title: Harold Washington

texts: named Best Legislator of the Year. His defiance of the "idiot card", a sheet of paper that directed legislators' votes on every issue, attracted the attention of party leaders, who moved to remove <mask> from his legislative position. Daley often told Metcalfe to dump <mask> as a candidate, but Metcalfe did not want to risk losing the 3rd Ward's Young Democrats, who were mostly aligned with <mask>. <mask> backed Renault Robinson, a black police officer and one of the founders of the Afro-American Patrolmen's League (AAPL). The aim of the AAPL was to fight racism directed against minority officers by the rest of the predominantly white department. Soon after the creation of the group, Robinson was written up for minor infractions, suspended, reinstated, and then placed on the graveyard shift to a single block behind central police headquarters.Robinson approached Washington to fashion a bill creating a civilian review board, consisting of both patrolmen and officers, to monitor police brutality. Both black independent and white liberal legislators refused to back the bill, afraid to challenge Daley's grip on the police force. After <mask> announced he would support the AAPL, Metcalfe refused to protect him from Daley. <mask> believed he had the support of Ralph Tyler Smith, Speaker of the House. Instead, Smith criticized <mask> and then allayed Daley's anger. In exchange for the party's backing, <mask> would serve on the Chicago Crime Commission, the group Daley tasked with investigating the AAPL's charges. The commission promptly found the AAPL's charges "unwarranted".An angry and humiliated Washington admitted that on the commission, he felt like

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title: Harold Washington

type: original

texts:
 Daley's "showcase ni***r". In 1969, Daley removed Washington's name from the slate; only by the intervention of Cecil Partee, a party loyalist, was Washington reinstated. The Democratic Party supported Jim Taylor, a former professional boxer, Streets and Sanitation worker, over Washington. With Partee and his own ward's support, Washington defeated Taylor. His years in the House of Representatives were focused on becoming an advocate for black rights. He continued work on the Fair Housing Act, and worked to strengthen the state's Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC). In addition, he worked on a state Civil Rights Act, which would strengthen employment and housing provisions in the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964.In his first session, all of his bills were sent to committee or tabled. Like his time in Roosevelt College, <mask> relied on parliamentary tactics (e.g., writing amendments guaranteed to fail in a vote) to enable him to bargain for more concessions. <mask> was accused of failure to file a tax return, even though the tax was paid. He was found guilty and sentenced to 36 days in jail. (1971)

Washington also passed bills honoring civil rights figures. He passed a resolution honoring Metcalfe, his mentor. He also passed a resolution honoring James J. Reeb, a Unitarian minister who was beaten to death in Selma, Alabama by a segregationist mob.After the 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., he introduced a series of bills aimed at making King's birthday a state holiday. The first was tabled and later vetoed. The third bill he introduced, which was passed and signed by Gov. Richard Ogilvie, made Dr. King's birthday a commemorative

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texts:
 day observed by Illinois public schools. It was not until 1973 that <mask> was able, with Partee's help in the Senate, to have the bill enacted and signed by the governor. 1975 speakership campaign
<mask> ran a largely symbolic campaign for Speaker. He only received votes from himself and from Lewis A. H. Caldwell.However, with a divided Democratic caucus, this was enough to help deny Daley-backed Clyde Choate the nomination, helping to throw it to William A. Redmond after 92 rounds of voting. Redmond had <mask> appointed as chairman of the Judiciary Committee. Legal issues
In addition to Daley's strong-arm tactics, <mask>'s time in the Illinois House was also marred by problems with tax returns and allegations of not performing services owed to his clients. In her biography, Levinsohn questions whether the timing of Washington's legal troubles was politically motivated. In November 1966, <mask> was re-elected to the House over Daley's strong objections; the first complaint was filed in 1964; the second was filed by January 1967. A letter asking <mask> to explain the matter was sent on January 5, 1967. After failing to respond to numerous summons and subpoenas, the commission recommend a five-year suspension on March 18, 1968.A formal response to the charges did not occur until July 10, 1969. In his reply, <mask> said that "sometimes personal problems are enlarged out of proportion to the entire life picture at the time and the more important things are abandoned." In 1970, the Board of Managers of the Chicago Bar Association ruled that Washington's license be suspended for only one year, not the five recommended; the total amount in question between

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 all six clients was $205. In 1971, <mask> was charged with failure to file tax returns for four years, although the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) claimed to have evidence for nineteen years. Judge Sam Perry noted that he was "disturbed that this case ever made it to my courtroom" — while <mask> had paid his taxes, he ended up owing the government a total of $508 as a result of not filing his returns. Typically, the IRS handled such cases in civil court, or within its bureaucracy. <mask> pleaded "no contest" and was sentenced to forty days in Cook County Jail, a $1,000 fine, and three years of probation.Illinois Senate (1976–1980)

Campaign for Illinois Senate
In 1975, Partee, now President of the Senate and eligible for his pension, decided to retire from the Senate. Although Daley and Taylor declined at first, at Partee's insistence, <mask> was ultimately slated for the seat and received the party's support. Daley had been displeased with <mask> for having run a symbolic challenge in 1975 to Daley-backed Clyde Choate for Illinois Speaker of the House (<mask> had only received two votes). He had also helped ultimately push the vote towards Redmond as a compromise candidate. The United Automobile Workers union, whose backing <mask> obtained, were critical in persuading Daley to relent to back his candidacy. <mask> defeated Anna Langford by nearly 2,000 votes in the Democratic primary. He went on to win the general election.Human Rights Act of 1980
In the Illinois Senate, Washington's main focus worked to pass 1980's Illinois Human Rights Act. Legislators rewrote all of the human rights laws in the state, restricting discrimination based on "race,


title: Harold Washington

texts: color, religion, sex, national origin, ancestry, age, marital status, physical or mental disability, military status, sexual orientation, or unfavorable discharge from military service in connection with employment, real estate transactions, access to financial credit, and the availability of public accommodations." The bill's origins began in 1970 with the rewriting of the Illinois Constitution. The new constitution required all governmental agencies and departments to be reorganized for efficiency. Republican governor James R. Thompson reorganized low-profile departments before his re-election in 1978. In 1979, during the early stages of his second term and immediately in the aftermath of the largest vote for a gubernatorial candidate in the state's history, Thompson called for human rights reorganization. The bill would consolidate and remove some agencies, eliminating a number of political jobs.Some Democratic legislators would oppose any measure backed by <mask>, Thompson and Republican legislators. For many years, human rights had been a campaign issue brought up and backed by Democrats. Thompson's staffers brought the bill to Washington and other black legislators before it was presented to the legislature. Washington made adjustments in anticipation of some legislators' concerns regarding the bill, before speaking for it in April 1979. On May 24, 1979, the bill passed the Senate by a vote of 59 to 1, with two voting present and six absent. The victory in the Senate was attributed by a Thompson staffer to Washington's "calm noncombative presentation". However, the bill stalled in the House.State Representative Susan Catania insisted on


title: Harold Washington

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 attaching an amendment to allow women guarantees in the use of credit cards. This effort was assisted by Carol Moseley Braun, a representative from Hyde Park who would later go on to serve as a U.S. Senator. State Representatives Jim Taylor and Larry Bullock introduced over one hundred amendments, including the text of the first ten amendments to the U.S. Constitution, to try to stall the bill. With Catania's amendment, the bill passed the House, but the Senate refused to accept the amendment. On June 30, 1979, the legislature adjourned. U.S. House (1981–1983)
In 1980, <mask> was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in Illinois's 1st congressional district.He defeated incumbent Representative Bennett Stewart in the Democratic primary. Anticipating that the Democratic Party would challenge him in his bid for re-nomination in 1982, Washington spent much of his first term campaigning for re-election, often travelling back to Chicago to campaign. Washington missed many House votes, an issue that would come up in his campaign for mayor in 1983. Washington's major congressional accomplishment involved legislation to extend the Voting Rights Act, legislation that opponents had argued was only necessary in an emergency. Others, including Congressman Henry Hyde, had submitted amendments designed to seriously weaken the power of the Voting Rights Act. Although he had been called "crazy" for railing in the House of Representatives against deep cuts to social programs, Associated Press political reporter Mike Robinson noted that Washington worked "quietly and thoughtfully" as the time came to pass the act. During hearings in the South regarding the Voting


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 Rights Act, Washington asked questions that shed light on tactics used to prevent African Americans from voting (among them, closing registration early, literacy tests, and gerrymandering).After the amendments were submitted on the floor, <mask> spoke from prepared speeches that avoided rhetoric and addressed the issues. As a result, the amendments were defeated, and Congress passed the Voting Rights Act Extension. By the time <mask> faced re-election in 1982, he had cemented his popularity in the 1st Congressional District. Jane Byrne could not find one serious candidate to run against <mask> for his re-election campaign. He had collected 250,000 signatures to get on the ballot, although only 610 signatures (0.5% of the voters in the previous election) were required. With his re-election to Congress locked up, <mask> turned his attention to the next Chicago mayoral election. Mayor of Chicago (1983–1987)

1983 Chicago mayoral election

In the February 22, 1983, Democratic mayoral primary, more than 100,000 new voters registered to vote led by a coalition that included the Latino reformed gang Young Lords led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez.On the North and Northwest Sides, the incumbent mayor Jane Byrne led and future mayor Richard M. Daley, son of the late Mayor Richard J. Daley, finished a close second. <mask> had massive majorities on the South and West Sides. Southwest Side voters overwhelmingly supported Daley. <mask> won with 37% of the vote, versus 33% for Byrne and 30% for Daley. Although winning the Democratic primary was normally considered tantamount to election in heavily Democratic Chicago, after his primary victory <mask> found that his

masks:
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Washington
Washington
Washington
Harold Washington
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Washington


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 Republican opponent, former state legislator Bernard Epton (earlier considered a nominal stand-in), was supported by many high-ranking Democrats and their ward organizations, including the chairman of the Cook County Democratic Party, Alderman Edward Vrdolyak. Epton's campaign referred to, among other things, <mask>'s conviction for failure to file income tax returns (he had paid the taxes, but had not filed a return). <mask>, on the other hand, stressed reforming the Chicago patronage system and the need for a jobs program in a tight economy.In the April 12, 1983, mayoral general election, <mask> defeated Epton by 3.7%, 51.7% to 48.0%, to become mayor of Chicago. <mask> was sworn in as mayor on April 29, 1983, and resigned his Congressional seat the following day. First term and Council Wars
During his tenure as mayor, <mask> lived at the Hampton House apartments in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. He created the city's first environmental-affairs department under the management of longtime Great Lakes environmentalist Lee Botts. <mask>'s first term in office was characterized by conflict with the city council dubbed "Council Wars", referring to the then-recent Star Wars films and caused Chicago to be nicknamed "Beirut on the Lake". A 29-alderman City Council majority refused to enact <mask>'s legislation and prevented him from appointing nominees to boards and commissions. First-term challenges included city population loss and a massive decrease in ridership on the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA).Assertions that the overall crime rate increased were incorrect. The 29, also known as the "Vrdolyak 29", were led by Vrdolyak (who was an Alderman


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 in addition to Cook County Democratic Party chairman) and Finance Chair, Alderman Edward Burke. Parks superintendent Edmund Kelly also opposed the mayor. The three were known as "the Eddies" and were supported by the younger Daley (now State's Attorney), U.S. Congressmen Dan Rostenkowski and William Lipinski, and much of the Democratic Party. During his first city council meeting, <mask> and the 21 supportive aldermen walked out of the meeting after a quorum had been established. Vrdolyak and the other 28 then chose committee chairmen and assigned aldermen to the various committees.Later lawsuits submitted by Washington and others were dismissed by Supreme Court Justice James C. Murray because it was determined that the appointments were legally made. Washington ruled by veto. The 29 lacked the 30th vote they needed to override Washington's veto; female and African American aldermen supported Washington despite pressure from the Eddies. Meanwhile, in the courts, Washington kept the pressure on to reverse the redistricting of city council wards that the city council had created during the Byrne years. During special elections in 1986, victorious Washington-backed candidates in the first round ensured at least 24 supporters in the city council. Six weeks later, when Marlene Carter and Luís Gutiérrez won run-off elections, Washington had the 25 aldermen he needed. His vote as president of the City Council enabled him to break 25–25 tie-votes and enact his programs.1987 election

Washington defeated former mayor Jane Byrne in the February 24, 1987 Democratic mayoral primary by 7.2%, 53.5% to 46.3%, and in the April 7, 1987 mayoral general election


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 defeated Vrdolyak (Illinois Solidarity Party) by 11.8%, 53.8% to 42.8%, with Northwestern University business professor Donald Haider (Republican) getting 4.3%, to win reelection to a second term as mayor. Cook County Assessor Thomas Hynes (Chicago First Party), a Daley ally, dropped out of the race 36 hours before the mayoral general election. During <mask>'s short second term, the Eddies lost much of their power: Vrdolyak became a Republican, Kelly was removed from his powerful parks post, and Burke lost his Finance Committee chairmanship. Political Education Project (PEP)
From March 1984 to 1987, the Political Education Project (PEP) served as Washington's political arm, organizing both Washington's campaigns and the campaigns of his political allies. <mask> established the Political Education Project in 1984. This organization supported Washington's interests in electoral politics beyond the Office of the Mayor. PEP helped organize political candidates for statewide elections in 1984 and managed Washington's participation in the 1984 Democratic National Convention as a "favorite son" presidential candidate.PEP used its political connections to support candidates such as Luis Gutiérrez and Jesús "Chuy" García through field operations, voter registration and Election Day poll monitoring. Once elected, these aldermen helped break the stalemate between <mask> and his opponents in the city council. Due to PEP's efforts, Washington's City Council legislation gained ground and his popularity grew as the 1987 mayoral election approached. In preparation for the 1987 mayoral election, PEP formed the Committee to Re-Elect Mayor Washington. This organization

masks:
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Harold Washington
Washington


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 carried out fundraising for the campaign, conducted campaign events, and coordinated volunteers. PEP staff members, such as Joseph Gardner and Helen Shiller, went on to play leading roles in Chicago politics. The organization disbanded upon <mask>'s death.<mask>'s Political Education Project Records is an archival collection detailing the organization's work. It is located in the Chicago Public Library Special Collections, Harold Washington Library Center, Chicago, Illinois. DuSable Park

<mask>, during his mayorship, announced a plan to redevelop a commercial site into a DuSable Park, named in honor of Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, the honorary founder of the city. The project has yet to be completed, has experienced a number of bureaucratic reconceptions and roadblocks, and is currently spearheaded by the DuSable Heritage Association. Death and funeral
On November 25, 1987, at 11:00 a.m., Chicago Fire Department paramedics were called to City Hall. Washington's press secretary, Alton Miller, had been discussing school board issues with the mayor when <mask> suddenly slumped over on his desk, falling unconscious. After failing to revive <mask> in his office, paramedics rushed him to Northwestern Memorial Hospital.Further attempts to revive him failed, and <mask> was pronounced dead at 1:36 p.m. At Daley Plaza, Patrick Keen, project director for the Westside Habitat for Humanity, announced <mask>'s official time of death to a separate gathering of Chicagoans. Initial reactions to the pronouncement of his death were of shock and sadness, as many black people believed that <mask> was the only top Chicago official who would address their concerns.

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Harold Washington
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Washington
Washington


title: Harold Washington

texts:
 Thousands of Chicagoans attended his wake in the lobby of City Hall between November 27 and 29, 1987. On November 30, 1987, Reverend B. Herbert Martin officiated <mask>'s funeral service in Christ Universal Temple at 119th Street and Ashland Avenue in Chicago. After the service, <mask> was buried in Oak Woods Cemetery on the South Side of Chicago. Rumors
Immediately after <mask>'s death, rumors about how <mask> died began to surface. On January 6, 1988, Dr. Antonio Senat, Washington's personal physician, denied "unfounded speculations" that <mask> had cocaine in his system at the time of his death, or that foul play was involved.Cook County Medical Examiner Robert J. Stein performed an autopsy on Washington and concluded that Washington had died of a heart attack. Washington had weighed , and suffered from hypertension, high cholesterol levels, and an enlarged heart. On June 20, 1988, Alton Miller again indicated that drug reports on Washington had come back negative, and that Washington had not been poisoned prior to his death. Dr. Stein stated that the only drug in Washington's system had been lidocaine, which is used to stabilize the heart after a heart attack takes place. The drug was given to Washington either by paramedics or by doctors at Northwestern Memorial Hospital. Bernard Epton, Washington's opponent in the 1983 general election, died 18 days later, on December 13, 1987. Legacy

At a party held shortly after his re-election on April 7, 1987, Washington said to a group of supporters, "In the old days, when you told people in other countries that you were from Chicago, they would say, 'Boom-boom!Rat-a-tat-tat!' Nowadays, they say [crowd

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title: Harold Washington

texts: joins with him], 'How's <mask>?'!" In later years, various city facilities and institutions were named or renamed after the late mayor to commemorate his legacy. The new building housing the main branch of the Chicago Public Library, located at 400 South State Street, was named the Harold Washington Library Center. The Chicago Public Library Special Collections, located on the building's 9th floor, house the Harold Washington Archives and Collections. These archives hold numerous collections related to <mask>'s life and political career. Five months after <mask>'s sudden death in office, a ceremony was held on April 19, 1988, changing the name of Loop College, one of the City Colleges of Chicago, to Harold Washington College.<mask> Elementary School in Chicago's Chatham neighborhood is also named after the former mayor. In August 2004, the  Harold Washington Cultural Center opened to the public in the Bronzeville neighborhood. Across from the Hampton House apartments where <mask> lived, a city park was renamed Harold Washington Park, which was known for "Harold's Parakeets", a colony of feral monk parakeets that inhabited Ash Trees in the park. A building on the campus of Chicago State University is named <mask> Hall. Six months after <mask>'s death, School of the Art Institute of Chicago student David Nelson painted Mirth & Girth, a full-length portrait depicting <mask> wearing women's lingerie. The work was unveiled on May 11, 1988, opening day of SAIC's annual student exhibition. Within hours, City aldermen and members of the Chicago Police Department seized the painting.It was later returned, but with a five-inch (13 cm) gash in the canvas.

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title: Harold Washington

texts:
 Nelson, assisted by the ACLU, filed a federal lawsuit against the city, claiming that the painting's confiscation and subsequent damaging violated his First Amendment rights. The complainants eventually split a US$95,000 (1994, US$138,000 in 2008) settlement from the city. See also
List of African-American United States representatives
Ed Lee, first Asian American Mayor of San Francisco, who also died in office of a heart attack at the same age as Washington
Events in the Life of <mask> (mural)

Notes

References

External links
"Harold" Program 84— A This American Life radio story that aired on November 21, 1997. It recounts the political history of Washington's mayoralty. Another program on This American Life is Act 4 "The Other Guy," Program 376: Wrong Side of History. This program recounts the story of Bernie Epton, the opponent in the mayoral race against <mask>.[ The Harold Washington Commemorative Year]
Harold Washington Archives and Collections at Chicago Public Library
"The Legacy of Chicago's <mask>", Cheryl Corley, All Things Considered, November 23, 2007. Retrieved November 23, 2007.
, video excerpt from a 1986 documentary special on Richard J. Daley

<mask>'s Political Education Project Records, Black Metropolis Research Consortium
 Young Lords in Lincoln Park Neighborhood Collection

African-American mayors in Illinois
Mayors of Chicago
1922 births
1987 deaths
African-American members of the United States House of Representatives
African-American military personnel
African-American state legislators in Illinois
United States Army Air Forces personnel of World War II
Illinois lawyers
Illinois state senators
Members of the

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Harold Washington
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title: Peter V. Deuster

texts:
<mask> (February 13, 1831December 31, 1904) was a German American immigrant, newspaperman, diplomat, and Democratic politician. He represented Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in the United States House of Representatives for three terms (1879–1885) and was American consul at Krefeld, Germany, during the presidency of Grover Cleveland. Background and early business career
Born in Düren, Rhenish Prussia, <mask> immigrated to the United States with his parents, who settled on a farm near Milwaukee in May 1847. <mask> had pursued an academic course at a college in Düren, but left too young to graduate. He completed his self-education in a printing office. He started a Milwaukee newspaper called the Hausfreund in 1852; it was later taken over by George Brumder's  Germania Publishing. He moved to Port Washington, Wisconsin, in 1854 and edited a newspaper.He also served simultaneously as deputy postmaster, deputy clerk of the circuit court, clerk of the land office, and notary public. He returned to Milwaukee in 1856 and edited the Milwaukee See-Bote (later Seebote), a German language Democratic daily paper, until 1860, when he became proprietor. <mask> as Copperhead
The See-Bote had been founded by Archbishop John Henni as an anti-radical organ, and under <mask>'s leadership it took a strong stance against German radicals and radicalism, calling Carl Schurz "a political mountebank" and railing against the new Republican Party with its freethinkers and abolitionism. During the American Civil War, <mask> was widely reviled as a prominent Copperhead, as he opposed the abolitionist influence on the Lincoln administration and defended General George B. McClellan against his

masks:
Peter Victor Deuster
Deuster
Deuster
Deuster
Deuster
Deuster


title: Peter V. Deuster

texts:
 critics. He encouraged negrophobia in his immigrant readers, warning that emancipation and abolitionism would lead to a "Negrocracy" as free whites were forced to compete with cheaper "black cattle," and referred to the abolitionist Milwaukee Herold as part of the "German Nigger Press". <mask> and the See-Bote were widely blamed for the November 10, 1862 anti-draft riot in nearby Port Washington. The commander of the German-majority Union Army of South-east Missouri forbade the circulation of the paper in areas under his control.Abraham Lincoln, described in the See-Bote as "the most incapable of statesmen and the most irresponsible of the butchers of men", was defended only when <mask> saw him as being harried by the more radical elements within the Republican Party. Unlike some Copperhead newspaper editors, <mask> publicly mourned Lincoln's assassination, expressing a fear that it would give free rein to the Radical Republicans and unleash a policy of "retribution and revenge". In the legislature and out
He served as a Democratic member of the Wisconsin State Assembly in 1863, succeeding fellow Democrat John M. Stowell. He was assigned to the standing committees on state affairs and federal relations. He was subject to attacks in the Assembly because of the editorial stances of the See-Bote. He was not re-elected, and was succeeded in 1864 by J.C.U. Niedermann, elected on the National Union Party ticket.At this same time, his brother <mask> was also active in Democratic politics (at various times a member of the Common Council, sheriff, and sergeant-at-arms of the State Assembly). In 1870 <mask> purchased the Chicago Daily Union. He was elected to the

masks:
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Deuster
Deuster
Joseph Deuster
Peter


title: Peter V. Deuster

texts:
 Wisconsin State Senate's Sixth District (the 3rd, 4th, 5th and 8th Wards of the City of Milwaukee, and the Towns of Franklin, Greenfield, Lake, Oak Creek and Wauwatosa) in 1870, with 2178 votes to 1704 for incumbent Charles H. Larkin, a one-time War Democrat who chose to run as an independent. He was not a candidate for re-election in 1872, and was succeeded by fellow Democrat John L. Mitchell. Congress
<mask> was narrowly elected in 1878 as a Democrat to the Forty-sixth Congress to succeed retiring Democratic incumbent William Pitt Lynde in Wisconsin's 4th congressional district (Milwaukee, Ozaukee and Washington counties) with 11,157 votes to 11,022 for Republican former Assemblyman Leander Frisby and 1,351 for Greenbacker and former National Union Assemblyman Truman H. Judd He served as chairman of the Committee on Expenditures on Public Buildings. He was re-elected to the Forty-seventh Congress (17.574 votes to 15,018 for Republican former Assemblyman Casper Sanger) and Forty-eighth Congress (9,688 votes to 8,320 for Republican former Assemblyman Frederick Winkler and 1,922 for former Republican Assemblyman George B. Goodwin, "trades' assembly" candidate). <mask> was publishing The Daily Journal a part of his re-election campaign for the 48th Congress.The young Lucius W. Nieman bought an interest in the paper and took over when <mask> was successfully re-elected. Nieman grew the publication and changed its name to The Milwaukee Journal. <mask> was unsuccessful in seeking reelection in 1884 to the Forty-ninth Congress, losing to Isaac W<mask> Schaick: with 15,967 votes; to 16,783 for <mask>ck; 1,296 for the Union Labor candidate, Alderman and former

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Van Schai


title: Peter V. Deuster

texts:
 Socialist Assemblyman Henry Smith; and 226 for C. E. Reed. After Congress
He again resumed his newspaper interests, publishing the Seebote and a German language weekly titled Telephone. He was appointed chairman of a commission to diminish the Umatilla Indian reservation in Oregon in 1887. He was appointed consul at Krefeld, Germany, February 19, 1896, and served until a successor was appointed October 15, 1897. In 1898, he was the Democratic nominee for Lieutenant Governor of Wisconsin, losing in a six-way race to Republican Jesse Stone with 180,038 votes, to 126,206 votes for <mask>; 8,267 votes for Populist Spencer Palmer: 7.846 votes for Prohibitionist Willis W. Cooper; 2,535 votes for Social Democratic Party of America candidate Edward P. Hassinger; and 1,543 votes for Herman C. Gauger of the Socialist Labor Party.He died in Milwaukee December 31, 1904, and was interred in Calvary Cemetery. There is no source to prove that he and Joseph were related to John H<mask>, although they were all three born in Prussia, moved to Milwaukee, and became active Democratic Party politicians and legislators. References

External links

1831 births
1904 deaths
19th-century American newspaper publishers (people)
19th-century American diplomats
American printers
Editors of Wisconsin newspapers
Prussian emigrants to the United States
Members of the United States House of Representatives from Wisconsin
Members of the Wisconsin State Assembly
Politicians from Milwaukee
People from Port Washington, Wisconsin
Wisconsin Democrats
Wisconsin state senators
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives
19th-century American politicians
Copperheads

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title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
<mask> (15 November 1889 – 2 July 1932), "the Patriot" () or "the Unfortunate" (), was the last King of Portugal, ascending the throne after the assassination of his father, King Carlos I, and his elder brother, Luís Filipe, the Prince Royal. Before ascending the throne he held the title of Duke of Beja. His reign ended with the fall of the monarchy during the 5 October 1910 revolution, and <mask> lived the rest of his life in exile in Twickenham, Middlesex, England. Early life

<mask>xe-Coburgo-Gota e Bragança was born in the Palace of Belém, Lisbon, less than a month after his father King Carlos I ascended the Portuguese throne. He was the third child and second son of Carlos and Amélie of Orleans. A member of the House of Braganza, he was baptized a few days later, with his maternal grandfather as godfather. The former Emperor <mask> of Brazil, <mask> II's paternal great-granduncle, who had been deposed from the Brazilian throne on the day of <mask>'s birth, attended the ceremony.He received the traditional education of a member of the royal family, without the political preoccupations that befell his older brother, who was destined to become King. Although <mask> was raised as a member of the upper class he took a more populist tone after ascending to the throne, and abandoned many of the court protocols. He studied history and languages, and by the age of six spoke and wrote French. He demonstrated a love of literature and reading, unlike his older brother who was more interested in physical activities. <mask>'s upbringing included horse riding, fencing, rowing, tennis and gardening. He was a great lover of music, especially Beethoven and Wagner, and played the piano. As a child,

masks: Manuel Maria Filipe Carlos Amélio Luís Miguel Rafael Gabriel Gonzaga Francisco de Assis Eio de Sa


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 <mask> played with the children of Count of Figueiró, Count of Galveias and with other families of the Court.In 1902, he was taught Latin and German by Franz Kerausch, later instruction was by Father João Damasceno Fiadeiro (Portuguese history); Marquês Leitão (Mathematics); M. Boeyé (French and French literature); Alfredo King (English and English literature), Father Domingos Fructuoso (Religion and Morals) and Alexandre Rey Colaço (piano). In 1903 he travelled with his mother and his brother to Egypt, on board the royal yacht Amélia, to expand his understanding of ancient civilizations. In 1907 he entered the Portuguese Naval Academy. Lisbon regicide

His future in the Portuguese Navy was abruptly shelved on 1 February 1908. On that day, the royal family returned from the Ducal Palace in Vila Viçosa to Lisbon. On their way to the royal palace, the carriage carrying King Carlos and his family passed through the Terreiro do Paço where shots were fired by at least two Portuguese republican activist revolutionaries: Alfredo Luis da Costa and <mask>. It is unclear whether the assassins were attempting to kill the King, the Prince Royal or the prime minister, João Franco.The murderers were shot on the spot by the royal bodyguard and were later recognized as members of the Portuguese Republican Party. The King was killed; Prince Luís Filipe was mortally wounded; <mask> was hit in the arm; Queen Amélie of Orleans was unharmed. It was Amélie's quick thinking that saved her younger son. About 20 minutes later, Prince Luis Filipe died. Days later, <mask> was proclaimed King of Portugal. The young King, who had not been groomed to rule, sought to save the fragile position of the Braganza dynasty

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Manuel
Manuel Buiça
Manuel
Manuel


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 by dismissing João Franco and his entire cabinet in 1908. The ambitions of various political parties made <mask>'s short reign a turbulent one.In free elections held on 28 August 1910, the republicans won only 14 seats in the legislature. King of Portugal and the Algarves

His first act was to meet with his Council of State and request the resignation of João Franco, whose policies may have been responsible for the tragedy. He appointed a government of national unity, presided over by Admiral Francisco Joaquim Ferreira do Amaral. This quieted the republicans, but in retrospect was seen as weakness. He opened the Royal Court Assembly on 6 May 1908 in the presence of national representatives, and affirmed his support of the Constitution. The King received general public sympathy, due to the deaths of his father and older brother. He was protected by his mother, Amélie, and sought out the support of the experienced politician José Luciano de Castro.Judging that the intervention of King Carlos was a reason for the events of 1908, he declared that he would reign, but not govern. For his part, the new King tried to increase the monarchy's connection with its subjects. The King visited several areas of the country. His trips included stops in Porto, Braga, Viana do Castelo, Oliveira de Azeméis, Santo Tirso, Vila Nova de Gaia, Aveiro, Guimarães, Coimbra and Barcelos. During these visits, his subjects were captivated by the young king, and he was received warmly. On 23 November he travelled to Espinho in open the Vale do Vouga Railway. On his journeys, he ingratiated himself with the people with his candour and pious character.However, he was not popular with republicans. One of them, João


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 Chagas, the anti-monarchist journalist and propagandist of the Republican Party, warned the King of the problems that would develop when he declared:

"...your Highness arrives too young into a very old world...!" Social issues

During the 19th century, many intellectuals and politicians were preoccupied with the growth of the urban proletariat as a consequence of the Industrial Revolution. In Portugal, owing to lower levels of industrialisation, this was not an important question, but it was exacerbated by an economic crisis and the Republican Party, who believed a republic would resolve the problems. This was the Questão Social (social question) of the times. The Socialist Party had existed since 1875, but it never had representation in Parliament. This was not only because it was not popular, but also because the Republican Party was the principal channel of radical discontent within the political system.The King made some moves that did not infringe his constitutional restrictions, but which created incentives for the Socialist Party to lessen their support for the Republican Party. In 1909, <mask> invited the French sociologist, Léon Poinsard, to examine the social environment and report back to him. Poinsard wrote that the only way to combat clientelism, created by the system of rotational governments, would be a reorganisation of the local administrations. Enthusiastically, the King wrote to the President of the Council of Ministers Wenceslau de Sousa Pereira de Lima, to make him aware of the reorganisation of the Socialist Party (under Alfredo Aquiles Monteverde) and to remind him of the importance of working with the Socialists, "...so that, we will empty their supporters from


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts: the Republican Party, and orient them into a useful and productive force." Notwithstanding the contacts made by the government of Artur Alberto de Campos Henriques with the Socialist Azedo Gneco, Venceslau de Lima considered this difficult after the Congresso Nacional Operário, which was boycotted by anarchists and republicans. For their part, the Socialists were enthusiastic about Royal support between <mask> and Aquiles Monteverde. Monteverde would later inform the King of the failure of the October 1909 trade union congress, but little was formalised between the socialists and the government, although they supported the work of Poinsard.During the government of António Teixeira de Sousa, in July 1910, that the government created a commission to study the establishment of an Instituto de Trabalho Nacional ("Institute of National Work"), that had three socialists and included Azedo Gneco. However, Aquiles Monteverde would complain that the commission lacked the resources to be effective: specifically that permanent members and unlimited transport, in order for the Socialists to promote their propaganda. <mask> informed the government, through the Minister of Public Works, that he agreed with the establishment of the Instituto de Trabalho Nacional, but by September, it was too late for the constitutional monarchy. During his reign he visited many parts of northern Portugal, in addition to Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, where he was appointed Knight of the Order of the Garter, in November 1909. He cultivated a foreign policy that was close to Great Britain, which was not only the geo-political strategy that his father maintained, but it also reinforced his position on the throne

masks:
Manuel
Manuel II


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 by having a strong ally. The court also considered the marriage of a King of the House of Braganza to a British princess would secure the protection of the United Kingdom in any impending conflict. But, the country's instability, the assassination of the King and Prince Royal, and the drawn-out negotiations that were ended with the death of Edward VII, ended these pretensions.The old British monarch, a personal friend of Carlos, would have been the great protector of the House of Braganza, and without him, the liberal government of Britain had no interest in maintaining the Portuguese monarchy. Revolution

The stability of the government deteriorated; seven governments were established and fell in a period of 24 months. The monarchist parties continued to fragment, while the Republican Party continued to gain ground. The legislative elections on 28 August 1910 had elected 14 new representatives (resulting in an assembly that was divided: 9% Republican, 58% Government and 33% Opposition) which helped the revolutionary cause, but which made little importance since the Setúbal Congress (on 24–25 April 1909) had determined that the Republicans would take power by force. The murder of a prominent republican precipitated the coup d'état that had been so long in coming. Between 4 and 5 October 1910, the Republican Revolution erupted in the streets of Lisbon. What started as a military coup commenced by soldiers, was joined by some civilians and municipal guards attacking the loyal garrisons and the royal palace, while the guns from the cruiser NRP Adamastor added to the cannonade.The Palace of Necessidades (then official residence of the young King) was bombarded, forcing <mask> to move to the


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 Mafra National Palace, where he rendezvoused with his mother, Queen Amélia, and his grandmother, the Queen Mother Maria Pia of Savoy. There was little apparent popular reaction to these events: pictures from the square in front of the City Hall in Lisbon, where the declaration of the Republic occurred, did not show an overwhelming multitude, and even some in the military were fearful that their actions would not be successful. One republican commander, Admiral Cândido dos Reis, even committed suicide when he believed that the events had not succeeded. One day later, once it was clear that the Republicans had taken the country, <mask> decided to embark from Ericeira on the royal yacht Amélia IV for Porto, with armed Republicans arriving as the ship departed. It is unclear whether his advisers motivated <mask> to change his intentions or whether he was forced to change his destination en route, but the Royal Family disembarked in Gibraltar shortly later, after they received notice that Porto had fallen to the Republicans. The coup d'état was complete, and the Royal Family departed for exile, arriving in the United Kingdom, where he was received by King George V.

Personal life

During a visit to Paris in July 1909, the King met Gaby Deslys, an actress and dancer, and immediately began a relationship that would last until the end of <mask>'s reign. It was thought that after this first meeting the King sent Deslys a pearl necklace worth $70,000: more gifts soon followed, including a diamond necklace with black and white pearl drops set in a platinum band.Their relationship was anything but discreet (she would arrive before night at the Palácio das Necessidades and would pass through

masks:
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel II


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 Portugal unnoticed); abroad, meanwhile, they were on the front pages of newspapers in Europe and North America, especially after he was deposed. In public interviews, usually on trips, Gaby Deslys never negated the obvious, but always refused to comment on her relationship with the King. After his exile, they would continue to meet, especially while she had stage engagements in London. When Gaby moved to New York, in the summer of 1911, their relationship broke off. In the spring of 1912, <mask> visited Switzerland, where he met Princess Augusta Victoria of Hohenzollern (1890–1966), daughter of William, Prince of Hohenzollern, and was deeply impressed by her. They were second cousins, both being great-grandchildren of Maria II. In the following year, on 4 September 1913, <mask> married Augusta Victoria.During the mass, which was celebrated in the Chapel of Sigmaringen Castle, <mask>, wearing his Order of the Garter medallion and the sash of the Three Portuguese Orders, stood on a crate containing soil brought from Portugal. The ceremony was conducted by Cardinal José Sebastião de Almeida Neto, Patriarch of Lisbon, then exiled in Seville, who had baptized <mask> as a young prince; <mask> was also assisted by the Prince of Wales (<mask>) and King <mask> of Spain, as well as representatives of the royal houses of Europe (including Spain, Germany, Italy, France and Romania, in addition to the principalities and German kingdoms). After festivities which lasted two days, the couple went on their honeymoon to Munich, where the Princess fell ill and withdrew from the public. The marriage, a calm and serene union, lasted until the death of the former King; the couple had no children. Exile

In

masks:
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel
Edward VIII
Alfonso XIII


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts: exile, <mask> resided in Fulwell Park, Twickenham now in London (where his mother had been born). At Fulwell Park he tried to recreate a Portuguese environment, as the attempts to restore him to his throne (1911, 1912 and 1919) failed. He was active in the local community, attended services at the Church of St James, Twickenham, and became godfather to several children.In 1932 he donated a window to St James Church bearing the Braganza crest and depicting St Anthony to celebrate the 700th anniversary of the saint's death. His influence is also recalled by a number of toponymic references in the area: Manuel Road, Lisbon Avenue, and Portugal Gardens. He followed political events in Portugal, and was concerned with the anarchy of the First Republic, fearing that it could provoke a Spanish intervention and risk the country's independence. While in exile, there was one case where the former King's direct intervention had an effect. After the overthrow of the government of Gomes da Costa, by General Óscar Fragoso Carmona, in 1926, Costa was appointed Ambassador to London. Given the rapid succession of ambassadors during this period, the British government refused to recognize the new official's credentials. As the ambassador was to negotiate the liquidation of the Portuguese debt to the United Kingdom, the Minister of Foreign Affairs asked <mask> to straighten out the situation.The former monarch was delighted by the opportunity to help his homeland and communicated with many of his British contacts (including, probably, King George V) in order to resolve the dispute. Even in exile <mask> continued to be a patriot, going as far as declaring in his 1915 testament his intention to transfer his

masks: Manuel Manuel Manuel


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 possessions to the Portuguese State for the creation of a museum, and showing his interest in being buried in Portugal. World War I

<mask> defended the entry of Portugal into the First World War and its active participation. He asked monarchists to desist from restoration efforts as long as the war continued. He even met with republicans, and at one time, solicited his involvement in the Portuguese army. But, contrary to his hopes, a majority of the monarchists did not follow his pleas for cooperation. Many of them backed the aspirations of Germany, and had hoped to see the victory of the Kaiser as another channel to restore the monarchy.<mask> believed that supporting Great Britain would guarantee the retention of overseas colonies, which would have been lost to German aggression even if the Germans were supported in the conflict. Of his close subordinates who offered their support to the Republic, none were accepted. <mask> attempted to make himself available to the Allied Powers, wherever they saw use, but was disappointed when he was assigned a post in the British Red Cross. He characteristically put all his efforts into the role, participating in conferences, fund drives, visits to hospitals and the wounded soldiers on the front, which ultimately gave him a lot of gratification. The visits to the front were difficult on the French government, but his friendship with George V was sufficient to alleviate their concerns. Regardless, most of his efforts were not credited; years later, in an interview with António Ferro, he lamented, "The operating room in the Portuguese Hospital in Paris, during the War, was constructed by me. Do you know what they put on the plaque?'From a Portuguese


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 in London'." The King was also responsible for the creation of the Orthopedic Department at Shepherd's Bush Hospital which, at his insistence continued to function until 1925, in order to continue to treat the disfiguring effects of the war. A proof of his recognition by the British was by his friend King George V, who invited him to be with the King during the victory celebrations during the parade of soldiers in 1919. Monarchy and its status

Since 1911, the Portuguese monarchists-in-exile concentrated in Galicia, Spain in order to enter Portugal and restore the monarchy but without the tacit approval of the Spanish government. The monarchists were led by the charismatic Henrique Mitchell de Paiva Couceiro, a veteran of the African colonial campaigns. The Paladin, as the Portuguese newspapers called him, believed that demonstrating a show of force would force the rural people to rise-up and support the restoration. But he was wrong; poorly prepared and badly financed, his forces encountered apathy from the rural population and the incursions ended with retreats into Galicia.For his part, <mask> supported these incursions the best way he could, but his financial resources were limited. He also faced a group of monarchists who were not clear supporters of his claim to the throne: one attack was made under a blue and white flag, but without the crown, while Paiva Couceiro himself declared at one time that his movement was "neutral" and wanted a plebiscite on the form of the new regime. It was only after he traded correspondence with Couceiro that the King was able to support the Galician monarchists, who had promised to support the Constitutional Charter of 1826. The second incursion, in


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 1912, although better prepared did not succeed because the Spanish government was forced to cede to Republican diplomats the illegality of monarchist encampments in Galicia and disarmed the remaining combatants within its territory. <mask> was never able to restore his kingdom by force and always defended that the monarchists should organize internally in order to reach power legally (by elections). This was not accepted by militant monarchists who, in the following years, continued their badly prepared attempts to restore the monarchy (for example on 20 October 1914), creating anarchy in the streets. His preoccupation worsened at the beginning of the Great War: <mask> was fearful that the United Kingdom would ally with Spain, in light of Portugal's instability, and that Spain would want to annex Portugal, as the price for Spain's entry into the War.Dover Pact

After the failure of the first monarchist incursion, and with <mask> appearing relatively unenthusiastic for a restoration of the monarchy (and entirely against armed counter-revolution), another group of royalists attempted to legitimize the claims of the descendants of Miguel I to the throne. In order to counter this, the King entered into direct negotiations with the Duke of Braganza's representatives: he attempted to establish himself as the rightful king and, according to the Integralismo Lusitano group, he recognised the descendants of Miguel as being in line to the throne of Portugal. In fact, there was an encounter between <mask> and Miguel in Dover on 30 January 1912, where both exchanged protocols. The results of this meeting remain controversial: although there was an accord on challenging the republic, there remained

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Manuel
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel II


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 no clear agreement on hereditary lines of succession, and <mask> still retained his claim to the throne. Monarchy of the North

Some monarchists continued unsuccessful counter-revolutionary activities during the War, while the former King continued to condemn their actions and to exhort them to restore the monarchy at the ballot-box. This option seemed viable after the dictatorship of General Pimenta de Castro (January 1915) broke the momentum of the Democratic Party, who attempted to garner sympathies from the conservative right, by removing restrictions imposed on monarchist groups on 5 October. Between April and May 1915, 55 monarchist centres opened (33 in the north and 12 in the centre of the country), causing many republicans to close ranks and on 14 May 1915 the revolution returned to the streets, when 15,000 armed civilians and the soldiers from the Navy tried to maintain the loyalty of the Army to the government.After three days of combat 500 deaths and more than 1,000 wounded, the Democratic Party retained control and the monarchist groups were once again declared illegal. During the Sidónio Pais government, Pais cultivated support from conservative factions and incorporated a re-establishment of a regime based on universal male suffrage. His assassination allowed moderate republicans to re-establish control, but the creation of military juntas in the provinces of the north, with monarchist tendencies, created expectations of a possible monarchist restoration through a military coup d'état. <mask> continued to plead for calm at the end of the War; while not abandoning the possibility of taking action in the future, he insisted on waiting to the end of peace negotiations in

masks: Manuel Manuel


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts: Paris: he was fearful that continued anarchy in Portugal would prejudice its negotiating position. But, for Paiva Couceiro and the other Integralists, this was the moment: they awaited the royal authorization of the King's adjunct Aires de Ornelas. Receiving a memorandum that requested this authorization, and convinced that this action would not occur immediately, Ornelas wrote on the margin, Go on. Palavras de El-Rei, and signed the document.On 19 January 1919 a thousand soldiers and some artillery, under the command of Paiva Couceiro occupied Porto, in order to restore the Constitutional Monarchy, and its King <mask> II. A provisional government was established that controlled Minho, Trás-os-Montes (with the exception of Chaves, Mirandela and Vila Real), as well as part of the district of Aveiro, but contrary to Couceiro's expectations, the rest of the country did not rise. In Lisbon, Aires de Ornelas was caught completely by surprise, but he could not escape with other monarchists to the safety of the 2nd Regimental Lancers, in Ajuda. There the number of refugees, who suffered as the republican reprisals increased, and the commander removed his forces and those civilians, marching them to Monsanto, where the 4th, 7th and 9th Cavalry and the 30th Infantry Battery from Belém were entrenched. Aires de Ornelas wavered in his support, which risked the possibility that Integralists would transfer their loyalty to Miguel's supporters, or assume the leadership of the monarchist movement. In a small area, and circled by Republican forces, the monarchists surrendered on 24 January. With the failure of the Restoration in the centre and south of the country, luck turned on Paiva Couceiro.On 13


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 February a part of the Republican National Guard deserted and restored the Republic in Porto. Those monarchists who did not escape were incarcerated and subsequently sentenced to long-term imprisonment. The King, in exile, did not hear of the failure and was informed only after reading the reports in the newspapers. Paris Pact

Although it is not likely that such a pact took place, it is said that in 1922, with cooling of relations between monarchists Integralismo Lusitano and the King, and mindful that his marriage to Augusta Victória had not produced heirs, <mask>, in a Paris meeting in April 1922, represented by his adjunct Aires de Ornelas, and Miguelist representatives Infanta Adelgundes, who was by now calling herself Duchess of Guimarães, and tutor to Duarte Nuno, agreed that owing to an heir, the rights of succession would pass to Duarte Nuno. Integralists disagreed because, in their view, the agreement failed to make reference to the reestablishment of a traditional monarchy, which was fundamental to their assertions. Integralismo Lusitano withheld their support, and on September 1925, Aldegundes, in a letter to <mask>, repudiated the agreement owing the continue operation of the Constitutional Newspaper (the Integralist paper was closed as part of the accord) and the lack of Integralist participation. Bibliographer

<mask> was always an avid reader and, during his exile, dedicated himself to the study of literature, penning treatises on Medieval and Renaissance literature in Portugal.Following the First World War and with more free time, apart from his contacts with monarchist organizations, he dedicated himself to these studies (a tradition that was instilled in him by his


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts: father). Initially, he was interested in writing a biography, and began research on a biography of <mask> of Portugal, who he believed was badly treated by other historians. He contracted the services of the bibliographer Maurice Ettinghausen in 1919, to find older books for his project, and was helped by the dissolution of many private collections after the implementation of the Republic. By 1926, <mask> had abandoned the idea of a biography and concentrated on descriptions of older books in his library (itself, a complete library of older works). More than a simple list, the work allowed <mask> to write of the glories of Portugal, writing not just a bibliography but also an examination of the authors and the context of their writings. His interpretation was scientifically rigorous, and resulted in a final work that was marked by a nationalism and the exaltation of ancestral valor. His examples were limited and illustrated by facsimiled copies of the works, both written in English and Portuguese.The first volume of the work Livros Antigos Portuguezes 1489–1600, da Bibliotheca de Sua Magestade Fidelíssima Descriptos por S. M. El-Rey D. Manuel em Três volumes was published in 1929. <mask> delivered, by hand, a copy of his work to his friend George V at Windsor Castle. The work was received well by critics, and the King dedicated himself to the second volume, which covered the period 1540 to 1569. But the project was terminated prematurely in 1932, when <mask> died unexpectedly: the third volume was posthumously published under the supervision of his librarian, Margery Winters. His completed works gave the King a respectful reputation among Portuguese historians, and his bust was added to

masks:
Manuel I
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel
Manuel


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts:
 the entrance atrium of the National Library in Lisbon. Death, aftermath, and legacy

King <mask> died unexpectedly in his residence on 2 July 1932, via suffocation by an abnormal swelling in the vocal folds of his larynx, or tracheal oedema. The Portuguese government, at that time led by António Oliveira de Salazar, authorized his burial in Lisbon, after a state funeral.His body arrived in Lisbon on 2 August 1932, on board the British cruiser HMS Concord which had made the journey from the United Kingdom and sailed into the Tagus River to deliver the coffin of the former King. The body was received at Praça do Comércio, where a crowd of people had gathered to follow the coffin to São Vicente de Fora and the roads were inundated with people interested in seeing the funeral procession. His body was interred in the Royal Pantheon of the House of Braganza in the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora. By some he was given the nickname O Patriota ('The Patriot'), for his preoccupation with the national identity; O Desventurado ('The Unfortunate'), because he lost his throne to the Republic; and O Estudioso or O Bibliófilo ('The Studious' or 'The Bibliophile') for his love for Portuguese literature. Monarchists also referred to him as O Rei-Saudade ('The Missed King'), for the longing that was felt when the monarchy was abolished. His death has been regarded as suspicious by some because he had been playing tennis on 1 July and was apparently in excellent health. An incident surrounding his sudden death was mentioned in the autobiography of Harold Brust, a member of Scotland Yard Special Branch in charge of protecting public figures.In his memoirs, Brust speaks of an incident which probably


title: Manuel II of Portugal

texts: occurred in 1931 in which an intruder was discovered in the grounds of Fulwell Park who, when arrested, the Police confirmed as being a prominent member of a Portuguese republican terrorist group known as the Carbonária and who was subsequently deported to Lisbon. To date the identity of the intruder has not been confirmed. Questions remain as to the reason for the man's intrusion. Since neither the Dover nor Paris Pacts resolved the issue of succession and there are no known documents proving them, there was no direct heir to the defunct throne. King <mask> also made it clear that the Portuguese royal family (including the Brazilian branch of the Imperial House of Orléans-Braganza and the Portuguese family branch of the descendants of the Infanta Ana de Jesus Maria of Braganza and the Duke of Loulé) would end with the last dynastic male heir of the House of Braganza (himself), the collateral Miguelist line having been furthermore excluded from the throne by the Portuguese Cortes, in December 1834, and categorically through the Constitution of 1838 (the article 98). Still, the monarchist Integralismo Lusitano movement supported (since 1920 as miguelist) and acclaimed Duarte Nuno, Duke of Braganza as King of Portugal in 1932, at the death of <mask> II. Their justification, ironically, included the fact that both branches had met to determine the line of succession in Dover and Paris, even though those accords were both later repudiated.After King <mask>'s death, the Portuguese National Assembly, under António de Oliveira Salazar's dictatorship, authorized the return of the banned branch of the Braganzas (ex-King Miguel's descendants) on 27 May 1950, repealing the laws of exile of 19


title: Manuel II of Portugal

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 December 1834 and 15 October 1910, and founded, with the sale of the King's English estate and some of his remaining personal possessions, the Foundation of the House of Braganza, according to King <mask>'s desire to leave his personal fortune to the Portuguese people. Honours

National
 Grand Cross of the Sash of the Two Orders
 Gold Medal of the Royal Humanitarian Society of Porto

He became Grand Master of all Portuguese orders upon his accession to the throne. Foreign

Ancestry

References
Notes

Sources

External links

|-

1889 births
1932 deaths
House of Braganza-Saxe-Coburg and Gotha
Dethroned monarchs
Portuguese royalty
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Extra Knights Companion of the Garter
Knights of the Golden Fleece of Spain
Grand Crosses of the Order of Saint Stephen of Hungary
Honorary Knights Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order
Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle (Russia)
Recipients of the Order of St. Anna, 1st class
Grand Croix of the Légion d'honneur
Grand Crosses of the Order of Saint-Charles
Burials at the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora
Portuguese emigrants to the United Kingdom
Leaders ousted by a coup
People from Lisbon
Portuguese bibliographers
19th-century Portuguese people
20th-century Portuguese monarchs
Deaths from asphyxiation
Portuguese exiles
Knights of the Holy


title: Dejan Lovren

texts:
<mask> (; born 5 July 1989) is a Croatian professional footballer who captains the Russian Premier League club Zenit Saint Petersburg and plays for the Croatia national team as a centre-back. Lovren began his career at Dinamo Zagreb before moving to Olympique Lyonnais in January 2010. He spent three-and-a-half seasons with the Ligue 1 team and won the 2012 Coupe de France before he signed for Southampton in 2013. After one season with Southampton, he joined Liverpool for £20 million. He went on to make 185 appearances for the club, winning the UEFA Champions League in 2019 and the Premier League in 2020, before joining Russian champions Zenit Saint Petersburg in July 2020. Within four months, he became the captain of the team, replacing Artem Dzyuba. Having previously represented Croatia at various youth levels, he made his senior debut in 2009 and has since gone on to make over 60 appearances for his country.He was selected in Croatia's squads for the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil and the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russia—in the latter of which they were beaten finalists against France—as well as UEFA Euro 2020. Early life
Lovren was born to Bosnian Croat parents in Zenica, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina and spent his first years of life in the village of Kraljeva Sutjeska. His family fled from dissolving Yugoslavia to Munich to escape the Bosnian War when Lovren was three years old, and he spent the next seven years in Germany. His family eventually had to leave as they did not possess necessary documentation to reside in Germany and settled in Karlovac, Croatia, 50 kilometres southwest of the capital city of Zagreb.


title: Dejan Lovren

texts:
 came back a month later for a match against England, that ended up as a goalless draw. On 15 November, he took part in Spain's 3–2 defeat. After the match, Lovren sparked controversy after calling the Spain team "a bunch of pussies" on an Instagram live stream and admitting that he deliberately elbowed Spain's defender Sergio Ramos, whom he had a feud in the media with prior to the match. Three days later, Croatia suffered a 1–2 defeat to England and got relegated from the League A to the League B of the next edition of the Nations League. On 11 January 2019, UEFA banned Lovren for one international match for disrespecting the Spain national team and their flag, and the deliberate elbowing of Sergio Ramos. He could not play in the UEFA Euro 2020 qualifying match against Azerbaijan.He scored his third international goal on 6 September in a 0–4 win over Slovakia. He was suspended for the deciding home fixture against Slovakia as well due to three yellow cards. Croatia nevertheless won the match 3–1 and secured their spot at the Euros. In his first ever appearance at a UEFA European Championship, a 1–1 draw with the Czech Republic on 18 June 2021, Lovren elbowed Patrik Schick and caused a penalty that Schick successfully converted. Personal life
Lovren's younger brother Davor is also a professional footballer who currently plays for Fortuna Düsseldorf. Lovren was named by his grandmother Ivanka after Montenegrin football legend <mask> Savićević. He speaks Croatian, German, English and French.Lovren is married to Anita Sekulić and the couple have two children, Elena, born in August 2012, and Josip, born in June 2015.


title: Philip P. Barbour

texts:
<mask> (May 25, 1783 – February 25, 1841) was the tenth speaker of the United States House of Representatives and an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He is the only individual to serve in both positions. He was also a slave owner. Born in Gordonsville, Virginia, Barbour established a legal career in Gordonsville after studying at the College of William & Mary. Several members of Barbour's family, including his brother, <mask>, went on to hold prominent political office. Barbour won election to the House of Representatives in 1814 as a member of the Democratic-Republican Party. He served a single term as Speaker from 1821 to 1823 and declined to seek re-election to Congress in 1824.Barbour returned to Congress in 1827 as an ally of Andrew Jackson. Barbour served in Congress until 1830, when he accepted appointment as a judge of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia. President Jackson appointed Barbour to the Supreme Court in 1835 to fill a vacancy caused by the resignation in 1835 of Gabriel Duvall. Barbour served on the Court until his death in 1841. On the Court, Barbour generally supported Jacksonian principles and states' rights. Early and family life
Barbour was born near Gordonsville, Orange County, Virginia, as the son of a planter, <mask>, who was a legislator, neighbor and early political sponsor of James Madison. He was named for his ancestor <mask>, through whom he was related to <mask>, a politician and judge.The family was one of the First Families of Virginia, descended from a Scottish merchant who married a Miss Taliaferro and made his home in nearby Culpeper County, Virginia. Like his brother <mask>, <mask> attended common and private schools before beginning formal legal studies under jurist St. George Tucker in Williamsburg, Virginia, but financial circumstances forced Tucker to end this arrangement in 1799. He soon moved to Kentucky to make his fortune, where after a year reading law, he was admitted to the bar, and began practicing law in Bardstown. After another year, friends persuaded him to return to

masks:
Philip Pendleton Barbour
James Barbour
Thomas Barbour
Philip Pendleton
Edmund Pendleton
James Barbour
Philip


title: Philip P. Barbour

texts:
 Virginia and resume his studies at William and Mary College, so in 1802, he began practicing law near his family home in Gordonsville. In 1804, Barbour married a local planter's daughter, Frances Johnson, with whom he had one son named Sextus <mask>. Early political career

Barbour practiced law for eight years before he started his public life as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates from 1812 to 1814. When U.S. Representative John Dawson died, Barbour won the special election to fill the seat, and served as a Jeffersonian Old Republican in the U.S. House of Representatives from September 19, 1814 to March 4, 1825, reaching the office of Speaker from 1821 to 1823.Barbour entered politics as the nation witnessed a political shift in which former state's rights activists such as current President James Madison, Henry Clay, and his brother James, now a U.S. Senator, began supporting nationalistic policies. Throughout this shift in power, <mask> remained a strong advocate of Jeffersonian "Old Republican" principles of states' rights and maintaining a strict construction of the Constitution. First term in Congress
<mask>'s reputation for constitutional conservatism grew with his opposition to the Bonus Bill of 1817. The Bill permitted the federal funding of internal
improvement projects such as building roads like that being constructed to connect Buffalo, New York to New Orleans, Louisiana, through Washington. Barbour viewed federally funded internal projects as outside the sphere of Congress' powers and therefore unconstitutional and undermining state sovereignty. Barbour viewed states as sovereign, political communities, independent of an overarching political dynasty and free to secede from the Union if the federal government infringed on the rights of the states, an argument that he employed when countering restrictions to Missouri's admission to the Union as a slave state.His opposition to national restrictions on slave states served to foment his passion for states' rights but also develop his pro-slavery argument in politics. As a Congressman, <mask> was the first prominent

masks:
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Philip Barbour
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title: Philip P. Barbour

texts:
 politician to openly contest the constitutionality of protective tariffs. Cohens v. Virginia
In Cohens v. Virginia (1821), Congressman <mask> represented the Commonwealth of Virginia to argue the issue of the Supreme Court's jurisdiction to hear the case, in which two men from Baltimore were convicted for selling D.C. lottery tickets in Virginia. Barbour unsuccessfully argued that the Supreme Court lacked jurisdiction, since the law banning the sale of foreign lottery tickets was not meant to affect Virginia, rendering this a purely local issue. He also maintained that the suit was barred by the Eleventh Amendment, which prohibits suit against a state without its consent. However, Chief Justice Marshall held that the Court had jurisdiction based on the Supremacy Clause, Art. VI, cl.2. This case strengthened <mask>'s reputation as an Old Republican leader in a political system in which Virginian influence was waning and power was shifting between parties with the election of Andrew Jackson as the seventh President of the United States. Jacksonian Democratic-Republican Party
Andrew Jackson's election in 1828 led to the bifurcation of the Old Republican Party into the Jacksonian Democratic Republicans and the opposing National Republicans. Jackson formed the Democratic party on the foundation of Old Republican principles, such as Jefferson's displeasure with Hamilton's National Bank. During his two terms, President Jackson destroyed the Second Bank of the United States, and advocated for individual liberty, states' rights, and slavery. State judge and second term in Congress
Barbour declined to run for re-election in 1824 and turned down an offer from Thomas Jefferson to become the professor of law in the University of Virginia in 1825. Instead, he accepted the Virginia legislature's appointment as a judge of the General Court of Virginia.He served for two years. In 1827, <mask> returned to his seat in the House of Representatives as a Jacksonian. For the first two years of his second stint in the House, he was Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. In 1829, Barbour became one of the

masks: Barbour Barbour Barbour


title: Philip P. Barbour

texts:
 first Jeffersonian Old Republicans to join the Jacksonian Democrats in opposition to the National Bank. He fought to expose the Second Bank of the United States as a private enterprise, endowed with federal funds while only masquerading as a government institution. Although his anti-Bank campaign did not take hold, <mask>'s advocacy for state sovereignty, the removal of the National Bank, and the legalization of slavery in territories such as Missouri earned him favor with President Andrew Jackson. Also in 1829, while continuing to serve as a U.S. Representative, Barbour became a delegate for the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829-1830, and the Convention elected him their second president, after the Convention's first president, James Monroe, had to withdraw due to failing health on December 8.As such, <mask> (with distinguished Virginians such as Monroe, James Madison, and John Marshall) helped restrict discussion of slavery's role in the Commonwealth, and limited the rancorous assembly's debates to issues of representation and suffrage (Virginia had been one of the last states to allow only landowners to vote, and slaveholders had disproportionate power). The resulting constitution was adopted in 1830, despite the votes against it from the state's northern and western areas (much of which ultimately split off to become West Virginia during the American Civil War decades after Barbour's death). Federal district judge and the 1832 campaign season
Barbour also turned down offers of a chancellorship and the post of U.S. Attorney General before finally resigning his congressional seat October 15, 1830 to accept President Jackson's appointment to become judge of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia. Jackson appointed Barbour by recess appointment on October 8, 1830, to a seat on that court vacated by George Hay. Barbour was formally nominated on December 14, 1830, and two days later he was confirmed by the Senate, and received his commission, serving thereafter until March 17, 1836. In 1832, Democrats unhappy with the selection of Martin Van Buren

masks: Barbour Barbour


title: Philip P. Barbour

texts:
 as their party's vice-presidential nominee held a convention in Virginia, at which they nominated Jackson for president and <mask> for vice president. Barbour eventually withdrew his candidacy and endorsed the Jackson-Van Buren ticket, but the alternative Democratic ticket still appeared on the ballot in several Southern states.Barbour also refused nominations for judge of the court of appeals, for Governor, and for United States Senator. Although it was unknown whether Barbour could gain favor with voters outside Virginia, Barbour's campaigning on the Democratic ticket illuminated the similarities in parties and gained favor for the Democratic party. Voters reasoned that, if a man like Barbour, loyal to his party even when his fellow Virginians chose different principles, could switch to the Democratic party, then the Democrats must hold the same values. By joining the Jacksonian Democratic Party, Barbour entrenched Old Republican principles into a new political dynasty, therefore continuing the legacy of Jefferson and further validating the strength of Democratic principles. This was similar to Lincoln's argument that secession should not occur due to the state of perpetual Union that had existed since the first draft of the Constitution before the term "Union" was first used to describe the North during the Civil War. Therefore, <mask>'s resignation allowed the second party system to coalesce by unifying the Democratic Party on the ideologies of war in the American system through the national reform retrenchment and economy, and a restoration of republican constitutionalism. United States Supreme Court appointment
In 1835, Chief Justice Marshall's death and Justice Gabriel Duvall's resignation created two vacancies on the Supreme Court.President Jackson, at the end of his second Presidential term, nominated <mask> to fill Duvall's vacancy. Nationalists feared Jackson's appointment of Barbour because <mask>'s anti-administration Congressional legacy and Democratic beliefs suggested that he would attempt to undermine the federal supremacy achieved during the Marshall Court. This fear

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title: Philip P. Barbour

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 made the finalization of the decision an arduous process with two attempts at delaying the Senate's decision. On March 15, 1836, the Senate approved the appointment of <mask> by a vote of 30-11. During his five years on the Court, Barbour heard 155 cases, for which he authored one major opinion and two dissents. He shaped the legacy of the Taney Court through his passion for states' rights, strict constructionism, and limits on federal power. Tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court (May 12, 1836- February 25, 1841)
During <mask>'s first term (1837), he heard three cases that mitigated Marshall's accomplishment of judicial nationalism, Briscoe v. Bank of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge, and New York v. Miln.<mask> authored the majority opinion in New York v. Miln. In 1824, the state of New York passed a law that required all ship masters to provide a report delineating personal information of passengers in order to prevent smuggling and immigration of the impoverished for whom the state could not provide. Ship master Miln refused to comply with the law and was therefore jailed and fined. The case went to the Court on the issue of whether the statute violated the Commerce Clause, U.S. Const., Art. 1, § 8. <mask> held that the New York statute did not violate the Commerce Clause, because it was an exercise of the power granted to the state to "regulate their internal police and to take care that no detriment comes to the commonwealth."People were "not the subject of commerce, and not being imported goods, cannot fall within a train of reasoning founded upon the construction of a power given to Congress to regulate commerce and the prohibition to the states from imposing a duty on imported goods." <mask> argued that the statue was valid as an act of police power to protect the health and welfare of the community. Because it is within the powers of the state to have jurisdiction over its people and things within its territorial boundaries, then "the authority of a state is complete, unqualified, and exclusive." <mask>'s holding in Miln was supported by Taney's

masks:
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title: Philip P. Barbour

texts: jurisdiction over state court cases and the power of judicial review to make legitimate and final rulings on constitutional questions. Justices Taney and Catron concurred with Barbour's opinion that it was never within the scope of judicial power to control executive actions. Although Barbour believed that "Congress has the constitutional power to give to the federal judiciary …authority to issue the writ of mandamus," Barbour did not believe that the lower court had the "power to issue the writ in question". Even though the Postmaster General was subject to direction and control of the President with respect of the duties imposed by law, when the law is 'ministerial,' Congress can limit and regulate the executive officials. Because Congress created the executive office, then Congress could monitor executive decisions, but the President is not controlled by the federal courts.While the majority opinion served to further define separation of powers by holding acts of the executive branch as subject to the rulings of the Supreme Court, <mask>'s dissenting opinion sought to discourage judicial supervision of executive acts by applying President Jackson's departmental theory, the notion that the executive branch has the right to interpret the Constitution for itself. <mask>'s opinion in Kendall demonstrated his loyalty to President Jackson's political agenda. <mask> made his most powerful argument in favor of states' rights in Holmes v. Jennison (1840), which focused on the extradition of a fugitive from Vermont to Canada. In 1838, George Holmes, a resident of Quebec, was convicted of murdering <mask> Achille Tache in Canada. Holmes escaped to the United States where he was detained under issue of warrant in Vermont. Silas H. Jennison, the governor of Vermont, issued the warrant stating that Holmes, being a citizen of the lower province of Canada, would be arrested and returned to suffer prosecution according to the Canadian justice system, even though the United States had no extradition treaty with Canada. Because the Vermont Supreme Court refused to issue a writ of habeas corpus, Holmes

masks:
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title: Philip P. Barbour

texts: petitioned to the Supreme Court on grounds that he was unlawfully imprisoned and deprived of his personal liberties.The case became a contentious debate further polarizing the Court between nationalists and states' rights Justices. Holmes focused on whether the Court had the authority to review the case based on Section 25 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and whether the governor's warrant violated the Extradition Clause of Article IV, section 2 of the Constitution, which gave the federal government power to surrender a fugitive to a foreign government. Chief Justice Taney believed that the Court's jurisdiction to review the case as well as the exclusive power of the federal government to govern foreign relations, and so believed that the governor had violated the Extradition Clause. However, as the Court divided 4-4 over the issue of jurisdiction, the Court dismissed the petition. The Vermont Supreme Court subsequently ordered Holmes released in light of the fact that five of the eight Justices expressed the opinion that the governor had violated the Extradition Clause, an expression of the principle that the Constitution gives state officers no power to take independent actions concerned with foreign governments. Barbour was one of the four Justices who disagreed with the Chief Justice. Barbour believed that, because "there is no treaty on the subject of surrendering fugitives," between Vermont and Canada, then the returning of fugitives to Canada did not violate a power granted to the federal government by the Constitution, and therefore the "authority, exercised by the Governor of Vermont, is not repugnant to the power of making treaties in its dormant state, because, in the language of the Chief Justice before cited, it is not the mere existence of the power but its exercise which is incompatible with the exercise of the same power by the states."Barbour opined that, because the Constitution did not explicitly define the affairs of states with foreign countries, Governor Jennison was completely within his rights to order the extradition. <mask>'s opinion in Holmes accorded with his


title: Philip P. Barbour

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 opinion in New York v. Miln that the state has the duty to maintain the welfare of its people. Holmes v. Jennison provides an example of Barbour's strict reading of the Constitution, which allowed him to read a more pronounced states' rights view into the text. Death and legacy

Barbour died of a coronary thrombosis on February 25, 1841, while asleep in his bed, and partway through the arguments of John Quincy Adams, who sought freedom for African captives in the Amistad Case. Justice Story (although opposing slavery and personally more nationalist than Barbour) eulogized Barbour as earning the respect of his colleagues by his commitment to personal values, persistence in fighting for his beliefs, and legal acumen. Barbour owned fifty-four slaves at the time of the 1840 census. An Episcopalian throughout his life, <mask> <mask>ur's long-time friend and fellow Virginian, <mask>. Daniel, succeeded him on the U.S. Supreme Court, and continued Barbour's legacy of maintaining Jacksonian principles, states' rights, and strict constructionist reading of the Constitution.Locations named after him include Barbour County, West Virginia, Philippi, West Virginia and its Philip Barbour High School. Constitutional legacy
<mask>'s tenure on the Court demonstrated his loyalty to President Jackson's national vision while applying a narrowed reading of state's rights into the Constitution. Barbour's decisions in major Court cases created an enduring Jacksonian legacy on the Taney Court. <mask>'s furtherance of Jacksonian principles of departmental theory in his Kendall dissent, his states' rights advocacy in his majority opinion in New York v. Miln, and textualist reading of the Constitution in order to distinguish state from Congressional power in his dissent in Holmes, all served in this regard. Barbour's opinions began to unravel the work of Marshall's Court, and set a precedent for future cases as the country became more polarized. Barbour's arguments for the authority of the President to interpret the Constitution in Kendall, and those in defense of the states' police power in Cohens v. Virginia,

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Peter V
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title: Philip P. Barbour

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 allowed Chief Justice Taney to rule that slaves were not citizens in Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857). Ironically, they were also used by President Abraham Lincoln to issue a suspension of habeas corpus in 1861.See also
 Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829-1830
 List of justices of the Supreme Court of the United States

References
 FJC Bio

Further reading
 Abraham, Henry J. Justices, Presidents, and Senators: A History of the US Supreme Court Appointments from Washington to Clinton. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc, 1999. Belko, William S. <mask> Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court (University of Alabama Press, 2016). Friedman, L and Israel, Fred L. The Justices of The United States Supreme Court 1789-1969: Their Lives and Major Opinions. New York and London: Chelsea House Publishers, 1969. Huebner, Timothy S. The Taney Court: Justices, Rulings, and Legacy.California: ABC-CLIO Inc., 2003. Schwartz, Bernard. A Book of Legal Lists: The Best and Worst in American Law. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Urofsky, Melvin I. The Supreme Court Justices: A Biographical Dictionary. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc, 1994.External links

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1783 births
1841 deaths
People from Gordonsville, Virginia
Barbour family
<mask> family
American people of Scottish descent
American Episcopalians
Democratic-Republican Party members of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia
Jacksonian members of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia
Virginia Democratic-Republicans
Virginia Democrats
Virginia Jacksonians
Members of the Virginia House of Delegates
Speakers of the United States House of Representatives
Judges of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia
United States federal judges appointed by Andrew Jackson
Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States
19th-century American judges
Virginia lawyers
College of William & Mary alumni
Burials at the Congressional Cemetery
American slave owners
Members of the United States House of Representatives from

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Philip Pendleton
Pendleton


title: Rama

texts: <mask> (; , ; ), Ram, <mask> or <mask>, also known as <mask> (; , ), is a major deity in Hinduism. He is the seventh and one of the most popular avatars of Vishnu. In Rama-centric traditions of Hinduism, he is considered the Supreme Being. <mask> is said to have been born to Kaushalya and Dasharatha in Ayodhya, the ruler of the Kingdom of Kosala. His siblings included Lakshmana, Bharata, and Shatrughna. He married Sita. Though born in a royal family, their life is described in the Hindu texts as one challenged by unexpected changes such as an exile into impoverished and difficult circumstances, ethical questions and moral dilemmas.Of all their travails, the most notable is the kidnapping of Sita by demon-king Ravana, followed by the determined and epic efforts of <mask> and Lakshmana to gain her freedom and destroy the evil Ravana against great odds. The entire life story of <mask>, Sita and their companions allegorically discusses duties, rights and social responsibilities of an individual. It illustrates dharma and dharmic living through model characters. <mask> is especially important to Vaishnavism. He is the central figure of the ancient Hindu epic Ramayana, a text historically popular in the South Asian and Southeast Asian cultures. His ancient legends have attracted bhasya (commentaries) and extensive secondary literature and inspired performance arts. Two such texts, for example, are the Adhyatma Ramayana – a spiritual and theological treatise considered foundational by Ramanandi monasteries, and the Ramcharitmanas – a popular treatise that inspires thousands of Ramlila

masks: Rama Raman Ramar Ramachandra Rama Rama Rama Rama


title: Rama

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 festival performances during autumn every year in India.<mask> legends are also found in the texts of Jainism and Buddhism, though he is sometimes called Pauma or Padma in these texts, and their details vary significantly from the Hindu versions. Jain Texts also mentioned <mask> as the eighth balabhadra among the 63 salakapurusas. In Sikhism, <mask> is mentioned as one of twenty four divine incarnations of Vishnu in the Chaubis Avtar in Dasam Granth. Etymology and nomenclature
Rāma is a Vedic Sanskrit word with two contextual meanings. In one context as found in Atharva Veda, as stated by Monier Monier-Williams, means "dark, dark-colored, black" and is related to the term ratri which means night. In another context as found in other Vedic texts, the word means "pleasing, delightful, charming, beautiful, lovely". The word is sometimes used as a suffix in different Indian languages and religions, such as Pali in Buddhist texts, where -rama adds the sense of "pleasing to the mind, lovely" to the composite word.<mask> as a first name appears in the Vedic literature, associated with two patronymic names – Margaveya and Aupatasvini – representing different individuals. A third individual named <mask>a is the purported author of hymn 10.110 of the Rigveda in the Hindu tradition. The word <mask> appears in ancient literature in reverential terms for three individuals:

Parashu-rama, as the sixth avatar of Vishnu. He is linked to the <mask>a of the Rigveda fame. <mask>-chandra, as the seventh avatar of Vishnu and of the ancient Ramayana fame. Bala-rama, also called Halayudha, as the elder

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title: Rama

texts:
 brother of Krishna both of whom appear in the legends of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. The name <mask> appears repeatedly in Hindu texts, for many different scholars and kings in mythical stories.The word also appears in ancient Upanishads and Aranyakas layer of Vedic literature, as well as music and other post-Vedic literature, but in qualifying context of something or someone who is "charming, beautiful, lovely" or "darkness, night". The Vishnu avatar named <mask> is also known by other names. He is called <mask> (beautiful, lovely moon), or Dasarathi (son of Dasaratha), or Raghava (descendant of Raghu, solar dynasty in Hindu cosmology). He is also known as Ram Lalla (Infant form of <mask>). Additional names of <mask> include <mask> (Javanese), Phreah Ream (Khmer), Phra Ram (Lao and Thai), Megat Seri <mask> (Malay), Raja Bantugan (Maranao), Ramudu (Telugu), <mask> (Tamil). In the Vishnu sahasranama, <mask> is the 394th name of Vishnu. In some Advaita Vedanta inspired texts, <mask> connotes the metaphysical concept of Supreme Brahman who is the eternally blissful spiritual Self (Atman, soul) in whom yogis delight nondualistically.The root of the word <mask> is ram- which means "stop, stand still, rest, rejoice, be pleased". According to Douglas Q. Adams, the Sanskrit word <mask> is also found in other Indo-European languages such as Tocharian ram, reme, *romo- where it means "support, make still", "witness, make evident". The sense of "dark, black, soot" also appears in other Indo European languages, such as *remos or Old English romig. Legends
This summary is a traditional

masks: Rama Rama Ramachandra Rama Rama Ramavijaya Rama Ramar Rama Rama Rama Rama


title: Rama

texts:
 legendary account, based on literary details from the Ramayana and other historic mythology-containing texts of Buddhism and Jainism. According to Sheldon Pollock, the figure of <mask> incorporates more ancient "morphemes of Indian myths", such as the mythical legends of Bali and Namuci. The ancient sage Valmiki used these morphemes in his Ramayana similes as in sections 3.27, 3.59, 3.73, 5.19 and 29.28. Birth

<mask> was born on the ninth day of the lunar month Chaitra (March–April), a day celebrated across India as Ram Navami.This coincides with one of the four Navaratri on the Hindu calendar, in the spring season, namely the Vasantha Navaratri. The ancient epic Ramayana states in the Balakhanda that <mask> and his brothers were born to Kaushalya and Dasharatha in Ayodhya, a city on the banks of Sarayu River. The Jain versions of the Ramayana, such as the Paumacariya (literally deeds of Padma) by Vimalasuri, also mention the details of the early life of <mask>. The Jain texts are dated variously, but generally pre-500 CE, most likely sometime within the first five centuries of the common era. Moriz Winternitz states that the Valmiki Ramayana was already famous before it was recast in the Jain Paumacariya poem, dated to the second half of the 1st century CE, which pre-dates a similar retelling found in the Buddha-carita of Asvagosa, dated to the beginning of the 2nd century CE or prior. Dasharatha was the king of Kosala, and a part of the solar dynasty of Iksvakus. His mother's name Kaushalya literally implies that she was from Kosala.The kingdom of Kosala is also mentioned in

masks: Rama Rama Rama Rama


title: Rama

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 Buddhist and Jain texts, as one of the sixteen Maha janapadas of ancient India, and as an important center of pilgrimage for Jains and Buddhists. However, there is a scholarly dispute whether the modern Ayodhya is indeed the same as the Ayodhya and Kosala mentioned in the Ramayana and other ancient Indian texts. Youth, family and friends

<mask> had three brothers, according to the Balakhanda section of the Ramayana. These were Lakshmana, Bharata and Shatrughna. The extant manuscripts of the text describes their education and training as young princes, but this is brief. <mask> is portrayed as a polite, self-controlled, virtuous youth always ready to help others. His education included the Vedas, the Vedangas as well as the martial arts.The years when <mask> grew up are described in much greater detail by later Hindu texts, such as the Ramavali by Tulsidas. The template is similar to those found for Krishna, but in the poems of Tulsidas, <mask> is milder and reserved introvert, rather than the prank-playing extrovert personality of Krishna. The Ramayana mentions an archery contest organised by King Janaka, where Sita and <mask> meet. <mask> wins the contest, whereby Janaka agrees to the marriage of Sita and <mask>. Sita moves with <mask> to his father Dashratha's capital. Sita introduces <mask>'s brothers to her sister and her two cousins, and they all get married. While <mask> and his brothers were away, Kaikeyi, the mother of Bharata and the second wife of King Dasharatha, reminds the king that he had promised long ago to comply with one thing she asks, anything.Dasharatha

masks: Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama Rama