Q: In this task, you are given a text of many news articles seperated by special token "|||||". Your task is to summarize them.
David Fickling is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering commodities, as well as industrial and consumer companies. He has been a reporter for Bloomberg News, Dow Jones, the Wall Street Journal, the Financial Times and the Guardian. Read more opinion LISTEN TO ARTICLE 4:47 SHARE THIS ARTICLE Share Tweet Post Email 
  
 China has marked the latest ratcheting-up of trade tensions with a misplaced history lesson. 
  
 Far from worrying about its economic role in the world, the U.S. should recognize just how well the two nations already support each other, according to a white paper released by China’s State Council: 
  
 China-U.S. bilateral trade has a strong complementarity. The U.S. stands at the mid- and high-end in global value chains and it exports capital goods and intermediary goods to China. Remaining at the mid- and low-end in global value chains, China mainly exports consumer goods and finished products to the U.S. The two countries play to their comparative strengths and the two-way trade is highly complementary. 
  
 I’ve argued frequently in recent months that the Trump administration’s push for a trade war with China is misguided and likely to fail, lacking in compelling justifications, and driven by a dangerous radicalism. At the same time, Beijing’s going to need to do better than this to defend its position. 
  
 The white paper seems to restate a trade model developed by Swedish economists Eli Heckscher and Bertil Ohlin in the early 20th century. Countries with a lot of capital and land (such as the U.S.) will specialize in exports of capital- and land-intensive goods, such as advanced manufacturing, services, agricultural produce and materials. Those with a big work force, like China, will focus on labor-intensive products like consumer goods and basic manufacturing. 
  
 That’s a good description of the bilateral relationship that developed over the past two decades. The trouble is, both sides expect the coming years to be very different. 
  
 Out of Work China's labor force grew rapidly over the past decade -- but it's now in decline Source: World Bank, Bloomberg Opinion calculations 
  
 For one thing, China’s labor boom is coming to an end. Its workforce fell last year for the first time in five decades, putting it alongside Russia, Japan, Italy and Spain as one of the handful of major economies with a shrinking employment pool. Over the past five years, the U.S., Turkey, Mexico and the European Union — not to mention more than a dozen developing countries — each added more workers than China. That won’t change the fact that China still hosts more than a fifth of the world’s labor force, but it illustrates how its economy is changing. 
  
 Capital is shifting in a similar way. China’s stock overtook that of the U.S. in 2012, according to data compiled by the University of Groningen, and has continued to grow ever since. Even adjusting for the size of its population, the shift has been dramatic: In 2000, the U.S. capital stock per person was about 12 times the level in China. By 2014, the ratio had fallen to about three times. China’s investment boom in 2016 and 2017 may well have led that ratio to slip further. 
  
 Bricks and Mortar China's capital stock per head has rapidly caught up with rich countries in recent decades Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, University of Groningen, World Bank, Bloomberg Opinion calculations 
  
 One figure in the State Council’s white paper — foreign direct investment — illustrates that the issue isn’t so much the history of China's complementary relationship with the U.S., but the future of its growing wealth and looming demographic changes. Both factors upend the very model Beijing proposes. 
  
 In 2003, Chinese foreign direct investment in the U.S. was just $65 million, little more than a rounding error. This makes sense — after all, the People’s Republic was a developing economy seeking investment from richer nations. 
  
 Since then it’s changed dramatically. Having hit $17 billion at the end of 2016, it jumped to $67 billion a year later, according to Ministry of Commerce data. That’s on a trajectory to overtake the sum invested by the U.S. in China, which came to $83 billion in 2017. 
  
 Turning the Tables China's stock of foreign direct investment in the U.S. has almost reached the amount going in the opposite direction Source: China Ministry of Commerce, Unctad 
  
 Many of Beijing’s actions that most annoy Washington — its high-tech foreign acquisitions, or the desire to upgrade manufacturing expertise through the Made in China 2025 program — are ultimately attempts to offset the gradual decline of China’s labor force with a shift toward higher value-added, capital-intensive products. That desire is perfectly understandable, but so is the alarm in rich countries. In moving up the value chain, China switches from being a complementary partner to a competitive rival. 
  
 That moment could still be some years off. While its capital stock per head has grown rapidly, the level still leaves China a middle-income country on a par with Mexico and Russia, and somewhat behind Brazil. 
  
 Even so, it’s little wonder that both the U.S. and China have an eye on more distant prospects — and disingenuous of Beijing, given its ambitions of global leadership by 2050, to put so much focus on a model that peaked a decade ago. 
  
 The world’s primary exporters of capital-intensive goods — and, ultimately, capital itself — have always been powerful. When the U.K. and its empire passed that baton to the U.S. in the wake of World War I, their shared culture and the trauma of European conflict eased the transition. 
  
 To make this next shift easier, the U.S. needs to accept that it’s inevitable. But China also needs to be honest about what’s happening. Focusing on a past Beijing is desperate to escape won’t inspire confidence in the partners China needs to support its rise. ||||| WASHINGTON—The Chinese government denied a U.S. Navy ship permission for a port visit to Hong Kong in October, U.S. military officials said, a decision issued as Beijing also canceled a high-level naval meeting in the U.S. 
  
 The rebuffs come as tensions build between the two countries over a range of military and economic differences. 
  
 Last week,... ||||| FILE - In this April 13, 2018, file photo, Taiwanese F-16 jet fighters fly in close formation during a navy exercise at Suao naval station in Yilan County, northeastern Taiwan. China demanded Tuesday,... (Associated Press) 
  
 FILE - In this April 13, 2018, file photo, Taiwanese F-16 jet fighters fly in close formation during a navy exercise at Suao naval station in Yilan County, northeastern Taiwan. China demanded Tuesday, Sept. 25, 2018, that the U.S. cancel a $330 million sale of military equipment to Taiwan, warning of... (Associated Press) 
  
 FILE - In this April 13, 2018, file photo, Taiwanese F-16 jet fighters fly in close formation during a navy exercise at Suao naval station in Yilan County, northeastern Taiwan. China demanded Tuesday, Sept. 25, 2018, that the U.S. cancel a $330 million sale of military equipment to Taiwan, warning of... (Associated Press) FILE - In this April 13, 2018, file photo, Taiwanese F-16 jet fighters fly in close formation during a navy exercise at Suao naval station in Yilan County, northeastern Taiwan. China demanded Tuesday,... (Associated Press) 
  
 WASHINGTON (AP) — A deterioration in U.S.-China relations, seen most dramatically in their escalating trade dispute, is spilling over into the military arena. 
  
 The Pentagon on Tuesday confirmed that China had canceled a Washington visit by the head of its navy, and U.S. officials said China had denied a request for a U.S. Navy ship to make a port visit next month at Hong Kong. 
  
 Also on Tuesday, China demanded the Trump administration cancel a planned $330 million sale of military equipment to Taiwan, the self-ruled island that Beijing considers a renegade province. The Chinese foreign ministry warned of "severe damage" to bilateral relations if the sale announced Monday goes through. Washington has no official relations with Taiwan's democratically elected government but is obliged by U.S. law to see that it has the means to defend itself. 
  
 The backdrop to these tensions is the U.S.-China trade dispute. Each imposed tariff increases on the other's goods Monday, and Beijing accused the Trump administration of bullying. A Chinese official said China cannot hold talks on ending the trade dispute while the U.S. "holds a knife" to Beijing's neck by imposing tariff hikes. 
  
 The two countries are mired in a dispute over Washington's allegations that Beijing pilfers foreign trade secrets and forces U.S. companies to hand over technology in return for access to the Chinese market. The predatory practices, the U.S. says, are part of China's relentless drive to challenge American technological dominance. 
  
 Also at stake, beyond economic cooperation, are U.S. hopes for gaining China's help in persuading North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons. In his address Tuesday to the U.N. General Assembly in New York, Trump thanked Chinese President Xi Jinping for his assistance with the North Korea problem, but he also blasted China for what he called unfair use of international trade rules to diminish U.S. jobs and deepen U.S. trade deficits. 
  
 "Those days are over. We will no longer tolerate such abuse," Trump said. 
  
 Military ties between Washington and Beijing have been relatively stable in recent years, even as the U.S. complained of China militarizing reefs and islands in the South China Sea amid overlapping territorial claims by other Asian nations. In May, Defense Secretary Jim Mattis disinvited China from participating in a multinational naval exercise in the Pacific. Pentagon officials cited China's military buildup on disputed South China Sea islands. 
  
 In recent days the breadth of military tensions has grown. A Pentagon spokesman, Army Lt. Col. Dave Eastburn, said China informed the Pentagon that the chief of the Chinese navy has been recalled to Beijing, canceling a planned meeting with his American Navy counterpart at the Pentagon after visiting a naval conference at Newport, Rhode Island. 
  
 On Monday a reporter asked Mattis what he made of these developments and how he expected to address them. 
  
 "Right now, it's too early to say. We're still sorting this out," he said, adding that he and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo agree "we do have to have a relationship with China. ... And so we're sorting out the way ahead right now." 
  
 Mattis visited Beijing in June, making him the first Pentagon chief to do so since 2014. 
  
 In addition to its anger over the $330 million military sale to Taiwan announced on Monday, China is strongly objecting to a U.S. decision to issue a visa ban and assets freeze on China's Equipment Development Department and its director, Li Shangfu. The U.S. action relates to China's purchase from Russia of Su-35 combat aircraft last year and S-400 surface-to-air missile system-related equipment this year. Those purchases violated a 2017 law intended to punish the Russian government for interfering in U.S. elections and other activities. 
  
 China's Defense Ministry said the U.S. had no right to interfere in Chinese military cooperation with Russia and demanded the sanctions be revoked. In addition to warning that failure to revoke the sanctions would mean Washington "must bear the consequences," Beijing postponed a meeting it had been scheduled to host this week between U.S. and Chinese military staffs. 
  
 In a further act of retaliation, China turned down a request for an October port call in Hong Kong by the U.S. Navy's amphibious assault ship USS Wasp. China last denied such a visit in 2016 amid a spike in tensions between the sides over the disputed South China Sea. 
  
 "We have a long track record of successful port visits to Hong Kong, and we expect that will continue," said Eastburn, the Pentagon spokesman, in confirming that China had not approved the Wasp's visit. |||||
A:
A rep for the US Consulate in Hong Kong ended her statement on an optimistic note: "We have a long track record of successful port visits to Hong Kong, and we expect that will continue." But that track record won't involve a port call in October. In her statement, she confirmed that China did not approve a request for the Navy's amphibious assault ship, the USS Wasp, to dock in Hong Kong next month. The AP reports the last time such a denial occurred was 2016, amidst friction over the South China Sea. At the root of the issue is not just tariffs, but Russia: Bloomberg explains that as part of an effort to penalize Russia for election interference, the Trump administration last week sanctioned China's Equipment Development Department and its director over an alleged purchase of Russian aircraft and weaponry. "This is a tit-for-tat response, as China and Russia are really very annoyed about it," a senior fellow with a Singapore-based institute tells Bloomberg. The Wall Street Journal, which first reported the news, picks up a quote from Maj. Gen. Huang Xueping of the Central Military Commission Office for International Military Cooperation: He described the country's Russia dealings as in compliance with international law and stated "China demands the US side immediately correct its mistake and withdraw the sanctions, and the Chinese military reserves the right to take further countermeasures." Another countermeasure it has already taken: It axed a high-level military meeting with the US, and recalled Vice Adm. Shen Jinlong, who was in the country.