TASK DEFINITION: Generate an appropriate single-sentence summary for the given text such that it includes the main topic of the text.
PROBLEM: Google said it was stepping up checks on app-makers it had not seen before to thwart "bad faith" developers. These malicious developers often create new accounts to avoid Google's checks, it said. Others hijack existing accounts to exploit the good reputation which established developers have accrued. One cyber-security company said it expected the move to "have a positive impact". "We find that malware authors often change their account information to conceal their identities," commented Kristy Edwards, from security company Lookout. She added that one malware creator had been found to have used 707 different ID codes to try to evade detection. Data control The "more thorough" checks will be done on application creators who do not have a "track record" with Google, wrote Sameer Samat, product manager for Android and Google Play. Google would be taking days to investigate developers who open new accounts to see if they have links to "bad faith" developers who have a history of making malicious and unsafe apps, he said. It was common to see such developers try to "game" Google's systems to get around the existing controls, he said. App developers seeking to abuse the Play Store, or make malicious apps, would have their accounts blocked, he said. Humans would make the final decisions on blocks and suspensions. 'More control' The closer look at developers follows other changes Google has made to its policies which have forced app makers to disclose what data they want to gather, and restricts access to some features on phones. It has also insisted that app makers ensure their programs work with the latest, most secure versions of Android's application programming interfaces (APIs) . Currently, app makers are supposed to target at least Android 9's APIs, which was released in August 2018. In addition, said Google in a separate statement, the extra checks would help limit abuse of the personal information people surrender to apps. "Users want more control and transparency over how their personal information is being used by applications, and expect Android, as the platform, to do more to provide that control and transparency," it told the BBC. The increased scrutiny of developers was part of a "comprehensive look" it was giving to Android's platform and policies, it added. Google's app developer changes come just ahead of its annual developer conference IO that is due to take place on 7 May. A new Pixel phone is expected to be launched at the conference.

SOLUTION: Android developers new to Google's phone platform could have publication of their apps delayed for days as more rigorous checks are done on coders.

PROBLEM: By Julian LorkinSydney Facing a dwindling number of investment opportunities in their own country, Chinese buyers are snapping up new Australian apartments and homes at a record rate, says real estate experts. They have their eye on homes with a quality finish and a splash of grandeur. The interest is so strong - with predictions of billions of dollars more to come thanks to changes in Chinese offshore investment rules - that Australian real estate agents are setting up offices in Beijing and Shanghai to take advantage of the demand. Chief Executive of property website Juwai, Simon Henry, describes it as an "incoming wall of Chinese investment" that Australia isn't ready for. Mr Henry expects it to continue for some time, in part because Beijing has relaxed currency rules making it easier for wealthy Chinese to invest in overseas property. "Keen, moneyed-up investors want high quality properties in Sydney, which will generate both a good return and gain in value," Mr Henry told the BBC. Nest eggs "The current level of Chinese investment in Australia may seem quaintly small in a few years," he says. Primarily, Chinese investors are looking at property as a nest egg because of the lack of similar investments in China, he says. "Plus, their children are highly educated. Parents buy to ensure their kids have somewhere to stay when studying for an Australian degree." Hans Hendrischke, Professor of Chinese Business at the University of Sydney, agrees. "There are now 150,000 Chinese students in Australia, with parents often purchasing apartments for their children," says Prof Hendrischke. "A decade ago, this large Chinese community didn't exist. Parents who have bought a unit for their offspring follow it up with a house for themselves to retire to," he adds. Chinese investors are keen on: • Modern properties, preferably brand new • Apartments close to cities, universities and public transport • Houses open to the street, with good views • A little bit of glamour and "bling" The kinds of properties being bought are often dictated by the children's taste, says Dan White, director of Australian property agent Ray White, which has opened branches in Beijing and Hong Kong. "Kitchens have to be right up-to-date with marble bench tops and all the latest devices," says Mr White. Chinese investors want "bling" and Australian developers are happy to deliver it, he says. Ten years ago, Chinese investment flowed into Hong Kong property, says Mr Henry. Opposition "Now Australia and the US are top for Chinese investment properties. Australia's best asset is [being in] a similar time zone, within a few hours' flying time of China," he says. However, Chinese investment here is a sensitive issue for many Australians. The Australian government has repeatedly warned overseas owners not to breach foreign investment laws, amid claims Chinese money is artificially boosting housing prices, especially in Sydney. Property values in Sydney are rising 13% a year, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics. They are the best gains of any capital city in Australia, says property research firm RP Data. The government has imposed fees on non-residents buying property and anyone found breaking the rules - such as buying an existing house instead of investing in a new property - may be forced to sell. But experts don't think that will have much impact on the flow of money. Australians should welcome the investment because longer term, it will make homes more, not less, affordable by funding the construction of new apartments, claims Mr White. "This is great for renters who have traditionally found it very tough, particularly in the tight Sydney market," he says. It is not just the luxury, inner city suburbs that are doing well. The supply of new homes is increasing in outer suburbs, too. For example, approvals have quadrupled in the past 12 months around Sydney's north-western suburbs of Castle Hill, Rouse Hill and Kellyville, where property advertisements often appear in English and Mandarin, according to property consultants MacroPlan Dimasi. Asian brokerage and investment group CLSA forecasts a surge in Chinese immigration to Australia over the next few years, which property analysts say will translate into another surge in foreign investment in Australian residential property. Australian prices may seem high but a city like Sydney is still relatively cheap compared with other worldwide cities, says Mr Henry. "What we are seeing now may just be an early start before Chinese investors arrive in force," he says. "Their children like Australian universities and our beaches. With our climate, and our lifestyle no wonder their parents are following." Julian Lorkin is a Sydney business writer.

SOLUTION: With house prices soaring out of the reach of many young Australians, Chinese investors have been singled out for criticism. But experts say foreign investment has a silver lining.

PROBLEM: By Fergal KeaneBBC News, Nay Pyi Taw On the walls are the portraits of past Burmese leaders, beginning with her father General Aung San, assassinated on the eve of independence in 1947, and continuing into the era of thuggish military rule, face after forgotten face for whom nobody had ever voted in a democratic election. The new leader, elected with an overwhelming popular mandate, arrived surrounded by civil servants and guarded by police, fresh from meetings and with many more planned later in the day. Her interview with me was the first this year and a rare encounter with the media. Aung San Suu Kyi has been bruised by the criticism over her handling of the Rohingya Muslim crisis in Rakhine state. It is a long way from the days when reporters, myself included, made the journey to her home by the lake in Rangoon, also known as Yangon, to listen to her expound on the virtues of universal human rights. Back when I first met her in July 1995 she was a political prisoner a few days free, eager for news of the world and particularly South Africa, where I had just completed my assignment as the BBC correspondent covering the transition to democracy. She had followed my reports on the BBC World Service and was keen to know how the African National Congress managed to achieve the end of apartheid. There was an innocent eagerness about her back then, a hunger for knowledge on everything ranging from microfinance to the latest news in poetry and literary fiction. Then, as her popularity grew and the army became nervous, there was another long period of house arrest. The army continued with its repression. Thousands were rounded up during the peaceful, and abortive, protests by monks in 2007. She was only finally released three years later and allowed to resume a full-time political career. The woman I meet this week in Nay Pyi Taw in 2017 is undoubtedly changed. The heroine of the human rights community is now alienated from many of her old international supporters. She is wary of the media and disdainful of her international critics, far more the steely politician than the global icon feted from capital to capital when she was released seven years ago. Our exchange on Rakhine was polite but robust. I told her that having covered many conflicts I thought that what I'd seen in Rakhine state amounted to ethnic cleansing. Did she worry that instead of being remembered as an icon of human rights it would be as the Nobel laureate who refused to confront ethnic cleansing in her own country? No. She refuses to accept this definition, speaking instead of two communities divided and explaining her lack of public activism as not wishing to fan the flames of hatred through condemnation. It is also clear that the sharp turn in western voices, from adulation to condemnation, irks her. The more UN officials demand she does something, the less likely, it strikes me, that she will accede. There is a profound paradox here. I and other journalists in Asia remember the days when it was the military regime that denounced our reporting of human rights abuses and accused us of exaggeration. Now these complaints are levelled by a democratically elected government led by a former political prisoner. It is true that not all of the allegations that emerge from Rakhine state are true, and that the latest violence was sparked by militant attacks on the police. But the weight of evidence suggests an appalling toll on the lives of innocent people going back well before the recent appearance of a radical Rohingya groups. One of the most powerful memories I have of ethnic intolerance - and this is after reporting on Rwanda and atrocities in the Balkans - is seeing the plight of Rohingya penned into a ghetto in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine, and listening to the toxic rhetoric of Buddhist monks near a burned out Muslim village. The crisis in Rakhine will cause Aung San Suu Kyi no problems among the majority of Burmese, who remain loyal supporters of her National League for Democracy. She has the support of the street even if her backing in ethnic minority areas is declining. However the alienation felt by international supporters could become a problem if the military refuses to accede to her demand to change a constitution that gives them power over key ministries like defence and home affairs, and which prevents Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming president. She is too shrewd a politician to be unaware of this risk. But conceding to international critics whose analysis she refuses to accept would be totally out of character.

SOLUTION:
We met in the cavernous interior of the foreign affairs ministry where the old regime once plotted its campaigns against international sanctions and isolation.

