In this task, you are given a text of many news articles seperated by special token "|||||". Your task is to summarize them.

President Barack Obama hopes to see Congress to pass a major immigration reform bill by early summer, he said Wednesday, as he blamed resistance on Capitol Hill for the failure to get the reforms done during his first term. 
  
 “I’m not a king,” he told Telemundo, as he followed up on his Tuesday trip to Las Vegas to unveil his proposals for reform with interviews with Spanish-language television networks. “You know, my job as the head of the executive branch ultimately is to carry out the law. And, you know, when it comes to enforcement of our immigration laws we’ve got some discretion. We can prioritize what we do. But we can’t simply ignore the law.” 
  
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 Obama took executive action last year to change the federal enforcement of immigration laws, helping young adults avoid deportation if serving in the military or pursuing higher education. 
  
 He said he would push for legislation to make further changes. Though he’s left it to Congress to work out the details, the president said the White House has already written its own that he’ll send for an up or down vote if lawmakers are too slow. 
  
 “I’ve got a bill drafted. We’ve got language,” he said. 
  
 But he said that he hoped Congress would not force things to come to that. 
  
 “I think this is something we should be able to get done certainly this year and I’d like to see if we could get it done sooner, in the first half of the year if possible,” Obama said. 
  
 In an interview with Univision also taped Wednesday, Obama said he’s confident that immigration reform will pass before the end of the year. “Si, se puede,” he said at the prompting of interviewer Maria Elena Salinas, repurposing the slogan used by farm workers that was then turned into the English-language rallying cry for his 2008 campaign as “Yes we can.” 
  
 What’s still holding back action “is not so much technical as it’s political,” Obama said in his interview with Telemundo, which was conducted by Jose Diaz-Balart. “It’s a matter of Republicans and Democrats coming together and finding a meeting of the minds and then making the case. I’m hopeful that this can get done, and I don’t think that it should take many, many months.” 
  
 Diaz-Balart said he’d checked with the offices of Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) and other Republicans supportive of the immigration reform proposal put out by a bipartisan group of eight senators on Monday, and that none of them reported having heard from Obama on the issue. ||||| As a group of Senate stars tries to sell a new immigration proposal, their House counterparts are secretly toiling under the radar to craft their own plan in the next few weeks. 
  
 But it will be no easy task to sell it to their colleagues. 
  
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 Despite the growing Latino population in the country — most of whom are voting Democrat — most Republican members of Congress don’t have large Latino constituencies. 
  
 “I don’t think the national party argument for the bill works in the House,” said a Democratic congressional aide. “If a Republican member doesn’t have a significant number of immigrants in their district, why do they care about the party’s presidential candidate in four years?” 
  
 Of course, many Republicans argue that they need to care for the larger good of the party. Mitt Romney was beaten by 50 percentage points among Hispanics in the presidential race, and now, reliably red border states like Texas and Arizona with growing Hispanic populations might eventually turn blue as a result of demographic shifts. 
  
 The eight-person immigration House team — which includes four Republicans and four Democrats — had hoped to put forth a statement of principles as early as Friday, but sources say that is unlikely. Now, they are hoping to announce something closer to Feb. 12, the day of the State of the Union. 
  
 According to sources, the House working group includes Democrats Zoe Lofgren and Xavier Becerra of California, Luis Gutierrez of Illinois and John Yarmuth of Kentucky. Negotiating for the Republicans are Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida, Sam Johnson and John Carter of Texas and Raul Labrador of Idaho. 
  
 On Monday, eight bipartisan senators — including John McCain, Chuck Schumer and Marco Rubio — outlined an immigration bill that clearly reflected a new eagerness by some Republicans to tackle the contentious issue after more that 70 percent of Latinos supported President Barack Obama last year. 
  
 But the House is another story. Some conservatives have already started carping about the Senate plan, which proposes a path to citizenship for those in the country illegally, tougher border security, establishing an employment verification system and creating a guest worker program for jobs that employers can’t hire Americans. ||||| The fate of an immigration overhaul rests almost exclusively with Sen. Marco Rubio, the Florida Republican whose star power with conservatives is crucial to moving a bill through Congress. 
  
 President Barack Obama retains veto power, and Democrats hold the Senate floor. But no comprehensive immigration changes are likely to pass Congress without the healthy support of House Republicans. And Florida’s junior senator, perhaps more than any other Republican serving in Washington today, has the political credibility and communication skills to sell such complicated, sensitive legislation to skeptical conservative members, grass-roots voters and influential media commentators. 
  
 Rubio’s position is all the more unique because congressional Democrats and Obama need him, too, and appear to realize his importance to the legislative endgame. 
  
 Republicans warn that Obama and congressional Democrats could sink Washington’s immigration policy rewrite by attaching controversial social provisions or watering down the border enforcement and security measures included in the bipartisan Senate framework that Rubio helped negotiate. The Florida lawmaker has said he’ll pull his support from any bill if that occurs, and Republicans say comprehensive policy changes will fail to garner meaningful GOP support without Rubio’s backing. 
  
 “If Rubio signals any mistrust or misgivings, the whole thing collapses,” GOP pollster Brock McCleary said. 
  
 Rubio, 41, was elected to the Senate only two years ago, yet he finds himself not just leading the debate on one of the most politically contentious issues Congress faces, but possibly being the central figure. Republicans on Capitol Hill give him all the credit for the fact that policy changes are a possibility at all. 
  
 Rubio’s push for an immigration overhaul has broad implications for the future of the Republican Party, which fared extremely poorly with minority voters in 2012 and is looking to rebound in the 2014 midterm elections and the 2016 presidential race, in which the senator is considered a leading GOP contender. But Republicans familiar with Rubio’s thinking say his desire to reform U.S. immigration law is rooted in his experience as a member of a south Florida community of Cuban immigrants and exiles. 
  
 Still, the politics are not lost on Rubio, nor is his particular significance to the outcome of Washington’s latest effort at wholesale immigration changes. 
  
 “He understands he has the kind of credibility with the conservative base that will be needed to help sell this to them. He also understands that if he walks away because the deal they reached changes, the bill will lose significant potential conservative support,” a GOP strategist said. 
  
 Grass-roots conservatives and Republican lawmakers opposed to a comprehensive immigration overhaul worry that the final bill would legalize the status of about 11 million illegal immigrants already in the country without ensuring that border security provisions are implemented. That deep skepticism is driven by what happened in 1986, when President Ronald Reagan agreed to amnesty for 3 million undocumented immigrants on the promise of border security improvements that never materialized. 
  
 Rubio’s considerable challenge is to sway wary conservatives — on Capitol Hill, around the country and in the media — who feel burned by what happened under Reagan. 
  
 A Democratic Senate aide to a member of the group of eight senators behind the bipartisan framework said Rubio has impressed Democrats by being fearless in selling policy changes “to the most conservative corners of his party.” But in fact, Rubio has influence because he comes directly from the GOP’s conservative wing. 
  
 Perhaps just as important, Republican strategists say, is that the Floridian has a well-planned communications strategy designed to reach conservatives where they get their news and to appeal to their sensibilities. Rubio, they say, is effective both because he has submitted himself for interviews with every major conservative talk radio host in America and because he speaks their language. Few Republicans with Rubio’s crossover appeal are capable of this feat. 
  
 “Sen. Rubio has built a framework of legislative principles, but he also built a communications plan around his push for reform,” a GOP strategist and former congressional aide said. “Could anyone else have gone on Rush Limbaugh and performed the way he did and made the case for immigration reform the way he did? I don’t think so.” 
  
 The fact that there hasn’t been an all-out groundswell in opposition to the plan appears to stem from Rubio’s central involvement. But widespread skepticism remains, and with a potential primary challenge in the back of their minds, members will likely be cautious about supporting anything that might be deemed “amnesty.” 
  
 Rubio appeared on several conservative talk radio shows Tuesday and Wednesday as part of a campaign to explain why the plan should be palatable to conservatives. Despite his doubts about Obama’s motives and intentions, Limbaugh called Rubio’s efforts “admirable and noteworthy.” 
  
 However, the road ahead is rough, with or without him. 
  
 Republican lawmakers who are already against the plan have taken to the Senate floor and to the airwaves to voice their concerns about enforcement. 
  
 On Laura Ingraham’s show Wednesday, Sen. David Vitter, R-La., called Rubio “amazingly naive” to think that enforcement will materialize. A day earlier on the same show, Rep. Lamar Smith, R-Texas, an original Tea Party Caucus member and a significant voice on immigration within the conference, called the plan “mass amnesty” and referred to the House as a potential “firewall” for the bill. |||||
Not to be outdone by the Senate, a secret, eight-person team—four Democrats and four Republicans—in the House of Representatives is putting together its own immigration bill, reports Politico. Although the group won't make its initial deadline of tomorrow, sources say the House team is making good progress and should have a bill ready by Feb. 12. It's “90% there," said Rep. John Carter, reportedly one of the eight members working on the bill. While not many details are forthcoming yet, sources say the biggest difference with the Senate bill is the fierce GOP opposition in the House to amnesty, which Carter says they've addressed "with compassion." President Obama reiterated yesterday his desire for comprehensive immigration reform, "in the first half of the year if possible," according to Politico. But with so many conservatives deeply wary of immigration reform, Sen. Marco Rubio may hold the key to getting a deal done, reports Roll Call. "If Rubio signals any mistrust or misgivings, the whole thing collapses," said one GOP pollster.