Your task is to extract the thesis of an opinionated news article by selecting some of its text segments. The thesis is a summarization of what the author wants to persuade the reader of. Your answer should consist of segments of the given text. Note that you are not allowed to combine different sentences.

The Guardian view on counter-terror cooperation: walking the line. Ten days after the Paris attacks, the security repercussions continue . Yesterday Sir John Sawers, recently retired as head of MI6, called for renewed cooperation between intelligence agencies and internet companies . Meanwhile, European foreign ministers met to strengthen anti-terrorism coordination within the EU, and called for a stronger alliance with Arab states in combating jihadi networks . The EU foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, said:"The threat is not only the one we faced in Paris, but it is spreading in other parts of the world, starting from Muslim countries." Better coordination is undoubtedly needed to foil further attacks in Europe , where Islamist terrorists have struck in three capitals - Madrid, London and now Paris . Anti-terrorism raids in France and Belgium confirm that the threat continues . The Paris killers had links with networks across the Middle East, including in Yemen . So the need to share intelligence to counter groups that themselves operate and communicate easily across borders cannot be disputed . A further illustration of this came when an Algerian national appeared before a Greek prosecutor on Monday over a possible link to a foiled Islamist plot to attack police in Belgium . It is logical for Europe to reach out to Arab countries . The first victims of violent jihadism are, after all, to be found in the Arab world . In the Middle East and north Africa, terrorists have targeted Muslims first and foremost . It came as little surprise that the Arab League secretary general, Nabil el-Araby - who has recently met Ms Mogherini- immediately declared his organisation's readiness to help European partners in dealing with a danger that spans many regions . It is, nevertheless, vital that such cooperation avoids the mistakes of the past . This is not a war of civilisations . It is a fight against a violent sectarian ideology that finds breeding grounds in Europe's disenfranchised communities and in the killing fields of the Middle East . Ms Mogherini is correct to state that this is "not an issue between Europe or the west and Islam" . But this effort must give proper priority to precautions and standards that have, in the past, been all too often trampled upon . The global war on terror proclaimed in the aftermath of 9/11 involved measures that violated fundamental rights and international law . Western cooperation with repressive Arab states involved rendition flights and the outsourcing of torture . Many regimes used repressive methods and emergency legislation to crush dissent as much as to track terrorists . Last month this system of abuses was detailed in the damning US Senate report on the secret CIA programme that ran detention sites and organised the transfer of detainees with the cooperation of partner countries , some of which were in the Arab and Muslim world . Calling for an alliance between Europe and Arab countries in a renewed fight against terrorism is important . But it should not permit any amnesia about where this has led in the past decade . In the Middle East and north Africa, many regimes continue to show complete disregard for basic human rights and legal procedures - as the recent flogging of a Saudi blogger has illustrated . Only one country, Tunisia, can claim to have reached some form of stable democracy in the wake of the Arab spring . Others are run by despots or by military juntas, as in Egypt, or have been caught in a spiral of anarchy, as in Libya . Human rights activists and civil society struggle to do their work under immense pressure . There are few checks and balances . Nor is there sufficient oversight of security forces conducting anti-terrorism efforts . So , as Europeans reach out to these regimes , they must beware of the pitfalls . An alliance with authoritarian powers, made blindly or naively, can too easily involve the abandonment of values, a dangerous sense of impunity and even indifference towards the worst abuses . It can also backfire , because repression in some Arab states has provoked fresh discontent and radicalisation . All these things have happened in recent years . This time, therefore, Europe must rigorously uphold its standards as it embarks on this new era of cooperation . This time, the price of mutual assistance must not be a blind eye or a guilty silence about unacceptable abuses .
Ten days after the Paris attacks, the security repercussions continue

Russia's next acquisition. It is no secret that Russia views the South Caucasus as being in its natural sphere of influence . In light of Russia's annexation of Crimea, and on the back of Moscow's recent treaties with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Georgians have legitimate reasons to believe that Russian activity in their country will only increase in 2015 . Consequently ,  many are keeping a close eye on the Georgian province of Samtskhe-Javakheti- a majority ethnically Armenian region located just three hours' drive from the nation's capital city of Tbilisi . Causing instability in Samtskhe-Javakheti would achieve two goals for Moscow . First ,  it would further dismember the territorial integrity of Georgia . The Georgian provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia are already under Russian occupation . By some accounts they are closer than ever to being annexed by Moscow . An independent Samtskhe-Javakheti, or one under Russian influence, would divide Georgia down the middle . Armenian separatism in Samtskhe-Javakheti might not be as vocal as it was only a few years ago ; but there is still a fear that Moscow could easily reenergise separatist movements in the region . Secondly, and more importantly for Russia, bringing the region under Moscow's influence would make a land corridor between Russia and Armenia, via South Ossetia, one step closer . This is important because Russia maintains a sizeable military presence in Armenia . The bulk of the Russian force is based in the city of Gyumri and consists of approximately 5,000 soldiers and dozens of fighter planes and attack helicopters . Russia has long had the difficult challenge of supplying these forces , especially since Georgia and Turkey refuse transit rights . This has left a reliance on Iran , which for obvious reasons, is not ideal for Russia . It is not only for Russia that Samtskhe-Javakheti is strategically important, but also for Europe . The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and the South Caucasus Pipeline, carrying oil and gas respectively from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, passes through the province . As the possibility of more Central Asian oil and gas finding its way to Europe becomes likely , these pipelines bypassing Russia will become a vital part of Europe's energy security . In addition ,  the Kars-Tbilisi-Baku railway, which is due to open later this year, passes through Samtskhe-Javakheti . It is expected that this rail line will eventually transport 3 million passengers and over 15 million tons of freight each year . There is a perfect storm brewing in the region and if Russia wanted to exploit the situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti it could not ask for better timing than now . First is the fact that many Javakheti Armenians have Russian sympathies . Until its closure in 2007, the Russian military base there was the single biggest source of employment . It has also been reportedthat Moscow is issuing Russian passports to ethnic Armenians living in the region . This in itself is telling ; Russia issued passports to Abkhazians and South Ossetians just before its 2008 invasion of Georgia and also issued passports to Crimeans ahead of the annexation of Crimea last year . But Russia is only part of the problem . Many of the grievances Javakheti Armenians have are a result of poor policy making by the central government in Tbilisi . Many Javakheti Armenians feel that their culture and language are discriminated against . There has been a decrease in the quality of education among the Javakheti Armenian population . The bilingual education program of teaching in both Georgian and Armenian has been described as a "total failure" because there are not enough qualified teachers with proficiency in both languages . Unemployment is high in Samtskhe-Javakheti and future economic prospects in the region look bleak . Many Javakheti Armenians travel to Russia or Armenia for work . Economy strained . Thanks to the drop in the value of the Russian ruble - almost one-third of its value in the past year  - remittances have also decreased . The unusually harsh winter in the region is placing a further strain on economic activity . Then there is the issue of citizenship and immigration . Many Javakheti Armenians do not have Georgian citizenship . Instead ,  many hold Armenian passports because finding seasonal work in Armenia and Russia is easier this way . Until recently, Armenian citizens were allowed to live and work inside Georgia without any special authorisation as long as they crossed the border back into Armenia at least once a year . Last September this changed . Now Javakheti Armenians without Georgian citizenship can only stay in Georgia for three months at a time . Longer term residency permits are costly . These policies breed animosity and form a perfect storm that could easily be exploited by Russia . It does not have to be this way . Sensible policies can be pursued by Tbilisi to address the legitimate grievances of the Javakheti Armenians . The West can make it clear to Russia that further meddling in Georgia's domestic affairs could lead to additional sanctions . The last thing the South Caucasus needs is another sectarian conflict .
It is no secret that Russia views the South Caucasus as being in its natural sphere of influence In light of Russia's annexation of Crimea, and on the back of Moscow's recent treaties with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Georgians have legitimate reasons to believe that Russian activity in their country will only increase in 2015

The Observer view on the Paris attacks. Last week's attack on Charlie Hebdo magazine in Paris and the subsequent, linked hostage-taking at a Jewish supermarket were appalling acts of inhumanity that should be universally condemned . Despite the killers' grandiose claim to be "defenders of the prophet", their actions amounted to cold-blooded murder of defenceless people . Their pre-planned purpose was to terrorise, divide and dismay . Their aim was cowardly, contemptible and cruel . The perpetrators deserve only ignominy and the bitter scorn of the world . The attacks should be understood, more broadly, as a crude attempt to stifle a publication and its journalists who exercised, in vivid, unapologetic terms, the fundamental, priceless right to freedom of speech and expression . This right, though never absolute, was established through centuries of struggle and is still far from fully accepted around the world . There are many others - governments, dictators, religious fanatics - who would also like to shoot it down . That the killers' made Jews their additional, parallel target lends a woefully familiar, disgustingly antisemitic twist to a three-day trail of carnage and grief . By so doing, they hoped yet another community would be left in fear . This attack was thus also an attack on the French nation as a whole, on the values and beliefs that have sustained it, and on the message of liberty, equality and fraternity it has unevenly but persistently propagated . And while its principal victims were irreverent secularists , it was also an attack on faith - an offence against moral as well as human law . It was an attack on the life spiritual itself, whether conducted through church, mosque, synagogue or personal observance. It was an act of utter godlessness . By attempting to murder love with fear, to kill laughter with hatred, to substitute inflexible dogmas for shared truths, the masked gunmen attacked us all , European, American and Arab, Muslim, Christian and Jew, black, brown and white alike . In doing so, they posed a vital question . How, in the face of this assault on our common home, our common humanity, do we respond? Do we meet terror with a greater terror of our own or do we seek another way? Shall we unite together or shall we give in to division, discrimination and distrust? In Paris, and in other cities around the world, a spontaneous reply has already been given . The marchers, demonstrators, office workers, journalists, bloggers, politicians and governments who declared, with one voice:"Je suis Charlie", sent an immediate, welcome message of solidarity and defiance . Today, this roar of courage and belief will reach ear-splitting levels when people from every background join a march in Paris for unity, freedom and democracy . Out of blood and horror a unique moment has arisen, for France and all Europe . The choice is stark and unavoidable . It is between the ongoing struggle for enlightenment - Europe's gift to the world - and a gathering, hate-filled darkness . The evident danger is that this spirit of unity may not endure . French Muslim leaders have roundly condemned the attackers . "These men are criminals... For me, they are not Muslims," said the imam of Drancy . But at less emotional moments, French Muslims also speak of routine, entrenched discrimination, of insensitive restrictions such as curbs on women wearing the veil, and of a French policy of assimilation and integration, the flipside of Britain's let- it-all-hang-out multiculturalism , which has failed to achieve equal rights and equal treatment . It is this same embattled Muslim community, fractured, underprivileged, marginalised and disrespected which produced the killers . It is clear, conversely, that many French people have a problem with Islam . According to an Ipsos survey last year, 63% of French voters said Islam was not compatible with French values . Almost three-quarters said Muslims wanted to impose their values on others . Surveys also suggest seven out of 10 voters believe sections of the immigrant community have failed to integrate over the past 30 years . Some 65% say immigration levels are out of control . Anti-Muslim and anti-immigration movements are growing in strength in Germany, Britain and across Europe . But France's already powerful far-right Front National is certain to use the Charlie Hebdo affair to exploit these fears and prejudices . The urgent, daunting challenge for President Francois Hollande's ruling socialists, and the centre-right of former President Nicolas Sarkozy, is to plot a different, more conciliatory path . Their task: to tap into this spirit of unity, forging a new reality for both majority and minority communities . Muslim world leaders can help halt the cycles of violence and confrontation , if they wish . But this common challenge will not be assisted by wrong-headed, kneejerk reactions by western security services . In France, there is justified criticism that the Kouachi brothers were not under close watch, given their past record of extremism . Yet it would be wrong to massively increase monitoring of the Muslim community , thereby exacerbating existing tensions . Much better to use any additional resources to engage, rather than confront , while focusing more exactly on identifying truly hardline fanatics . Similarly ,  calls for more cash to counter a mounting but undefined terrorist menace to Britain should be treated with both respect and circumspection . Andrew Parker, head of MI5, warned last week of the "growing gap between the increasingly challenging threat and the decreasing availability of capabilities to address it" . But extended, intrusive internet surveillance does not necessarily bring increased security . What it does do is potentially deal a further blow to personal liberty, including the ability to speak and communicate freely and openly . The response to the Charlie Hebdo killings, in the longer term, should also include wider acceptance of the proper limits to individual and social freedoms, including free speech . It is not acceptable, for example, to use racist terms to describe a different ethnic group . It is not acceptable to resort to stereotypes to vilify minorities or ,  say, members of the opposite sex . And it is sometimes not appropriate, nor particularly funny, to deliberately provoke Muslims by publishing cartoons of the prophet that they view as blasphemous, offensive and insulting . Having said that, individuals or groups should not seek to prevent or ban published material just because they do not like it, do not agree or do not get the joke . Even more so, the ridiculing of Islam, however much resented, cannot be used to justify or explain gross acts of violence . The freedom to speak, write, draw and laugh fearlessly, without censorship and unreasonable restraint, lies at the very heart of a tolerant, democratic and inclusive society .

Last week's attack on Charlie Hebdo magazine in Paris and the subsequent, linked hostage-taking at a Jewish supermarket were appalling acts of inhumanity that should be universally condemned

