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 growth agency ATEED later stated that they did not give <mask>ka permission to use their corporate logos in material pitching their support. In the summer of 2018/19, <mask>ka and Irish vocalist Ronan Kavanagh toured Northland as part of the AA Solar Summer Music Series. In November 2018, <mask> and his father played at the Old Parakao Store Cafe/Bar in Pakotai. In October 2019, <mask> Jr. held a "Road to Chicago" tour across New Zealand as a warm-up to his tour of the United States in early 2020. Between January and mid-February 2020, he toured the United States, performing with blues guitarist and singer Buddy Guy in Chicago on 13 January. Political career

Founding of the New Zealand Public Party
During the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand, <mask> founded the New Zealand Public Party, which was launched on 11 June 2020.The Public Party campaigned against the Government's COVID-19 Public Health Response Act 2020 and opposed the United Nations, 5G technology, 1080 poison, fluoridation and electromagnets. <mask>ka spread misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic, alleging that the pandemic would enable globalist leaders to implement UN agendas that would subjugate people, and that billionaires had developed weaponised viruses and patented treatments for these viruses to enslave humanity. According to media reports, <mask>ka had researched fringe ideas circulating on social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube. His social media posts and live broadcasts were initially circulated for his Facebook friends, but gained a wider following and reached 30,000 views by May 2020. The popular reception to these broadcasts inspired him to found the Public Party. Since the Public Party had missed the deadline to register with the Electoral Commission for the 2020

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 New Zealand general election, <mask>ka attempted to merge his party with Hannah Tamaki's Vision NZ and the New Zealand Outdoors Party but was unsuccessful. On 26 July 2020, the Public Party announced an electoral alliance with independent Member of Parliament Jami-Lee Ross' Advance New Zealand party.Under this coalition arrangement, <mask> and Ross became co-leaders of the merged party. <mask> contested the Māori electorate of Te Tai Tokerau and had the top list ranking on Advance's list. In early August 2020, <mask> urged his party's supporters not to abuse the Outdoors Party's leadership after the Outdoors Party had rejected an offer to merge with the Public Party in April. However, he also alleged that the Outdoors Party's supporters had been abusive towards the Public Party. Following a second outbreak of COVID-19 community transmission in Auckland, <mask> participated in an anti-lockdown protest in Aotea Square that had been organised by Facts NZ and the Kotahitanga Movement Aotearoa. On 16 August, his Public Party was recognised by the Electoral Commission as a component party of Advance New Zealand. Election campaigning and opposition to lockdown
On 12 September 2020, <mask> and fellow Advance NZ co-leader Ross took part in a "National Rally for Freedom" rally in Auckland's Aotea Square opposing the Government's COVID-19 lockdown, which attracted thousands of people.In October 2020 it was revealed that <mask>'s paid weekly interviews with New Zealand conspiracy theorist Vinny Eastwood had violated electoral law as they did not include a legally-required promoter statement. The Electoral Commission took no action as <mask>hika's sponsorship had been disclosed. Election results and post-election events
The 2020 general election was held on 17 October.

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texts: <mask> came fourth in the Te Tai Tokerau electorate 1,349 votes; the seat was won by incumbent Labour Member of Parliament Kelvin Davis. The Advance NZ coalition gained one percent of the party vote (28,429 party votes), well below the five percent level needed to enter Parliament. As such, <mask> did not enter Parliament. Following the election, <mask> alleged that it had been rigged and that Advance NZ ballots had been disqualified because voters added comments or smiley faces to their ballots.He also claimed that 200,000 votes had been not been properly counted. He refused to accept the election result and said he planned a tally of Advance voters to prove the official process was corrupt. The Electoral Commission disputed <mask>'s allegations that adding comments to a ballot would invalidate them and rejected his allegation about the 200,000 lost votes. In a later post, he said that his figure of 200,000 was a mistake but stuck to his claim that Advance voters' ballots had been disqualified for writing comments and drawing smiley faces on them. On 26 October, <mask> severed ties with Advance NZ after its election failure, stating that he had decided not to continue with the party. Later that day, <mask> issued a statement clarifying that he was not severing relations with Advance NZ but was rather restoring its "autonomy." <mask> also vowed not to step down as party leader and reiterated his support for Advance NZ.In mid-November 2020, Newsroom and Newshub reported that <mask> and his NZ Public Party were locked in a dispute with Advance NZ over the ownership of party policies and access to funds within an ASB Bank account. On 6 November, Ross sent a letter to <mask> and the NZ Public Party claiming that the policies that the parties had co-written were

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texts: owned and copyrighted by Advance NZ. In addition, the NZ Public Party claimed that the ASB account was a shared account while Advance NZ's lawyer Graeme Edgeler contended that the account belonged to them. Ross also threatened <mask> with legal action in response to the latter's claims that Ross and his party committed theft and misconduct. On 14 January 2021, <mask> led a "freedom rally" outside the New Zealand Parliament. The rally opposed the Government's COVID-19 lockdown, 1080 usage, water fluoridation, Communist China, and the United Nations, and expressed support for United States President Donald Trump. The rally was attended by between 100 and 150 people with <mask> being accompanied by private security.On 19 February, <mask> announced the dissolution of the NZ Public Party, which he had briefly renamed the Freedom Party, but vowed to continue his activist work via social media. On 18 August 2021, <mask>ka led an anti-lockdown protest in the Auckland CBD that was attended by anti-lockdown activists and COVID-19 deniers. He was arrested by local police 43 minutes into his rally. <mask>ka reportedly cooperated with the authorities, allowing police to take him away as soon as possible to reduce the chance of his assorted supporters causing trouble. On 19 August, <mask> pleaded not guilty to violating two charges under the COVID-19 Public Health Response Act 2020 and one charge under the Search and Surveillance Act. He was granted bail to reappear in court on October 2021. In early September, a judge granted <mask>ka an exemption to continue his online sermons while awaiting trial.In December 2021, <mask>ka criticised other groups and leaders opposing the Government's COVID-19 restrictions in a video livestream, alleging there was dissension within the

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 movement. He claimed that Destiny Church leader Brian Tamaki would use his Freedom and Rights Coalition (TFRC) to recruit people into his church. <mask>ka also criticised the anti-vaccination group Voices For Freedom and farmer advocacy organisation Groundswell NZ for allowing only approved messaging on protest signs. <mask>ka criticised Groundswell for suppressing anti-vaccination messages at their marches. In response to <mask>'s remarks, Tamaki disputed <mask>'s claims there were dissension within the anti-lockdown movement and denied that he was trying to recruit people into his church. A Groundswell spokesperson emphasised that the organisation was focusing on advocating for farmers and rural New Zealanders and denied <mask>'s claim that the group was aligned with the National Party. Prosecution
In September 2021 <mask>hika was charged with filing a false electoral donation and obtaining $15,000 by deception.Name suppression lapsed and he was identified in October 2021. Community involvement and public image
Between 2009 and 2010, <mask> was involved with Holden's "Driving Towards a Future" programme, which sought to educate young drivers about road safety issues like drink driving, speeding and personal responsibility. Between August and October 2011, <mask>ka led a music tour to help The Salvation Army raise funds for families affected by the 2011 Christchurch earthquake. In October 2019, <mask>ka organised a special benefit concert to raise support for Auckland's homeless community called the "Blues For the Homeless," which played in Milford. Until late August 2020, <mask>ka served as an ambassador for the anti-domestic violence charity White Ribbons. Following his controversial remarks about COVID-19 and other issues, White Ribbons severed relations

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 with <mask>ka on the grounds that his remarks undermined the trust's evidence-based approach. This suspension accompanied an Advance NZ/NZ Public Party video falsely alleging that the New Zealand Government had passed legislation forcing people to take a COVID-19 vaccine.<mask> defended his remarks and stance, claiming that the Government was corrupt and that COVID-19 was "nothing worse than a flu." <mask> also alleged that he was the target of an international assassin. As leader of the NZ Public Party, <mask> advocated on behalf of a woman known as "L.K.," who was imprisoned in late August after she and her children breached managed isolation in Hamilton to attend her husband's funeral. <mask>ka described her as a "brave and courageous woman" who had "touched" his heart through her experience. He also claimed that he had lobbied the Government into releasing her after seven days. An investigation by Stuff Circuit, reported in October 2020, found that <mask>ka had misrepresented the New Zealand Government as backing a feasibility study to install solar power in 20 hotels in Samoa. In addition, <mask>ka unsuccessfully attempted to solicit NZ$30,000 from a businessman to establish an investment bank in Samoa.In January 2021 news website "thisquality" reported that that <mask> Kahika used a $200,000 loan given to him for a housing project for the homeless to instead purchase a Land Rover Discovery and fund his political movement, and that <mask>ka had admitted being under investigation over the matter. Personal life
At age 21, <mask> was baptised as a member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. He later joined the Seventh Day Adventist Reform Movement, and was re-baptised by the denomination on 13 December 2014, aged 42. Views and positions
According to

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 University of Otago religion scholar Deane Galbraith, <mask>ka's conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and the New World Order are rooted in evangelical Christian End Times theology. <mask>ka's opposition to the alleged "New World Order" has led him to support US President Donald Trump. In June 2020, <mask>ka made remarks in a Facebook Live video criticising the formation of Israel and propagating conspiracy theories related to the Rothschild family and Jewish control over the global financial system. In addition, he also claimed that Zionism was the "rape and infiltration" of Jewish identity and religion and described Judaism as a "Satanic deception."The New Zealand Jewish Council spokesperson Juliet Moses, Jewish spiritual leader Yaakov Brown, sociologist Paul Spoonley, and historian Sheree Trotter have criticised <mask>hika for promoting anti-Semitism. Notes and references

1972 births
Living people
21st-century New Zealand politicians
New Zealand anti-communists
New Zealand conspiracy theorists
Christian conspiracy theorists
COVID-19 conspiracy theorists
5G conspiracy theorists
New Zealand male guitarists
New Zealand guitarists
New Zealand Māori people
Leaders of political parties in New Zealand
People from Whangārei
Unsuccessful candidates in the 2020 New Zealand general election
Political party founders
Antisemitism in New

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title: Ronnie Arrow

texts:
<mask> (born August 28, 1947) is an American college basketball coach who was most recently the head coach at the University of South Alabama. Playing career
<mask> was a two-year All-Lone Star Conference honoree and a three-year letterman at Southwest Texas State (presently named Texas State). He graduated with a bachelor's degree in health and physical education in 1969. Coaching career

<mask> served as head coach at San Jacinto College in Pasadena, Texas from 1977 to 1987 where he tallied a record of 302–43 and guided the Ravens to 10 Texas Junior College Athletic Conference titles as well as NJCAA championships in 1983, 1984 and 1986. He was named the NJCAA Region XIV Coach-of-the-Year in 1983, 1984, 1986, 1987 and the national Coach-of-the-Year in 1983 and 1986. His 1985–86 squad led the nation in scoring, averaging 101 points per game. South Alabama
Arrow was named head coach of the Jaguars on July 1, 1987 and in his seven seasons as the Jaguars coach, <mask> compiled a record of 114–93.<mask> was named Sun Belt Coach of the Year in 1989 after guiding the Jaguars to both the regular and post-season tournament SunBelt titles. South Alabama finished with a 23–9 mark, a first round NCAA Tournament victory over cross-state rival Alabama before falling 91–82 to the eventual national champion Michigan in the second round. The Jags finished the season ranked 24th in the country. Following the 1990–1991 season, <mask> was named the Sun Belt Conference Coach-of-the-Year for the second time after engineering the most dramatic turnaround in league history. That year, his Jaguars became the first SunBelt squad ever to leap from last to first place in a single season. Projected to finish fifth in the conference, South Alabama went on to capture the league crown with an 11–3 mark. The Jags finished the season with a 22–9 record, swept through the Sun Belt Tournament and advanced to the NCAA Tournament before

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 falling to Utah in the first-round.Over the years, <mask> developed a reputation in the collegiate basketball circles for up-tempo, high-scoring teams. His squads led the Sun Belt Conference in scoring four of his seven seasons at South Alabama. His 1988–89 squad set a school and league record 91 points per game average and five of his seven teams tallied at least 80 points per game. <mask> was dismissed by then university president Frederick Whiddon in the fall of 1994 after beginning that season 1–3 and suffering losses in his final two games by 68 and 46 points. Junior World Cup Team
In the summer of 1989, <mask> coached the United States Junior World Cup Team to a perfect 7–0 record and the gold medal at the Pan-American Basketball Confederation (COPABA) Junior World Championship in Uruguay. Among his players were future NBA stars Grant Hill, Calbert Cheaney and Allan Houston. Texas A&M–Corpus Christi
Arrow is the first basketball coach at TAMCC and started the program as a Division I school after it had gone 25 years without a basketball program.He got the job thanks to a recommendation from Tim Floyd. <mask> began the Islanders program in July 1998. <mask> guided A&M–Corpus Christi to an impressive 13–13 mark in year one of the project. The Islanders, winners of five-consecutive games to close the season, turned some heads early with their 76–74 upset of 2000 NCAA-Tournament qualifier, Samford in the first round of the Holiday Tribune Classic. A&M-Corpus Christi even took its cracks at "Goliath" as well. In the finals of the Holiday Tribune Classic, the Islanders were tied 34–34 with Iowa State, the eventual champion of the Big 12 Conference and a team that advanced to the Elite Eight. Arrow put Texas A&M–Corpus Christi on the national map in 2003 when they were ranked in the top-25 Mid-Major Poll nearly the entire season last year and even received votes in the ESPN/USA Today Top-25 Coaches Poll

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 during the 2004–2005 season.His Islanders got immediate attention when they took down Florida State, 70–67 on the Seminoles home court on Nov 22, 2004, then followed that up with an upset win over Old Dominion, handing the Monarchs one of their five losses in the regular season. During his tenure, <mask> led the Islanders to wins over such programs as Texas Tech and Texas A&M, as well as 2004 NCAA Tournament-qualifier Murray State. During the 2000–01 campaign, <mask>'s Islanders notched a 14–14 record, which included an 86–80 victory over Texas Tech in Lubbock. Under his direction, the Islanders eclipsed the 100-point barrier six times en route to an 85.5-point per game average, which would have ranked third in the country if not for TAMUCC's "provisional" status. Michael Hicks finished off his brilliant two-year career by posting 26.7 points per contest, which would have ranked second among all NCAA Division I scorers. He gained all-region honors following the season. In 2007 <mask> and the Islanders earned their first berth in the NCAA Tournament at Midwest Regional as the #15 seed.They lost 76–63 to #2 seed Wisconsin in the first round. <mask> was 134–91 in eight years at A&M-Corpus Christi. His last three years, the Islanders were 66–23. They won the Southland Conference regular-season and tournament titles and made the school's first NCAA appearance in 2007, losing to number 2 seed, Wisconsin in the first round after leading by 18 pts. He was named the 2007 Southland Conference Coach of the Year. South Alabama (II)
On April 17, 2007 <mask> returned for a second tenure at South Alabama. He inherited a veteran team left by John Pelphrey, who left for the University of Arkansas.<mask> intended to employ an up-tempo style and build on the success of a South Alabama club that went 44–19 the last two years under Pelphrey. On January 24, 2009, in a game against the University of Louisiana at Lafayette's

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 Ragin' Cajuns, <mask> contested the winning shot, claiming that the buzzer sounded before the Cajuns' Randell Daigle made the 3-point shot to win the game. After reviewing the video, <mask> argued with officials while a sports intern from KLFY-TV filmed the incident. There has been no official complaint filed with the Sun Belt Conference or with South Alabama over the ordeal. <mask> abruptly announced his retirement from the University of South Alabama on December 19, 2012. The Jaguars had a 5–5 record at the time. He was succeeded on an interim basis by associate head coach Jeff Price.Awards
 1983 NJCAA National Coach of the Year
 1983 NJCAA Region XIV Coach of the Year
 1984 NJCAA Region XIV Coach of the Year
 1986 NJCAA National Coach of the Year
 1986 NJCAA Region XIV Coach of the Year
 1987 NJCAA Region XIV Coach of the Year
 1989 Sunbelt Conference Coach of the Year
 1991 Sunbelt Conference Coach of the Year
 2007 Southland Conference Coach of the Year
 2008 Sunbelt Conference Coach of the Year

<mask> and his wife, Nelda, have one daughter, Ailey. In junior college, <mask> coached several players who went onto enjoy careers in the NBA: Walter Berry, Alton Lister, Ladell Eackles and Larry Spriggs. Bachelor of Science, Southwest Texas State, 1969
Master of Education, Sam Houston State, 1972
Before becoming a college coach, <mask> served as head coach at Pasadena (Texas) High School. References

1947 births
Living people
American men's basketball coaches
American men's basketball players
Basketball coaches from Texas
Basketball players from Houston
College men's basketball head coaches in the United States
Junior college men's basketball coaches in the United States
Sam Houston State Bearkats men's basketball coaches
South Alabama Jaguars men's basketball coaches
Sportspeople from Mobile, Alabama
Texas A&M–Corpus Christi Islanders men's basketball coaches
Texas State Bobcats men's basketball

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texts: <mask>, 1st <mask> of Bewdley,  (3 August 186714 December 1947) was a British Conservative statesman who dominated the government of the United Kingdom between the world wars, serving as Prime Minister on three occasions, from May 1923 to January 1924, from November 1924 to June 1929, and from June 1935 to May 1937. Born to a prosperous family in Bewdley, Worcestershire, <mask> was educated at Hawtreys, Harrow School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He joined the family iron and steel making business and entered the House of Commons in 1908 as the Member for Bewdley, succeeding his father Alfred. He served as Financial Secretary to the Treasury (1917–1921) and President of the Board of Trade (1921–1922) in the coalition ministry of David Lloyd George and then rose rapidly: in 1922, <mask> was one of the prime movers in the withdrawal of Conservative support from Lloyd George; he subsequently became Chancellor of the Exchequer in Bonar Law's Conservative ministry. Upon Bonar Law's resignation for health reasons in May 1923, <mask> became Prime Minister and Leader of the Conservative Party. He called an election in December 1923 on the issue of tariffs and lost the Conservatives' parliamentary majority, after which Ramsay MacDonald formed a minority Labour government. After winning the 1924 general election, <mask> formed his second government, which saw important tenures of office by Sir Austen Chamberlain (Foreign Secretary), Winston Churchill (at the Exchequer) and Neville Chamberlain (Health).The latter two ministers strengthened Conservative appeal by reforms in areas formerly associated with the Liberal Party. They included industrial conciliation, unemployment insurance, a more

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texts: extensive old-age pension system, slum clearance, more private housing and expansion of maternal care and childcare. However, continuing sluggish economic growth and declines in mining and heavy industry weakened <mask>'s base of support. His government also saw the General Strike in 1926 and introduced the Trade Disputes and Trade Unions Act 1927 to curb the powers of trade unions. <mask> narrowly lost the 1929 general election and his continued leadership of the party was subject to extensive criticism by press barons Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook. In 1931, with the onset of the Great Depression, Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald formed a National Government, most of whose ministers were Conservatives, and which won an enormous majority at the 1931 general election. As Lord President of the Council and one of four Conservatives among the small ten-member Cabinet, <mask> took over many of the Prime Minister's duties when MacDonald's health deteriorated.This government saw an Act delivering increased self-government for India, a measure opposed by Churchill and by many rank-and-file Conservatives. The Statute of Westminster 1931 gave Dominion status to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, while taking the first step towards the Commonwealth of Nations. As party leader, <mask> made many striking innovations, such as clever use of radio and film, that made him highly visible to the public and strengthened Conservative appeal. In 1935, <mask> replaced MacDonald as prime minister and won the 1935 general election with another large majority. During this time, he oversaw the beginning of British rearmament and the abdication of King Edward VIII. <mask>'s third

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 government saw a number of crises in foreign affairs, including the public uproar over the Hoare–Laval Pact, the remilitarisation of the Rhineland, and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. <mask> retired in 1937 and was succeeded by Neville Chamberlain.At that time, <mask> was regarded as a popular and successful prime minister, but for the final decade of his life and for many years afterwards he was vilified for having presided over high unemployment in the 1930s and as one of the "Guilty Men" who had tried to appease Adolf Hitler and who had supposedly not rearmed sufficiently to prepare for the Second World War. Today, modern scholars generally rank him in the upper half of British prime ministers. Early life: family, education and marriage
<mask> was born at Lower Park House (Lower Park, Bewdley) in Worcestershire, England, to Alfred and Louisa  (MacDonald<mask>, and through his mother was a first cousin of the writer and poet Rudyard Kipling, with whom he was close for their entire lives. A summer spent with Kipling and his sister with the freedom of farm and Forest at Loughton in 1877 was seminal in the development of both boys. The family was prosperous, and owned the eponymous iron and steel making business that in later years became part of Richard Thomas and Baldwins. <mask>'s schools were St Michael's School, at the time located in Slough, Berkshire, followed by Harrow School. He later wrote that "all the king's horses and all the king's men would have failed to have drawn me into the company of school masters, and in relation to them I once had every qualification as a passive resister."<mask> then went on to the University of Cambridge, where he studied history at

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 Trinity College. His time at university was blighted by the presence, as Master of Trinity, of Henry Montagu Butler, his former headmaster who had punished him at Harrow for writing a piece of schoolboy smut. He was asked to resign from the Magpie & Stump (the Trinity College debating society) for never speaking, and, after receiving a third-class degree in history, he went into the family business of iron manufacturing. His father sent him to Mason College for one session of technical training in metallurgy as preparation. As a young man he served briefly as a second lieutenant in the Artillery Volunteers at Malvern, and in 1897 became a JP for the county of Worcestershire. <mask> married Lucy Ridsdale on 12 September 1892. Following the birth of a still-born son in January 1894, the couple had six surviving children:
 Lady Diana Lucy <mask> (born 8 April 1895, died 1982)
 Lady Leonora <mask> (born 10 July 1896, died 1989)
 Lady Pamela Margaret <mask> (born 16 September 1897, died 14 August 1976)
 Major Oliver Ridsdale <mask>, 2nd <mask> of Bewdley (born 1 March 1899, died 10 August 1958)
 Lady Esther Louisa (Betty<mask> (born 16 March 1902, died 1981)
 Arthur Windham <mask>, 3rd <mask> of Bewdley (born 22 March 1904, died 5 July 1976)

<mask>'s youngest daughter, Lady Betty, was severely injured by shrapnel in March 1941 as a result of a bombing raid which destroyed the Café de Paris nightclub she was attending and decapitated the famous bandleader Ken "Snakehips" Johnson.She required facial reconstruction surgery from the pioneering surgeon Archibald MacIndoe. <mask> proved to be adept as a businessman, and acquired a reputation as a modernising industrialist. He inherited

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 £200,000, , and a directorship of the Great Western Railway on the death of his father in 1908. Early political career
In the 1906 general election he contested Kidderminster but lost amidst the Conservative landslide defeat after the party split on the issue of free trade. In a by-election in 1908 he was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for Bewdley, in which role he succeeded his father, who had died earlier that year. During the First World War he became Parliamentary Private Secretary to the party leader Bonar Law. In 1917 he was appointed to the junior ministerial post of Financial Secretary to the Treasury, where he sought to encourage voluntary donations by the rich to repay the United Kingdom's war debt, writing letters to The Times under the pseudonym 'FST', many of which were published.He relinquished to the Treasury one fifth of his own fortune (its total estimated at own account as £580,000) held in the form of War Loan stock worth £120,000. Joins Cabinet

Although he entered politics at a relatively late age, his rise to the top leadership was very rapid. In the Treasury he served jointly with Sir Hardman Lever, who had been appointed in 1916, but after 1919 <mask> carried out the duties largely alone. He was appointed to the Privy Council in the 1920 Birthday Honours. In 1921 he was promoted to the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade. Chancellor of the Exchequer
In late 1922 dissatisfaction was steadily growing within the Conservative Party over its coalition with the Liberal David Lloyd George. At a meeting of Conservative MPs at the Carlton Club in October, <mask> announced that he would no longer support the coalition, and famously condemned Lloyd George for

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 being a "dynamic force" that was bringing destruction across politics.The meeting chose to leave the coalition, against the wishes of most of the party leadership. As a direct result Bonar Law was forced to search for new ministers for a Cabinet which he would lead, and so promoted <mask> to the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the November 1922 general election the Conservatives were returned with a majority in their own right. Prime Minister: First term (1923–1924)

In May 1923 Bonar Law was diagnosed with terminal cancer and retired immediately; he died five months later. With many of the party's senior leading figures standing aloof and outside of the government, there were only two candidates to succeed him: Lord Curzon, the Foreign Secretary, and <mask>. The choice formally fell to King George V acting on the advice of senior ministers and officials. It is not entirely clear what factors proved most crucial, but some Conservative politicians felt that Curzon was unsuitable for the role of prime minister because he was a member of the House of Lords.Curzon was strong and experienced in international affairs, but his lack of experience in domestic affairs, his personal character quirks and his huge inherited wealth and many directorships at a time when the Conservative Party was seeking to shed its patrician image were all deemed impediments. Much weight at the time was given to the intervention of Arthur Balfour. The King turned to <mask> to become prime minister. Initially <mask> was also Chancellor of the Exchequer whilst he sought to recruit the former Liberal Chancellor Reginald McKenna to join the government. When this failed he appointed Neville Chamberlain to

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 that position. The Conservatives now had a clear majority in the House of Commons and could govern for five years before holding a general election, but <mask> felt bound by Bonar Law's pledge at the previous election that there would be no introduction of tariffs without a further election. Thus <mask> turned towards a degree of protectionism which would remain a key party message during his lifetime.With the country facing growing unemployment in the wake of free trade imports driving down prices and profits, <mask> decided to call an early general election in December 1923 to seek a mandate to introduce protectionist tariffs which, he hoped, would drive down unemployment and spur an economic recovery. He expected to unite his party but he divided it, for protectionism proved a divisive issue. The election was inconclusive: the Conservatives had 258 MPs, Labour 191 and the reunited Liberals 159. Whilst the Conservatives retained a plurality in the House of Commons, they had been clearly defeated on the central issue: tariffs. <mask> remained prime minister until the opening of the new Parliament in January 1924, when his administration was defeated in a vote on its legislative programme set out in the King's Speech. He offered his resignation to George V immediately. Leader of the Opposition (1924)
<mask> successfully held on to the party leadership amid some colleagues' calls for his resignation.For the next ten months, an unstable minority Labour government under Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald held office. On 13 March 1924, the Labour government was defeated for the first time in the Commons, although the Conservatives decided to vote with Labour later that day against the

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 Liberals. During a debate on the naval estimates the Conservatives opposed Labour but supported them on 18 March in a vote on cutting expenditure on the Singapore military base. <mask> also cooperated with MacDonald over Irish policy to stop it becoming a party-political issue. The Labour government was negotiating with the Soviet government over intended commercial treaties – 'the Russian Treaties' – to provide most favoured nation privileges and diplomatic status for the UK trade delegation; and a treaty that would settle the claims of pre-revolutionary British bondholders and holders of confiscated property, after which the British government would guarantee a loan to the Soviet Union. <mask> decided to vote against the government over the Russian Treaties, which brought the government down on 8 October. The general election held in October 1924 brought a landslide majority of 223 for the Conservative party, primarily at the expense of an unpopular Liberal Party.<mask> campaigned on the "impracticability" of socialism, the Campbell Case, the Zinoviev letter (which <mask> thought was genuine, and the Conservatives leaked to the Daily Mail at a most damaging time to the Labour campaign; the letter is now widely believed to have been a forgery) and the Russian Treaties. In a speech during the campaign <mask> said:

It makes my blood boil to read of the way which Mr. Zinoviev is speaking of the Prime Minister today. Though one time there went up a cry, "Hands off Russia", I think it's time somebody said to Russia, "Hands off England". Prime Minister: Second term (1924–1929)

<mask>'s new Cabinet now included many former political associates of Lloyd George: former Coalition


title: Stanley Baldwin

texts: Conservatives: Austen Chamberlain (as Foreign Secretary), Lord Birkenhead (Secretary for India) and Arthur Balfour (Lord President after 1925), and the former Liberal Winston Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer. This period included the General Strike of 1926, a crisis that the government managed to weather, despite the havoc it caused throughout the UK. <mask> created the Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies, a volunteer body of those opposed to the strike which was intended to complete essential work. At <mask>'s instigation Lord Weir headed a committee to "review the national problem of electrical energy".It published its report on 14 May 1925 and in it Weir recommended the setting up of a Central Electricity Board, a state monopoly half-financed by the Government and half by local undertakings. <mask> accepted Weir's recommendations and they became law by the end of 1926. The Board was a success. By 1939 electrical output was up fourfold and generating costs had fallen. Consumers of electricity rose from three-quarters of a million in 1920 to nine million in 1938, with annual growth of 700,000 to 800,000 a year (the fastest rate of growth in the world). One of his legislative reforms was a paradigm shift in his party. This was the Widows, Orphans and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act of 1925, which provided a pension of 10 shillings a week for widows with extra for children, and 10 shillings a week for insured workers and their wives at 65.This transformed Toryism, away from its historic reliance on community (particularly religious) charities, and towards acceptance of a humanitarian welfare state which would guarantee a minimum living standard for those unable to

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 work or who took out national insurance. In 1927, he was made a Fellow of the Royal Society. Leader of the Opposition (1929–1931)
In 1929 Labour returned to office as the largest party in the House of Commons (although without an overall majority) despite obtaining fewer votes than the Conservatives. In opposition, <mask> was almost ousted as party leader by the press barons Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook, whom he accused of enjoying "power without responsibility, the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages". Ramsden argues that <mask> made dramatic permanent improvements to the organisation and effectiveness of the Conservative Party. He enlarged the headquarters with professionals, professionalised the party agents, raised ample funds, and was an innovative user of the new mass media of radio and film. Lord President of the Council (1931–1935)
By 1931, as the economy headed towards crisis, both in Britain and around the world, with the onset of the Great Depression, <mask> and the Conservatives entered into a coalition with Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald.This decision led to MacDonald's expulsion from his own party, and <mask>, as Lord President of the Council, became de facto prime minister, deputising for the increasingly senile MacDonald, until he once again officially became prime minister in 1935. One central and vitally important agreement was the Statute of Westminster 1931, which conferred full self-government upon the Dominions Canada, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand, while preparing the first steps towards the eventual Commonwealth of Nations, and away from the designation 'British Empire'. In 1930, the first British Empire Games sports competition


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 was held successfully among Empire nations in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. His government then secured with great difficulty the passage of the landmark Government of India Act 1935, in the teeth of opposition from Winston Churchill, spokesman for the die-hard imperialists who filled the Conservative ranks. Disarmament
<mask> did not advocate total disarmament but believed that, as Lord Grey of Falloden had stated in 1925, "great armaments lead inevitably to war". However he came to believe that, as he put it on 10 November 1932: "the time has now come to an end when Great Britain can proceed with unilateral disarmament". On 10 November 1932 <mask> said:

I think it is well also for the man in the street to realise that there is no power on earth that can protect him from being bombed.Whatever people may tell him, the bomber will always get through, The only defence is in offence, which means that you have to kill more women and children more quickly than the enemy if you want to save yourselves...If the conscience of the young men should ever come to feel, with regard to this one instrument [bombing] that it is evil and should go, the thing will be done; but if they do not feel like that – well, as I say, the future is in their hands. But when the next war comes, and European civilisation is wiped out, as it will be, and by no force more than that force, then do not let them lay blame on the old men. Let them remember that they, principally, or they alone, are responsible for the terrors that have fallen upon the earth. This speech was often used against <mask> as allegedly demonstrating the futility of rearmament or disarmament, depending on the critic. With the second part of the


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 Disarmament Conference starting in January 1933, <mask> attempted to see through his hope of air disarmament. However he became alarmed at Britain's lack of defence against air raids and German rearmament, saying it "would be a terrible thing, in fact, the beginning of the end". In April 1933 the Cabinet agreed to follow through with the construction of the Singapore military base.On 15 September 1933 the German delegate at the Disarmament Conference refused to return to the Conference and Germany left altogether in October. On 6 October <mask>, in a speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Birmingham, pleaded for a Disarmament Convention and then said:

when I speak of a Disarmament Convention I do not mean disarmament on the part of this country and not on the part of any other. I mean the limitation of armaments as a real limitation...and if we find ourselves on some lower rating and that some other country has higher figures, that country has to come down and we have to go up until we meet. On 14 October Germany left the League of Nations. The Cabinet decided on 23 October that Britain should still attempt to cooperate with other states, including Germany, in international disarmament. However between mid-September 1933 and the beginning of 1934 <mask>'s mind changed from hoping for disarmament to favouring rearmament, including parity in aircraft. In late 1933 and early 1934 he rejected an invitation from Hitler to meet him, believing that visits to foreign capitals were the job of Foreign Secretaries.On 8 March 1934 <mask> defended the creation of four new squadrons for the Royal Air Force against Labour criticisms and said of international disarmament:

If all our efforts


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 for an agreement fail, and if it is not possible to obtain this equality in such matters as I have indicated, then any Government of this country—a National Government more than any, and this Government—will see to it that in air strength and air power this country shall no longer be in a position inferior to any country within striking distance of our shores. On 29 March 1934 Germany published its defence estimates, which showed a total increase of one-third and an increase of 250% in its air force. A series of by-elections in late 1933 and early 1934 with massive swings against government candidates—most famous was Fulham East with a 26.5% swing— convinced <mask> that the British public was profoundly pacifist. <mask> also rejected the "belligerent" views of those like Churchill and Robert Vansittart because he believed that the Nazis were rational men who would appreciate the logic of mutual and equal deterrence. He also believed war to be "the most fearful terror and prostitution of man's knowledge that ever was known". Prime Minister: Third term (1935–1937)

With MacDonald's health in decline, he and <mask> changed places in June 1935: <mask> was now prime minister, MacDonald Lord President of the Council. In October that year, <mask> called a general election.Neville Chamberlain advised <mask> to make rearmament the leading issue in the election campaign against Labour and said that if a rearmament programme was not announced until after the election, his government would be seen as having deceived the people. However, <mask>
<mask>'s younger son A. Windham <mask>, writing in 1955, argued that his father, <mask>, had planned a rearmament programme as early as 1934 but had to do

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texts: so quietly to avoid antagonising the public, whose pacifism was revealed by the Peace Ballot of 1934–35 and endorsed by both the Labour and the Liberal oppositions. His thorough presentation of the case for rearmament in 1935, his son argued, defeated pacifism and secured a victory that allowed rearmament to move ahead.On 31 July 1934, the Cabinet approved a report that called for expansion of the Royal Air Force to the 1923 standard by creating 40 new squadrons over the next five years. On 26 November 1934, six days after receiving the news that the German air force would be as large as the RAF within one year, the Cabinet decided to speed up air rearmament from four years to two. On 28 November 1934, Churchill moved an amendment to the vote of thanks for the King's Speech: "the strength of our national defences, and especially our air defences, is no longer adequate". His motion was known eight days before it was moved, and a special Cabinet meeting decided how to deal with the motion, which dominated two other Cabinet meetings. Churchill said Germany was rearming and requested that the money spent on air armaments be doubled or tripled to deter an attack and that the Luftwaffe was nearing equality with the RAF. <mask> responded by denying that the Luftwaffe was approaching equality and said it was "not 50 per cent" of the RAF. He added that by the end of 1935 the RAF would still have "a margin of nearly 50 per cent" in Europe.After <mask> said that the government would ensure the RAF had parity with the future German air force, Churchill withdrew his amendment. In April 1935, the Air Secretary reported that although Britain's strength in the air would be ahead of Germany's for at


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 least three years, air rearmament needed to be increased; so the Cabinet agreed to the creation of an extra 39 squadrons for home defence by 1937. However, on 8 May 1935, the Cabinet heard that it was estimated that the RAF was inferior to the Luftwaffe by 370 aircraft and that to reach parity, the RAF must have 3,800 aircraft by April 1937, an extra 1,400 above the existing air programme. It was learnt that Germany was easily able to outbuild that revised programme as well. On 21 May 1935, the Cabinet agreed to expanding the home defence force of the RAF to 1,512 aircraft (840 bombers and 420 fighters). On 22 May 1935 <mask> confessed in the Commons, "I was wrong in my estimate of the future. There I was completely wrong."On 25 February 1936, the Cabinet approved a report calling for expansion of the Royal Navy and the re-equipment of the British Army (though not its expansion), along with the creation of "shadow factories" built by public money and managed by industrial companies. The factories came into operation in 1937. In February 1937, the Chiefs of Staff reported that by May 1937, the Luftwaffe would have 800 bombers, compared to the RAF's 48. In the debate in the Commons on 12 November 1936, Churchill attacked the government on rearmament as being "decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful to be impotent. So we go on, preparing more months and years – precious, perhaps vital, to the greatness of Britain – for the locusts to eat". <mask> replied:

I put before the whole House my own views with an appalling frankness. From 1933, I and my friends were all very worried about what was happening in Europe.You will


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texts: remember at that time the Disarmament Conference was sitting in Geneva. You will remember at that time there was probably a stronger pacifist feeling running through the country than at any time since the War. I am speaking of 1933 and 1934. You will remember the election at Fulham in the autumn of 1933.... That was the feeling of the country in 1933. My position as a leader of a great party was not altogether a comfortable one. I asked myself what chance was there... within the next year or two of that feeling being so changed that the country would give a mandate for rearmament? Supposing I had gone to the country and said that Germany was rearming and we must rearm, does anybody think that this pacific democracy would have rallied to that cry at that moment!I cannot think of anything that would have made the loss of the election from my point of view more certain.... We got from the country – with a large majority – a mandate for doing a thing that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible. Churchill wrote to a friend: "I have never heard such a squalid confession from a public man as <mask> offered us yesterday". In 1935 <mask> wrote to J. C. C. Davidson in a letter now lost that said of Churchill: "If there is going to be a war – and no one can say that there is not – we must keep him fresh to be our war Prime Minister". Thomas Dugdale also claimed <mask> said to him: "If we do have a war, Winston must be Prime Minister. If he is in [the Cabinet] now we shan't be able to engage in that war as a united nation". The General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress, Walter Citrine, recalled a conversation he had had with <mask> on 5 April 1943: "<mask> thought his


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texts:
 [Churchill's] political recovery was marvellous. He, personally, had always thought that if war came Winston would be the right man for the job".The Labour Party strongly opposed the rearmament programme. Clement Attlee said on 21 December 1933: "For our part, we are unalterably opposed to anything in the nature of rearmament". On 8 March 1934, Attlee said, after <mask> defended the Air Estimates, "we on our side are out for total disarmament". On 30 July 1934, Labour moved a motion of censure against the government because of its planned expansion of the RAF. Attlee spoke for it: "We deny the need for increased air arms...and we reject altogether the claim of parity". Sir Stafford Cripps also said on that occasion that it was fallacy that Britain could achieve security through increasing air armaments. On 22 May 1935, the day after Hitler had made a speech claiming that German rearmament offered no threat to peace, Attlee asserted that Hitler's speech gave "a chance to call a halt in the armaments race".Attlee also denounced the Defence White Paper of 1937: "I do not believe the Government are going to get any safety through these armaments". Abdication of Edward VIII
The accession of King Edward VIII, and the ensuing abdication crisis, brought <mask>'s last major test in office. The new monarch was "an ardent exponent of the cause of Anglo-German understanding" and had "strong views on his right to intervene in affairs of state," but the "Government's main fears... were of indiscretion." The King proposed to marry Wallis Simpson, an American woman who was twice divorced. The high-minded <mask> felt that he could tolerate her as "a respectable whore" as long as she stayed behind the


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texts: throne but not as "Queen Wally". Mrs. Simpson was also distrusted by the government for her known pro-German sympathies and was believed to be in "close contact with German monarchist circles". During October and November 1936, <mask> joined the royal family in trying to dissuade the King from that marriage, arguing that the idea of having a twice-divorced woman as the Queen would be rejected by the government, by the country and by the Empire and that "the voice of the people must be heard."As the public standing of the King would be gravely compromised, the Prime Minister gave him time to reconsider the notion of this marriage. According to the historian Philip Williamson, "The offence lay in the implications of [the King's] attachment to Mrs. Simpson for the broader public morality and the constitutional integrity which were now perceived—especially by <mask>—as underpinning the nation's unity and strength." News of the affair was broken in the newspapers on 2 December. There was some support for the wishes of the King, especially in and around London. The romantic royalists Churchill, Mosley, and the press barons, Lord Beaverbrook of the Daily Express and Lord Rothermere of the Daily Mail, all declared that the king had a right to marry whichever woman he wished. The crisis assumed a political dimension when Beaverbrook and Churchill tried to rally support for the marriage in Parliament. However, the King's party could muster only 40 Members of Parliament in support, and the majority opinion sided with <mask> and his Conservative government.The Labour leader, Clement Attlee, told <mask> "that while Labour people had no objection to an American becoming Queen, [he] was certain they


title: Stanley Baldwin

texts: would not approve of Mrs. Simpson for that position", especially in the provinces and in the Commonwealth countries. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Cosmo Lang, held that the King, as the head of the Church of England, should not marry a divorcée. The Times argued that the monarchy's prestige would be destroyed if "private inclination were to come into open conflict with public duty and be allowed to prevail". While some recent critics have complained that "<mask> refused the reasonable request for time to reflect, preferring to keep the pressure on the King – once again suggesting that his own agenda was to force the crisis to a head" and that he "never mentioned that the alternative [to the marriage] was abdication", the House of Commons immediately and overwhelmingly came out against the marriage. The Labour and Liberal parties, the Trades Union Congress, and the dominions of Australia and Canada, all joined the British cabinet in rejecting the King's compromise, initially supported and perhaps conceived by Churchill, for a morganatic marriage that had originally been made on 16 November. The crisis threatened the unity of the British Empire, since the King's personal relationship with the Dominions was their "only remaining constitutional link". <mask> still hoped that the King would choose the throne over Mrs. Simpson.For the King to act against the wishes of the cabinet would have precipitated a constitutional crisis. <mask> would have had to resign, and no other party leader would have served as the prime minister under the King, with the Labour Party having already indicated that it would not form a ministry to uphold impropriety. <mask> told the Cabinet, one Labour MP had


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 asked, "Are we going to have a fascist monarchy?" When the Cabinet refused the morganatic marriage, Edward decided to abdicate. The King's final plea, on 4 December, to broadcast an appeal to the nation was rejected by the Prime Minister as too divisive. Nevertheless, at his final audience with King Edward on 7 December, <mask> offered to strive all night with the King's conscience, but he found Edward to be determined to go. <mask> announced the King's abdication in the Commons on 10 December.Harold Nicolson, an MP who witnessed <mask>'s speech, wrote in his diary:

There is no moment when he overstates emotion or indulges in oratory. There is intense silence broken only by the reporters in the gallery scuttling away to telephone the speech.... When it was over... [we] file out broken in body and soul, conscious that we have heard the best speech that we shall ever hear in our lives. There was no question of applause. It was the silence of Gettysburg...No man has ever dominated the House as he dominated it tonight, and he knows it. After the speech, the House adjourned and Nicolson bumped into <mask> as he was leaving, who asked him what he thought of the speech. Nicolson said it was superb to which <mask> replied: "Yes ... it was a success.I know it. It was almost wholly unprepared. I had a success, my dear Nicolson, at the moment I most needed it. Now is the time to go". The King abdicated on 11 December and was succeeded by his brother, George VI. Edward VIII was assigned the title of the Duke of Windsor by his brother and then married Mrs. Simpson in France in June 1937 after her divorce from Ernest Simpson had become final. <mask> had defused a political crisis by turning it


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 into a constitutional question.His discreet resolution met with general approval and restored his popularity. He was praised on all sides for his tact and patience and was not in the least put out by the protestors' cries of "God save the King—from <mask>!" "Flog <mask>! Flog him!! We—want—Edward." John Charmley argued in his history of the Conservative Party that <mask> was pushing for more democracy and less of an old aristocratic upper-class tone. Monarchy was to be a national foundation by which the head of the Church.the State, and the Empire would draw upon 1000 years of tradition and could unify the nation. George V was an ideal fit: "an ordinary little man with the philistine tastes of most of his subjects, he could be presented as the archetypical English paterfamilias getting on with his duties without fuss." Charmley finds that George V and <mask>, "made a formidable conservative team, with their ordinary, honest, English decency proving the first (and most effective) bulwark against revolution". Edward VIII, flaunting his upper-class playboy style, suffered from an unstable neurotic character and needed a strong stabilising partner, a role that Mrs. Simpson was unable to provide. <mask>'s final achievement was to smooth the way for Edward to abdicate in favour of his younger brother, who became George VI. Both father and son demonstrated the value of a democratic king during the severe physical and psychological hardships of the world wars, and the tradition was carried on by Elizabeth II. Retirement

Leaving office and peerage
After the coronation of George VI, <mask> announced on 27 May 1937 that he would resign the premiership the next day.His last act as prime minister


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 was to raise the salaries of MPs from £400 a year to £600 and to give the leader of the Opposition a salary. That was the first rise in MPs' wages since their introduction in 1911, and it particularly benefited Labour MPs. Harold Nicolson wrote in his diary that it "was done with <mask>'s usual consummate taste. No man has ever left in such a blaze of affection". <mask> was knighted as a knight of the Garter (KG) on 28 May and ennobled as <mask> of Bewdley and Viscount Corvedale, of Corvedale in the County of Salop on 8 June. Attitude to appeasement
<mask> supported the Munich Agreement and said to Chamberlain on 26 September 1938: "If you can secure peace, you may be cursed by a lot of hotheads but my word you will be blessed in Europe and by future generations". <mask> made a rare speech in the House of Lords on 4 October and said that he could not have gone to Munich but praised Chamberlain's courage.He also said the responsibility of a prime minister was not to commit a country to war until he was sure that it was ready to fight. If there was a 95% chance of war in the future, he would still choose peace. He also said he would put industry on a war footing the next day, as the opposition to such a move had disappeared. Churchill said in a speech: "He says he would mobilise tomorrow. I think it would have been much better if <mask> had said that two and a half years ago when everyone demanded a Ministry of Supply". Two weeks after Munich, <mask> said prophetically in a conversation with Lord Hinchingbrooke: "Can't we turn Hitler East? Napoleon broke himself against the Russians.Hitler might do the same". <mask>'s years in retirement were quiet. After Chamberlain's death in 1940,

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texts:
 <mask>'s perceived part in prewar appeasement made him an unpopular figure during and after World War II. With a succession of British military failures in 1940, <mask> started to receive critical letters: "insidious to begin with, then increasingly violent and abusive; then the newspapers; finally the polemicists who, with time and wit at their disposal, could debate at leisure how to wound the deepest". He did not have a secretary and so was not shielded from the often-unpleasant letters that were sent to him. After a bitterly-critical letter was sent to him by a member of the public, <mask> wrote: "I can understand his bitterness. He wants a scapegoat and the men provided him with one".His biographers Middlemas and Barnes claim that "the men" almost certainly meant the authors of Guilty Men. Letter to Lord Halifax
After Lord Halifax made a speech on the strength of prayer as the instrument that could be invoked by the humblest to use in their country's service, <mask> wrote to him on 23 July 1940:

With millions of others I had prayed hard at the time of Dunkirk and never did prayer seem to be more speedily answered to the full. And we prayed for France and the next day she surrendered. I thought much, and when I went to bed I lay for a long time vividly awake. And I went over in my mind what had happened, concentrating on the thoughts that you had dwelt on, that prayer to be effective must be in accordance with God's will, and that by far the hardest thing to say from the heart and indeed the last lesson we learn (if we ever do) is to say and mean it, 'Thy will be done.' And I thought what mites we all are and how we can never see God's plan, a plan on such a scale that it must be


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texts:
 incomprehensible. And suddenly for what must have been a couple of minutes I seemed to see with extraordinary and vivid clarity and to hear someone speaking to me.The words at the time were clear, but the recollection of them had passed when I seemed to come to, as it were, but the sense remained, and the sense was this. 'You cannot see the plan'; then 'Have you not thought there is a purpose in stripping you one by one of all the human props on which you depend, that you are being left alone in the world? You have now one upon whom to lean and I have chosen you as my instrument to work with my will. Why then are you afraid?' And to prove ourselves worthy of that tremendous task is our job. Iron gates criticism
In September 1941, <mask>'s old enemy, Lord Beaverbrook, asked all local authorities to survey their area's iron and steel railings and gates that could be used for the war effort. Owners of such materials could appeal for an exemption on grounds of artistic or historic merit, which would be decided by a panel set up by local authorities.<mask> applied for exemption for the iron gates of his country home on artistic grounds and his local council sent an architect to assess them. In December, the architect advised for them to be exempt, but in February 1942, the Ministry of Supply overruled that and said all his gates must go except the ones at the main entrance. A newspaper campaign hounded him for not donating the gates to war production. The Daily Mirror columnist Cassandra denounced <mask>:

Here was the country in deadly peril with half the Empire swinging in the wind like a busted barn door hanging on one hinge. Here was Old England half smothered in a shroud crying for


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 steel to cut her way out, and right in the heart of beautiful Worcestershire was a one-time Prime Minister, refusing to give up the gates of his estate to make guns for our defence – and his. Here was an old stupid politician who had tricked the nation into complacency about rearmament for fear of losing an election.... Here is the very shrine of stupidity....This National Park of Failure.... There were fears that if the gates were not taken by the proper authorities, "others without authority might". Thus, months before any other collections were made, <mask>'s gates were removed except for those at the main entrance. Two of Beaverbrook's friends after the war claimed that it was Beaverbrook's decision despite Churchill saying, "Lay off <mask>'s gates". At Question Time in the House of Commons, Conservative MP Captain Alan Graham said: "Is the honourable Member aware that it is very necessary to leave Lord <mask> his gates in order to protect him from the just indignation of the mob?" Comments on politics
During the war, Churchill consulted him only once, in February 1943, on the advisability of his speaking out strongly against the continued neutrality of Éamon de Valera's Ireland. <mask> saw the draft of Churchill's speech and advised against it, which Churchill followed.A few months after this visit to Churchill, <mask> told Harold Nicolson, "I went into Downing Street.... a happy man. Of course it was partly because an old buffer like me enjoys feeling that he is still not quite out of things. But it was also pure patriotic joy that my country at such a time should have found such a leader. The furnace of the war has smeltered out all base metals from him". To D. H. Barber,


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 <mask> wrote of Churchill: "You can take it from me he is a really big man, the War has brought out the best that was in him. His head isn't turned the least little bit by the great position he occupies in the eyes of the world. I pray he is spared to see us through".In private, <mask> defended his conduct in the 1930s:

the critics have no historical sense. I have no Cabinet papers by me and do not want to trust my memory. But recall the Fulham election, the peace ballot, Singapore, sanctions, Malta. The English will only learn by example. When I first heard of Hitler, when Ribbentrop came to see me, I thought they were all crazy. I think I brought Ramsay and Simon to meet Ribbentrop. Remember that Ramsay's health was breaking up in the last two years.He had lost his nerve in the House in the last year. I had to take all the important speeches. The moment he went, I prepared for a general election and got a bigger majority for rearmament. No power on earth could have got rearmament without a general election except by a big split. Simon was inefficient. I had to lead the House, keep the machine together with those Labour fellows. In December 1944, strongly advised by friends, <mask> decided to respond to criticisms of him through a biographer.He asked G. M. Young, who accepted and asked Churchill to grant permission to Young to see Cabinet papers. <mask> wrote:

I am the last person to complain of fair criticism, but when one book after another appears and I am compared, for example, to Laval, my gorge rises; but I am crippled and cannot go and examine the files of the Cabinet Office. Could G. M. Young go on my behalf? Last years and death

In June 1945, <mask>'s wife, Lucy, died.


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 <mask> himself now suffered from arthritis and needed a cane to walk. When he made his final public appearance in London in October 1947 at the unveiling of a statue of George V, a crowd of people recognised and cheered him, but he had become deaf and so asked: "Are they booing me?" Having been made Chancellor of the University of Cambridge in 1930, he continued in that capacity until his death in his sleep at Astley Hall, near Stourport-on-Severn, Worcestershire, on 14 December 1947.He was cremated in Birmingham, and his ashes were buried in Worcester Cathedral. <mask> was a member of the Oddfellows and Foresters Friendly Society. Legacy

Upon his retirement in 1937, he had received a great deal of praise, but the onset of World War II would change his public image for the worse. <mask>, Chamberlain and MacDonald were held responsible for Great Britain's military unpreparedness on the eve of war in 1939. Peter Howard, writing in the Sunday Express (3 September 1939), accused <mask> of deceiving the country of the dangers that faced it in order not to rearm and so win the 1935 general election. During the ill-fated Battle of France in May 1940, Lloyd George in conversation with Churchill and General Ironside railed against <mask> and said that "he ought to be hanged". In July 1940, a bestseller Guilty Men appeared, which blamed <mask> for failing to rearm enough.In May 1941, Hamilton Fyfe wrote an article ("Leadership and Democracy") for Nineteenth Century and After, which also laid those charges against <mask>. In 1941, A. L. Rowse criticised <mask> for lulling the people into a false sense of security and as a practitioner in "the art of taking the people in":

what can this man

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texts: think in the still watches of the night, when he contemplates the ordeal his country is going through as the result of the years, the locust years, in which he held power? Churchill firmly believed that <mask>'s conciliatory stance toward Hitler gave the impression that in the case of an attack by the German dictator, Britain would not fight. Churchill was known for his magnanimity toward political rivals such as Chamberlain but had none to spare for <mask>. "I wish <mask> no ill," Churchill said in declining to send him 80th birthday greetings in 1947, "but it would have been much better had he never lived." Churchill also believed that <mask>, rather than Chamberlain, would be most blamed by subsequent generations for the policies that led to "the most unnecessary war in history". An index entry in the first volume of Churchill's "History of the Second World War" (The Gathering Storm) records <mask> "admitting to putting party before country" for his alleged admission that he would not have won the 1935 election if he had pursued a more aggressive policy of rearmament.Churchill selectively quoted a speech in the Commons by <mask> that gave the false impression that <mask> was speaking of the general election, instead of the Fulham by-election in 1933, and omitted <mask>'s actual comments about the 1935 election: "We got from the country, a mandate for doing a thing [a substantial rearmament programme] that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible". In his speech on <mask>'s death, Churchill paid him a double-edged yet respectful tribute: "He was the most formidable politician I ever encountered in public life". In 1948, Reginald Bassett published an essay disputing

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title: Stanley Baldwin

texts: the claim that <mask> "confessed" to putting party before country and claimed that <mask> was referring to 1933 and 1934 when a general election on rearmament would have been lost. In 1952, G. M. Young published an authorised biography of <mask> that asserted that <mask> united the nation and helped moderate the policies of the Labour Party. However, Young accepted the chief criticisms of <mask> that he failed to rearm early enough and that he put party before country. Young contends that <mask> should have retired in 1935. Churchill and Beaverbrook deemed several passages in the biography to be defamatory of their own actions and threatened to sue if they were not removed or altered.A settlement was reached to remove the offending sentences, and the publisher Rupert Hart-Davis had the "hideously expensive" job of removing and replacing seven leaves from 7,580 copies. In response to Young's biography, D. C. Somervell published <mask>: An examination of some features of Mr. G. M. Young's biography in 1953 with a foreword by Ernest Brown. This attempted to defend <mask> against the charges made by Young. Both Young and Somervell were criticised by C. L. Mowat in 1955, who claimed that they both failed to rehabilitate <mask>'s reputation. In 1956, <mask>'s son A. W<mask> published a biography entitled My Father: The True Story. It has been written that his son "evidently could not decide whether he was answering the charge of inanition and deceit which grew out of the war, or the radical "dissenters" of the early 1930s who thought the Conservatives were warmongers and denounced them for rearming at all". In an article written to commemorate the centenary of <mask>'s birth, in The

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title: Stanley Baldwin

texts: Spectator ("Don't Let's Be Beastly to <mask>", 14 July 1967), Rab Butler defended <mask>'s moderate policies and claimed that it helped heal social divisions.In 1969 the first major biography of <mask> appeared, of over 1,000 pages, written by Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, both Conservatives who wished to defend <mask>. In 1998, historian Andrew Thorpe wrote that apart from the questions of war and peace, <mask> had a mixed reputation. He was moved by social deprivation but not to the point of legislation and systematically avoided intervention in the economy and social system. He had a ruthless style that included insincerity. His advisors were second rank figures like Davidson and Bridgeman. Thorpe wrote, "Essentially, <mask> was a much more neurotic and insecure character than his public persona would have suggested", as shown by his nervous breakdown in 1936 that kept him out of action for three months. On the other hand, Thorpe says that <mask> was a good co-ordinator of his coalition who did not block colleagues who proposed various small reforms.Thorpe argued that <mask>'s handling of the 1926 general strike was "firm and uncompromising" but disliked the harsh Trade Disputes Act that followed because it was too far to the right of <mask>'s preferred moderation. Thorpe praised <mask>'s handling of the Abdication Crisis in 1936, which allowed <mask> to leave office in a blaze of glory. Thorpe said that <mask> often lacked drive and was too easily depressed, too pessimistic and too neglectful of foreign affairs. On the other hand, he achieved his primary goals of preserving capitalism, maintaining the parliamentary system and strengthening the Conservative Party as a leading

masks: Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin


title: Stanley Baldwin

texts: opponent of socialism. In 1999, Philip Williamson published a collection of essays on <mask> that attempted to explain his beliefs and defended his policies as prime minister. <mask>'s defenders argued that with pacifist appeasement the dominant political view in Britain, France and the United States, he felt he could not start a programme of rearmament without a national consensus on the matter. Williamson argued that <mask> had helped create "a moral basis for rearmament in the mid 1930s" that contributed greatly to "the national spirit of defiance after Munich".Williamson admitted that there was a clear postwar consensus that repudiated and denigrated all interwar governments: <mask> was targeted with the accusation that he had failed to rearm Britain in the 1930s, despite Hitler's threat. Williamson said that the negative reputation was chiefly the product of partisan politics, the bandwagon of praise for Churchill, selective recollections, and the need for scapegoats to blame for Britain's very close call in 1940. Only during the 1960s would political distance and then the opening of government records lead to more balanced historical assessments, but the myth had become so central to larger myths about the 1930s and 1940s that it persists as conventional wisdom about the period. By 2004, Ball could report, "The pendulum has swung almost completely towards a positive view." Ball noted, "<mask> is now seen as having done more than most and perhaps as much as was possible in the context, but the fact remains that it was not enough to deter the aggressors or ensure their defeat. Less equivocal was his rediscovery as a moderate and inclusive Conservative for the modern age, part of a


title: Stanley Baldwin

texts:
 'one nation tradition'." Governments as prime minister

First government, May 1923 – January 1924
 <mask> – Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Cave – Lord Chancellor
 Lord Salisbury – Lord President of the Council
 Lord Robert Cecil – Lord Privy Seal (Viscount Cecil of Chelwood from 28 December 1923)
 William Bridgeman – Home Secretary
 Lord Curzon of Kedleston – Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Leader of the House of Lords
 The Duke of Devonshire – Secretary of State for the Colonies
 Lord Derby – Secretary of State for War
 Lord Peel – Secretary of State for India
 Sir Samuel Hoare – Secretary of State for Air
 Lord Novar – Secretary for Scotland
 Leo Amery – First Lord of the Admiralty
 Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame – President of the Board of Trade
 Sir Robert Sanders – Minister of Agriculture
 E. F. L. Wood – President of the Board of Education
 Sir Anderson Montague-Barlow – Minister of Labour
 Neville Chamberlain – Minister of Health
 Sir William Joynson-Hicks – Financial Secretary to the Treasury
 Sir Laming Worthington-Evans – Postmaster-General

Changes
 August 1923 – Neville Chamberlain took over from <mask> as Chancellor of the Exchequer.Sir William Joynson-Hicks succeeded Chamberlain as Minister of Health. Joynson-Hicks' successor as Financial Secretary to the Treasury was not in the Cabinet. Second cabinet, November 1924 – June 1929
 <mask> – Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Cave – Lord Chancellor
 Lord Curzon of Kedleston – Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Lords
 Lord Salisbury – Lord Privy Seal
 Winston Churchill – Chancellor of the Exchequer
 Sir William Joynson-Hicks

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title: Stanley Baldwin

texts:
 May 1937
 <mask> – Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Hailsham – Lord Chancellor
 Ramsay MacDonald – Lord President of the Council
 Lord Londonderry – Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords
 Neville Chamberlain – Chancellor of the Exchequer
 Sir John Simon – Home Secretary and Deputy Leader of the House of Commons
 Sir Samuel Hoare – Foreign Secretary
 Malcolm MacDonald – Colonial Secretary
 J. H. Thomas – Dominions Secretary
 Lord Halifax – Secretary for War
 Lord Zetland – Secretary of State for India
 Lord Swinton – Secretary of State for Air
 Sir Godfrey Collins – Secretary of State for Scotland
 Bolton Eyres-Monsell – First Lord of the Admiralty
 Walter Runciman – President of the Board of Trade
 Walter Elliot – Minister of Agriculture
 <mask> – President of the Board of Education
 Ernest Brown – Minister of Labour
 Sir Kingsley Wood – Minister of Health
 William Ormsby-Gore – First Commissioner of Works
 Anthony Eden – Minister without Portfolio with responsibility for League of Nations Affairs
 Lord Eustace Percy – Minister without Portfolio with responsibility for government policy

Changes
 November 1935 – Malcolm MacDonald succeeded J. H. Thomas as Dominions Secretary. Thomas succeeded MacDonald as Colonial Secretary. Lord Halifax succeeded Lord Londonderry as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords. Duff Cooper succeeded Halifax as Secretary for War.Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister became Viscount Swinton and Bolton Eyres-Monsell became Viscount Monsell, both remaining in the Cabinet. December 1935 Anthony Eden succeeded Sir Samuel Hoare as Foreign Secretary and was not replaced as Minister without Portfolio. March 1936 – Sir Thomas Inskip

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title: Stanley Baldwin

texts:
 entered the Cabinet as Minister for the Coordination of Defence. Lord Eustace Percy left the Cabinet. May 1936 – William Ormsby-Gore succeeded J. H. Thomas as Colonial Secretary. Lord Stanhope succeeded Ormsby-Gore as First Commissioner of Works. June 1936 – Sir Samuel Hoare succeeded Lord Monsell as First Lord of the Admiralty.October 1936 – Walter Elliot succeeded Collins as Scottish Secretary. William Morrison succeeded Elliot as Minister of Agriculture. Leslie Hore-Belisha entered the Cabinet as Minister of Transport. Honours

Cultural depictions

Bibliography
 <mask>, <mask>. Service of Our Lives: Last Speeches as Prime Minister (London: National Book Association, Hutchinson & Co., 1937). viii, 167 pp. speeches from between 12 December 1935 to 18 May 1937.See also
 Interwar Britain

 List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s

Notes

Further reading
   a short scholarly biography
 Ball, Stuart. <mask> & the Conservative Party: The Crisis of 1929–1931 (1988) 266pp

 Campbell, John. "<mask>" in John P, McIntosh, ed, British Prime Ministers in the 20th Century: volume 1 Balfour to Chamberlain (1977) 1:188–218
 Cowling, Maurice. The Impact of Labour. 1920–1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics (Cambridge University Press, 1971). Cowling, Maurice.The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940 (U of Chicago Press, 1977). Dunbabin, J. P. D. "British Rearmament in the 1930s: a Chronology and Review." Historical Journal 18#3 (1975): 587–609. Argues <mask> rearmed enough to save Britain while it stood alone in 1940–41. Delays in rearmament were caused by slow decision-making. not by any political scheme to insure <mask>'s return to office in

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texts:
 1935.Hyde, H. Montgomery. <mask>: The Unexpected Prime Minister (1973); 616pp;
 Jenkins, Roy<mask> (1987)
  McKercher, B. J. C. Second Baldwin Government & the United States, 1924–1929: Attitudes & Diplomacy (1984),  271pp. Malament, Barbara C. '<mask> Re-restored? ', The Journal of Modern History, (Mar. 1972), 44#1 pp. 87–96.in JSTOR, historiography
 Mowat, C. L.  '<mask> Restored? ', The Journal of Modern History, (June. 1955) 27#2  pp. 169–174. in JSTOR
 Middlemas, Keith, and John Barnes, Baldwin: A Biography (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969); 1100 pp of details
 Ramsden, John. The age of Balfour and <mask>, 1902–1940. Vol.3 Of the history of the Conservative Party (1978). Raymond, John. "The Baldwin Age" History Today (Sep 1960) 10#9 pp 598–607. on the frivolous features of  frivolous years of the Baldwin era, 1923-1937. Rowse, A. L. 'Reflections on <mask>', Political Quarterly, XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, End of an Epoch (1947).Stannage, Tom. <mask> Thwarts the Opposition: The British General Election of 1935 (1980) 320pp. Somervell, D.C. The Reign of King George V, (1936)  pp 342 – 409.online free
 Taylor, A. J. P. English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford University Press, 1990). Taylor, Andrew J. "<mask>, Heresthetics and the Realignment of British Politics," British Journal of Political Science, (July 2005), 35#3 pp 429–463, <mask> polarized politics with Labour, squeezing out the Liberals
 Thorpe, Andrew. "<mask>, first <mask> of Bewdley."in Robert Eccleshall and Graham S. Walker, eds. Biographical Dictionary of British Prime Ministers (1998): 273–280. Williamson, Philip. <mask>. Conservative Leadership and National Values (Cambridge University Press, 1999).

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title: Stanley Baldwin

texts:
 Williamson, Philip. "<mask>'s Reputation: Politics and History, 1937–1967," Historical Journal (Mar 2004) 47#1 pp 127–168 in JSTOR
 Williamson, Philip.Safety First': <mask>, the Conservative Party, and the 1929 General Election," Historical Journal, (June 1982) 25#2 pp 385–409 in JSTOR
 Williamson, Philip. <mask>: conservative leadership and national values  ( Cambridge UP, 1999). Introduction

External links

 Churchill, Baldwin & The Gold Standard – UK Parliament Living Heritage
 <mask> Baldwin on the Downing Street

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title: Elizabeth Buffum Chace

texts:
<mask> (December 9, 1806 – December 12, 1899) was an American activist in the anti-slavery, women's rights, and prison reform movements of the mid-to-late 19th century. She was inducted into the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame in 2002. Birth and early life
<mask> was born <mask> in Smithfield, Rhode Island on December 9, 1806, to <mask> and Rebecca Gould, the <mask> and Gould families were some of the oldest families in New England. A birthright Quaker, <mask> grew up in a household that was anti-slavery, her father Arnold holding strong beliefs in that regard and being president of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Marriage and early activities
On April 4, 1828, Buffum married <mask>, also a birthright Quaker of an old New England family. It was after her marriage to Samuel that <mask> began to become truly influential in the anti-slavery movement. Although Samuel was not as outspoken as his wife, he shared her beliefs and together, they opened their home in Valley Falls, Rhode Island as a Station on the Underground Railroad, at great personal risk, to runaway slaves helping them escape to Canada.<mask> had ten children with Samuel. The first five died in childhood to diseases that ravaged the families of that time. In 1835, <mask> helped to found the Fall River Female Anti Slavery Society, after the original group struggled to integrate the free black women who wished to join as members. She and her sisters held the point of view of working to end all racist practices, and not just working towards abolition as the original group intended. She named the group the "Fall River Anti-Slavery Sewing Society" (The word Sewing was later changed to include Female)

The Civil War Years

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title: Elizabeth Buffum Chace

texts:
With the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, the Chaces continued their striving for the outlaw of slavery and although firmly supportive of the Union cause, were disappointed that Abraham Lincoln did not move immediately to abolish slavery. <mask> <mask> met and corresponded regularly with many of the most significant Anti-Slavery figures of that time; she associated personally with William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and William Wells Brown, and hosted them frequently at her home. As an illustration of just how dedicated to and involved in the anti-slavery movement the Buffum family were, while John Brown was being held in Virginia after his actions at Harpers Ferry and right prior to being hanged, <mask>'s sister Rebecca Buffum and her son Edward journeyed to Virginia from Rhode Island specifically to visit with Brown in his cell.They requested and received special permission from the Virginia authorities to do so thinking that they could "minister" to John Brown. By their own account of the visits, John Brown welcomed them openly. Later years
In her later life, <mask> continued to advocate for the political rights for women and for prison and workplace reform. She and other influential women were involved in the creation of the RI State Home and School for Dependent and Neglected Children, which resulted in a bill in 1884 to create a home for them. The School was opened in 1885. She died on December 12, 1899, aged 93, and was buried at Swan Point Cemetery in Providence, Rhode Island. Legacy

Conscience of Rhode Island
In 2001, Rhode Island Secretary of State, Edward S. Inman III selected <mask> <mask> out of a field of 36 nominees including Anne Hutchinson and

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Chace


title: Elizabeth Buffum Chace

texts:
 Christiana Carteaux Bannister, to be singularly honored with a bronze bust in the Rhode Island State House as "The Conscience of Rhode Island" for her tireless championing of the rights of the less fortunate.This was the first time in the history of the Rhode Island State House that an image of a woman was displayed within the building. The bust of <mask> Chase was created and sculpted by the Bolivian born artist Pablo Eduardo of Gloucester, Massachusetts. Influence of the family
Samuel and <mask>'s progeny played large roles in higher education in the 20th century. Their son, <mask> <mask>, became the Chancellor of Brown University and a renowned mathematician associated with the Rhind Papyrus. Their daughter, Lillie <mask> <mask> Wyman, became an author publishing several books and writing regularly for such magazines as The Atlantic Monthly in addition to being a tireless social reformer. Samuel and <mask>'s grandson, Malcolm Greene <mask>, was a US Collegiate Tennis Champion, and father of American ice hockey. Two of their other grandsons, <mask> Tolman and <mask> Tolman, both became professors of renown.Richard played a crucial role as Scientific Liaison for the United States Army on the Manhattan Project, and Edward, a pioneer in Behaviorism, successfully sued the University of California, Berkeley for firing him for refusing to sign the infamous Loyalty Oath of the 1950s during the McCarthy Era. However, the <mask> family is perhaps best known for its involvement in textile manufacturing. The textile company associated with the <mask> family, the Valley Falls Company, later became known as Berkshire Fine Spinning Associates, later Berkshire Hathaway. Influence on the Foundation

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title: Elizabeth Buffum Chace

texts:
 of the Rhode Island State Home and School
Buffum was one of the largest impetuses in the Foundation of the Rhode Island State Home and School in 1885. See also
<mask>. References

Further reading
 <mask> <mask>, 1806–1899, Her Life and its Environment, In Two Volumes, by Lillie <mask> <mask> Wyman and Arthur Crawford Wyman, WB Clarke Co., Boston, 1914. Two Quaker Sisters, From the Original Diaries of <mask> <mask> and <mask> Lovell, with an introduction by Malcolm R. Lovell, and foreword by Rufus M. Jones.New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 1937. <mask> <mask> and Lillie <mask> Wyman: A Century of Abolitionist, Suffragist and Workers' Rights Activism, by <mask>. Stevens, McFarland and Company, 2003. <mask> <mask> and Lillie <mask> Wyman, by <mask>. Stevens, Unstoppable mother and daughter activists
<mask> <mask> Anti-Slavery Reminiscences (archive.org)

External links

First Petition for Women's Suffrage in Rhode Island from the Rhode Island State Archives

American women's rights activists
American Quakers
People from Providence, Rhode Island
People from Smithfield, Rhode Island
People from Cumberland, Rhode Island
1806 births
1899 deaths
Underground Railroad people
Burials at Swan Point Cemetery
Quaker abolitionists
Quaker feminists
19th-century American

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title: Ibn Taymiyyah

texts: Taqī ad-Dīn ʾAḥmad ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm ibn ʿAbd al-Salām al-Numayrī al-Ḥarrānī (, January 22, 1263 – September 26, 1328), known simply <mask>h (), was a Sunni Islamic scholar, muhaddith, polymath, theologian, judge, philosopher, and sometimes controversial thinker and political figure. He is known for his diplomatic involvement with the Ilkhanid ruler Ghazan Khan and for his involvement at the Battle of Marj al-Saffar which ended the Mongol invasions of the Levant. A member of the Hanbali school, <mask>h's iconoclastic views on widely accepted doctrines of his time such as the veneration of saints and the visitation to their tomb-shrines made him unpopular with many scholars and rulers of the time, under whose orders he was imprisoned several times. A polarising figure in his own times and in the centuries that followed, <mask>h has become one of the most influential medieval writers in contemporary Islam, where his particular interpretations of the Qur'an and the Sunnah and his rejection of some aspects of classical Islamic tradition are believed to have had considerable influence on contemporary ultra-conservative movements such as Salafi-Jihadism. Particular aspects of his teachings had a profound influence on Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the founder of the Hanbali

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title: Ibn Taymiyyah

texts:
 reform movement practiced in Saudi Arabia, and on other later Wahabi scholars. Rashid Rida considered him as the renewer of the Islamic 7th century of Hijri year. Moreover, <mask>h's controversial fatwa allowing jihad against other Muslims is referenced by al-Qaeda and other jihadi groups.Their reading of <mask>h's thought has been challenged by recent scholarship. Name
<mask>h's full name is ʾAḥmad ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm ibn ʿAbd as-Salām ibn ʿAbdullāh ibn al-Khiḍr ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Khiḍr ibn ʾIbrāhīm ibn ʿAli ibn ʿAbdullāh an-Numayrī al-Ḥarrānī (). <mask>h's () name is unusual in that it is derived from a female member of his family as opposed to a male member, which was the normal custom at the time and still is now. Taymiyyah was a prominent woman, famous for her scholarship and piety and the name <mask>h was taken up by many of her male descendants. Overview
<mask>h had a simple life, most of which he dedicated to learning, writing, and teaching. He never married nor did he have a female companion throughout his years. Al-Matroudi says that this may be why he was able to engage fully with the political affairs of his time without holding any official position such as that of a judge.An offer of an official position was made to him but he never accepted. His life

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title: Ibn Taymiyyah

texts: was that of a religious scholar and a political activist. In his efforts he was persecuted and imprisoned on six occasions with the total time spent inside prison coming to over six years. Other sources say that he spent over twelve years in prison. His detentions were due to certain elements of his creed and his views on some jurisprudential issues. However, according to Yahya Michot, "the real reasons were more trivial". Michot gives five reasons as to why <mask>h was imprisoned, they being: not complying with the "doctrines and practices prevalent among powerful religious and Sufi establishments, an overly outspoken personality, the jealousy of his peers, the risk to public order due to this popular appeal and political intrigues."Baber Johansen, a professor at the Harvard Divinity School, says that the reasons for <mask>h's incarcerations were, "as a result of his conflicts with Muslim mystics, jurists, and theologians, who were able to persuade the political authorities of the necessity to limit <mask>h's range of action through political censorship and incarceration." <mask>h's own relationship, as a religious scholar, with the ruling apparatus was not always amicable. It ranged from silence to open rebellion. On occasions when he shared the same views and aims

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 as the ruling authorities, his contributions were welcomed but when <mask>h went against the status quo, he was seen as "uncooperative" and on occasions spent much time in prison. <mask>h's attitude towards his own rulers, was based on the actions of Muhammad's companions when they made an oath of allegiance to him as follows; "to obey within obedience to God, even if the one giving the order is unjust; to abstain from disputing the authority of those who exert it; and to speak out the truth, or take up its cause without fear in respect of God, of blame from anyone." Early years

Background
His father had the Hanbali chair in Harran and later at the Umayyad Mosque. Harran was a city part of the Sultanate of Rum, now Harran is a small city on the border of Syria and Turkey, currently in Şanlıurfa province.At the beginning of the Islamic period, Harran was located in the land of the Mudar tribe (Diyar Mudar). Before its destruction by the Mongols, Harran was also well known since the early days of Islam for its Hanbali school and tradition, to which <mask>h's family belonged. His grandfather, Abu al-Barkat Majd ad-Din ibn <mask> al-Hanbali (d. 1255) and his uncle, Fakhr al-Din (d. 1225) were reputable scholars of the Hanbali school of law. Likewise, the scholarly

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title: Ibn Taymiyyah

texts:
 achievements of his father, Shihab al-Din Abd al-Halim ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1284) were also well known. Immigration to Damascus
In 1269, aged seven, <mask>h, left Harran together with his father and three brothers. The city was completely destroyed by the ensuing Mongol invasion. <mask>h's family moved and settled in Damascus, Syria, which at the time was ruled by the Mamluk Sultanate.Education
In Damascus, his father served as the director of the Sukkariyya Madrasa, a place where <mask>h also received his early education. <mask>h acquainted himself with the religious and secular sciences of his time. His religious studies began in his early teens, when he committed the entire Qur'an to memory and later on came to learn the Islamic disciplines of the Qur'an. From his father he learnt the religious science of fiqh (jurisprudence) and usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence). <mask>h learnt the works of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, al-Khallal, <mask> and also the works of his grandfather, Abu al-Barakat Majd ad-Din. His study of jurisprudence was not limited to the Hanbali tradition but he also learnt the other schools of jurisprudence. The number of scholars under which he studied hadith is said to number more than two hundred, four of whom were women.Those who are known by name

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title: Ibn Taymiyyah

texts: amount to forty hadith teachers, as recorded by <mask>h in his book called Arba`un Hadithan. Serajul Haque says, based on this, <mask>h started to hear hadith from the age of five. One of his teachers was the first Hanbali Chief Justice of Syria, Shams ud-Din Al-Maqdisi who held the newly created position instituted by Baibars as part of a reform of the judiciary. Al-Maqdisi later on, came to give <mask>h permission to issue Fatawa (legal verdicts) when he became a mufti at the age of 17. <mask>h's secular studies led him to devote attention to Arabic language and Arabic literature by studying Arabic grammar and lexicography under Ali ibn `Abd al-Qawi al-Tufi. He went on to master the famous book of Arabic grammar, Al-Kitab, by the Persian grammarian Sibawayhi. He also studied mathematics, algebra, calligraphy, theology (kalam), philosophy, history and heresiography.Based on the knowledge he gained from history and philosophy, he used to refute the prevalent philosophical discourses of his time, one of which was Aristotelian philosophy. <mask>h learnt about Sufism and stated that he had reflected on the works of; Sahl al-Tustari, Junayd of Baghdad, Abu Talib al-Makki, Abdul-Qadir Gilani, Abu Hafs Umar al-Suhrawardi and <mask>. At the age of 20 in the year 1282,

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