female foeticide in india female foeticide in india female foeticide in india (hindi: भ्रूण हत्या, romanized: bhrūṇ-hatyā, lit. 'foeticide') is the abortion of a female foetus outside of legal methods. a research by pew research center based on union government data indicates foeticide of at least 9 million females in the years 2000-2019. the research found that 86.7% of these foeticides were by hindus (80% of the population), followed by sikhs(1.7% of the population) with 4.9%, and muslims(14% of the population) with 6.6%. the research also indicated an overall decline in preference for sons in the time period. the natural sex ratio is assumed to be between 103 and 107 males per 100 females, and any number above it is considered suggestive of female foeticide. according to the decennial indian census, the sex ratio in 0 to 6 age group in india has risen from 102.4 males per 100 females in 1961, to 104.2 in 1980, to 107.5 in 2001, to 108.9 in 2011. the child sex ratio is within the normal range in all eastern and southern states of india, but significantly higher in certain western and particularly northwestern states such as maharashtra, haryana, jammu and kashmir (118, 120 and 116, as of 2011, respectively). the western states of maharashtra and rajasthan 2011 census found a child sex ratio of 113, gujarat at 112 and uttar pradesh at 111. the indian census data indicates that the sex ratio is poor when women have one or two children, but gets better as they have more children, which is result of sex-selective "stopping practices" (stopping having children based on sex of those born). the indian census data also suggests there is a positive correlation between abnormal sex ratio and better socio-economic status and literacy. this may be connected to the dowry system in india where dowry deaths occur when a girl is seen as a financial burden. urban india has higher child sex ratio than rural india according to 1991, 2001 and 2011 census data, implying higher prevalence of female foeticide in urban india. similarly, child sex ratio greater than 115 boys per 100 girls is found in regions where the predominant majority is hindu; furthermore "normal" child sex ratio of 104 to 106 boys per 100 girls are found in regions where the predominant majority is muslim, sikh or christian. these data suggest that sex selection is a practice which takes place among some educated, rich sections or a particular religion of the indian society. there is an ongoing debate as to whether these high sex ratios are only caused by female foeticide or some of the higher ratio is explained by natural causes. the indian government has passed pre-conception and pre-natal diagnostic techniques act (pcpndt) in 1994 to ban and punish prenatal sex screening and female foeticide. it is currently illegal in india to determine or disclose sex of the foetus to anyone. however, there are concerns that pcpndt act has been poorly enforced by authorities. high sex ratio implication one school of scholars suggest that any birth sex ratio of boys to girls that is outside of the normal 105-107 range, necessarily implies sex-selective abortion. these scholars claim that both the sex ratio at birth and the population sex ratio are remarkably constant in human populations. significant deviations in birth sex ratios from the normal range can only be explained by manipulation, that is sex-selective abortion. in a widely cited article, amartya sen compared the birth sex ratio in europe (106) and united states (105+) with those in asia (107+) and argued that the high sex ratios in east asia, west asia and south asia may be due to excessive female mortality. sen pointed to research that had shown that if men and women receive similar nutritional and medical attention and good health care then females have better survival rates, and it is the male which is the genetically fragile sex. sen estimated 'missing women' from extra women who would have survived in asia if it had the same ratio of women to men as europe and united states. according to sen, the high birth sex ratio over decades, implies a female shortfall of 11% in asia, or over 100 million women as missing from the 3 billion combined population of india, other south asian countries, west asia, north africa and china. origin male to female sex ratio for india, based on its official census data, from 1941 through 2011. the data suggests the existence of high sex ratios before and after the arrival of ultrasound-based prenatal care and sex screening technologies in india. female foeticide has been linked to the arrival, in the early 1990s, of affordable ultrasound technology and its widespread adoption in india. obstetric ultrasonography, either transvaginally or transabdominally, checks for various markers of fetal sex. it can be performed at or after week 12 of pregnancy. at this point, 3⁄4 of fetal sexes can be correctly determined, according to a 2001 study. accuracy for males is approximately 50% and for females almost 100%. when performed after week 13 of pregnancy, ultrasonography gives an accurate result in almost 100% of cases. availability ultrasound technology arrived in china and india in 1979, but its expansion was slower in india. ultrasound sex discernment technologies were first introduced in major cities of india in 1980s, its use expanded in india's urban regions in 1990s, and became widespread in 2000s. magnitude estimates for female foeticide estimates for female foeticide vary by scholar. one group estimates more than 10 million female fetuses may have been illegally aborted in india since 1990s, and 500,000 girls were being lost annually due to female foeticide. macpherson estimates that 100,000 abortions every year continue to be performed in india solely because the fetus is female. reasons for female foeticide various theories have been proposed as possible reasons for sex-selective abortion. culture is favored by some researchers, while some favor disparate gender-biased access to resources. some demographers question whether sex-selective abortion or infanticide claims are accurate, because underreporting of female births may also explain high sex ratios. natural reasons may also explain some of the abnormal sex ratios. klasen and wink suggest india and china's high sex ratios are primarily the result of sex-selective abortion. cultural preference one school of scholars suggested that female foeticide can be seen through history and cultural background. generally, male babies were preferred because they provided manual labor and success the family lineage. the selective abortion of female fetuses is most common in areas where cultural norms value male children over female children for a variety of social and economic reasons. a son is often preferred as an "asset" since he can earn and support the family; a daughter is a "liability" since she will be married off to another family, and so will not contribute financially to her parents. female foeticide then, is a continuation in a different form, of a practice of female infanticide or withholding of postnatal health care for girls in certain households. furthermore, in some cultures sons are expected to take care of their parents in their old age. these factors are complicated by the effect of diseases on child sex ratio, where communicable and noncommunicable diseases affect males and females differently. disparate gendered access to resource some of the variation in birth sex ratios and implied female foeticide may be due to disparate access to resources. as macpherson (2007) notes, there can be significant differences in gender violence and access to food, healthcare, immunizations between male and female children. this leads to high infant and childhood mortality among girls, which causes changes in sex ratio. disparate, gendered access to resources appears to be strongly linked to socioeconomic status. specifically, poorer families are sometimes forced to ration food, with daughters typically receiving less priority than sons (klasen and wink 2003). however, klasen's 2001 study revealed that this practice is less common in the poorest families, but rises dramatically in the slightly less poor families. klasen and wink's 2003 study suggests that this is “related to greater female economic independence and fewer cultural strictures among the poorest sections of the population.” in other words, the poorest families are typically less bound by cultural expectations and norms, and women tend to have more freedom to become family breadwinners out of necessity. lopez and ruzikah (1983) found that, when given the same resources, women tend to outlive men at all stages of life after infancy. however, globally, resources are not always allocated equitably. thus, some scholars argue that disparities in access to resources such as healthcare, education, and nutrition play at least a small role in the high sex ratios seen in some parts of the world. public goods provisions by female leaders (majority vs. minority spillover goods) minority goods provided by female leaders in india help to alleviate some of the problems of disparate gendered access to resources for women. public goods are defined as non-excludable and non-rival, but india lacks a system of public goods and has many problems with access to clean water or roads. additionally, many of the "public goods" exclude females because families choose to prioritize their male children's access to those resources. in india, previous research has found that women leaders' invest in public goods that are more in line with female preferences, in particular water infrastructure, which leads to a reduction in time spent on domestic chores by adolescent girls. this in turn results in more time for young girls to gain an education and increases their value to their families and to society so that they are more likely to give them access to resources in the future. minority groups, like women, are likely to provide minority or low spillover goods such as transfers, rations, and water connections, which only benefit other women. the majority of men do not find any benefit from these goods and are less likely to invest in them. for example, in a study conducted by political scientists chattopadhyay and duflo, results show that in west bengal women complain more about water and roads and the women politicians invest more in those issues. in rajasthan, where women complain more often about drinking water, women politicians invest more in water and less in roads. dowry system even though the dowry system legally ended with the dowry prohibition act of 1961, the impossibility of monitoring families and the prevalence of corruption have led to its continuance all over india. a dowry is a payment from the bride's family to the groom's family at the time of marriage. it is often found in "socially stratified, monogamous societies that are economically complex and where women have a relatively small productive role". theoretically, marriage results in partners choosing the mate who best maximizes their utility and there is equal distribution of returns to both participants. the outcome is pareto optimal and reaches equilibrium when no one can be better off with any other partner or choosing not to marry. however, if both partners do not share an equal distribution of the returns then there must be a transfer of funds between them in order to reach efficiency. in indian society, the rise of economic growth has allowed men to work in "productive" jobs and gain an income, but many women are not afforded these opportunities. therefore, women and their families have to compete for men and pay a dowry as a transaction payment to make up for the lack of productive inputs they bring into a marriage. dowries have been rising in india for the last six decades and increased 15 percent annually between 1921 and 1981. women are valued less in this partnership and therefore are asked to pay in order to gain the benefits a man brings. the power hierarchy and financial obligation created through this system help perpetuate acts like female foeticide and a high son preference. additionally, the technological progress leading to sex selective abortions lowers the cost of discrimination and many people think that it is better to pay a "500 rupees now (abortion) instead of 50,000 rupees in the future (dowry)." furthermore, dowry-related expenses also extend well beyond marriage. the bride's family is expected to bear the burden of high expenses for the groom. india's weak social security system another reason for this