instruction:
Your task is to extract the thesis of an opinionated news article by selecting some of its text segments. The thesis is a summarization of what the author wants to persuade the reader of. Your answer should consist of segments of the given text. Note that you are not allowed to combine different sentences.
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In the UK, we also can't breathe. A member of the "United Friends and Families Campaign" spoke to protesters about some of these cases, including that of a 40-year-old mother, Joy Gardner . Her only relation to Eric Garner, he explained, is that she, too, couldn't breathe after 13 feet of tape was wrapped in at least seven complete turns around her head . She fell into a coma and was pronounced dead four days later . Azelle Rodney, 24, was killed in 2005 . He was shot six times within two seconds of police officers ramming the vehicle in which he was travelling . His body was then left on the pavement for 16 hours - not unlike Mike Brown in the streets of Ferguson . Only after nearly 10 years of campaigning led by Rodney's mother, Susan Alexander, is an officer now facing a murder charge . Among those who addressed protesters was Marcia Rigg, the sister of Sean Rigg . He died in police custody at the entrance to Brixton police station in 2008 after a violent arrest . Despite being clearly unwell, he had been handcuffed and left dying on the floor . A police officer, filmed on CCTV, said that he was "faking it" . Christopher Alder died while in police custody at Queen's Gardens Police Station in Kingston upon Hull . Having been taken to the station with a head injury, he was unresponsive when he was dragged from a police van . He lay on the floor of the custody suite for 11 minutes, CCTV footage shows, gasping for breath, with his hands cuffed behind him and his trousers round his ankles . A pool of blood formed around his mouth . Instead of being given medical attention, five police officers stood around commenting that he was "right as rain" and his agony was "just a show" . They even made monkey noises . Four years earlier in 1994, Shiji Lapite died after being placed in a police van in east London . A post-mortem found that Lapite had died of asphyxiation, suggesting that police officers had used a chokehold . But while the inquest into his death recorded a verdict of unlawful killing , the Crown Prosecution Service declined to prosecute the officers involved . In fact ,  no officer has been convicted over a death in police custody since 1969 , when the two Leeds police officers responsible for the death of David Oluwale, were found guilty of assault . Negative experiences of police treatment are a consistent feature of the lives of many people, especially those who are young, black and come from the working class . Families often suffer not just the initial news of the deaths of their loved ones in custody, but a concerted media campaign from the police smearing the reputations of the victim in the following weeks . The family of Mark Duggan weren't even informed of his death, instead finding out from TV news . And these deaths represent only the worst and most painful cases of police violence . Many "lesser" incidents go virtually unreported . Even when these are recorded- as was a London police officer's threat that "if you say one more fucking word, I'll smash your fucking Arab face in" to a 16-year-old teenager in 2005- officers never face serious charges . Since the Macpherson report of 1999, which famously pointed to "institutional racism" within the Met, there has been little evidence of structural or far- reaching change in the way the police are held accountable . As in other European countries, especially France, anger at the police in the UK has repeatedly boiled over into riots . The police killing of Duggan in 2011, which sparked the riots of that summer, is the clearest recent case . Eighty-five percent of participants in those riots who were questioned by the Reading the Riots study said policing was an "important" or "very important" factor in why the riots happened . They pointed to long histories of being subjected to humiliating stop-and- searches and beatings by the police , who were often described as operating like a "gang" . The common view is that there is little point in attempting recourse via the official police complaint procedures . This was confirmed by a recent investigation by Channel 4 Dispatches , which showed that just one percent of allegations of racism by members of the public against the police in England and Wales were upheld over an eight year period . And yet ,  despite our knowledge that experiences of police violence have led to riots, the reaction of successive British governments has been to implement ever-harsher policing, especially in black and working-class communities . This coincides with a continued police clampdown in Muslim communities that has generated widespread anger for its methods, including the manufacture of evidence against Muslim suspects and long imprisonment periods for writing Facebook posts . We demonstrated on December 10 not only to show solidarity with those in the US, but also to point to the similar struggles for justice that we are facing here in the UK . In the late evening, dozens of protesters were corralled in the cold for over an hour before being arrested, loaded onto two buses commandeered for the purpose, and driven to various police stations around London . Many were kept in the cold for hours before being led to holding cells . Many were released miles from home in the very early morning . There can be little doubt that this tactic of mass arrests, which is becoming more prominent, is aimed at dissuading future protest . Those arrested are given "interview" dates well into the future - often with stringent bail conditions - and warned about commenting publicly before this date . They are, as such, effectively gagged . There is no small irony in this response to a demonstration about police violence . But we have little intention of remaining silent . After decades of campaigning led by affected families, the movement for police accountability is developing new tactics and involving a growing number of young people who are determined to be the generation that sees change . Along with our friends in the US, we adopt Garner's words to the police as our slogan . This stops today .
answer:
A member of the "United Friends and Families Campaign" spoke to protesters about some of these cases, including that of a 40-year-old mother, Joy Gardner


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If je ne suis pas Charlie, am I a bad person? Nuance gets lost in groupthink. In the wake of terrorist attacks in Paris last week, many people in France and elsewhere have declared, Je suis Charlie ("I am Charlie") after heavily armed gunmen broke into the headquarters of Charlie Hebdo, a satirical French magazine, and killed eight staff members, two police officers, a building maintenance worker and wounded several others . On Sunday, hundreds of thousands of people including a number of world leaders such as Angela Merkel, Benjamin Netanyahu, and David Cameron gathered in Paris for a unity rally, to stand in mourning, in defiance . There were cries of Je suis Charlie, Je suis Ahmed(I am Ahmed, the Muslim police officer who lost his life in the attack), Je suis juif(I am a Jew) . These declarations were a display of solidarity with those who lost their lives and those who survived . They allowed people to try and place themselves in the lives of others by using the power of language . We have seen this kind of remembrance before in the face of tragedy : I am Troy Davis ; I am Mike Brown ; I am Eric Garner ; I am Renisha McBride . But we are none of these people . We can and do empathize with the plights of the dead, the survivors and their loved ones . We can and do empathize with how fragile we all are, and with how we cannot be ruled by terror, but why the rhetorical urge to take the place of the fallen? What does it bring them? I, too, have ached since hearing the news of what happened in Paris but je ne suis pas Charlie et je ne suis pas Ahmed et je ne suis pas juif . There are times when silence equals consent, but is the loss of someone else's life really such an instance? Is it reasonable to assume that if je ne suis pas Charlie, I tacitly endorse terrorism? I believe in the freedom of expression, unequivocally - though , as I have written before , I wish more people would understand that freedom of expression is not freedom from consequence . I find some of the work of Charlie Hebdo distasteful , because there is a preponderance of bigotry of all kinds in many of their cartoons' sentiments . Still ,  my distaste should not dictate the work the magazine produces or anything else . The cartoonists at Charlie Hebdo - and writers and artists everywhere - should be able to express themselves and challenge authority without being murdered . Murder is not an acceptable consequence for anything . Yet it is also an exercise of freedom of expression to express offense at the way satire like Charlie Hebdo's characterizes something you hold dear - like your faith, your personhood, your gender, your sexuality, your race or ethnicity . Demands for solidarity can quickly turn into demands for groupthink , making it difficult to express nuance . It puts the terms of our understanding of the situation in black and white - you are either with us or against us - instead of allowing people to mourn and be angry while also being sympathetic to complexities that are being overlooked . It has been disheartening to see calls for the Muslim community to denounce terrorism . It has been disheartening to see journalists highlighting the stories of "good" Muslims , as if goodness is the exception to the rule of an entire people . We will continue to see discussions of satire, the freedom of expression and its limits . We will see speculations as to how such a tragedy can be avoided because it is easier to speculate than it is to accept that we cannot prevent terrorism . We cannot sway extremists with rational thought or with our ideas of right and wrong . Life moves quickly but , sometimes, consideration does not . And yet ,  we insist that people provide an immediate response, or immediate agreement, a universal, immediate me-too  - as though we don't want people to pause at all, to consider what they are weighing in on . We don't want to complicate our sorrow or outrage when it is easier to experience these emotions in their simplest, purest states . The older(and hopefully wiser) I get, the more I want to pause . I want to take the time to think through how I feel and why I feel . I don't want to feign expertise on matters I know nothing about for the purpose of offering someone else my immediate reaction for their consumption . The demand for response from all of us through the means available to us, most often our social networks, rises in part because we can feel so impotent in our day-to-day lives . We are people with jobs and families and our quotidian concerns . It is easy to feel impotent in the face of terrorism in Paris or hundreds of girls being kidnapped in Nigeria or a bombing at an NAACP building in Colorado or an unarmed black man being killed by a police officer . Within our social networks, we can feel less alone . We can feel less impotent . We can make these gestures of solidarity . Je suis Charlie . We can change our avatars . We can share our anger, our fear, or devastation without having to face that we may not be able to do much more . But we still feel impotent and we still feel inadequate . When we see people not participating in our expressions of solidarity-- not showing their awareness of their own impotence-- we see something we can possibly change . That is why we demand allegiance .
answer:
These declarations were a display of solidarity with those who lost their lives and those who survived In the wake of terrorist attacks in Paris last week, many people in France and elsewhere have declared, Je suis Charlie


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Why CIA interrogations report matters: Torture doesn't work and Americans need to know. As a former professional interviewer with the FBI, I know what works and doesn't . Torture is not an effective way to get information , and the American people need to know that . That's why the Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA interrogation and detention after 9/11 is important . The executive summary of the report, written after reviewing hundreds of thousands of the CIA's internal documents, shows that torture was more brutal and much less fruitful than the CIA claimed . In fact ,  the committee concluded that all the claims about the value of intelligence gained from "enhanced" interrogation--including the claim that it helped the U.S  find Usama bin Laden-- are overstated or just plain false . Proponents of torture are contesting these well-documented findings . So let's look at the facts . On 9/11, the CIA had few, if any, experienced counterterrorism interrogators . Their traditional purview had been intelligence collection during the Cold War . Inexperienced in this area and overwhelmed they resorted to techniques that merely sounded good but in fact worked against them . When concocting the legal opinions to authorize torture, the lawyers inside our government didn't consult trained interviewers or interrogation experts--the people who actually knew how to get information . They consulted psychologists who helped train U.S  military pilots to resist torture methods should they be captured (torture methods, it should be noted, designed to elicit false confessions) . If they had consulted trained interviewers , they would have found out what I and my colleagues had known for decades: Torture isn't just unnecessary; it's an unreliable way to get information . Instead , as the Senate report shows, the CIA brought in untrained interrogators and contractors and asked them to get answers out of Al Qaeda detainees using methods designed to inflict pain, both physical and mental, and even simulate death . The CIA also employed horrific methods, like forced rectal feedings, that were never approved . I recall when I learned that cruel techniques were being used . I spoke with several long-term CIA officers and CIA polygraph experts with whom I had worked over many years , and we were all appalled , not just by its immorality , but because we knew it would be counterproductive . Apologists say that these methods were used to put the detainees into a state of "learned helplessness," in which the detainee would depend totally on his captor and give up all information . Those of us who have actually conducted interviews know that this isn't the way things work . To get good, accurate information, you want the subject to be as cognizant as possible . You want him to be able to remember all the details and to be able to tell you them . A person will say anything to try to stop the pain , and torture impairs the suspect's ability to remember the details that may be essential to your investigation . Professionals don't need to use torture and never have . On top of that, torture is illegal, both here in the U.S  and internationally . The United States has even prosecuted people for the methods that the CIA used after 9/11 . We are a nation of laws , and the conduct detailed in the Senate report is against the law . For these reasons, in October, I joined 22 other security, interrogation and interviewing experts to issue a statement of principles in opposition to using torture . Not only is torture less reliable, illegal and immoral, we write , but it also makes our nation less safe . When we are not using effective and legal interviewing tactics, we miss information that may be vital to our nation's safety . In using torture, we also encourage other nations and actors (including terrorist groups) to emulate our illegal actions, effectively lowering the bar for the rest of the world, and allow them to use U.S  torture as a recruiting tool . President Obama, on his second day in office, signed an executive order banning the CIA torture methods the Senate report describes . But this executive order could be overturned by a future president . Now that the Senate report's executive summary has been released and the public knows the just how ineffective and brutal U.S  torture was, we need to make sure that this prohibition is permanent . Working with Congress to pass legislation that makes sure a ban on torture extends to the CIA is one way that President Obama can make sure that the United States never again embraces the misguided, ineffective, and dangerous tactics of torture .
answer:

Torture is not an effective way to get information


