of mentally illnumber of victims owińskawarthegauoctober 19391,100 kościanwarthegaunovember 1939 – march 1940 (2,750) 3,282 świeciedanzig-west prussiaoctober–november 1939 1,350 kocborowodanzig-west prussia22 sep 1939 – jan 1940 (1941–44) (1,692) 2,562 dziekankawarthegau7 dec 1939 – 12 jan 1940 (july 1941) (1,043) 1,201 chełmgeneral government12 january 1940440 wartawarthegau31 march 1940 (16 june 1941) (499) 581 działdowoostpreussen21 may – 8 july 19401,858 kochanówkawarthegau13 march 1940 – august 1941(minimum of) 850 helenówek (et al.)warthegau1940–19412,200–2,300 lubliniecoberschlesiennovember 1941(children) 194 choroszczbezirk bialystokaugust 1941700 rybnikbezirk kattowitz1940–1945 2,000 total by number c. 16,153 technology and personnel transfer to death camps after the official end of the euthanasia programme in 1941, most of the personnel and high-ranking officials, as well as gassing technology and the techniques used to deceive victims, were transferred under the jurisdiction of the national medical division of the reich interior ministry. further gassing experiments with the use of mobile gas chambers (einsatzwagen) were conducted at soldau concentration camp by herbert lange following operation barbarossa. lange was appointed commander of the chełmno extermination camp in december 1941. he was given three gas vans by the reich security main office (rsha), converted by the gaubschat gmbh in berlin and before february 1942, killed 3,830 polish jews and around 4,000 romani, under the guise of "resettlement". after the wannsee conference, implementation of gassing technology was accelerated by heydrich. beginning in the spring of 1942, three killing factories were built secretly in east-central poland. the ss officers responsible for the earlier aktion t4, including wirth, stangl and irmfried eberl, had important roles in the implementation of the "final solution" for the next two years. the first killing centre, equipped with stationary gas chambers, modelled on technology developed under aktion t4, was established at bełżec in the general government territory of occupied poland; the decision preceded the wannsee conference of january 1942 by three months. opposition gas chamber at hadamar in january 1939, brack commissioned a paper from professor of moral theology at the university of paderborn, joseph mayer, on the likely reactions of the churches in the event of a state euthanasia programme being instituted. mayer – a longstanding euthanasia advocate – reported that the churches would not oppose such a programme if it was seen to be in the national interest. brack showed this paper to hitler in july and it may have increased his confidence that the "euthanasia" programme would be acceptable to german public opinion. notably, when sereny interviewed mayer shortly before his death in 1967, he denied that he formally condoned the killing of people with disabilities but no copies of this paper are known to survive. some bureaucrats opposed the t4 programme; lothar kreyssig, a district judge and member of the confessing church, wrote to gürtner protesting that the action was illegal since no law or formal decree from hitler had authorised it. gürtner replied, "if you cannot recognise the will of the führer as a source of law, then you cannot remain a judge" and had kreyssig dismissed. hitler had a policy of not issuing written instructions for matters which could later be condemned by the international community but made an exception when he provided bouhler and brack with written authority for the t4 programme. hitler wrote a confidential letter in october 1939 to overcome opposition within the german state bureaucracy. hitler told bouhler that, "the führer's chancellery must under no circumstances be seen to be active in this matter". the justice minister, franz gürtner, had to be shown hitler's letter in august 1940 to gain his co-operation. exposure in the towns where the killing centres were located, some people saw the inmates arrive in buses, saw smoke from the crematoria chimneys and noticed that the buses were returning empty. in hadamar, ashes containing human hair rained down on the town and despite the strictest orders, some of the staff at the killing centres talked about what was going on. in some cases families could tell that the causes of death in certificates were false, e.g. when a patient was claimed to have died of appendicitis, even though his appendix had been removed some years earlier. in other cases, families in the same town would receive death certificates on the same day. in may 1941, the frankfurt county court wrote to gürtner describing scenes in hadamar, where children shouted in the streets that people were being taken away in buses to be gassed. hans gerhard creutzfeldt in 1920 during 1940, rumours of what was taking place spread and many germans withdrew their relatives from asylums and sanatoria to care for them at home, often with great expense and difficulty. in some places doctors and psychiatrists co-operated with families to have patients discharged or if the families could afford it, transferred them to private clinics beyond the reach of t4. other doctors "re-diagnosed" patients so that they no longer met the t4 criteria, which risked exposure when nazi zealots from berlin conducted inspections. in kiel, professor hans gerhard creutzfeldt managed to save nearly all of his patients. lifton listed a handful of psychiatrists and administrators who opposed the killings; many doctors collaborated, either through ignorance, agreement with nazi eugenicist policies or fear of the regime. protest letters were sent to the reich chancellery and the ministry of justice, some from nazi party members. the first open protest against the removal of people from asylums took place at absberg in franconia in february 1941 and others followed. the sd report on the incident at absberg noted that "the removal of residents from the ottilien home has caused a great deal of unpleasantness" and described large crowds of catholic townspeople, among them party members, protesting against the action. similar petitions and protests occurred throughout austria as rumours spread of mass killings at the hartheim euthanasia centre and of mysterious deaths at the children's clinic, am spiegelgrund in vienna. anna wödl, a nurse and mother of a child with a disability, vehemently petitioned to hermann linden at the reich ministry of the interior in berlin to prevent her son, alfred, from being transferred from gugging, where he lived and which also became a euthanasia center. wödl failed and alfred was sent to am spiegelgrund, where he was killed on 22 february 1941. his brain was preserved in formaldehyde for "research" and stored in the clinic for sixty years. church protests the lutheran theologian friedrich von bodelschwingh (director of the bethel institution for epilepsy at bielefeld) and pastor paul-gerhard braune (director of the hoffnungstal institution near berlin) protested. bodelschwingh negotiated directly with brandt and indirectly with hermann göring, whose cousin was a prominent psychiatrist. braune had meetings with gürtner, who was always dubious about the legality of the programme. gürtner later wrote a strongly worded letter to hitler protesting against it; hitler did not read it but was told about it by lammers. bishop theophil wurm, presiding over the evangelical-lutheran church in württemberg, wrote to interior minister frick in march 1940 and that month a confidential report from the sicherheitsdienst (sd) in austria, warned that the killing programme must be implemented with stealth "...to avoid a probable backlash of public opinion during the war". on 4 december 1940, reinhold sautter, the supreme church councillor of the württemberg state church, complained to the nazi ministerial councillor eugen stähle against the murders in grafeneck castle. stähle said "the fifth commandment thou shalt not kill, is no commandment of god but a jewish invention". bishop heinrich wienken of berlin, a leading member of the caritas association, was selected by the fulda episcopal synod to represent the views of the catholic church in meetings with t4 operatives. in 2008, michael burleigh wrote clemens von galen wienken seems to have gone partially native in the sense that he gradually abandoned an absolute stance based on the fifth commandment in favour of winning limited concessions regarding the restriction of killing to 'complete idiots', access to the sacraments and the exclusion of ill roman catholic priests from these policies. despite a decree issued by the vatican on 2 december 1940 stating that the t4 policy was "against natural and positive divine law" and that "the direct killing of an innocent person because of mental or physical defects is not allowed", the catholic church hierarchy in germany decided to take no further action. incensed by the nazi appropriation of church property in münster to accommodate people made homeless by an air raid, in july and august 1941, the bishop of münster, clemens august graf von galen, gave four sermons criticising the nazis for arresting jesuits, confiscating church property and for the euthanasia program. galen sent the text to hitler by telegram, calling on ... the führer to defend the people against the gestapo. it is a terrible, unjust and catastrophic thing when man opposes his will to the will of god ... we are talking about men and women, our compatriots, our brothers and sisters. poor unproductive people if you wish, but does this mean that they have lost their right to live? galen's sermons were not reported in the german press but were circulated illegally in leaflets. the text was dropped by the royal air force over german troops. in 2009, richard j. evans wrote that "this was the strongest, most explicit and most widespread protest movement against any policy since the beginning of the third reich". local nazis asked for galen to be arrested but goebbels told hitler that such action would provoke a revolt in westphalia and hitler decided to wait until after the war to take revenge. a plaque set in the pavement at no 4 tiergartenstraße commemorates the victims of the nazi euthanasia programme. in 1986, lifton wrote, "nazi leaders faced the prospect of either having to imprison prominent, highly admired clergymen and other protesters – a course with consequences in terms of adverse public reaction they greatly feared – or else end the programme". evans considered it "at least possible, even indeed probable" that the t4 programme would have continued beyond hitler's initial quota of 70,000 deaths but for the public reaction to galen's sermon. burleigh called assumptions that the sermon affected hitler's decision to suspend the t4 programme "wishful thinking" and noted that the various church hierarchies did not complain after the transfer of t4 personnel to aktion reinhard. henry friedlander wrote that it was not the criticism from the church but rather the loss of secrecy and "general popular disquiet about the way euthanasia was implemented" that caused the killings to be suspended. galen had detailed knowledge of the euthanasia programme by july 1940 but did not speak out until almost a year after protestants had begun to protest. in 2002, beth a. griech-polelle wrote: worried lest they be classified as outsiders or internal enemies, they waited for protestants, that is the "true germans", to risk a confrontation with the government first. if the protestants were able to be critical of a nazi policy, then catholics could function as "good" germans and yet be critical too. on 29 june 1943, pope pius xii issued the encyclical mystici corporis christi, in which he condemned the fact that "physically deformed people, mentally disturbed people and hereditarily ill people have at times been robbed of their lives" in germany. following this, in september 1943, a bold but ineffectual condemnation was read by bishops from pulpits across germany, denouncing the killing of "the innocent and defenceless mentally handicapped and mentally ill, the incurably infirm and fatally wounded, innocent hostages and disarmed prisoners of war and criminal offenders, people of a foreign race or descent". suspension and continuity commemorative plaque on wall on bunker no. 17 in fort vii. on 24 august 1941, hitler ordered the suspension of the t4 killings. after the invasion of the soviet union in june, many t4 personnel were transferred to the eastern front. the projected death total for the t4 programme of 70,000 deaths had been reached by august 1941. the termination of the t4 programme did not end the killing of people with disabilities; from the end of 1941, on the initiative of institute directors and local party leaders, the killing of adults and children continued, albeit less systematically, until the end of the war. after the bombing of hamburg in july 1943, occupants of old age homes were killed. in the post-war trial of dr. hilda