his first year, he only played one first-class match for the university, against the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) at Lord's, and failed to get a 'blue'. His first-class debut however, came earlier than this, when he turned out for Somerset against Cambridge University Cricket Club at the end of May 1920. In the following match, a County Championship tie against Worcestershire, <mask> scored his maiden first-class century, hitting 115 in 135 minutes. During his second year, <mask> got his 'blue', appearing in seven first-class matches for Cambridge University before keeping wicket for a strong Cambridge side during the University Match against Oxford University Cricket Club.In a reversal from the previous year, he also played for Cambridge University against his Somerset

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Malcolm Douglas Lyon
Dar Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon


title: Dar Lyon

texts:
 team-mates. He once again kept wicket for a victorious Cambridge side against Oxford the following year. While at Cambridge he was also a member of Footlights, and president from 1921 to 1923. England prospect
<mask> was described in his Wisden obituary as being "considered by many to be among the best batsmen who never gained a cap for England". An amateur, he passed 1,000 runs in the 1923 season, and was selected to play for the Gentlemen in July of the same year. He scored 120 in the match, putting on 219 in a second wicket partnership with Greville Stevens. The following season, he was selected to play for 'The Rest' against England, in a three-day Test Trial match.<mask> recorded scores of 32 and 3, and took a catch in both innings during a three wicket loss. <mask> was the only member of the team not to go on to represent England at Test cricket. Fellow Somerset batsman Jack MacBryan wasn't impressed, saying of his friend, "<mask> is a grand chap and a very fine cricketer. Don't know what the Test selectors were thinking about." Later in the season, he hit his highest total in first-class cricket as he made 219 against Derbyshire. He once again represented the Gentlemen, but after scoring 11 in the first innings, was out for a duck in the second. <mask> only made six appearances in the County Championship during the 1925 season, the highlight being a century during the 93 run loss to Warwickshire.The following summer of 1926 was among the last in which <mask> played a significant number of games for Somerset, as he spent more and more time on his legal career, with his 20 appearances yielding 1062 runs. In a match against the touring Australians, <mask> showed the England selectors what they were missing out on. He played Clarrie Grimmett with little regard for the wrist-spinner's reputation and struck 136 runs in an innings total of only 245 for Somerset. He finished the summer on a

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title: Dar Lyon

texts:
 high with a further century coming in the final match against Yorkshire. Recognition did come in the form of a call-up for the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) in May 1927, with <mask> making a half-century against Surrey, followed by a century against the New Zealanders. Sporadic performances in the late 1920s and early 1930s were highlighted by centuries against Essex and Surrey. When he was appointed to Gambia in 1932, <mask>'s first-class cricket career was all but ended.A further appearance in 1935 against Middlesex resulted in a pair. He returned to Somerset in 1938, and played his final season for the county. Later life
In 1923 <mask> took up farming in Suffolk. In 1925, he was called to the bar, practising on the South Eastern Circuit and in London. He stood as Liberal party candidate for Bury St Edmunds at the 1929 general election, finishing second. He was appointed a magistrate in Gambia in 1932. On 9 June 1933 (now described as an acting legal adviser) he was appointed to both the Executive and Legislative Councils of Gambia as one of the official advisors of the governor.He was then appointed a resident magistrate in Tanganyika, where he served until 1938. With the outbreak of the Second World War (1939–1945), <mask> was again commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery on 28 December 1939. He served as a Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General at the War Office until 1941, when he was given command of a light anti-aircraft artillery regiment. After the war he moved to Kenya, where he was appointed a Resident Magistrate in 1945. He next became Chief Justice of the Seychelles in 1948, serving until 1957 when he was appointed a puisne judge of the Ugandan High Court. In July 1954 a petition signed by a number of leading residents of the Seychelles, asking that <mask> not be appointed for a third term, and making various allegations about his conduct, was sent to the

masks: Lyon Lyon Lyon Lyon Lyon


title: Dar Lyon

texts:
 Secretary of State for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd in London. Lennox-Boyd decided there was no case to answer, but the petition caused considerable debate in the House of Commons in July and August 1956.<mask> served in Uganda until 1961, when he retired to the United Kingdom. He died at Hastings on 17 February 1964. He had been married twice. In addition to his cricketing and legal careers, he composed music for revues organised by André Charlot. <mask>'s younger brother, Beverley <mask>, known as Bev, played for Oxford University and Gloucestershire. The brothers were on opposing sides in the 1922 Varsity match. And in 1930, in the match between Somerset and Gloucestershire at Taunton, <mask> scored 210 after being dropped twice by Tom Goddard, but Bev replied with a century of his own and led his side to victory by eight wickets.On 9 May 1928, <mask> married Helen Alice Earle (née Elliot), who had been divorced earlier that year by <mask>'s Somerset cricket colleague Guy Earle, whose second wife she had been. <mask> was born in 1899 and died in 1967. They had one daughter, named Elizabeth Helen <mask>. His family were of Jewish origin. See also
List of select Jewish cricketers

References

Bibliography

External links

1898 births
1964 deaths
Cambridge University cricketers
English cricketers
English Jews
People educated at Rugby School
Somerset cricketers
People from Caterham
Alumni of Trinity College, Cambridge
Royal Field Artillery officers
Royal Artillery officers
British Army personnel of World War I
British Army personnel of World War II
Jewish cricketers
British Seychelles judges
Chief Justices of Seychelles
Gentlemen cricketers
Marylebone Cricket Club cricketers
Jewish British sportspeople
Tanganyika (territory) judges
Gambia Colony and Protectorate judges
Uganda Protectorate judges
Gambia Colony and Protectorate people
H. D. G. Leveson Gower's XI cricketers
North v South

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Lyon
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Hamilton Lyon
Dar
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Lyon


title: Bob Kiley

texts:
Robert R<mask> (September 16, 1935 – August 9, 2016) was an American public transit planner and supervisor, with a reputation of being able to save transit systems experiencing serious problems. From 2001 to 2006 he was the initial Commissioner of Transport for London, the public organisation empowered with running and maintaining London's public transport network. <mask> also worked as a CIA agent, as the CEO of the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority, the Deputy Mayor of Boston, the chairman and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority and as President and CEO of the New York City Partnership. He is credited as being the architect of the revival of Boston and New York's ailing public transport systems in the 1970s and 1980s respectively. Minneapolis, Boston and New York
<mask> was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota and educated at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. He graduated magna cum laude and went on to study at Harvard's Graduate School. In 1963 he joined the Central Intelligence Agency.The BBC reports that although former colleagues say it would be incorrect to regard <mask> as a "spook" he did travel around the world in his role as Manager of Intelligence Operations. He later served as Executive Assistant to the Agency Director Richard Helms. Kiley left the Agency in 1970 and embarked a career in management, with particular emphasis on transport. He first worked as an assistant director at the Police Foundation in Washington D.C. Two years later he became deputy mayor of Boston, a position he held for three years. During his time as deputy mayor, he prioritised public safety during the court-mandated desegregation of schools. In 1975 Kiley took on two new roles – one as adjunct professor of public management at Boston University – and the other as chairman and CEO of the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority. He left the MBTA in 1979 and became a vice-president

masks:
. Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Bob Kiley


title: Bob Kiley

texts:
 at the Management Analysis Center (now part of Cap Gemini).In 1983 <mask> moved down the east coast to become the chairman and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA). He remained in the position until 1990 and in his time in the role secured state funding to the tune of $16bn to revitalise the railroads, buses and subways in the MTA region. Gene Russianoff, of the New York Straphangers Campaign, says that the money was spent wisely – "Even normally grudging New Yorkers say he did a good job," says Russianoff. The clean-up campaign involving arresting fare dodgers and cleaning up graffiti is now regarded as a prelude to the citywide policy of "zero tolerance" enforced by Rudy Giuliani during his time as Mayor in the 1990s. In 1991 <mask> moved to a new role as President of the New York construction company Fischbach Corporation. He briefly held the role of chairman too before moving again to become President and CEO of the New York City Partnership in 1995. From 1994 to 1998 he was also principal of Kohlberg & Company, a private equity investment house.<mask>'s Transport for London biography notes that <mask> was also "Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, board member of the Salzburg Seminar, the American Repertory Theater, MONY Group Inc, the Princeton Review Inc and Edison Schools, Inc. He was on the Advisory Board of the Harvard University Center for State and Local Government". London
In October 2000, <mask> was head-hunted to become the first Commissioner of Transport for London (TfL), London's new integrated transport body, reporting to the Mayor of London directly. Following his appointment, <mask> was criticised by the press due to his £4m four-year contract, the use of a £2m grace and favour property in Belgravia, and his expatriate status. He was regarded by the press as "a strange bedfellow" for Ken Livingstone, the socialist elected in 2000 as London's first

masks: Kiley Kiley Kiley Kiley Kiley Kiley


title: Bob Kiley

texts: mayor. However, Livingstone considered Kiley "the best candidate", with very similar views on transportation to himself. In January 2001 <mask> became Chairman of London Regional Transport (the public body appointed by the Secretary of State for Transport to run London's Underground network of trains), replacing Sir Malcolm Bates.Livingstone's and <mask>'s were opposed to the government's plans for public-private partnerships (PPP) to run London Underground. <mask> was sacked as chairman of London Regional Transport in July 2001 amid repeated clashes with his boss, Transport Secretary Stephen Byers, and was replaced by Malcolm Bates who returned to lead the organisation. Remaining as Commissioner of Transport for London, he and Livingstone took the government to court in trying to prevent PPP. They failed, and in January 2003 two separate private companies - Metronet and Tube Lines - took control of maintaining various tube lines. In July 2003 powers for running the rest of the Tube network, including manning and maintaining the stations, was transferred to TfL and London Regional Transport became defunct. <mask> welcomed the opportunity to take greater control over the running of the Tube, but warned that he felt he would be hampered by PPP: "I maintain that the Government’s Public Private Partnership (PPP) is not the right way to manage the maintenance and renewal of the Tube. As they stand, the PPP contracts do not satisfactorily address the improvements to the Underground that TfL and the public demand.Nevertheless, we will do everything within our power to hold the infrastructure companies to account on those Tube improvements they have promised to deliver." Subsequently, the PPPs collapsed due to financial difficulties in the late 2000s. In November 2005, <mask> announced that he would be standing down in January 2006, after five years in the job, albeit three years earlier than

masks: Kiley Kiley Kiley Kiley Kiley


title: Bob Kiley

texts:
 expected. <mask> was credited as helping Livingstone bring in the London congestion charge, introducing the Oyster card payment system, as well as improving the quality and frequency of Buses in London. He was paid almost £2 million in a settlement for standing down, and remained as a £3,200-a-day consultant. In a controversial interview with the London Evening Standard, he admitted he was unsure exactly what he did to deserve his consultancy fee, and denied rumours of a rift with Livingstone. He also revealed his struggles with alcoholism, exacerbated by overwork and the loss of his family in a car accident, followed by the death of his father shortly afterwards.He was replaced as Commissioner by Peter Hendy in February 2006. Personal life
<mask>'s first wife and two children died in a car accident in 1974. He was married to his second wife, Rona at the time of his death. They have two sons. Notes

See also
Richard Ravitch
Christopher O. Ward

References
A biography from Transport for London
A biography from BBC News
"A message from <mask>" to London tube users
BBC News report on Kiley's sacking from the London Regional Transport
BBC News report on Stephen Byer's sacking from the UK Government by Tony Blair
Tube transfers to TfL control
Evening Standard article on Kiley's contract extension in December 2004
The Transport for London (TFL) website
William Finnegan, Letter from London, "Underground Man—Can the former C.I.A. agent who saved New York’s subway get the Tube back on track?", The New Yorker, February 9, 2004, p. 52-? External links
Images of <mask> from the National Portrait Gallery

1935 births
2016 deaths
American expatriates in the United Kingdom
University of Notre Dame alumni
Harvard University alumni
Executives of Metropolitan Transportation Authority (New York)
People associated with transport in London
British public transport executives
Massachusetts Bay Transportation

masks:
Kiley
Kiley
Bob
Bob Kiley


title: Freda Bedi

texts:
<mask> (born <mask>; 5 February 1911 – 26 March 1977), also known as Sister Palmo or Gelongma Karma Kechog Palmo, was a British woman who was jailed in India as a supporter of Indian nationalism and was the first Western woman to take full ordination in Tibetan Buddhism. Early life

<mask> was born in a flat above her father's jewellery and watch repair business in Monk Street in Derby. When she was still a baby, the family moved to Littleover, a suburb of Derby. Freda's father served in the First World War and was enrolled in the Machine Guns Corps. He was killed in northern France on 14 April 1918. Her mother, Nellie, remarried in 1920, to Frank Norman Swan. Freda studied at Hargrave House and then at Parkfields Cedars School, both in Derby.She also spent several months studying at a school in Rheims in northern France. She succeeded in gaining admission to St Hugh's College, Oxford to study French, being awarded an Exhibition or minor scholarship. Life at Oxford
At Oxford, <mask> Houlston changed her subject from French to Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE). She met her husband Baba Pyare Lal "BPL" <mask>, an Indian from Lahore, on her PPE course. He was a Sikh from the <mask> family, linked to a Sikh clan tracing back to Guru Nanak Dev Ji. Romance blossomed and they married at Oxford Registry Office in June 1933, in spite of the reservations of her family and disciplinary action by her college. Whilst at Oxford Freda became involved in politics.She attended meetings of the Oxford Majlis, where nationalist-minded Indian students gathered, as well as of the communist October Club and the Labour Club. This was another bond with BPL <mask>, who became a keen communist and opponent of Empire. The couple together edited four books on India's struggle for Independence. At St Hugh's her closest friends included Barbara Castle, later a prominent Labour cabinet minister, and the

masks:
Freda Bedi
Freda Marie Houlston
Freda Marie Houlston
Freda
Bedi
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title: Freda Bedi

texts:
 broadcaster Olive Shapley. All three women graduated with a third-class degree; <mask>'s husband got a fourth-class degree. Life in India
After a year in Berlin where B.P.L. <mask> was studying - and where their first child, Ranga,  was born - <mask>, her husband and baby son sailed to India in 1934.She worked as a journalist and taught English at a women's college in Lahore, and with her husband published a high quality quarterly review "Contemporary India". They also later published a weekly political paper, "Monday Morning". <mask> regularly contributed articles to Lahore's main nationalist daily, The Tribune. Both she and her husband were leftists and campaigning nationalists active in India's independence movement. The couple's second child, Tilak, died when less than a year old. The family lived in an encampment of huts, without power or running water, outside Model Town in Lahore. "Baba" <mask> spent about fifteen months in an internment camp at Deoli in the early stages of World War Two because as a communist he was seeking to disrupt recruitment of Punjabis into the British Indian army.<mask> herself was jailed for three months in 1941 as a satyagrahi after deliberately defying the wartime regulations as part of a civil disobedience campaign spearheaded by Mohandas K. Gandhi After independence in 1947, <mask> and her family moved to Kashmir, where husband and wife were influential supporters of Sheikh Abdullah, the left-wing Kashmiri nationalist leader. She joined a  women's militia for a while and taught English at a newly established women's college in Srinagar in Kashmir. Later in Delhi, she became editor of the magazine "Social Welfare" of the Ministry of Welfare. <mask> <mask> briefly served as a member of the United Nations Social Services Planning Commission to Burma, during which she was first exposed to Buddhism, which quickly became the defining aspect of her

masks: Freda Bedi Freda Freda Bedi Freda Bedi Freda Bedi


title: Freda Bedi

texts: life. In Rangoon she learned vipassana from Mahasi Sayadaw, and Sayadaw U Titthila. In Delhi, she became a prominent Buddhist and in 1956, when the 14th Dalai Lama made his first visit to India, she showed him around Buddhist shrines in Delhi. In 1959, when the Dalai Lama arrived in India after an arduous trek across the Himalayas followed by thousands of his Tibetan devotees, she was asked by India's prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru to help them and spent time improving facilities for refugees at camps in Assam and West Bengal.She became an observant Tibetan Buddhist and she followed the guidance of the 16th Karmapa of the Kagyu School. She worked, with the support of the Dalai Lama, to establish the Young Lamas Home School. <mask> initially set up the Young Lama's School in Delhi but after a short period it was moved to Dalhousie. The school trained young Tibetan lamas and monks in languages and social sciences as well as religion, to equip the coming generation of Tibetan spiritual leaders for life in exile. A number of <mask>'s pupils became well-known teachers, including Chogyam Trungpa, Thubten Zopa Rinpoche, Akong Rinpoche, Tulku Pema Tenzin, Gelek Rimpoche, Lama Yeshe Losal Rinpoche, and the sons of Tulku Urgyen Rinpoche, Chokyi Nyima and Chokling of Tsikey). In 1963, with Lama Karma Thinley Rinpoche and under the guidance of the Karmapa, she founded the Karma Drubgyu Thargay Ling nunnery for Tibetan women, now located in Tilokpur, Kangra Valley. While running the Young Lamas Home School at Dalhousie in north India, <mask> also spent time at Rumtek in Sikkim, the seat of the Karmapa in exile.In 1966, she took sramaneri ordination by the Karmapa and was given the name Karma Kechog Palmo. She was one of the first Western women to take ordination in Tibetan Buddhism. In 1972, she took full bhikshuni ordination in Hong Kong - the first western woman to do so, and according to the

masks: Bedi Bedi Bedi


title: Freda Bedi

texts:
 scholar Hanna Havnevik possibly the first woman in the Tibetan tradition ever to receive this higher ordination. She accompanied the Karmapa on his first visit to the West in 1974, a landmark five-month tour across North America and Europe. Although not fluent in Tibetan, she helped to translate prayers and religious texts into English.She is credited for bringing Tibetian Buddhism to the West. <mask> died in New Delhi on 26 March 1977. She was survived by two sons, Ranga <mask>, who was a tea planter, and Kabir <mask>, a Hollywood and Bollywood film and TV star, who was born in Lahore in 1946; a daughter, Gulhima, who was born in Srinagar in 1949, now lives in the United States.Published works
 <mask> Marie Houlston <mask>, Baba Pyare <mask>, (editors) India analysed, three volumes published by Victor Gollancz, 1933-4
 <mask> Marie Houlston <mask>, Behind the Mud Walls, Lahore: Unity Publishers, 1943
 <mask> <mask>, Bengal Lamenting, Lahore: Lion, 1944
 Baba Pyare <mask>, <mask> Marie (Houlston) <mask>, Sheikh Abdullah: his life and ideals, pamphlet, c1949
 Ein Rosenkranz von Morgengebeten : nach der Tradition des Mahayana – Buddhismus / aus dem Tibetischen ins Englische übers. von Karma Khechog Palmo. Deutsche Wiedergabe von Advayavajra. – Almora, Indien : Kasar-Devi-Ashram-Publication, 1971. – VI, 49 S.
 <mask> <mask>, Anna Bhushan (illustrator), Rhymes for Ranga, Random House, India, 2010,

Translations

From French
 Voltaire, Fragments on India, Lion Press, 1937

From Tibetan
 A Garland of morning prayers in the tradition of Mahayana Buddhism, Gelongma Karma Tsultim Khechog Palmo, Ed Palmo, 1976
 Wangchuk Dorje (Karmapa IX), , Mahamudra meditation or The Mahamudra, Gelongma Karma Tsultim Khechog Palmo, Ed. Karma Rigdol Publications, 1971

Further reading
 The Lives of <mask>: the political, spiritual and personal journeys of <mask> <mask> (2019) by Andrew Whitehead, Speaking

masks:
Bedi
Bedi
Bedi
Freda
Bedi
Lal Bedi
Freda
Bedi
Freda
Bedi
Lal Bedi
Freda
Bedi
Freda
Bedi
Freda
Freda
Bedi


title: Freda Bedi

texts:
 Tiger
 The Spiritual Odyssey of <mask> <mask>: England, India, Burma, Sikkim and Beyond (2018) by Norma Levine
 The Revolutionary Life of Freda Bedi: British Feminist, Indian Nationalist, Buddhist Nun (2017) by Vicki Mackenzie. Shambhala,
 Cave in the Snow: a Western woman's quest for enlightenment (1999)  by Vicki Mackenzie. . (A biography of Tenzin Palmo, also about Freda Bedi)
 A brief account of Freda Bedi's life and career published in Oxford Today in 2017
 The Making of a Buddhist Nun
 A newspaper feature about Freda Bedi's political involvement in Kashmir
 Freda Bedi, the British woman who fought for India's freedom - BBC website article

References

 Sheila Meiring Fugard "Lady of Realisation.1st ed. Cape Town: Maitri Publications, 1984. Copyright © The Library of Congress, No. Txu 140-945. Cape Town: Electronic Ed., luxlapis.tripod.com. 19 April 1999. Accessed 30 September 2008.(In 3 parts.) [A "spiritual biography" of Buddhist Sister Palmo.] External links
 Website devoted to the life of <mask> <mask> and her political, spiritual and personal journeys
 In Memory of The Venerable Gelongma Karma Kechog Palmo
  Photographs of <mask> <mask> from Kashmir in the 1940s
  <mask> <mask>'s 'Bengal Lamenting', with its striking cover designed by Sobha Singh
 Cherry Armstrong's ebook 'Tibetan Tapestry' about working with <mask> <mask> and her tulku pupils in India in the early 1960s
 <mask> <mask> in her own voice talking about her time as a student at Oxford

1911 births
People from Derby
British social workers
Tibetan Buddhist nuns
Gandhians
1977 deaths
Alumni of St Hugh's College, Oxford
British Buddhist nuns
Tibetan Buddhists from England
Kagyu Buddhists
Converts to Buddhism
Buddhist nuns
Tibetan–English translators
French–English translators
20th-century British women writers
20th-century British writers
20th-century translators
English emigrants to India
20th-century

masks: Freda Bedi Freda Bedi Freda Bedi Freda Bedi Freda Bedi Freda Bedi


title: Jo Davidson

texts:
<mask> (March 30, 1883 – January 2, 1952) was an American sculptor. Although he specialized in realistic, intense portrait busts, <mask> did not require his subjects to formally pose for him; rather, he observed and spoke with them. He worked primarily with clay, while the final products were typically cast in terra-cotta or bronze, or carved from marble. Background

<mask> was born in New York City, where he was educated before going to work in the atelier of American sculptor Hermon Atkins MacNeil. He subsequently moved to Paris in 1907 to study sculpture at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts. Career

Art

After returning to the United States, he was befriended by Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney, who purchased some of his work. In 1911 <mask> secured his first solo gallery shows.In 1927 he was one of a dozen sculptors invited by the oilman E. W. Marland to compete for a commission for a Pioneer Woman statue in Ponca City. Each was paid a commission to produce a small model, and the dozen works were exhibited in major cities in the US. <mask> did not win the commission. In 1934 <mask> won the National Academy of Design's Maynard Prize. In 1944, he was elected into the National Academy of Design as an Associate Academician. In 1947 the American Academy of Arts and Letters hosted a retrospective featuring nearly 200 of his works. In the summer of 1949, <mask> was one of 250 sculptors who exhibited in the 3rd Sculpture International held at the Philadelphia Museum of

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Jo Davidson
Davidson
Davidson
Davidson
Davidson
Davidson
Davidson


title: Jo Davidson

texts:
 Art.Among <mask>'s commissions are a design for a United States War Industries badge, a collection of pieces for the Government of France to commemorate the first victory of the Troupes de Marine, and bronze busts of the leaders of the First World War Allies. His portraits of world leaders and celebrated figures gained him international acclaim. He created statues of oilman and future governor E. W. Marland and his two adoptive grown children. Politics

<mask> served as chairman of the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Professions (ICCASP), a leftist-liberal group that supported the policies of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his re-election. In 1946 this group merged with the National Citizens Political Action Committee (NCPAC) to become the Progressive Citizens of America (PCA); <mask> became co-chairman (the other chairman being Dr. Frank Kingdon). PCA struggled during tensions of the Cold War, with its members under suspicion by the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) for leftist leanings. It worked for racial equality, economic justice and civil liberties.Important segments of the PCA became the base for Henry A. Wallace's candidacy for U.S. President in 1948 on the Progressive Party ticket. Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney
 Walt Whitman statue
 Evan Williams (Opera tenor)
Woodrow Wilson
Israel Zangwill

Collections

Some of <mask>'s work is in the National Gallery of Art. He also designed a statue of Henry D.

masks: Davidson Davidson Davidson Davidson


title: Jo Davidson

texts:
 Thoreau, the author of the 1854 book Walden. The statue is located at Walden Pond State Reservation in Concord, Massachusetts. In 2006, The Smithsonian Institution's National Portrait Gallery opened a permanent exhibition, "<mask>: Biographer in Bronze", showcasing fourteen <mask> works in terracotta and bronze, including portraits of Gertrude Stein and Lincoln Steffens. References

Sources
 Armstrong, Craven et al., 220 Years of American Sculpture, Whitney Museum of Art & David R. Goodine, Publisher, NY  1976
 Compilation of Works of Art and Other Objects in the United States Capitol, Prepared by the Architect of the Capitol under the Direction of the Joint Committee on the Library, United States Government Printing Office, Washington D.C.  1965
 Connor, Janis and <mask>nz, photographs by David Finn, Rediscoveries in American Sculpture: Studio Works, 1893 - 1939, University of Texas Press, Austin TX  1989
 Craven, Wayne, Sculpture in America: From the Colonial Period to the Present, Thomas Y, Crowell Company, NY  1968
 <mask>, <mask>, Between Sittings: an informal autobiography, The Dial Press, NY  1951

Homepage of the National Portrait Gallery, Washington, DC: Permanent Exhibitions. 1883 births
1952 deaths
New York (state) Democrats
American people of Russian-Jewish descent
American alumni of the École des Beaux-Arts
Artists from New York City
20th-century American sculptors
American male sculptors
National Sculpture Society members
Sculptors from New

masks:
Jo Davidson
Davidson
Joel Rosenkra
Davidson
Jo


title: Jim Lane (mayor)

texts:
W. J. "<mask><mask> is an American politician and businessman who served as Mayor of Scottsdale from 2009 to January 2021, when term limits forced his departure. A member of the Republican Party, he was first elected to the Scottsdale City Council in 2004. <mask> is a resident of the city's northern portion. Early life and education

A native of New Jersey, <mask> attended Seton Hall Preparatory School in West Orange. He then earned a BS in accounting from Saint Joseph's University. <mask> moved to Scottsdale in 1973.Career
Prior to entering politics, <mask> was a businessman; he was described as a "technology consultant" by the Arizona Republic during his first political campaign. After college, <mask> worked as a certified public accountant and financial statement auditor for KPMG for 20 years, between 1976 and 1996. <mask> was elected president and chief operating officer of StatesWest Airlines on January 31, 1990. Shortly after, StatesWest Airlines discontinued all flying under its own name and entered into an agreement with USAir to operate as US Airways Express. He is the owner of Scottsdale-based internet service provider, financial consulting, and telecommunications company Chatham Hill Group LLC. <mask> was also an adjunct instructor of business and accounting at Scottsdale Community College. <mask> spent several years as an officer of the Board Of Management of the Scottsdale Paradise Valley YMCA.Politics

In the summer of 2001, <mask> was appointed to the city of Scottsdale's Fire and Emergency medical services Advisory Committee. He came to prominence locally for leading opposition to the proposed termination of the city's fire protection contract with Rural/Metro, and he co-chaired the Know Enough to Vote NO Committee, which advocated against Propositions 200 and 201. In April, 2003 <mask> authored op-eds in the Phoenix Business Journal and the Scottsdale Republic in favor of retaining Rural/Metro, arguing that the existing private fire and EMS services were "excellent" and the measures would end up costing more while Scottsdale was experiencing a budget deficit. His effort was successful and the ballot measures were

masks:
Jim
" Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane
Lane


title: Jim Lane (mayor)

texts:
 defeated by a wide margin, but Rural/Metro decided a few months later to abandon its work in Scottsdale after its contract expired in 2005, leading to the establishment of Scottsdale's municipal fire department. In a subsequent op-ed, <mask> placed blame for the development on the International Association of Firefighters labor union, who had backed the measures, and were in failed contract negotiations with Rural/Metro. City Council

<mask>'s early political involvement established the fiscal conservatism and engagement in economic issues that he would later run on. In 2004, <mask> was a candidate for the Scottsdale City Council.He ran as a political outsider, criticizing the dominant political culture. <mask> pledged to foster greater transparency and accountability, cut taxes, and reduce spending, especially by ending preferential treatment and subsidies for businesses. He supported all three measures on the ballot with the City Council vote, which would increase the sales tax to support the McDowell Sonoran Preserve purchases and increase police and fire funding. He also campaigned on revitalization of south Scottsdale, noise reduction at the Scottsdale Airport (which he lives near), and ensuring the smooth creation of Scottsdale's new fire department. <mask>'s candidacy for city council was endorsed by the Scottsdale Area Chamber of Commerce, the Arizona Republic, and the Coalition of Pinnacle Peak, a local fiscal responsibility political action committee. In a March primary election, all but one of the council candidates failed to secure the amount needed to avoid a runoff election. <mask> places third in a field of nine candidates competing 4 open seats.The six candidates that moved on to the May 2004 general election placed in the same order as in the runoff; with the second-most votes, <mask> was elected to the Scottsdale City Council. <mask> was inaugurated to his first term on the city council on June 8, 2004. Soon after his election, <mask> joined other new council members-elect in criticizing the outgoing council's decision to vote on a controversial new compensation plan for the city manager on their last meeting,

masks: Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane


title: Jim Lane (mayor)

texts:
 calling provisions that restricted the city council's ability to remove the city manager a violation of the city charter. An opponent of the city's expenditures on the development of the Los Arcos Mall site, in July 2004 <mask> opposed the proposed ASU Scottsdale Center for New Technology and Innovation (later known as SkySong) on the same site, which he considered a risky investment not worth the city's subsidy. <mask> expressed support for the banning of all subsidies and tax incentives for private businesses by the city government, and supported state legislation making such practices illegal. After <mask> and fellow conservative Bob Littlefield were left out of the budget subcommittee's membership, <mask> accused Mayor Mary Manross of politicizing the subcommittee appointments. In late 2005, <mask> voted against the installation of photo radar speed enforcement on the Loop 101 freeway.<mask> was sharply critical of three fellow council members during the Scottsdale's city council 2006 election, after, in what became a minor scandal, secretly "having a shill, Karl J. Kulick, represent himself as an independent voter to challenge" a candidate, who was disqualified for coming just under the signature requirement. However, <mask> and some other council members raised eyebrows by endorsing candidates for the first time, rather than remaining neutral as had previously been traditional for sitting city council members; the candidate <mask> endorsed, Bob Littlefield, was one of the council members <mask> had accused of deceptive campaign practices. In 2007, <mask> voted against a proposed plan to extend protections against discriminatory hiring practices to gay and transgender employees; the measure ultimately failed. In December 2007, a similar measure was passed by the City Council, again with <mask>'s opposition. <mask> was forbidden by term limits from running in 2020, and was replaced by David Ortega. Election history

References

Living people
Saint Joseph's University alumni
Mayors of places in Arizona
Politicians from Scottsdale, Arizona
Arizona Republicans
Arizona city council members
1951 births
21st-century American

masks: Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane Lane


title: Jimmy Duncan (politician)

texts:
<mask>. (born July 21, 1947) is an American politician who served as the U.S. representative for  from 1988 to 2019. A lawyer, former judge, and former long serving member of the Army National Guard, he is a member of the Republican Party. Early life, education, and legal career
<mask> was born in Lebanon, Tennessee. His "paternal grandparents were small-acreage farmers in Scott County, which in 1861 left Tennessee, refusing to follow the Volunteer State into the Confederacy, and declared itself 'the Free and Independent state of Scott.'" <mask>'s parents were Lois (Swisher) and <mask>., who "hitchhiked into Knoxville with five dollars in his pocket,' and after an education at the University of Tennessee was elected mayor of Knoxville and then congressman." The elder <mask> was also a co-owner of the Knoxville Smokies of the "Sally League," for which his son "was a batboy, a ball shagger, scoreboard operator, and, as a freshman at the University of Tennessee, the Smokies' public-address announcer." <mask> also worked as a grocery bagger and salesman at Sears while working his way through school.<mask> supported Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, and sent the first paycheck he earned as a bagboy at the local A&P to the Goldwater campaign. <mask> graduated from the University of Tennessee at Knoxville in 1969 with a Bachelor of Journalism degree and subsequently received a Juris Doctor degree from George Washington University Law School in Washington, D.C. in 1973 and was admitted to the bar that same year. He also served in the Army National Guard from 1970 to 1987. He was an attorney in private practice until he became a state court judge in Knox County, Tennessee, where he served from 1981 to 1988. U.S. House of Representatives

Elections
John Sr., who had represented the Knoxville-based 2nd District since 1965, died in June 1988. <mask> won the Republican nomination to succeed him. He ran in and won two elections on November 8, 1988–a special election for the balance of his

masks:
John James Duncan Jr
Duncan
Duncan
John Duncan Sr
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Jimmy Duncan


title: Jimmy Duncan (politician)

texts:
 father's 12th term, and a regular election for a full two-year term.He was re-elected every two years from then until his retirement from a district that had been held continuously by Republicans (or their antecedents) since 1859, and by a <mask> since his father was first elected in 1964. He never faced a serious or well-funded challenge for reelection, and was reelected without major-party opposition in four consecutive elections (1994 through 2000). On the occasions he did face major-party opposition, he only dropped below 70 percent of the vote twice, during the special and regular elections in 1988. Indeed, the 1988 contests were the only times since the elder <mask>'s first run that a Democrat has managed as much as 40 percent of the vote in this district. Tenure

<mask> voted against authorizing the 2003 War in Iraq based on opposition to what he believed to be an unnecessary foreign involvement. He also opposed and voted against a June 2006 House declaration in support of the war. He was one of the most conservative Republicans to do so.<mask> later remarked that the Iraq War vote had been

<mask> was among only six Republicans to vote against funding for the Iraq War on May 24, 2007. <mask> voted, along with three other Republicans, to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq by April 2008 on July 12, 2007. On March 10, 2010, <mask> again joined three other Republicans in voting for the removal of troops from Afghanistan. <mask> and Ron Paul were the only members of Congress to vote for the removal of troops from Afghanistan and against all recent bailout and stimulus bills. He has criticized neoconservatism and supports a non-interventionist foreign policy. <mask> was a member of the Liberty Caucus, a group of libertarian-minded congressional Republicans. Other members included Walter B. Jones of North Carolina, Roscoe Bartlett of Maryland, Scott Garrett of New Jersey, and Jeff Flake of Arizona.A former neighbor of his district, Zach Wamp of the 3rd district, also belonged to the group

masks: Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan


title: Jimmy Duncan (politician)

texts:
 during his tenure in the House. <mask> voted against the Wall Street bailout. In a column he explained his vote stating he "thought it would be better in the long run not to adopt the socialist approach." The American Conservative Union gave <mask> a 96% score for his voting record in 2013, higher than any other federal Representative in Congress from Tennessee. The Family Research Council has rated <mask> as a 92% or above since 2002 and the NRA has rated him in equally positive terms. In 2012, <mask> received the number one spot in the 435-member House in the National Taxpayers Union's (NTU) annual ranking of Congress, earning him the "Taxpayer Hero" award. <mask> is a frequent contributor to Chronicles and The American Conservative, both magazines associated with the paleoconservative movement.He has also contributed to numerous trade publications and Capitol Hill newspapers. <mask> has also voiced public support for returning the gold standard. In April 2016, <mask> endorsed Donald Trump for the Republican presidential nomination. On 5 January 2017, he was one of only four Republicans to oppose the House's resolution 11 condemning the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334. Controversies
In February 2017, <mask> refused to hold any town halls in his district after the election of then recently inaugurated President Donald Trump. <mask> said that he preferred one-on-one meetings rather than town halls, adding that he was not willing to give a platform to "extremists, kooks and radicals." Misuse of campaign funds
<mask> was accused of misuse of campaign funds for using them to pay his son almost $300,000 over the course of five years, for work not done or for fees that were too high.<mask> denied the charges. However his son, <mask> III (R) a Knox County Trustee, pled guilty to a felony charge of official misconduct for handing out bonuses to his own staff for training they had not received. <mask> resigned from office and was given one year of probation. His charges are now

masks:
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
Duncan
John Duncan
Duncan III


title: Jimmy Duncan (politician)

texts:
 expunged. Retirement from Congress
On July 31, 2017, <mask> announced that he would not run for reelection in 2018, citing to spend more time with his family. Committee assignments
 Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure (Vice Chairman)
 Subcommittee on Aviation (Former Chairman)
 Subcommittee on Highways and Transit (Former Chairman)
 Subcommittee on Railroads, Pipelines and Hazardous Materials
 United States House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
 Subcommittee on Transportation and Public Assets
 Subcommittee on National Security

Caucus memberships
 Congressional Friends of Scotland Caucus (Founding Co-Chairman)
 Congressional Immigration Reform Caucus
 Liberty Caucus
United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus
 Sportsmen's Caucus
 Veterinary Medicine Caucus
Congressional Constitution Caucus
Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus
U.S.-Japan Caucus

Personal life
<mask> and his wife Lynn ( Hawkins) were married in 1991. They have four children, including former Knox County Trustee <mask> III, and eight grandchildren.Lynn died in August 2021. He is also the brother of Tennessee State Senator <mask> Massey. After retiring from Congress, <mask> relocated from his home in Knoxville to Bean Station in neighboring Grainger County. References

External links

 <mask> articles at lewrockwell.com

1947 births
Living people
20th-century American politicians
20th-century Presbyterians
21st-century American politicians
21st-century Presbyterians
American Presbyterians
Critics of neoconservatism
George Washington University Law School alumni
The Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Company
Members of the United States House of Representatives from Tennessee
Non-interventionism
Paleoconservatism
People from Lebanon, Tennessee
Politicians from Knoxville, Tennessee
Presbyterians from Tennessee
Republican Party members of the United States House of Representatives
Sears Holdings people
Tennessee lawyers
Tennessee Republicans
Tennessee state court judges
University of

masks:
Duncan
Duncan
John Duncan
Becky Duncan
Duncan
John Duncan


title: Warren Antoine Cartier

texts:
<mask>  (January 12, 1866 – November 7, 1934) was a 19th-century northern Michigan businessman who helped establish Ludington, Michigan. He was twice elected mayor of the city and was the owner of several businesses, a banker, a lumber tycoon, a sawmill owner/operator, and a real estate investor. In civic life, he was involved with many societies and organizations. Early life
<mask> was the third child member of <mask><mask> and his wife Eliza Ann of a family of nine children. He was born on January 12, 1866, in Manistee, Michigan. His family moved in 1878 to Ludington, Michigan, when he was twelve years old. <mask> went to church schools as well as public schools for his initial education while he was growing up.From there at the age of 16, he attended a Varennes business college near Montreal for two years. He then enrolled at Indiana's University of Notre Dame in 1884 at the age of 18 and graduated in 1887 with a civil engineering degree. Career

In 1887, <mask> returned to Ludington after graduating from college. He then joined his father in the lumber business where he was gradually promoted to positions of higher responsibility and ultimately became general manager, secretary, and treasurer of Cartier Lumber Company. <mask> also served as president of the Northern Michigan Transit Company, operating steamships on the Great Lakes. He also promoted nine banks and held the following positions in these various businesses:
 Cartier-Magmer Company  secretary and treasurer
 Star Watch Case Company  secretary
 State Bank of Ludington  vice-president
 Bank of Fountain, Mason County  vicepresident
 Mason County Real Estate Company  vicepresident
 Rath & Cartier  partner in a lumber company
 Ludington State Bank – founder
 Ludington Gas Company – founder
 United Home Telephone Company  founder
 Electric Tamper & Equipment Company  president

Personal life
<mask> married Catherine (Kate) Dempsey on May 22, 1888. They had a wedding reception party that involved many people and received wedding gifts including table

masks:
Warren Antoine Cartier
Warren Antoine Cartier
Antoine E
. Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier


title: Warren Antoine Cartier

texts:
 linens, silver spoons, pearl-handled fruit knives, oyster forks, teapots, pickle castors, decorative vases, and poetry books.They had three children: <mask>, Morgan Edward and Vincent George. <mask> was a devout Catholic who helped found the Catholic Church Extension Society, which aided under-resourced poor parishes and missions around the United States. Both he and his wife were communicants at the St. Simon Church of Ludington. <mask> supported the Republican party, serving as secretary of the Mason County Republican committee for two years. He was the Ludington city mayor in 1899 and 1903. In 1908 he represented Michigan's 26th Congressional District as a Republican presidential elector. He served two years as the city recorder.Notre Dame
Cartier served as president of the Notre Dame Alumni Association for 15 years. He played for the first Notre Dame football team. Some years later, during an enlargement project, the school's Athletic Association decided to build an enclosed field for varsity sports. Experiencing difficulties raising funds for the project, they sent a letter to <mask> in June 1899 requesting his help. He had a reputation of being "respected for his abilities and for his genial character." He responded by purchasing a  site and furnishing the lumber required for the fencing of an enclosed athletic field and grandstand and it was named the <mask> Field in his honor. Associations

<mask> was connected with or a member of the Knights of Columbus, Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks (BPOE), Knights of the Maccabees, Royal Arcanum, and the Catholic Mutual Benefit Association (he was president of the state association of Michigan for nine years; also a member of the board of trustees).He was also recording secretary of the National Catholic Extension Society and past grand knight of the Pere Marquette council of the Knights of Columbus. He was knighted by Pope Pius XI to the Order of St. Gregory the Great in 1894 and, in 1927, received this highest honor of the Catholic laity again.

masks:
Warren Ray
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier


title: Warren Antoine Cartier

texts:
 Homes

Ludington home
<mask> and his wife's primary residence was at Ludington, Michigan. They received a Victorian style home from <mask>'s parents when they were married, which was one that was fully furnished. The home was one door east of the Cartier seniors and had recently been remodeled and updated in 1999. <mask> built a home on the west side on Ludington Ave in 1906, a three-story neoclassical style mansion built of Roman pressed brick and trimmed with Bedford limestone. It had a steam heating system, a pulley-operated draft system to provide cooling, and both gas and electric chandeliers.The interior woodwork was mahogany, cherry, walnut, white maple, oak, and hickory. In 2021 it was a bed and breakfast lodge. Fort Myers home
In winter the home the Cartiers' lived in at Poincians Park in Fort Myers, Florida is where they owned additional property. Neighbors of Henry Ford and Harvey Firestone, they lived a block from Thomas Edison. <mask> recalled in a newspaper article on the date of Edison's death that he visited the Edisons often in the past while in Florida. He remembered Edison allowing his grandchild, <mask> Jr., to be photographed with him. Another picture was taken with the Edisons holding hands with the grandchild, who was only five years old.He recalled how these pictures were precious and would become family heirlooms. Death
<mask> died at age 68 in Chicago on November 7, 1934. He had a kidney ailment two weeks earlier and was hospitalized, receiving two blood transfusions. He died suddenly of a heart attack while receiving medical attention for the kidney problem. <mask> is buried in the Pere Marquette cemetery at Ludington next to his wife. Footnotes

References

1866 births
1934 deaths
19th-century American politicians
20th-century American politicians
Businesspeople from Michigan
Mayors of places in Michigan
Notre Dame Fighting Irish football players
People from Ludington, Michigan
People from Manistee, Michigan
People of the Michigan Territory
Michigan Republicans
Deaths from

masks:
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Cartier
Morgan Cartier
Cartier
Cartier


title: Mike Warnke

texts:
<mask> (born November 19, 1946) is an American Christian evangelist and comedian who was exposed in 1992 for inventing stories of his past as a Satanist. Before being debunked by the Christian magazine Cornerstone, he was viewed as an "expert" on Satanism in the 1980s. Early life
<mask> was born in 1946 to parents Alfred "Al<mask> and <mask> of Evansville, Indiana. When he was five years old, the Warnke family moved to Manchester, Tennessee, where his father opened a truck stop. In 1955, Warnke's mother was killed in a car accident. In 1958 his father died, leaving Warnke an orphan. After the death of his father, Warnke was taken to live with two of his aunts in Sparta, and from there to his father's half-sister and her husband in San Bernardino, California.In June 1965, he graduated from Rim of the World High School in Lake Arrowhead. That September, Warnke enrolled at San Bernardino Valley College but withdrew after one semester, whereupon by his account, he began his tenure as a Satanist. On June 2, 1966, Warnke enlisted in the United States Navy. After graduating from boot camp on August 22, 1966, his assigned military occupational specialty was as a hospital corpsman. According to the account of his life in The Satan Seller, Warnke converted to Christianity during boot camp. However, high-school acquaintance Charlotte Tweeten has stated she recalls Warnke proclaiming faith in Christ in the year prior to his navy enlistment in 1966. He also wrote that he began dating fellow Rim of the World High School alumna, Sue Studer, during this time period.This has been disproven, however, and Warnke was actually engaged to Lois Eckenrod at this time. In 1967, he completed naval corpsman training, returned to San Diego, and married Studer. Together, they had two children. In 1969, Warnke was deployed to Vietnam for a six-month tour of duty. Having been wounded in battle during those six months, he was awarded the Purple Heart. Warnke's own written

masks:
Michael Alfred Warnke
Mike Warnke
" Warnke
Louise Warnke


title: Mike Warnke

texts:
 accounts differ on the number of times he sustained injuries during his time in Vietnam. In The Satan Seller, Warnke says he was wounded twice, while in his second book, Hitchhiking on Hope Street, he states he was wounded five times.Despite these wounds received during his tour of duty as a hospital corpsman, second class, Warnke's various accounts have him spending much time detained, allegedly killing a man in battle, and surviving being shot several times, including once by an arrow. Warnke says it was the latter wound for which he was awarded the Purple Heart. Warnke returned to the United States in 1970. While still serving in the navy, Warnke teamed up with San Diego evangelist Morris Cerullo and was touted for his "Satanist experience". Warnke and Cerullo toured the country participating in charismatic revival meetings. Cerullo wanted to write a book about youth occultism, and assigned the writing task to David Balsiger with help from Warnke. In early 1972, Warnke requested and received an early discharge from the navy as a conscientious objector so that he could work full-time in the ministry.Warnke then left Cerullo's ministry to start his own, forbidding Cerullo to use any of his material. It was at this time that <mask> and Balsiger went on to write the book that would make Warnke famous. Rise to fame

The Satan Seller
In 1972, Warnke's book The Satan Seller was released. Written by Warnke, with help from Balsiger and Les Jones, the book tells of Warnke being orphaned as a child and his introduction into Satanism. Further detailed is Warnke's participation in sexual orgies, alcoholism, and drug dealing; his rise in the ranks of Satanism to the level of "high priest"; presiding over Satanic rituals including magical spells, summoning demons, ritual sex including a kidnap and rape; the attempt on his life — a heroin overdose — that left him angry and disillusioned; his heroism in Vietnam; and how he found Jesus and came home as an