title: Zhou Enlai

texts: both had signed. The top leadership within the CCP, including <mask>, viewed Marshall's nomination as a positive development, and hoped that Marshall would be a more flexible negotiator than Hurley had been. <mask> arrived in Chongqing to negotiate with Marshall on 22 December. The first phase of talks went smoothly.<mask> represented the Communists, Marshall represented the Americans, and Zhang Qun (later replaced by Zhang Zhizhong) represented the KMT. In January 1946 both sides agreed to cease hostilities, and to reorganize their armies on the principle of separating the army from political parties. <mask> signed these agreements in the knowledge that neither side would be able to implement these changes. Chiang delivered a speech promising political freedom, local autonomy, free elections, and the release of political prisoners. <mask> welcomed Chiang's statements and expressed his opposition to civil war. The leadership of the CCP viewed these agreements optimistically. On 27 January 1946 the CCP Secretariat appointed <mask> as one of eight leaders to participate in a future coalition government (other leaders included Mao, Liu Shaoqi, and Zhu De).It was suggested that <mask> be nominated as China's vice president. Mao expressed a desire to visit the United States, and <mask> received orders to manipulate Marshall in order to advance the peace process. Marshall's negotiations soon deteriorated, as neither the KMT nor the CCP were willing to sacrifice any of the advantages that they had gained, to de-politicize their armies, or to sacrifice any degree of autonomy in areas their side controlled. Military clashes in Manchuria became increasingly frequent in the spring and summer of 1946, eventually forcing Communist forces


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 to retreat after a few major battles. Government armies increased their attacks in other parts of China. On 3 May 1946, <mask> and his wife left Chongqing for Nanjing, where the Nationalist capital returned. Negotiations deteriorated, and on 9 October <mask> informed Marshall that he no longer had the confidence of the CCP.On 11 October Nationalist troops seized the Communist city of Zhangjiakou in northern China. Chiang, confident in his ability to defeat the Communists, called the National Assembly into session without the participation of the CCP and ordered it to draft a constitution on 15 November. On 16 November <mask> held a press conference, in which he condemned the KMT for "tearing up the agreements from the political consultative conference". On 19 November <mask> and the entire CCP delegation left Nanjing for Yan'an. Resumption of Civil War

Military strategist and intelligence chief
Following the failure of negotiations, the Chinese Civil War resumed in earnest. <mask> turned his focus from diplomatic to military affairs, while retaining a senior interest in intelligence work. <mask> worked directly under Mao as his chief aide, as the vice chairman of the Military Commission of the Central Committee, and as the general chief of staff.As the head of the Urban Work Committee of the Central Committee, an agency established to coordinate work inside KMT-controlled areas, <mask> continued to direct underground activities. A superior force of Nationalist troops captured Yan'an in March 1947, but <mask>'s intelligence agents (primarily Xiong Xianghui) were able to provide Yan'an's commanding general, Peng Dehuai, with details of the KMT army's troop strength, distribution, positions, air cover, and dates of deployment.

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 This intelligence allowed Communist forces to avoid major battles and to engage Nationalist forces in a protracted campaign of guerrilla warfare that eventually led to Peng achieving a series of major victories. By February 1948 over half the KMT troops in the northwest were either defeated or exhausted. On 4 May 1948 Peng captured 40,000 army uniforms and over a million pieces of artillery. By January 1949 Communist forces seized Beijing and Tianjin, and were firmly in control of north China. Diplomacy
On 21 January 1949 Chiang stepped down as president of the Nationalist government and was succeeded by General Li Zongren.On 1 April 1949 Li began a series of peace negotiations with a six-member CCP delegation. The CCP delegates were led by <mask>, and the KMT delegates were led by Zhang Zhizhong. <mask> began the negotiations by asking: "Why did you go to Xikou (where Chiang had retired) to see Chiang Kai-shek before leaving Nanjing?" Zhang responded that Chiang still had power, even though he had technically retired, and that his consent would be needed to finalize any agreement. <mask> responded that the CCP would not accept a bogus peace dictated by Chiang, and asked whether Zhang had come with the necessary credentials to implement the terms desired by the CCP. Negotiations continued until 15 April, when <mask> produced a "final version" of a "draft agreement for internal peace", which was essentially an ultimatum to accept CCP demands. The KMT government did not respond after five days, signaling that it was not prepared to accept <mask>'s demands.On 21 April Mao and <mask> issued an "order to the army for country-wide advance". PLA troops captured Nanjing on 23 April, and captured Li's stronghold of Guangdong in

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 October, forcing Li to go into exile in America. In December 1949 PLA troops captured Chengdu, the last KMT-controlled city on mainland China, forcing Chiang to evacuate to Taiwan. PRC diplomat and statesman

Diplomatic situation of the PRC in 1949

By the early 1950s, China's international influence was extremely low. By the end of the Qing Dynasty in 1911, China's pretensions of universalism had been shattered by a string of military defeats and incursions by Europeans and Japanese. By the end of Yuan Shikai's reign and the subsequent Warlord Era, China's international prestige had declined to "almost nothing". In World War II, China's effective role was sometimes questioned by other Allied leaders.The 1950–1953 Korean War greatly exacerbated China's international position by fixing the United States in a position of animosity, ensuring that Taiwan would remain outside of PRC control and that the PRC would remain outside of the United Nations for the foreseeable future. Following the establishment of the People's Republic of China on 1 October 1949, <mask> was appointed both Premier of the Government Administration Council (later replaced by the State Council) and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Through the coordination of these two offices and his position as a member of the five-man standing committee of the Politburo, <mask> became the architect of early PRC foreign policy, presenting China as a new, yet responsible member of the international community. By the early 1950s, <mask> was an experienced negotiator and was respected as a senior revolutionary within China. <mask>'s earliest efforts to improve the prestige of the PRC involved recruiting prominent Chinese politicians, capitalists, intellectuals, and military

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 leaders who were not technically affiliated with the CCP. <mask> was able to convince Zhang Zhizhong to accept a position inside the PRC in 1949, after <mask>'s underground network successfully escorted Zhang's family to Beijing. All of the other members of the KMT delegation that <mask> had negotiated with in 1949 accepted similar terms.Sun Yat-sen's widow, Soong Ching-ling, who was estranged from her family and who had opposed the KMT for many years, readily joined the PRC in 1949. Huang Yanpei, a prominent industrialist who had refused offers of a government post for many years, was persuaded to accept a position as vice premier in the new government. Fu Zuoyi, the KMT commander who had surrendered the Beijing garrison in 1948, was persuaded to join the PLA, and to accept a position as the minister of water conservation. Diplomacy with India
<mask>'s first diplomatic successes came as the result of successfully pursuing a warm relationship, based on mutual respect, with India's first post-independence prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Through his diplomacy, <mask> managed to persuade India to accept China's occupation of Tibet in 1950 and 1951. India was later persuaded to act as a neutral mediator between China and the United States during the many difficult phases of the negotiations settling the Korean War. The Korean War
When the Korean War broke out on 25 June 1950, <mask> was in the process of demobilizing half of the PLA's 5.6 million soldiers, under the direction of the Central Committee.<mask> and Mao discussed the possibility of American intervention with Kim Il-sung in May, and urged Kim to be cautious if he was to invade and conquer South Korea, but Kim refused to take these warnings seriously. On 28 June 1950,

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texts: after the United States pushed through a UN resolution condemning North Korean aggression and sent the Seventh Fleet to "neutralize" the Taiwan Strait, <mask> criticized both the UN and US initiatives as "armed aggression on Chinese territory." Although Kim's early success led him to predict that he would win the war by the end of August, <mask> and other Chinese leaders were more pessimistic. <mask> did not share Kim's confidence that the war would end quickly, and became increasingly apprehensive that the United States would intervene. To counter the possibility of an American invasion into North Korea or China, <mask> secured a Soviet commitment to have the USSR support Chinese forces with air cover, and deployed 260,000 Chinese soldiers along the North Korean border, under the command of Gao Gang, but they were strictly ordered not to move into North Korea or engage UN or USA forces unless they engaged themselves. <mask> commanded Chai Chengwen to conduct a topographical survey of Korea, and directed Lei Yingfu, <mask>'s military advisor in North Korea, to analyze the military situation there. Lei concluded that MacArthur would most likely attempt a landing at Incheon.On 15 September 1950 MacArthur landed at Incheon, met little resistance, and captured Seoul on 25 September. Bombing raids destroyed most North Korean tanks and much of its artillery. North Korean troops, instead of withdrawing north, rapidly disintegrated. On 30 September, <mask> warned the United States that "the Chinese people will not tolerate foreign aggression, nor will they supinely tolerate seeing their neighbors being savagely invaded by imperialists." On 1 October, on the first anniversary of the PRC, South Korean troops crossed the Thirty-Eighth


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texts: Parallel into North Korea. Stalin refused to become directly involved in the war, and Kim sent a frantic appeal to Mao to reinforce his army. On 2 October, the Chinese leadership continued an emergency meeting at Zhongnanhai to discuss whether China should send military aid, and these talks continued until 6 October.At the meeting, <mask> was one of the few firm supporters of Mao's position that China should send military aid, regardless of the strength of American forces. With the endorsement of Peng Dehuai, the meeting concluded with a resolution to send military forces to Korea. In order to enlist Stalin's support, <mask> traveled to Stalin's summer resort on the Black Sea on 10 October. Stalin initially agreed to send military equipment and ammunition, but warned <mask> that the USSR's air force would need two or three months to prepare any operations and no ground troops were to be sent. In a subsequent meeting, Stalin told <mask> that he would only provide China with equipment on a credit basis, and that the Soviet air force would only operate over Chinese airspace after an undisclosed period of time. Stalin did not agree to send either military equipment or air support until March 1951. Immediately on his return to Beijing on 18 October 1950, <mask> met with Mao Zedong, Peng Dehuai, and Gao Gang, and the group ordered the 200,000 Chinese troops along the border to enter North Korea, which they did on 25 October.After consulting with Stalin, on 13 November, Mao appointed <mask> the overall commander of the People's Volunteer Army, a special unit of the People's Liberation Army, China's armed forces that would intervene in the Korean War and coordinator of the war effort, with Peng as field commander of the PVA. Orders

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 given by <mask> to the PVA were delivered in the name of the Central Military Commission. By June 1951, the war had reached a stalemate around the Thirty-eighth Parallel, and the two sides agreed to negotiate an armistice. <mask> directed the truce talks, which began on 10 July. <mask> chose Li Kenong and Qiao Guanhua to head the Chinese negotiating team. The negotiations proceeded for two years before reaching a ceasefire agreement in July 1953, formally signed at Panmunjom. The Korean War was <mask>'s last military assignment.In 1952, Peng Dehuai succeeded <mask> in managing the Central Military Commission (which <mask> had headed since 1947). In 1956, after the eighth Party Congress, <mask> formally relinquished his post in the Military Commission and focused on his work in the Standing Committee, the State Council, and on foreign affairs. Diplomacy with China's communist neighbors

After Stalin died on 5 March 1953, <mask> left for Moscow and attended Stalin's funeral four days later. Mao, curiously, decided not to travel to Moscow, possibly because no senior Soviet politician had yet travelled to Beijing, or because Stalin had rejected an offer to meet with Mao in 1948 (nevertheless, a huge memorial service in honor of Stalin was held in Beijing's Tiananmen Square with Mao and hundreds of thousands more in attendance). While in Moscow, <mask> was notably received with considerable respect by Soviet officials, being permitted to stand with the USSR's new leaders—Vyacheslav Molotov, Nikita Khrushchev, Georgy Malenkov, and Lavrentiy Beria—instead of with the other "foreign" dignitaries who attended. With these four leaders, <mask> walked directly behind the gun carriage bearing Stalin's coffin. <mask>'s diplomatic efforts

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 on his travel to Moscow were rewarded shortly after when, in 1954, Khrushchev himself visited Beijing to take part in the fifth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic.Spence 525

Throughout the 1950s, <mask> worked to tighten economic and political relations between China and other Communist states, coordinating China's foreign policy with Soviet policies promoting solidarity among political allies.In 1952, <mask> signed an economic and cultural agreement with the Mongolian People's Republic, giving de facto recognition of the independence of what had been known as "Outer Mongolia" in Qing times. <mask> also worked to conclude an agreement with Kim Il-sung in order to help the postwar reconstruction of North Korea's economy. Pursuing the goals of peaceful diplomacy with China's neighbors, <mask> held amicable talks with Burma's prime minister, U Nu, and promoted China's efforts to send supplies to Ho Chi Minh's Vietnamese rebels known as the Vietminh. The Geneva Conference

In April 1954, <mask> traveled to Switzerland to attend the Geneva Conference, convened to settle the ongoing Franco-Vietnamese War. His patience and shrewdness were credited with assisting the major powers involved (the Soviets, French, Americans, and North Vietnamese) to iron out the agreement ending the war. According to the negotiated peace, French Indochina was to be partitioned into Laos, Cambodia, North Vietnam, and South Vietnam. Elections were agreed to be called within two years to create a coalition government in a united Vietnam, and the Vietminh agreed to end their guerilla activities in South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.During one early meeting in Geneva, <mask> found himself in the same room with the staunchly anti-Communist


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 American secretary of state, John Foster Dulles. After <mask> politely offered to shake his hand, Dulles rudely turned his back and walked out of the room, saying "I cannot". <mask> was interpreted by onlookers as turning this moment of possible humiliation into a small victory by giving only a small, "Gallic-style" shrug to this behaviour. <mask> was equally effective in countering Dulles' insistence that China not be given a seat at the sessions. Furthering the impression of Chinese urbanity and civility, <mask> had lunch with British actor Charlie Chaplin, who had been living in Switzerland since being blacklisted in the United States for his radical politics. The Asian–African Conference

In 1955, <mask> was a prominent participant in the Asian–African Conference held in Indonesia. The conference in Bandung was a meeting of twenty-nine African and Asian states, organized by Indonesia, Burma (Myanmar), Pakistan, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India, and was called largely to promote Afro-Asian economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neocolonialism by either the United States or the Soviet Union in the Cold War.At the conference, <mask> skillfully gave the conference a neutral stance that made the United States appear as a serious threat to the peace and stability of the region. <mask> complained that, while China was working towards "world peace and the progress of mankind", "aggressive circles" within the United States were actively aiding the Nationalists in Taiwan and planning to rearm the Japanese. He was widely quoted for his remark that "the population of Asia will never forget that the first atom bomb was exploded on Asian soil." With the support of its most prestigious participants, the conference


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texts: produced a strong declaration in favor of peace, the abolition of nuclear arms, general arms reduction, and the principle of universal representation at the United Nations. On his way to the Bandung conference, an assassination attempt was made against <mask> when a bomb was planted on the Air India plane Kashmir Princess, chartered for <mask>'s trip from Hong Kong to Jakarta. <mask> avoided the attempt when he changed planes at the last minute, but all 11 of the flight's other passengers were killed, with only three crew members surviving the crash. A recent study has blamed the attempt on "one of the intelligence agencies of the KMT."Journalist Joseph Trento has also alleged that there was a second attempt on <mask>'s life at the Bandung conference involving "a bowl of rice poisoned with a slow-acting toxin." According to one account based on recent research, <mask> found out about the bomb on the Kashmir Princess after being warned of the plot by his own intelligence officers and did not attempt to stop it because he viewed those that died as disposable: international journalists and low-level cadres. After the crash, <mask> used the incident to warn the British about the KMT intelligence operatives active in Hong Kong and pressured Great Britain to disable the Nationalist intelligence network operating there (with himself playing a support role). He hoped that the incident would improve Britain's relationship with the PRC, and damage Britain's relationship with the ROC. The official explanation for <mask>'s absence on the flight, however, remains that <mask> was forced to change his schedule due to having had surgery for appendicitis. After the Bandung conference, China's international political situation began to


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 gradually improve. With the help of many of the nonaligned powers who had taken part in the conference, the US-backed position economically and politically boycotting the PRC began to erode, despite continuing American pressure to follow its direction.In 1971 the PRC gained China's seat at the United Nations. Position on Taiwan

When the PRC was founded on 1 October 1949, <mask> notified all governments that any countries wishing to have diplomatic contact with the PRC must end their relationship with the leaders of the former regime on Taiwan, and support the PRC's claim to China's seat in the United Nations. This was the first foreign policy document issued by the new government. By 1950 the PRC was able to gain diplomatic relationships with other communist countries and with thirteen non-communist countries, but talks with most Western governments were unsuccessful. <mask> emerged from the Bandung conference with a reputation as a flexible and open-minded negotiator. Recognizing that the United States would back the de facto independence of ROC-controlled Taiwan with military force, <mask> persuaded his government to end the shelling of Quemoy and Matsu, and to search for a diplomatic alternative to the confrontation instead. In a formal announcement in May 1955, <mask> declared that the PRC would "strive for the liberation of Taiwan by peaceful means so far as it is possible."Whenever the question of Taiwan was raised with foreign statesmen, <mask> argued that Taiwan was part of China, and that the resolution of the conflict with the Taiwan authorities was an internal matter. In 1958 the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs was passed to Chen Yi, a general with little prior diplomatic experience. After <mask> resigned his


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 office in Foreign Affairs, the PRC diplomatic corps was reduced dramatically. Some were transferred to various cultural and educational departments to replace leading cadres who had been labelled "rightists" and sent to work in labor camps. The Shanghai communique

By the early 1970s, Sino-American relations had begun to improve. Mao's workers in the petroleum industry, one of China's few growing economic sectors at the time, advised the Chairman that, in order to consider growth at levels desired by the Party's leadership, large imports of American technology and technical expertise were essential. In January 1970, the Chinese invited the American ping-pong team to tour China, initiating an era of "ping-pong diplomacy".In 1971, <mask> met secretly with President Nixon's security advisor, Henry Kissinger, who had flown to China to prepare for a meeting between Richard Nixon and Mao Zedong. During the course of these meetings, the United States agreed to allow the transfer of American money to China (presumably from relatives in the United States), to allow American-owned ships to conduct trade with China (under foreign flags), and to allow Chinese exports into the United States for the first time since the Korean War. At the time, these negotiations were considered so sensitive that they were concealed from the American public, the State Department, the American secretary of state, and all foreign governments. On the morning of 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon arrived in Beijing, where he was greeted by <mask>, and later met with Mao Zedong. The diplomatic substance of Nixon's visit was resolved on 28 February, in the Shanghai Communique, which summarized both sides' positions without attempting to resolve them. The "US side"

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 reaffirmed the American position that America's involvement in the ongoing Vietnam War did not constitute "outside intervention" in Vietnam's affairs, and restated its commitment to "individual freedom", and pledged continued support for South Korea. The "Chinese Side" stated that "wherever there is oppression, there is resistance", that "all foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries", and that Korea should be unified according to the demands of North Korea.Both sides agreed to disagree on the status of Taiwan. The closing sections of the Shanghai Communique encouraged further diplomatic, cultural, economic, journalistic, and scientific exchanges, and endorsed both sides' intentions to work towards "the relaxation of tensions in Asia and the world." The resolutions of the Shanghai Communique represented a major policy shift for both the United States and China. The Great Leap Forward

In 1958, Mao Zedong began the Great Leap Forward, aimed at increasing China's production levels in industry and agriculture with unrealistic targets. As a popular and practical administrator, <mask> maintained his position through the Leap. <mask> has been described by Frank Dikötter as the "midwife" of the Great Leap Forward, who "transformed nightmares into reality".Kingston

By the early 1960s, Mao's prestige was not as high as it had once been. Mao's economic policies in the 1950s had failed, and he had developed a lifestyle that was increasingly out of touch with many of his oldest colleagues.Among the activities that seemed contrary to his popular image were the swims in his private pool in Zhongnanhai, his many villas around China that he would travel to on a private train, his private, book-lined study, and the

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 companionship of an ever-changing succession of enthusiastic young women whom he met either on weekly dances in Zhongnanhai or on his journeys by train. The combination of his personal eccentricities and industrialization policy failures produced criticism from such veteran revolutionaries as Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, and <mask>, who seemed less and less to share an enthusiasm for his vision of continuous revolutionary struggle. The Cultural Revolution

Initial efforts of Mao and Lin

To improve his image and power, Mao, with the help of Lin Biao, undertook a number of public propaganda efforts. Among the efforts of Mao and Lin to improve Mao's image in the early 1960s were Lin's publication of the Diary of Lei Feng and his compilation of Quotations from Chairman Mao. The last and most successful of these efforts was the Cultural Revolution. Whatever its other causes, the Cultural Revolution, declared in 1966, was overtly pro-Maoist, and gave Mao the power and influence to purge the Party of his political enemies at the highest levels of government. Along with closing China's schools and universities, it exhorted of young Chinese to destroy old buildings, temples, and art, and to attack their "revisionist" teachers, school administrators, party leaders, and parents.After the Cultural Revolution was announced, many of the most senior members of the CCP who had shared <mask>'s hesitation in following Mao's direction, including President Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, were removed from their posts almost immediately; they, along with their families, were subjected to mass criticism and humiliation. Political survival

Soon after they had been removed, <mask> argued that President Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping "should be

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texts: allowed to come back to work", but this was opposed by Mao, Lin Biao, Kang Sheng and Chen Boda. Chen Boda even suggested that <mask> himself might be "considered counter-revolutionary" if he did not toe the Maoist line. Following the threats that he would share in the fate of his comrades if he did not support Mao, <mask> ceased his criticisms and began to work more closely with the Chairman and his clique. <mask> gave his backing to the establishment of radical Red Guard organizations in October 1966 and joined Chen Boda and Jiang Qing against what they considered "leftist" and "rightist" Red Guard factions. This opened the way for attacks on Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, and Tao Zhu in December 1966 and January 1967. By September 1968, <mask> candidly described his strategy for political survival to Japanese LDP parliamentarians visiting Beijing: "one’s personal opinions should advance or beat a retreat according to the direction of the majority."When he was accused of being less than enthusiastic in following Mao's leadership, he accused himself of "poor understanding" of Mao's theories, giving the appearance of compromising with forces that he secretly loathed and referred to in private as his "inferno". Following the logic of political survival, <mask> worked to aid Mao, and restricted his criticisms to private conversations. Although <mask> escaped direct persecution, he was not able to save many of those closest to him from having their lives destroyed by the Cultural Revolution. Sun Weishi, <mask>'s adopted daughter, died in 1968 after seven months of torture, imprisonment, and rape by Maoist Red Guards. In 1968, Jiang also had his adopted son (Sun Yang) tortured and murdered by Red Guards. After the end of the Cultural


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 Revolution, Sun's plays were re-staged as a way of criticizing the Gang of Four, whom many thought were responsible for her death. Throughout the next decade, Mao largely developed policies while <mask> carried them out, attempting to moderate some of the excesses of the Cultural Revolution, such as preventing Beijing from being renamed "East Is Red City" ()  and the Chinese guardian lions in front of Tian'anmen Square from being replaced with statues of Mao.<mask> also ordered a PLA battalion to guard the Forbidden City and protect its traditional artifacts from vandalism and destruction by Red Guards. Despite his best efforts, the inability to prevent many of the events of the Cultural Revolution were a great blow to <mask>. Over the last decade of his life, <mask>'s ability to implement Mao's policies and keep the nation afloat during periods of adversity was so great that his practical importance alone was sufficient to save him (with Mao's assistance) whenever <mask> became politically threatened. At the latest stages of the Cultural Revolution, in 1975, <mask> pushed for the "Four Modernizations" in order to undo the damage caused by the Mao's policies. During the later stages of the Cultural Revolution, <mask> became a target of political campaigns orchestrated by Chairman Mao and the Gang of Four. The "Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius" campaign of 1973 and 1974 was directed at Premier <mask> because he was viewed as one of the Gang's primary political opponents. In 1975, <mask>'s enemies initiated a campaign named "Criticizing Song Jiang, Evaluating the Water Margin", which encouraged the use of <mask> as an example of a political loser.Death

Illness and death
According to a biography of <mask> by Gao Wenqian, a


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 former researcher at the CPC's Party Documents Research Office, <mask> was first diagnosed with bladder cancer in November 1972. <mask>'s medical team reported that with treatment, he had a high chance of recovery; however, medical treatment for the highest ranking party members had to be approved by Mao. Mao ordered that <mask> and his wife should not be told of the diagnosis, no surgery should be performed, and no further examinations should be given. According to Ji Chaozhu, <mask>'s personal interpreter, Henry Kissinger offered to send cancer specialists from the United States to treat <mask>, an offer that would eventually be refused. By 1974, <mask> was experiencing significant bleeding in his urine. After pressure by other Chinese leaders who had learned of <mask>'s condition, Mao finally ordered a surgical operation to be performed in June 1974, but the bleeding returned a few months later, indicating metastasis of the cancer into other organs. A series of operations over the next year and a half failed to check the progress of the cancer.<mask> continued to conduct work during his stays in the hospital, with Deng Xiaoping, as the First Deputy Premier, handling most of the important State Council matters. His last major public appearance was at the first meeting of the 4th National People's Congress on 13 January 1975, where he presented the government's work report. He then fell out of the public eye for more medical treatment. <mask> died from cancer at 09:57 on 8 January 1976, aged 77. Mao's response
After <mask>'s death, Mao issued no statements acknowledging <mask>'s achievements or contributions and sent no condolences to <mask>'s widow, herself a senior Party leader. Mao forbade his staff from wearing black

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 mourning armbands. Whether or not Mao would have attended <mask>'s funeral, which was held in the Great Hall of the People, remains in question as Mao himself was in very poor health to do so in any event.Mao did however send a wreath to the funeral. Instead, Mao attacked a proposal to have <mask> publicly declared a great Marxist, and rejected a request that he make a brief appearance at <mask>'s funeral, instructing his nephew, Mao Yuanxin, to explain that he could not attend because doing so would be seen as a public admission that he was being forced to "rethink the Cultural Revolution", as <mask>'s later years had been closely associated with reversing and moderating its excesses. Mao worried that public expressions of mourning would later be directed against him and his policies, and backed the "five nos" campaign to suppress public expressions of mourning for <mask> after the late Premier's death. Memorial

Whatever Mao's opinion of <mask> may have been, there was general mourning among the public. Foreign correspondents reported that Beijing, shortly after <mask>'s death, looked like a ghost town. There was no burial ceremony, as <mask> had willed his ashes to be scattered across the hills and rivers of his hometown, rather than stored in a ceremonial mausoleum. With <mask> gone, it became clear how the Chinese people had revered him, and how they had viewed him as a symbol of stability in an otherwise chaotic period of history.<mask>'s death also brought condolences from nations around the world. Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping delivered the eulogy at <mask>'s state funeral on 15 January 1976. Although much of his speech echoed the wording of an official statement by the Central Committee immediately following <mask>'s

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 death or consisted of a meticulous description of <mask>'s remarkable political career, near the end of the eulogy he offered a personal tribute to <mask>'s character, speaking from the heart while observing the rhetoric demanded of ceremonial state occasions. Referring to <mask>, Deng stated that:

He was open and aboveboard, paid attention to the interests of the whole, observed Party discipline, was strict in "dissecting" himself and good at uniting the mass of cadres, and upheld the unity and solidarity of the Party. He maintained broad and close ties with the masses and showed boundless warmheartedness towards all comrades and the people.... We should learn from his fine style – being modest and prudent, unassuming and approachable, setting an example by his conduct, and living in a plain and hard-working way. We should follow his example of adhering to the proletarian style and opposing the bourgeois style of life

Spence believed this statement was interpreted at the time as a subtle criticism of Mao and the other leaders of the Cultural Revolution, who could not possibly be viewed or praised as being "open and aboveboard", "good at uniting the mass of cadres", for displaying "warmheartedness", or for modesty, prudence, or approachability. Regardless of Deng's intentions, the Gang of Four, and later Hua Guofeng, increased the persecution of Deng shortly after he delivered this eulogy.Suppression of public mourning
After <mask>'s single official memorial ceremony on 15 January, <mask>'s political enemies within the Party officially prohibited any further displays of public mourning. The most notorious regulations prohibiting <mask> from being honoured were the poorly observed and poorly enforced "five nos": no wearing


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 black armbands, no mourning wreaths, no mourning halls, no memorial activities, and no handing out photos of <mask>. Years of resentment over the Cultural Revolution, the public persecution of Deng Xiaoping (who was strongly associated with <mask> in public perception), and the prohibition against publicly mourning <mask> became associated with each other shortly after <mask>'s death, leading to popular discontent against Mao and his apparent successors (notably Hua Guofeng and the Gang of Four). Official attempts to enforce the "five nos" included removing public memorials and tearing down posters commemorating his achievements. On 25 March 1976, a leading Shanghai newspaper, Wenhui Bao, published an article stating that <mask> was "the capitalist roader inside the Party [who] wanted to help the unrepentant capitalist roader [Deng] regain his power". This and other propaganda efforts to attack <mask>'s image only strengthened the public's attachment to <mask>'s memory. Between March and April 1976, a forged document circulated in Nanjing that claimed itself to be <mask>'s last will.It attacked Jiang Qing and praised Deng Xiaoping, and was met with increased propaganda efforts by the government. The Tiananmen Incident

Within several months after the death of <mask>, one of the most extraordinary spontaneous events in the history of the PRC occurred. On 4 April 1976, at the eve of China's annual Qingming Festival, in which Chinese traditionally pay homage to their deceased ancestors, thousands of people gathered around the Monument to the People's Heroes in Tiananmen Square to commemorate the life and death of <mask>. On this occasion, the people of Beijing honoured <mask> by laying wreaths, banners, poems, placards, and

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title: Zhou Enlai

texts: flowers at the foot of the Monument. The most obvious purpose of this memorial was to eulogize <mask>, but Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan were also attacked for their alleged evil actions against the Premier. A small number of slogans left at Tiananmen even attacked Mao himself, and his Cultural Revolution. Up to two million people may have visited Tiananmen Square on 4 April.First-hand observations of the events in Tiananmen Square on 4 April report that all levels of society, from the poorest peasants to high-ranking PLA officers and the children of high-ranking cadres, were represented in the activities. Those who participated were motivated by a mixture of anger over the treatment of <mask>, revolt against Mao and his policies, apprehension for China's future, and defiance of those who would seek to punish the public for commemorating <mask>'s memory. There is nothing to suggest that events were coordinated from any position of leadership: it was a spontaneous demonstration reflecting widespread public sentiment. Deng Xiaoping was notably absent, and he instructed his children to avoid being seen at the square. On the morning of 5 April, crowds gathering around the memorial arrived to discover that it had been completely removed by the police during the night, angering them. Attempts to suppress the mourners led to a violent riot, in which police cars were set on fire and a crowd of over 100,000 people forced its way into several government buildings surrounding the square. By 6:00 pm, most of the crowd had dispersed, but a small group remained until 10:00 pm, when a security force entered Tiananmen Square and arrested them.(The reported figure of those arrested was 388 people, but was rumored to be far

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title: Zhou Enlai

texts:
 higher.) Many of those arrested were later sentenced to "people's trial" at Peking University, or were sentenced to prison work camps. Incidents similar to those which occurred in Beijing on 4 and 5 April occurred in Zhengzhou, Kunming, Taiyuan, Changchun, Shanghai, Wuhan, and Guangzhou. Possibly because of his close association with <mask>, Deng Xiaoping was formally stripped of all positions "inside and outside the Party" on 7 April, following this "Tiananmen Incident". After ousting Hua Guofeng and assuming control of China in 1980, Deng Xiaoping released those arrested in the Tiananmen Incident as part of a broader effort to reverse the effects of the Cultural Revolution. Legacy
By the end of his lifetime, <mask> was widely viewed as representing moderation and justice in Chinese popular culture. Since his death, <mask> has been regarded as a skilled negotiator, a master of policy implementation, a devoted revolutionary, and a pragmatic statesman with an unusual attentiveness to detail and nuance.He was also known for his tireless and dedicated work ethic, and his unusual charm and poise in public. He was reputedly the last Mandarin bureaucrat in the Confucian tradition. <mask>'s political behaviour should be viewed in light of his political philosophy as well as his personality. To a large extent, <mask> epitomized the paradox inherent in a Communist politician with traditional Chinese upbringing: at once conservative and radical, pragmatic and ideological, possessed of a belief in order and harmony as well as a faith, which he developed very gradually over time, in the progressive power of rebellion and revolution. Though a firm believer in the Communist ideal on which the People's Republic was founded, <mask> is

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texts: widely believed to have moderated the excesses of Mao's radical policies within the limits of his power. It has been assumed that he successfully protected several imperial and religious sites of cultural significance (such as the Potala Palace in Lhasa and Forbidden City in Beijing) from the Red Guards, and shielded many top-level leaders, including Deng Xiaoping, as well as many officials, academics and artists from purges. Deng Xiaoping was quoted as saying <mask> was "sometimes forced to act against his conscience in order to minimize the damage" stemming from Mao's policies.While many earlier Chinese leaders today have been subjected to criticism inside China, <mask>'s image has remained positive among contemporary Chinese. Many Chinese continue to venerate <mask> as possibly the most humane leader of the 20th century, and the CPC today promotes <mask> as a dedicated and self-sacrificing leader who remains a symbol of the Communist Party. Even historians who list Mao's faults generally attribute the opposite qualities to <mask>: <mask> was cultured and educated where as Mao was crude and simple; <mask> was consistent where as Mao was unstable; <mask> was stoic where as Mao was paranoid. Following the death of Mao, Chinese press emphasized in particular his consultative, logical, realistic, and cool-headed leadership style. However, recent academic criticism of <mask> has focused on his late relationship with Mao, and his political activities during the Cultural Revolution, arguing that the relationship between <mask> and Mao may have been more complex than is commonly portrayed. <mask> has been depicted as unconditionally submissive and extremely loyal to Mao and his allies, going out of his way to support or permit the


title: Zhou Enlai

texts:
 persecution of friends and relatives in order to avoid facing political condemnation himself. After the founding of the PRC, <mask> was unable or unwilling to protect the former spies that he had employed in the Chinese Civil War and the Second World War, who were persecuted for their wartime contacts with the enemies of the CCP.Early in the Cultural Revolution, he told Jiang Qing "From now on you make all the decisions, and I'll make sure they're carried out," and publicly declared that his old comrade, Liu Shaoqi, "deserved to die" for opposing Mao. In the effort to avoid being persecuted for opposing Mao, <mask> passively accepted the political persecution of many others, including his own brother.Sun 143–144

A popular saying within China once compared <mask> to a budaoweng (a tumbler), which can imply that he was a political opportunist. Dr. Li Zhisui, then one of Mao's personal physicians, characterized <mask> as such and was severely critical of <mask> in his book The Private Life of Chairman Mao, describing him as "Mao's slave, absolutely obsequiously obedient... Everything he did, he did to be loyal to Mao. Neither he nor [Deng Yingchao] had a shred of independent thought". Li also described Mao's contradictory relationship with <mask> as one where he demanded total loyalty, "but because <mask> was so subservient and loyal, Mao held [<mask>] in contempt". Some observers have criticized him as being too diplomatic: avoiding clear stands in complex political situations and instead becoming ideologically elusive, ambiguous, and enigmatic. Several explanations have been offered to explain his elusiveness.Dick Wilson, the former chief editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review, writes that <mask>'s only option "was to go

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title: Zhou Enlai

texts: on pretending to support the [Cultural Revolution] movement, while endeavoring to deflect its successes, blunt its mischief and stanch the wounds it was inflicting." This explanation for <mask>'s elusiveness was also widely accepted by many Chinese after his death. Wilson also writes that <mask> "would have been hounded out of his position of influence, removed from control of the Government" were he to "make a stand and demand that Mao call off the campaign or bring the Red Guards to heel." <mask>'s involvement in the Cultural Revolution is thus defended by many on the grounds that he had no choice other than political martyrdom. Due to his influence and political ability, the entire government may have collapsed without his cooperation. Given the political circumstances of the last decade of <mask>'s life, it is unlikely that he would have survived a purge without cultivating the support of Mao through active assistance. <mask> received a great deal of praise from American statesmen who met him in 1971.Henry Kissinger wrote that he had been extremely impressed with <mask>'s intelligence and character, describing him as "equally at home in philosophy, reminiscence, historical analysis, tactical probes, humorous repartee... [and] could display an extraordinary personal graciousness." Kissinger called <mask> "one of the two or three most impressive men I have ever met," stating that "his commands of facts, in particular his knowledge of American events and, for that matter, of my own background, was stunning." In his memoirs, Richard Nixon stated that he was impressed with <mask>'s exceptional "brilliance and dynamism". After coming to power, Deng Xiaoping may have overemphasized <mask>'s achievements to distance the Communist

masks:
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texts: Party from Mao's Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, both of which had seriously weakened the Party's prestige. Deng observed that Mao's disastrous policies could no longer represent the Party's finest hour, but that the legacy and character of <mask> could. Furthermore, Deng received credit for enacting successful economic policies that <mask> initially proposed. By actively associating itself with an already popular <mask>, <mask>'s legacy may have been used (and possibly distorted) as a political tool of the Party after his death.<mask> remains a widely commemorated figure in China today. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, <mask> ordered his hometown of Huai'an not to transform his house into a memorial and not to keep up the <mask> family tombs. These orders were respected within <mask>'s lifetime, but today his family home and traditional family school have been restored, and are visited by a large number of tourists every year. In 1998, Huai'an, in order to commemorate <mask>'s one hundredth birthday, opened a vast commemorative park with a museum dedicated to his life. The park includes a reproduction of Xihuating, <mask>'s living and working quarters in Beijing. The city of Tianjin has established a museum to <mask> and his wife Deng Yingchao, and the city of Nanjing has erected a memorial commemorating Communist negotiations in 1946 with the Nationalist government which features a bronze statue of <mask>. Stamps commemorating the first anniversary of <mask>'s death were issued in 1977, and in 1998 to commemorate his 100th birthday.The 2013 historical drama film The Story of <mask>lai features the trip of <mask> in May 1961 during the Great Leap Forward, when he investigated the rural

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 situation in Huaxi of Guiyang and a former revolutionary base Boyan Township of Hebei. Works

 See also

 History of the People's Republic of China
 History of the Communist Party of China
 Chinese Civil War
 Second Sino-Japanese War
 Chiang Kai-shek
 Kuomintang
 Whampoa Military Academy
 <mask>: The Last Perfect Revolutionary by Gao Wenqian
 Long March
 Xi'an Incident
 Bandung Conference
 Geneva Conference
 Shanghai Communique
 Great Leap Forward
 Tiananmen Incident
 Former Residence of <mask> in Huai'an
 Former Residence of <mask> in Shanghai
 Kashmir Princess

 Notes

 References
 Citations

 Sources

 Boorman, Howard L. ed. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1967–71. Dillon, Michael. "<mask>: Mao's Enigmatic Shadow," History Today (May 2020) 79#5 pp 50–63 online. Dillon, Michael.<mask>: The Enigma Behind Chairman Mao (Bloomsbury, 2020). Dittmer, Lowell. Liu Shao-ch’i and the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Politics of Mass Criticism,  (U of California Press, 1974). Garver, John W. China's Quest: The History of the Foreign Relations of the People's Republic (2nd ed. 2018) comprehensive scholarly history. Gao Wenqian. <mask>: The Last Perfect Revolutionary.New York, NY: Public Affairs, 2007. Han Suyin. Eldest Son: <mask> and the Making of Modern China. New York: Hill & Wang, 1994. Hsu, Kai-yu. Chou En-Lai: China's Gray Eminence. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968.Itoh, Mayumi. The Origins of Contemporary Sino-Japanese Relations: <mask> and Japan (Springer, 2016). "Kissinger Describes Nixon Years". Daily Collegian. 25 September 1979. Kissinger, Henry. "Special Section: Chou En-lai".TIME Magazine. Monday, 1 October 1979. Retrieved on 12 March 2011. Kraus,

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texts: Charles. "<mask> and China’s Response to the Korean War." (2012) online. Lee, Chae-jin.<mask>: The Early Years. (Stanford UP, 1994). Li, Tien-min. Chou En-Lai. Taipei: Institute of International Relations, 1970. Li, Yanhua, Hongyu Zhao, and Jianmei Jia. "Chou En-lai’s Exploration of China’s Democratic Political Construction."2013 International Conference on Education, Management and Social Science (2013) online. Levine, Marilyn. The Found Generation: Chinese Communists in Europe during the Twenties. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1993. Ritter, Peter. "Saint and Sinner". TIME Magazine.Thursday, 1 November 2007. Retrieved on 11 March 2011. Smith, Steve. "Moscow and the Second and Third Armed Uprisings in Shanghai, 1927." The Chinese Revolution in the 1920s: Between Triumph and Disaster. ed. Mechthild Leutner et al.London, England: Routledge, 2002. 222–243. Trento, Joseph J. Prelude to Terror: Edwin P. Wilson and the Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network Carroll and Graf, 2005. 10–11. Whitson, William W. and Huang, Chen-hsia. The Chinese High Command: A History of Communist Military Politics, 1927–71. New York: Praeger, 1973.Wilbur, C. Martin. The Nationalist Revolution in China: 1923–1928. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Wilbur, C. Martin and Julie Lien-ying How. Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920–1927. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. Wilson, Dick.<mask>: A Biography. New York, NY: Viking,

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title: Mary N. Meeker

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<mask> (1921–2003), was an American educational psychologist and entrepreneur. She is best known for her applying J. P. Guilford's Structure of Intellect theory of human intelligence to the field of education. <mask> was born in Louisiana and grew up there and in Texas. She attended the University of Texas at Austin and graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in psychology. Meeker subsequently moved to California and began graduate studies in educational psychology at the University of Southern California, where she studied with J. P. Guilford, whose work would be central to her career. Meeker earned a Master of Science, a Master of Education and, in 1971, a Ph.D. in Education from USC. SI and SOI

Meeker's doctoral dissertation focused on applying Guilford's Structure of Intellect theory ("SI") to creating assessments and curriculum materials for use in teaching children and adults.The premise of SI is that intelligence comprises many underlying mental abilities or factors, organized along three dimensions—Operations (e.g., comprehension), Content (e.g., semantic), and Products (e.g., relations). In this three-dimensional model, each intersection of the three dimensions represents as a unique intellectual ability, such as comprehension of semantic relations; that is, understanding analogies. During Meeker's studies, she saw the potential of applying SI in the field of education, based on a twofold premise: 1) intelligence can be precisely measured using a test that identifies an individual's aptitude on the multiple intellectual abilities identified in the Structure of Intellect model; and 2) the individual's intellectual abilities can be remediated or improved using

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texts:
 training can remediate these underlying intellectual abilities to enable mastery of reading and arithmetic. The SOI model is designed to address learning disabilities in stages.An SOI test assesses the individual's underlying intellectual abilities, including the constituent abilities enabling performance of the targeted task. Then, after the individual's SOI profile is compared against the intellectual abilities that enable the targeted task (such as reading or arithmetic), specific intellectual abilities are identified for remediation. Finally, SOI curriculum materials train the identified abilities so that, after the abilities are remediated, the individual may learn to perform the more complex task. The SOI model can be useful in assessing learning styles, because the SOI-LA test includes separate measures of visual and auditory learning abilities. SOI has been related to the multiple intelligences theory promulgated by Howard Gardner. Later work

In 1975, Meeker and her husband, <mask>, opened the SOI Institute, a business producing SOI tests and educational materials and conducting training for educators and related research. During the 1980s and 1990s, Meeker developed a wide reputation in the field of educational psychology, and continued to run the SOI Institute.During this time, Meeker was engaged as a consultant for the state departments of education in California, Idaho, Louisiana, Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Washington and Wisconsin. In the 1990s, Meeker worked extensively with Bridges Learning Systems, a commercial enterprise founded by former U.S. Senator William E. Brock to implement school programs


title: Mary N. Meeker

texts:
 based on Meeker's SOI work and on the Integrated Practice Protocol (IPP) she developed with her husband, <mask>. IPP comprises SOI-related assessments and learning and teaching materials that incorporate intelligence assessment (such as with the SOI-LA test), vision assessment, and sensory integration assessment. For example, some children who cannot read may lack the underlying ability to visually distinguish one alphabetical character from another. This perceptual (visual) aspect of SOI illustrates the extensions of SOI application made in IPP by <mask> and Meeker. In later life, <mask> devoted herself semi-professionally to watercolor painting, winning a variety of local prizes.Her subjects of choice were florals and landscapes. <mask> died in 2003, survived by her husband, her three daughters, and two grandchildren. Her husband, <mask>, continues her work via the operation of SOI Systems in Springfield, Oregon. Articles and books

<mask>, M. N. (1969). The Structure of Intellect: Its Interpretation and Uses. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill. <mask>, M. N., Meeker R. J.& Roid. G. H. (1985). Structure of Intellect Learning Abilities Test (SOI-LA) Manual. Los Angeles, California: Western Psychological Services. <mask>, M. N., & <mask>, R. (1992). IPP (Integrated Practice Protocol: A treatment system for dysfunctional students). Vida, OR: SOI Systems.Selected articles
<mask>, M. N. (1965). A procedure for relating Sanford-Binet behavior samplings to Guilford's Structure of the Intellect. Journal of School Psychology III(3), pp. 26–36. <mask>, M. N. (1965). What about creativity for the preschool child? The Gifted Child Quarterly.<mask>, M. N. (1969). Understanding the evaluation of

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texts: gifted: A new method. The Gifted Child Quarterly, Vol. XIII(4). <mask>, M. N. & Myers, C. E. (1971). Memory factors and school success of average and special groups of ninth-grade boys. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 83, 275-308.<mask>, M. N. (1972). Are you gifted at handling the gifted? Gifted Child Quarterly. <mask>, M. N. (1973). Individualized curriculum based on intelligence test patterns. In Coop & White (Eds. ), Psychological Concepts in the Classroom.Harper & Row. <mask>, M. N. & <mask>, R. J. (1973). Strategies for assessing intellectual patterns in Black, Anglo, and Mexican-American boys — or any other children — and the implications for education. Journal of School Psychology 11 (4). <mask>, M. (1975). Planning curriculum using cognitive abilities from the Binet, WISC, and SOI-LA tests as the diagnostic basics.In M<mask> (ed. ), Collected Readings, Vol. I (pp. 2–3). El Segundo, CA: SOI Institute. <mask>, M. N. (1978). Measuring creativity from the child’s point of view.Journal for Creative Behavior 12 (1), pp. 52–62. <mask>, M. N. (1979). The relevance of arithmetic testing to teaching arithmetic skills. The Gifted Child Quarterly XXII(2), pp. 297–303. Abroms, K. I.& <mask>, M. N.(1980). Learning disabilities: A diagnostic and educational challenge. Journal of Learning Disabilities 13 (9). <mask>, M. N. (1981). The SOI Institute based on Guilford’s "Structure of the Intellect" model. Education 101(4), 302-309. <mask>, M. N. (1985).Brain Research: The Necessity for Separating Site, Actions, and Functions. Presented to the Neurobiology Conference of Extraordinary Giftedness, New York City. Also in Gifted Education International Vol. 5, No 3, pp. 148–154. <mask>, M. N.

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 (1985). A curriculum for developing intelligence.Gifted Children Monthly. <mask>, M. N. & <mask>, R. J. (1986). The SOI system for gifted education. In J.S. Renzulli (Ed. ),  Systems and Models for Developing Programs for the Gifted and Talented.<mask>, M. N. (1987). A word to the coach. Gifted International, Vol 4. No. 2, pp. 78–88. <mask>, M. N. (1987).What happens when high school ends? Gifted Child Today, pp. 41–42. <mask>, M. N. (1989). Toys before and after Christmas. Gifted Child Today, Vol.12, No. 6, pp.54–55. <mask>, M. N. (1990). On trying to be creative. Gifted Child Today, Vol.13, No. 6, pp. 2–5. <mask>, M. N. (1991).Structure of Intellect (SOI). In A.L. Costa (Ed. ), Developing Minds Vol. 2, pp 3–8. <mask>, M. N. (1991). The gifted in search of a career.The Journal of the California Association for the Gifted. <mask>, M. N. (1991). How do arithmetic and math differ? Gifted Child Today, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 6–7.Honors and positions
California Commission for Education, 1981
California Committee for Assessing Disadvantaged, 1970
American Advisory Council for Government Schools
Secretary, National Association for Gifted Children
Education Leader of the Year, Education, 1981
Selected by U.S. Office of Education as one of five social scientists whose work held promise for education in the 21st century. Selected by the International Center for Studies in Creativity, Syracuse, New York, as one of the fifty most creative professional women in America, 2003

References

1921 births
2003 deaths
20th-century American educators
American women psychologists
American psychologists
USC Rossier School of Education alumni
20th-century psychologists
20th-century American

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title: Diana Rigg

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Dame <mask>  (20 July 193810 September 2020) was an English actress of stage and screen. Her roles include Emma Peel in the TV series The Avengers (1965–1968); Countess Teresa di Vicenzo, wife of James Bond, in On Her Majesty's Secret Service (1969); Olenna Tyrell in Game of Thrones (2013–2017); and the title role in Medea in the West End in 1993 followed by Broadway a year later. <mask> made her professional stage debut in 1957 in The Caucasian Chalk Circle and joined the Royal Shakespeare Company in 1959. She made her Broadway debut in Abelard & Heloise in 1971. Her role as Emma Peel made her a sex symbol. For her role in Medea, both in London and New York, she won the 1994 Tony Award for Best Actress in a Play. She was made a CBE in 1988 and a Dame in 1994 for services to drama.Rigg appeared in numerous TV series and films, playing Helena in A Midsummer Night's Dream (1968); Lady Holiday in The Great Muppet Caper (1981); and Arlena Marshall in Evil Under the Sun (1982). She won the BAFTA TV Award for Best Actress for the BBC miniseries Mother Love (1989) and an Emmy Award for her role as Mrs. Danvers in an adaptation of Rebecca (1997). Her other television credits include You, Me and the Apocalypse (2015), Detectorists (2015), the Doctor Who episode "The Crimson Horror" (2013) with her daughter Rachael Stirling, and playing Mrs Pumphrey in All Creatures Great and Small (2020). Her final film role was in Edgar Wright's 2021 psychological horror film Last Night in Soho, completed just before her death. Early life and education
Rigg was born in Doncaster, then in the West Riding of Yorkshire (now in South Yorkshire), in 1938 to Louis and Beryl <mask> (née Helliwell). She had a brother 4 years her senior Her father was born in Yorkshire, worked in engineering, and moved to India to work for the railway to take advantage of the career opportunities there. Her mother moved back to England for Rigg's

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title: Diana Rigg

texts: in her position as a sex symbol. In an interview with The Guardian in 2019, Rigg stated that "becoming a sex symbol overnight had shocked" her. She also did not like the way that she was treated by production company Associated British Corporation (ABC). For her second series she held out for a pay rise from £150 a week to £450; she said in 2019—when gender pay inequality was very much in the news—that "not one woman in the industry supported me ... Neither did Patrick [Macnee, her co-star]... I was painted as this mercenary creature by the press when all I wanted was equality. It's so depressing that we are still talking about the gender pay gap."She did not stay for a third year. Patrick Macnee noted that Rigg had later told him that she considered Macnee and her driver to be her only friends on the set. On the big screen, she became a Bond girl in On Her Majesty's Secret Service (1969), playing Tracy Bond, James Bond's only wife, opposite George Lazenby. She said she took the role with the hope that she would become better known in the United States. In 1973–74, she starred in a short-lived US sitcom called <mask>. Her other films from this period include The Assassination Bureau (1969), Julius Caesar (1970), The Hospital (1971), Theatre of Blood (1973), In This House of Brede (1975), based on the book by Rumer Godden, and A Little Night Music (1977). She appeared as the title character in The Marquise (1980), a television adaptation of a play by Noël Coward.She appeared in the Yorkshire Television production of Ibsen's Hedda Gabler (1981) in the title role, and as Lady Holiday in the film The Great Muppet Caper (also 1981). The following year she received acclaim for her performance as Arlena Marshall in the film adaptation of Agatha Christie's Evil Under the Sun, sharing barbs with her character's old rival, played by Maggie Smith. She appeared as Regan, the king's treacherous second daughter, in a


title: Diana Rigg

texts:
 after they were reunited on her short-lived American series <mask>): "You'll always be close to somebody that you worked with very intimately for so long, and you become really fond of each other. But we haven't seen each other for a very, very long time." Death
<mask> died at her daughter's London home on 10 September 2020, aged 82. Her daughter, Rachael Stirling, said that the cause of death was cancer, which had been diagnosed in March. Honours
In 2014, Rigg received the Will Award, presented by the Shakespeare Theatre Company, along with Stacy Keach and John Hurt. On 25 October 2015, to mark 50 years of Emma Peel, the British Film Institute screened an episode of The Avengers; this was followed by an onstage interview with Rigg about her time in the television series. Commonwealth honours

Scholastic
 Chancellor, visitor, governor, rector and fellowships

Honorary degrees

Credits
Sources:

Theatre
Selected.Film

Television

Awards and nominations

See also
 No Turn Unstoned, a collection of scathing theatrical reviews collected by Rigg, first published in 1982. References

External links

 <mask> at the British Film Institute

1938 births
2020 deaths
20th-century English actresses
21st-century English actresses
Actors from Doncaster
Actresses awarded British damehoods
Actresses from Yorkshire
Alumni of the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art
Audiobook narrators
Best Actress BAFTA Award (television) winners
Dames Commander of the Order of the British Empire
Deaths from cancer in England
English Christians
English Shakespearean actresses
English film actresses
English stage actresses
English television actresses
English voice actresses
Fellows of St Catherine's College, Oxford
Outstanding Performance by a Supporting Actress in a Miniseries or Movie Primetime Emmy Award winners
People associated with the University of Stirling
People educated at Fulneck School
Royal Shakespeare Company members
Tony

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title: Colin Petersen

texts:
<mask> (born 24 March 1946) is an Australian drummer, record producer and former child actor. He played as a member of the bands Steve and the Board, the Bee Gees and Humpy Bong. In August 1969, he left the Bee Gees and he was replaced by Pentangle drummer Terry Cox to record the songs for their 1970 album Cucumber Castle. His scenes from the film of the same name were cut, and he is not credited on the accompanying album soundtrack, even though he does play on some songs. Life and career

Early life and acting career
<mask> began his acting career at the age of seven. When he was still nine years old in late 1955, he starred in the film Smiley (released in 1956), with Sir Ralph Richardson, but by the time he was 12 in 1958 he was forced to cease acting as his mother felt it was interfering with his education. Other film credits included The Scamp (1957), A Cry from the Streets (1958) and, much later, Barney (1976).In 1958, before his mother took him back to Australia to focus on his education, he was screen-tested for the part of the young hero in Tiger Bay, but the part eventually went to the then 12 years old Hayley Mills instead, the part being rewritten for a girl. He attended the Humpybong State School at the same time that Barry, Robin and Maurice Gibb (they went to Scarborough, State School first and later went to Humpybong). <mask> was in Barry's class, though they rarely crossed paths in any significant way. While at school he developed an interest in music, starting out on piano but switching to drums. (He had, however, already shown himself to be a talented drummer in the film The Scamp (1957). After leaving school he played with several bands including Steve and the Board and became acquainted with Maurice Gibb, who invited him to sit in on one of the Bee Gees' sessions in Sydney. He ended up becoming friends with the family and ultimately played on as many as a dozen of their early Australian sides.1967–69: the Bee Gees

<mask> moved to England in 1966, little knowing that the Bee Gees

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title: Colin Petersen

texts: would soon be doing the same and they recruited him as their permanent drummer shortly afterwards – the first non-Gibb brother to become an official member of the Bee Gees. He played on the albums Bee Gees' 1st, Horizontal, Idea, Odessa and Cucumber Castle. He was an equal partner in the group from early in their period in the UK and the Gibb brothers regarded his playing as essential to their sound. He and fellow band member Vince Melouney, who played lead guitar and had also moved to the UK, had some trouble when, in the late summer of 1967, they were threatened with deportation because of an error in the way they had secured their visas. That problem was solved only by the intervention of the group's manager, Robert Stigwood, who mounted a publicity campaign that embarrassed the government into permitting them to remain in the UK. While he was a Bee Gee, he and Maurice Gibb wrote "Everything That Came From Mother Goose" with lead vocals and guitar by <mask>, but it was not released and also in 1968, he played drums on the Marbles' debut single, "Only One Woman". As <mask> learned about the music industry, he raised questions about Stigwood's conflict of interest as the Bee Gees' manager, since Stigwood owned their recordings and publishing and was in effect their employer.According to <mask> this led to him being fired in August 1969, while the group were making a television film of Cucumber Castle. <mask> had already recorded the songs used in the film, which make up part of the album, but he is not credited on the sleeve. Pentangle drummer Terry Cox was brought in to complete the remainder of the drum tracks, but it is not really clear which tracks have <mask> or Cox on drums. Vince Melouney and Robin Gibb had already left the band by then, leaving just Barry Gibb, Maurice Gibb, and <mask>. He was fired, allegedly for having lost interest in the group and missing recording sessions, and for his refusal to do any acting in the film, despite his experience in front of the cameras. As a partner in the

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 group, however, he could not be summarily fired as though he were an employee. The result was a series of lawsuits in which, at one point – as a ploy to get a quicker settlement from Stigwood – he attempted to block the Bee Gees from using that name, since it was jointly owned by the partners, and he alleged that he had been illegally deprived of his share in the partnership.<mask> remained on good terms with the brothers, especially Robin Gibb, after his initial exit. 1969–70: Humpy Bong
The first musician he worked with after leaving the Bee Gees was Jonathan Kelly. <mask> produced some of his early solo singles, and in 1970 the two decided to form a band together. It was called, Humpy Bong, a two-word variation of the name of the school that <mask> and the Gibb brothers attended in Australia. As they needed additional musicians, they placed an advertisement. Tim Staffell answered and he got the job as singer and harmonica player. The trio recorded their debut single and appeared on BBC Television's Top of the Pops.Before the end of 1970 the group broke up without having played any concerts. <mask> managed Jonathan Kelly as a solo artist during the early 1970s, subsequent to Humpy Bong disbanding. He returned to Australia in 1974 where, having lost his rights to royalties after his court case against the Bee Gees, eventually became a painter residing in Sydney. He remained close to Melouney, but became bitter towards his other ex-bandmates about his lost royalties. Personal life
<mask> was required to register for National Service and was called up on 11 March 1966, but he was found medically unfit to serve in the army. <mask> described the contrasting dispositions of the Gibb brothers as follows:

"They have totally different personalities, Robin is a very temperamental and very highly strung person. His music is his whole life and he is highly sensitive to criticism.Barry is a very easy-going and receptive type. He adapts himself to the situations he finds himself in at the time. He is very

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 interested in the potential acting possibilities of the group. I think he would like to be a film star more than a singer. Maurice is closer to my attitudes and ideas. He has the same kind of humour as I have. We have other common interests like playing chess.He's the kind of guy who will come over and give you a hand washing the car. As brothers, they really have very little in common, except the feeling that they are living for the day". On 1 June 1968, <mask> married Joanne Newfield in Nassau, Bahamas, with fellow Bee Gees member Vince Melouney as the best man. Joanne had worked as a personal assistant to Brian Epstein up until his death, and then for Robert Stigwood. After the couple's wedding <mask> and Newfield went on honeymoon in Majorca, which was spoiled somewhat when Joanne fell ill with German measles. In 1969, <mask> and his wife began a management company. <mask> and Joanne have two sons
Jaime, born 1971 and Ben born 1976.The family emigrated to Australia
December 1974. The Bee Gees' manager Robert Stigwood said about <mask>:

"<mask> is a very level-headed person, despite being a racing car enthusiast. He's a very sophisticated person. He has a good appreciation of good food and wines. He's 100 per cent professional in everything he does and he's an old professional like the Gibbs because he's been in entertainment as a child as they were, too"

Discography

With the Bee Gees
Spicks and Specks (1966) (on other songs)
Bee Gees' 1st (1967)
Horizontal (1968)
Idea (1968)
Odessa (1969)
Cucumber Castle (1970) (on some tracks, uncredited)

With Humpy Bong
 "Don't You Be Too Long" / "We're All Right Till Then" (1970)
 "Don't You Believe It" (1970)

References

External links

1946 births
Living people
20th-century Australian musicians
20th-century drummers
21st-century Australian musicians
21st-century drummers
Australian male child actors
Australian male film actors
Australian drummers
Male drummers
Bee Gees members
People from Kingaroy
Australian rock drummers
Australian expatriates in the

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title: Carl Levin

texts: <mask> (June 28, 1934 – July 29, 2021) was an American attorney and politician who served as a United States senator from Michigan from 1979 to 2015. A member of the Democratic Party, he was the chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee from 2001 to 2003 and again from 2007 to 2015. Born in Detroit, <mask> graduated from Swarthmore College and Harvard Law School. He worked as the general counsel of the Michigan Civil Rights Commission from 1964 to 1967, and as a special assistant attorney general for the Michigan Attorney General's Office. <mask> was a member of the Detroit City Council from 1969 to 1977, serving as the council's president for the last four of those years. In 1978, <mask> ran for the United States Senate, defeating Republican incumbent Robert P. Griffin. <mask> was re-elected in 1984, 1990, 1996, 2002, and 2008.On March 7, 2013, <mask> announced that he would not seek a seventh term to the Senate. On March 9, 2015, <mask> announced he was joining the Detroit-based law firm Honigman Miller Schwartz and Cohn LLP. At the same time, he founded the Levin Center at Wayne State University Law School, dedicated to "strengthening the integrity, transparency, and accountability of public and private institutions by promoting and supporting bipartisan, fact-based oversight; advancing good governance, particularly with respect to the legislative process; and promoting civil discourse on current issues of public policy". <mask> became Michigan's senior senator in 1995, and he was the longest-serving senator in the state's history. At the time of his retirement <mask> was the fourth longest-serving incumbent in the U.S. Senate. He

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title: Carl Levin

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 released his memoir, Getting to the Heart of the Matter: My 36 Years in the Senate, in March 2021. It was published by Wayne State University Press.Early life, education, and career
<mask> was born in Detroit, the son of Jewish parents, Bess Rachel (née <mask>) and Saul R<mask>. Saul served on the Michigan Corrections Commission. <mask> graduated from Detroit Central High School in 1952 and attended Swarthmore College. He graduated with his Bachelor of Arts in political science in 1956. During his student summers he worked as a taxi driver and on an auto factory line. He then attended Harvard Law School, where he earned his Juris Doctor in 1959. He received honorary degrees from Swarthmore College in 1980, Michigan State University in 2004, Wayne State University in 2005, and Michigan Technological University in 2008.After earning his Juris Doctor, <mask> was admitted to the State Bar of Michigan. He entered private practice as a lawyer for Grossman, Hyman and Grossman and taught law at Wayne State University and the University of Detroit Mercy. <mask> served as General Counsel for the Michigan Civil Rights Commission from 1964 to 1967, where he helped form the Detroit Public Defender's Office and led the Appellate Division of that office, which has become the State Appellate Defender's Office. He served as a special assistant attorney general for the state of Michigan and chief appellate defender for the city of Detroit from 1968 to 1969. Detroit City Council

<mask> was elected to the Detroit City Council (known then as the Detroit Common Council) in 1969, serving two four-year terms from 1970 to 1977. <mask> served as president of the City

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 Council throughout his entire second term, until the end of his tenure. During his time as council president, <mask> became so frustrated with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's handling of repossessed houses in Detroit (leading neighborhoods to suffer from significant urban decay), that he and other members of the council, went out with a bulldozer "to help raze some of the houses."He was close to Detroit Mayor Coleman Young, the city's first African-American Mayor, and was described by Forbes as Mayor Young's "right hand man." During his time on the City Council, <mask> practiced law part-time, working as a counsel for the Schlussel, Lifton, Simon, Rands and Kaufman law firm from 1971 to 1973. He later served as the general counsel at Jaffe, Snider, Raitt, Garratt and Heuer, from 1978 to 1979. United States Senate

<mask> was elected to the United States Senate in 1978, defeating incumbent Republican Senator Robert P. Griffin. Committee assignments
 Committee on Armed Services (Chairman)
 As Chairman of the full committee, Sen. <mask> served as an ex officio member of all subcommittees
 Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
 Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services, and International Security
 Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal Workforce, and the District of Columbia (Chair)
 Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (Chair)
 Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship
 Select Committee on Intelligence

Legislation sponsored
<mask> was the sponsor of 51 bills that became law. Political positions

Armed services

<mask> chaired

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title: Carl Levin

texts: the Armed Services Committee from 2001 to 2003 and from 2007 until his retirement in 2015. He became the Democratic ranking member on the committee on January 7, 1997, and served in that position when the Democratic Party was in the minority.<mask> previously chaired the committee when the Democratic Party was the majority party in the Senate, January 3–20, 2001 and June 6, 2001 – January 6, 2003. <mask> joined the Armed Services Committee upon joining the Senate. Recalling when he was assigned the committee seat, he said that he wanted to learn more about the armed services. "I had never served, and I thought there was a big gap in terms of my background and, frankly, felt it was a way of providing service." He was a strong advocate for cost controls regarding military procurements. He has also pushed for less secrecy in government, working to declassify many documents, particularly where false and misleading claims of ties between Iraq and al-Qaeda are concerned. Having believed that in order to improve the military the United States needed to shut down unneeded installations and get rid of excess infrastructure, <mask> helped lead passage of the Defense Base Realignment and Closure Act, which closed some military bases.<mask> supported the Nunn–Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, ensuring that all nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons from post-Soviet states, are secured and dismantled. <mask> argued that Nunn-Lugar presented "a chance to bury the new Hitlers and Stalins of that region before they have a chance to take root." After members of the U.S. House of Representatives and then-Senator Bob Smith (R-NH) threatened to

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texts: redirect funds from the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, <mask> joined a bipartisan group of senators in opposition to the 20% reduction in funding. In 2003, he voted in favor of the Nunn-Lugar Expansion Act, expanding the provisions to non-Soviet countries, and in 2005 cosponsored Senate Amendment 1030, removing congressionally imposed restrictions that delay the implementations of 2003 expansion act. In 1992, he voted to ratify the START I treaty, and for the ratification of START II in 1996, banning MIRV's and Intercontinental ballistic missiles. In 2010, <mask> voted in favor of the New START Treaty, extending the original treaty until 2021 and reducing both the U.S. and Russia's deployed strategic nuclear arsenal, by almost two-thirds. In an op-ed in The Hill, <mask> said that, "This treaty is a strong statement that the United States is committed to reducing the dangers to the world that nuclear weapons present.That commitment makes it easier for us to work with the international community." During the 2009 MDA/AIAA Annual Missile Defense Conference, <mask> spoke in favor of the U.S.-Russian cooperation on missile defense: "Leaders in both the U.S. and Russia have recently expressed interest in exploring missile defense cooperation. Did you ever believe that some of our missile defense engineers and experts might be working together with their Russian counterparts? It could happen and if it does, it could help address a major threat. The bottom line is simple: We have a new opportunity to seek a cooperative approach with Russia on missile defense, and we should seize it. The upside potential of such an effort is huge – a

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 geopolitical game changer. The downside is minimal."As Chair of the Armed Services Committee, <mask> was instrumental in the enactment of the Matthew Shephard and James Byrd, Jr., Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009 and the legislation ending "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy for gays in the military in 2010. He played a vital role in the enactment of legislation addressing the problem of sexual assault in the military in 2013 and 2014. <mask> led Senate investigations into the treatment of detainees at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base and Abu Ghraib. He also played a key role in the enactment of the Detainee Treatment Act, which prohibited the torture of detainees in U.S. custody. <mask> insisted on the inclusion of language that, as affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court, ensured that the legislation would not deprive detainees of their right to access to the federal courts under a writ of habeas corpus. Under <mask>'s leadership, the Senate Armed Services Committee conducted oversight hearings ranging from counterfeit parts in the DOD procurement system to the use of private security contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan. In 2014, <mask> was recognized by the Jewish Community Center Association of North America with the Frank L. Weil Jewish Military Award for legislation that has benefitted Jews and other minorities serving in the military.Afghanistan war

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, <mask> voted in favor of Senate Joint Resolution 23, authorizing President George W. Bush the use of "necessary and appropriate force" against those who "planned, authorized, committed or aided" al-Qaeda and its affiliates. <mask> grew critical of the Bush

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texts: administration's handling of the Afghanistan War, saying in 2005 that they "took their eye off the ball when we decided to go after Iraq instead of al-Qaeda, the people who had attacked us on 9/11, and their leader. In 2008, <mask> became concerned that the United States and the international community lacked a strategy for success in Afghanistan, and that NATO failed to supply troops and equipment needed in emergency situations. <mask> was opposed to the 2009 Afghanistan troop surge (adding 30,000 U.S. combat troops), stressing the advancement of training and expanding the Afghan National Army; saying that the ANA should increase to 240,000 by 2012, from the original goal of 134,000, and the number of active members of the Afghan National Police should expand to 160,000, from the initial goal of 96,000. Though <mask> advocated a "surge of Afghan security forces," he said that he wouldn't rule out temporarily expanding the number of combat forces, but stuck with his original position. He questioned top Obama administration officials including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates during a senate hearing on the Afghanistan surge, saying that, "Where I have questions is whether the rapid deployment of a large number of U.S. combat forces, without an adequate number of Afghan security forces for our troops to partner with, serves that mission." <mask> opposed setting a timetable for Afghanistan, voting against Senate Amendment 4204, requiring the President to submit a safe and orderly redeployment plan for combat troops and a plan to set a date for withdrawal, saying that, "I don't think we know enough about how


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texts:
 these events are gonna unfold, for there to be a deadline."<mask> supported the U.S. keeping a "limited footprint" in troops and in bases in Afghanistan, and said at that time he would focus the remainder of his senate tenure on the "rapid transfer of responsibility for Afghan security to the Afghans." Iraq war

<mask> was an early opponent of using U.S. military force in Iraq, saying in August 2002 that "if Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, he wouldn't use them," and that "he's a survivalist, not a suicide bomber". <mask> proposed the failed Multilateral Use of Force Authorization Act, as an alternative to the Iraq Resolution, pushing President George W. Bush to build an international coalition in conjunction with the United Nations, so that "Saddam will be looking down the barrel of a gun, with the world at the other end rather than just the United States." <mask> was one of 23 Senators who voted against the Iraq Resolution, saying that "If we are going to take on Saddam at some point, it is critical that we have the world with us, that there be a U.N. resolve that authorizes war, because the consequences are very, very severe. If we go without a declaration from the U.N. it is far better to have one, and that means that we've got to bring the world along here." <mask> has strongly argued that the War in Iraq was a diversion from the War on Terror. On CNN on November 14, 2005, <mask> said that "before the war, the President was saying that you cannot distinguish between Saddam Hussein and Iraq.As a matter of fact, he said that so often that he tried to connect Saddam Hussein with the attackers on us, on 9/11, so often, so


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texts: frequently and so successfully, even though it was wrong, that the American people overwhelmingly thought, because of the President's misstatements that as a matter of fact, Saddam Hussein had participated in the attack on us on 9/11. That was a deception. That was clearly misinformation. It had a huge effect on the American people." Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki hit back at senior U.S. politicians who have called for al-Maliki to be removed from office. He singled out <mask> and Hillary Clinton, saying the Democratic senators were acting as if Iraq was "their property" and that they should "come to their senses" and "respect democracy". After the 2006 midterm elections, with the Democratic Party taking control of the Senate and <mask> being reappointed Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he was seen to have gained an influential position to oppose the Bush administration's Iraq policy, initially proposing efforts for "phased withdrawals".Though on January 10, 2007, after Bush announced intentions to send an additional 20,000 troops to Iraq, <mask> said that he would support the plan if it were tied to a broader strategy of reducing the overall amount of U.S. troops; receiving opposition from his own party. In late January 2007, amid what was seen as the fiercest political battle over the Iraq strategy during the Iraq War, <mask> joined a bipartisan group of senators, including then Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joe Biden (D-DE), Susan Collins (R-ME), and Chuck Hagel (R-NE), to oppose any further escalation in Iraq; and in voting in March 2007, in favor of setting a withdrawal date for U.S. forces in Iraq. After


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 continued criticism over the Iraq War troop surge, in August 2007, <mask> and senator John Warner (R-VA), visited military bases in Mosul and Baghdad, saying that the surge brought "credible and positive results," though it failed to bring the political reconciliation needed and urged the Iraqi Parliament to hold a "no-confidence vote" on the government of Prime Minister al-Maliki. In October 2011, <mask> said that President Barack Obama made the "right decision" in withdrawing U.S. troops from Iraq at the end of 2011, and not continuing a U.S. military presence. National Defense Authorization Act 2012
As part of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 (the main annual bill used to fund the US military) <mask> and Senator John McCain (ranking Republican on Armed Services Committee-AZ) included provisions that affirmed the authority of the United States military to detain captured individuals, including terrorists, in accordance with the law of war and required such detention for members of al Qaeda and others who planned or carried out the attacks against the United States. As initially proposed the provisions applied to American citizens. After objections were raised that such detention violates Americans' constitutional rights, <mask> agreed to include language (to section 1032, later 1021, of the bill) which exempted American citizens from the requirement for military detention.The provision affirming the authority for military detention was modified to specify that it did not affect existing law or authorities relating to the detention of U.S. citizens or lawful resident aliens, but did not specifically exclude them


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 from indefinite detention. <mask> quoted the Supreme Court's 2004 decision in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld in support of his language authorizing indefinite detention. National Defense Authorization Act 2015
The 2015 National Defense Authorization Act was named the <mask> and Howard P. “Buck” McKeon National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2015. <mask>-Warner Legislative Affairs Suite
In 2016, the Department of Defense named the office suite of the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Legislative Affairs in honor of <mask> and Sen. John Warner to honor their bipartisan legislative accomplishments. Acquisition
<mask> authored the Competition in Contracting Act, which has led to reductions in federal procurement costs. He played an instrumental role in the enactment of the Federal Acquisition Streamlining Act, which cut red tape out of the federal procurement system and prioritized the purchase of commercial products over government-unique designs. He teamed with Senator John McCain to write the Weapon Systems Acquisition Reform Act, which virtually eliminated cost overruns on major defense purchases for a period of several years after its enactment.Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations/Financial Oversight
For 15 years, from 1999 to 2014, Senator <mask> served in leadership positions on the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. During his tenure the senator led investigations into such matters as money laundering, offshore tax abuse, and corporate misconduct. Highlights from his money laundering investigations included exposing money laundering via Citibank private bank accounts serving the wealthy and corrupt

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texts: including Mexico’s Raúl Salinas de Gortari and Gabon's late President Omar Bongo; correspondent accounts opened for high-risk offshore banks moving suspect funds; embassy and personal accounts opened for foreign leaders like Chile’s Augusto Pinochet and Equatorial Guinea’s dictator Teodoro Obiang; and accounts at a major global bank, HSBC, misused by Mexican drug traffickers, Russian fraudsters, and rogue regimes like Iran. <mask> also led tax investigations that attracted international attention for exposing tax misconduct by wealthy individuals and profitable corporations. Highlights included investigations that exposed abusive tax shelters designed and marketed by accounting firms like KPMG; a 13-year network of 58 offshore trusts and corporations established and used by wealthy Texas brothers, Sam and Charles Wyly, to evade paying their fair share; Swiss banks like UBS and Credit Suisse that helped U.S. tax cheats hide assets; and complex corporate tax schemes that enabled Apple, Microsoft, Hewlett-Packard, and Caterpillar to avoid paying millions, even billions in taxes. His inquiries into corporate misconduct were equally famous. <mask>'s highlights here included exposing Enron’s use of accounting deceptions, financial gimmicks, and executive pay schemes leading to its collapse into bankruptcy; unfair credit card practices that loaded up average U.S. families with debt; JPMorgan Chase’s $6 billion loss from hidden, reckless derivative trades by the so-called London Whale; and risky investments by the United State’s largest banks to profit from physical commodities like oil, natural gas, aluminum, and electricity at the expense of

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 American businesses and families.Education
<mask> was a strong supporter of the creation of the Department of Education. Over the years, <mask> introduced legislation and amendments to improve education, including an amendment that greatly reduced class sizes to help teachers better focus on the needs of each specific child. <mask> was a hesitant sponsor of the No Child Left Behind Act. Energy
In 2009, Senator <mask> directed the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations to investigate whether Department of Energy policies caused a rise in the price in crude oil. He also led an investigation in 2001 to try to discover the cause of the spike in gasoline prices that summer. <mask> opposed raising mandatory automobile fuel efficiency standards. <mask> led opposition in the Senate to the Rahall Energy Policy Bill (H.R.6), but lost 65–27. Environment
On January 22, 2013, <mask> introduced the Sleeping Bear Dunes National Lakeshore Conservation and Recreation Act (S. 23; 113th Congress) into the Senate. The act designated as wilderness about  of the Sleeping Bear Dunes National Lakeshore in the state of Michigan. The newly designated lands and inland waterways comprise the Sleeping Bear Dunes Wilderness, a new component of the National Wilderness Preservation System. <mask> worked to prevent garbage from Canada from being disposed of in Michigan. In 2011, the Detroit/Wayne County Port Authority (DWCPA), in conjunction with the City of Detroit and MDOT, and through the leadership of Senator <mask><mask>, opened a 21,000-square-foot public dock and terminal on the riverfront. In 2013, the facility was named

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