Teacher:In this task, you are given a text of many news articles seperated by special token "|||||". Your task is to summarize them.
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 The U.S. loses a key friend in the war on terror as a political controversy in Pakistan forces its diplomat to Washington to resign. Husain Haqqani’s departure is a new blow to U.S.-Pakistan relations, Eli Lake reports. 
  
 For the last three years, Husain Haqqani was a friendly, soothing presence among Washington policymakers distrustful of Pakistan’s intentions and its commitment to fighting al Qaeda. Islamabad’s savvy ambassador to the United States and a journalist by training, he worked the U.S. media, the diplomatic corps, and the dinner circuit relentlessly to assure anyone who listened that his country was a committed ally in the war against terrorism. 
  
 Along the way, he won the grudging respect of Democrats, Republicans, and intelligence experts alike. 
  
 But his perceived closeness to America fanned growing tensions between the fragile civilian government that Haqqani represented and the Pakistani army, which essentially has run the country for decades. And in the end, a secret letter that allegedly contained a concession from Haqqani’s boss to the U.S. military became his undoing. 
  
 On Tuesday, Haqqani resigned in an effort to stem a growing scandal, dubbed “Memogate” in his own country. His sudden departure leaves a void in U.S.-Pakistani relations, already strained over continuing U.S. drone attacks on al Qaeda and Taliban targets on Pakistani soil and the U.S. special forces raid that killed Osama bin Laden in May. 
  
 Haqqani’s exit signals “the end of the era of grand sweeping engagement between the United States and Pakistan,” said Sadanand Dhume, a Pakistan expert and resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. “The relationship is going to be more limited, more transactional, and more realistic.” 
  
 Anthony Cordesman, a national-security expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the world would not learn the full story of the alleged Haqqani memo for several years, and that it appeared the ambassador’s enemies in Pakistan’s military and intelligence services were behind the political campaign against him. 
  
 “He did represent a legitimate voice that strongly favored civil government that would have moved Pakistan to a position that did not give up Pakistani interests but accepted the fact that it was better to have a stable Afghanistan than for Pakistan to have strategic influence in Afghanistan,” Cordesman said. “He’s gone and it’s not clear who can replace him, and it’s unclear if whoever does replace him can stand up to the ISI and the military.” 
  
 In October, Pakistani businessman Mansoor Ijaz alleged that Haqqani worked with him to deliver a secret letter from Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari to Adm. Mike Mullen, then the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that purportedly offered the U.S. several concessions as relations between the two countries frayed immediately after the secret bin Laden raid. 
  
 Ijaz said the letter offered to put in place a new senior national-security team in Pakistan more favorable to the United States; eliminate the section of the Pakistani intelligence agency in charge of maintaining relations with the Taliban, known as directorate S; launch an independent and transparent inquiry into how bin Laden was able to live in Abbottabad for several years unmolested; and work more closely with the United States to safeguard Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal. 
  
 The offer, first disclosed by Ijaz in the Financial Times but later independently confirmed by Josh Rogin of Foreign Policy, has triggered a political crisis in Pakistan. “Civilians cannot withstand much more of the hard pressure being delivered from the Army to succumb to wholesale changes. If civilians are forced from power, Pakistan becomes a sanctuary for UBL’s legacy and potentially the platform for far more rapid spread of al Qaeda’s brand of fanaticism and terror,” the memo purportedly said. 
  
 In an email, Haqqani said on Tuesday that he had “resigned to bring closure to this meaningless controversy threatening our fledgling democracy. A transparent inquiry will strengthen the hands of elected leaders whom I have always strived to empower as per our constitution. It will bring to rest wild conspiracy theories.” 
  
 Haqqani added: “To me Pakistan and Pakistan’s democracy are far more important than any artificially created crisis over an insignificant memo written by a self-centered businessman. I have served Pakistan and Pakistani democracy to the best of my ability and will continue to do so.” 
  
 Haqqani began his career as a reporter covering the Afghanistan war in the 1980s, writing for both the Pakistani press and Western publications such as the Far Eastern Economic Review. Between 1990 and 1992, he was the principal spokesman for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and has moved between academics and diplomacy since then. 
  
 His 2005 book Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military is considered one of the best histories of the Pakistani military and intelligence establishment’s relationship to Islamic extremist organizations such as the Taliban. 
  
 Haqqani was named Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States in 2008. ||||| A state organ is breeding hatred among the masses, writes Mansoor Ijaz 
  
 Early on May 9, a week after US Special Forces stormed the hideout of Osama bin Laden and killed him, a senior Pakistani diplomat telephoned me with an urgent request. Asif Ali Zardari, Pakistan’s president, needed to communicate a message to White House national security officials that would bypass Pakistan’s military and intelligence channels. The embarrassment of bin Laden being found on Pakistani soil had humiliated Mr Zardari’s weak civilian government to such an extent that the president feared a military takeover was imminent. He needed an American fist on his army chief’s desk to end any misguided notions of a coup – and fast. 
  
 Gen Ashfaq Kayani, the army chief, and his troops were demoralised by the embarrassing ease with which US special forces had violated Pakistani sovereignty. Inter-Services Intelligence, Pakistan’s feared spy service, was charged by virtually the entire international community with complicity in hiding bin Laden for almost six years. Both camps were looking for a scapegoat; Mr Zardari was their most convenient target. 
  
 The diplomat made clear that the civilian government’s preferred channel to receive Mr Zardari’s message was Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff. He was a time-tested friend of Pakistan and could convey the necessary message with force not only to President Barack Obama, but also to Gen Kayani. 
  
 In a flurry of phone calls and emails over two days a memorandum was crafted that included a critical offer from the Pakistani president to the Obama administration: “The new national security team will eliminate Section S of the ISI charged with maintaining relations to the Taliban, Haqqani network, etc. This will dramatically improve relations with Afghanistan.” 
  
 The memo was delivered to Admiral Mullen at 14.00 hours on May 10. A meeting between him and Pakistani national security officials took place the next day at the White House. Pakistan’s military and intelligence chiefs, it seems, neither heeded the warning, nor acted on the admiral’s advice. 
  
 On September 22, in his farewell testimony to the Senate armed services committee, Admiral Mullen said he had “credible intelligence” that a bombing on September 11 that wounded 77 US and Nato troops and an attack on the US embassy in Kabul on September 13 were done “with ISI support.”Essentially he was indicting Pakistan’s intelligence services for carrying out a covert war against the US – perhaps in retaliation for the raid on bin Laden’s compound, perhaps out of strategic national interest to put Taliban forces back in power in Afghanistan so that Pakistan would once again have the “strategic depth” its paranoid security policies against India always envisioned. 
  
 Questions about the ISI’s role in Pakistan have intensified in recent months. The finger of responsibility in many otherwise inexplicable attacks has often pointed to a shadowy outfit of ISI dubbed “S-Wing”, which is said to be dedicated to promoting the dubious agenda of a narrow group of nationalists who believe only they can protect Pakistan’s territorial integrity. 
  
 The time has come for the state department to declare the S-Wing a sponsor of terrorism under the designation of “foreign governmental organisations”. Plans by the Obama administration to blacklist the Haqqani network are toothless and will have no material impact on the group’s military support and intelligence logistics; it is S-Wing that allegedly provides all of this in the first place. It no longer matters whether ISI is wilfully blind, complicit or incompetent in the attacks its S-Wing is carrying out. S-Wing must be stopped. 
  
 ISI embodies the scourge of radicalism that has become a cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy. The time has come for America to take the lead in shutting down the political and financial support that sustains an organ of the Pakistani state that undermines global antiterrorism efforts at every turn. Measures such as stopping aid to Pakistan, as a bill now moving through Congress aims to do, are not the solution. More precise policies are needed to remove the cancer that ISI and its rogue wings have become on the Pakistani state. 
  
 Pakistanis are not America’s enemies. Neither is their incompetent and toothless civilian government – the one Admiral Mullen was asked to help that May morning. The enemy is a state organ that breeds hatred among Pakistan’s Islamist masses and then uses their thirst for jihad against Pakistan’s neighbours and allies to sate its hunger for power. Taking steps to reduce its influence over Pakistan’s state affairs is a critical measure of the world’s willingness to stop the terror masters at their very roots. 
  
 The writer is an American of Pakistani ancestry. In 1997 he negotiated Sudan’s offer of counter-terrorism assistance to the Clinton administration ||||| Pakistan appoints Sherry Rehman as new US ambassador 
  
 Ms Rehman takes up her position as US-Pakistan relations are under some strain 
  
 Continue reading the main story Related Stories 
  
 Pakistan has appointed former information minister Sherry Rehman as the country's new ambassador to the US. 
  
 Ms Rehman replaces Husain Haqqani, who resigned denying claims that he had sought US help against the army after the killing of Osama Bin Laden in May. 
  
 The row has put ties between Pakistan's government and military under strain. 
  
 Ms Rehman, a close ally of President Asif Ali Zardari, is a liberal who has faced death threats for backing changes to controversial blasphemy laws. 
  
 "We have many challenges [in Pakistan]," she said after her appointment. 
  
 "We have given many sacrifices. These sacrifices should not go waste. This blood should not go to waste and we have a firm resolve. We will plead our case everywhere with one voice." 
  
 Pakistan is seen as crucial for Washington as it strives to end the conflict in Afghanistan following the death of Bin Laden during a secret US special forces raid. 
  
 Ms Rehman's appointment surprised some observers, who expected the army to have a visible say in Mr Haqqani's successor. 
  
 Ali Dayan Hasan of Human Rights Watch said it suggested "the military has failed to assume complete control of Pakistan-US relations". 
  
 Nonetheless, observers believe she will be more palatable to her country's military leaders than her predecessor. Correspondents say she is likely to be well received in Washington - the diplomatic posting is crucial to both Pakistan and the US. 
  
 Continue reading the main story “ Start Quote She is an excellent nomination because she is highly regarded in Pakistan's intellectual and political circles” End Quote Prof Rasul Bakhsh Rais Lahore University of Management Sciences 
  
 Summoned 
  
 Mr Haqqani met Ms Rehman to discuss her new job on Wednesday. She's a "dedicated democrat", he tweeted, and wished her all the best. 
  
 He was summoned to Islamabad earlier this week and resigned after meeting Pakistan's top civilian leaders, the head of the army and intelligence service chiefs on Tuesday. 
  
 The former ambassador is accused of compiling a memo seeking US help to avert a military takeover in Pakistan following the killing of Bin Laden. 
  
 He has consistently denied the allegations, which were made by US-based lobbyist Mansoor Ijaz. 
  
 The departure of Mr Haqqani appears to have drawn a line under the row for now. 
  
 But large parts of the affair still remain unexplained and if the memo trail could be traced direct to Mr Zardari's door, he would be in deep trouble, BBC correspondents say. 
  
 Some analysts believe that Mr Haqqani may have been made a scapegoat to prevent simmering tensions between the Zardari government and Pakistan's all-powerful military from erupting. 
  
 At any rate, the former ambassador, whose backing for the civilian government had earned him the distrust of the military, seemed undeterred on Wednesday. 
  
 In another Twitter post, he said: "Ah! To wake up in my motherland, without the burden of conducting Pakistan's most difficult external relationship." 
  
 'Excellent nomination' 
  
 Ms Rehman is a progressive and respected member of the governing Pakistan People's Party, with a reputation as a campaigner. 
  
 She was one of only a few politicians prepared to speak out on the blasphemy laws - which she argued were being used to persecute minority faiths. 
  
 She gave up those attempts in February, accusing her party of appeasing extremists. 
  
 In April she told the BBC that her life was in danger as a result of her stance and that she had to stay away from public meetings. 
  
 She was appointed information minister in March 2008 but resigned a year later after a clampdown by the PPP-led government on protests by lawyers, opposition groups and the media. 
  
 A number of observers see her appointment in Washington as a clever move. 
  
 "She is an excellent nomination because she is highly regarded in Pakistan's intellectual and political circles, and I think even in those circles close to the military establishment," Rasul Bakhsh Rais, professor of political science at Lahore University of Management Sciences, told the Associated Press. |||||
Student:
Pakistan named Sherry Rehman as its new ambassador to the US today after its old one—the well-regarded Hussain Haqqani—was forced to resign yesterday over an ongoing scandal known in Pakistan as “Memogate.” After Osama bin Laden’s death, Haqqani allegedly sent a memo urging the US to prevent a military coup in Pakistan—a memo that came to light last month thanks to this Financial Times column and caused a media firestorm in Pakistan. Haqqani denies writing the memo, but tells NPR he was happy to step down to end the controversy. Haqqani’s departure initially provoked some gloomy proclamations—one expert told the Daily Beast it marked “the end of the era" of US-Pakistan engagement—but Rehman appears to be a credible replacement. A close friend of the late Benazir Bhutto, Rehman is an avid liberal who has faced death threats for speaking out for human rights in Pakistan. Her appointment indicates that “the military has failed to assume complete control of Pakistan-US relations,” Human Rights Watch tells the BBC.