In this task, you are given a text of many news articles seperated by special token "|||||". Your task is to summarize them.

He’ll have hundreds of millions of dollars, the bully pulpit, Air Force One and high-profile supporters from Warren Buffett to Lady Gaga behind him. But President Obama’s chances of re-election could come down to a single strategic question: To what degree can the history of 2004 be repeated in 2012? 
  
 On Politics The Times’s political editor on 2012. 
  
 Or to break the question into its most important component parts: 
  
 Can Mr. Obama overcome the bad economy, and perhaps even turn it to his advantage in certain ways, in the same way President George W. Bush overcame and in a sense turned to his advantage the bloody, expensive and increasingly unpopular war in Iraq eight years ago? 
  
 And can Mr. Obama do to his opponent – for now let’s say Mitt Romney – what Mr. Bush did to Senator John Kerry in 2004? 
  
 The parallels are sufficient enough that Mr. Obama and his team have studied, and to a striking degree are replicating, the Bush re-election playbook. 
  
 Already they are building a narrative in which Mr. Obama made politically brave decisions to do what was right for the economy, even if those decisions were unpopular. It’s a theme that echoes Mr. Bush’s argument in 2004 that he did what it took to keep the country safe, and that even if you disagreed with him, you knew where he stood. 
  
 As for defining the opponent, Mr. Obama’s supporters are already hard at work hammering home the idea that Mr. Romney is an inveterate flip-flopper, a man without core or convictions who says and does whatever is necessary to advance his political interests. It’s an approach that bears a passing similarity to the Bush re-election campaign’s efforts to paint Mr. Kerry as an inveterate flip-flopper, a man without core or convictions who. … You get the idea. 
  
 The similarities –- and differences — between the two re-election efforts are a regular topic of conversation and debate among strategists in both parties. “Politics is infused with rich ironies,” said Mark McKinnon, who was Mr. Bush’s media strategist in 2000 and 2004, noting that Mr. Obama had reached the White House in large part by running against Mr. Bush’s record and policies. 
  
 At the heart of both approaches is an insight frequently invoked by Karl Rove, Mr. Bush’s strategist, in 2004: an election is a choice, not a referendum. By that, he meant that an incumbent’s job is not to prove he is perfect – it is to prove that he’s better than the other guy. 
  
 Mr. Obama’s aides now see their job in much the same way. 
  
 “If someone is going to beat us, they’re going to be thoroughly known when they win,” said David Axelrod, Mr. Obama’s longtime strategist. “They’re not just going to win by default. It’s way too glib to say that not being Obama is going to be sufficient.” 
  
 But it is way too early to know if the strategy will work for Mr. Obama as it did, albeit barely, for Mr. Bush. 
  
 Matthew Dowd, who was a Bush strategist in 2004 but voted for Mr. Obama in 2008, said Mr. Bush had somewhat better job-approval numbers during his re-election campaign than Mr. Obama does now. As a result, he said, Mr. Obama is at greater risk of facing voters who have already made up their minds to vote against him almost no matter who the alternative is. 
  
 “If he doesn’t get some lift in his approval numbers, it will be hard to make this a choice election,” said Mr. Dowd, who met with Mr. Obama late last year as the White House sought to regain its footing following the big Democratic losses in the midterm election. 
  
 The Obama team, he said, “wants to make Mitt Romney into the Republican version of John Kerry.” 
  
 Mr. Obama stacks up relatively well against Mr. Romney and other Republicans in polls of head-to-head matchups in battleground states. But where Mr. Bush successfully cultivated an image as a decisive leader in a way that sharpened the comparison to Mr. Kerry, Mr. Dowd said, Mr. Obama could have trouble drawing as sharp a contrast. 
  
 “The value that the American public is looking for is a strong and decisive leader at a time of anxiety and challenge,” Mr. Dowd said. “In order to make the contrast, you have to have that value yourself, and Obama doesn’t have it.” 
  
 Nicolle Wallace, who was communications director in the Bush White House and a senior aide to Senator John McCain’s 2008 campaign, said Mr. Obama’s chances of replicating the Bush strategy also would be hurt by opposition to specific policies, like the health care bill and the economic stimulus spending. 
  
 “Obama at his core seems sensitive to the idea that this is going to be a referendum on him,” she said. “You see it in some of their thin-skinned responses to criticism. To me they’re revealing some of their feelings of vulnerability on that question.” 
  
 Mr. McKinnon, who left Mr. McCain’s campaign in 2008 because he admired Mr. Obama and did not want to work against him, said that once Mr. Bush and his team settled on a message in 2004 built around national security, they stuck with it, day in, day out. Mr. Obama, he suggested, has yet to find the re-election story line he can use to project his strengths and draw contrasts to Mr. Romney or whoever wins the Republican nomination. 
  
 “We decided even if our strategy was flawed, it was better to have one we stuck with rather than a strategy a month,” he said of the Bush 2004 campaign. “Team Obama clearly gets that they need to compare and contrast and they need discipline. The question is, will they have a compelling message and narrative?” ||||| A beleaguered president seeks re-election. His challenger, a candidate with Massachusetts roots and a presidential demeanor straight out of central casting, has to fight through a primary contest fending off charges of flip-flopping. In the end, the challenger's strength also proves his vulnerability. 
  
 FILE - In this Oct. 4, 2011, file photo, President Barack Obama speaks at a fundraiser in St. Louis. Democrats in and around Obama’s campaign are targeting Republican Mitt Romney by drawing on lessons... (Associated Press) 
  
 Election 2012 is looking a lot like the presidential race of 2004. 
  
 Democrats in and around President Barack Obama's campaign are preparing to run against former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney _ the man they believe likely to emerge from the Republican contest _ by borrowing from the playbook George W. Bush and Republicans used to defeat Sen. John Kerry seven years ago. 
  
 As candidates, Kerry and Romney are remarkably similar. Both are wealthy men, products of Massachusetts politics, eloquent on the stump but perceived as remote or aloof on the campaign circuit. 
  
 Even before Romney has won a single nominating contest, Obama's camp is singling him out as a fickle politician and is preparing to go straight at Romney's perceived strength _ his record as a businessman in the face of a flat-line economy. It was a strategy Republicans employed against Kerry, who faced flip-flopping claims himself and whose strength as a decorated Vietnam veteran running in the first post-Sept. 11 election was undermined by attack ads. 
  
 A key feature of the Obama strategy is Romney's tenure as head of Bain Capital, a private equity firm he co-founded in 1984 that saved and launched businesses such as Staples and Domino's Pizza but sliced jobs elsewhere through cost-cutting and consolidation. 
  
 It's not the first time Romney's tenure at the helm of Bain Capital has come under attack. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy pulled away from Romney during his 1994 Senate race in Massachusetts by airing a series of ads that featured workers from an Indiana paper plant that Bain took over, laying off employees, cutting wages and reducing benefits. 
  
 "Basically, he cut our throats," a worker said in one of the ads. 
  
 "When we made the decision to define him to voters of Massachusetts and took a hard line in doing so, we had a lot of success," said Democratic consultant Tad Devine, who crafted the ads for Kennedy and later served as a senior adviser to Kerry's presidential campaign. 
  
 Obama advisers are keenly aware of Kennedy's line of attack and are counting on similar results. 
  
 "In his professional life, he was an expert in stripping down companies and leading them to bankruptcy and profiting from these ventures, with a lot of jobs lost in the process," said Obama strategist David Axelrod, previewing a potential line of attack. 
  
 "Whenever you're running for president of the United States and you represent yourself in a certain way and you say here's my core asset, then you need to be able to stand by your record," Axelrod added in an interview. "It was problematic for him then; it will be problematic for him now." 
  
 Republicans concede that Romney could be vulnerable. But they say the Romney camp should be ready for the onslaught. 
  
 Michael Dennehy, a New Hampshire-based Republican strategist, said he remembers Kennedy's anti-Romney ads as being "just brutal and very, very effective." 
  
 "To some extent it will be effective again," he said. "The variable is how Romney responds and what they have learned from that 1994 race for Senate." 
  
 Dennehy, who helped run Sen. John McCain's presidential races in 2000 and 2008, added: "I think we can expect from Obama's campaign a very scorched-earth approach. It's the only way he can win." 
  
 Top Romney strategist Eric Fehrnstrom said Obama, faced with a stagnant economy, is grasping for ways to win. "Now, they are employing a 'kill Mitt' strategy," he said. "I suspect they'll go through many other strategies before they realize this election is a referendum on Obama's failed leadership on jobs." 
  
 For now, the Obama camp is focusing on portraying Romney as a finger-to-the-wind politician who changes his convictions to meet the political circumstances. They cite his embrace of mandatory health insurance when he was governor of Massachusetts and his criticism of Obama's health care bill, which relies on the same mandate, or his previous stance in favor of abortion rights against his current opposition to abortion. 
  
 "I will give him this, he is as vehement and as strong in his convictions when he takes one position as he is when he takes a diametrically opposite view," Axelrod said last week. On Wednesday, Axelrod pounced again, declaring on CBS that Romney appeared to have "no core to him." 
  
 No doubt Romney stands as the Republican to beat for his party's nomination. He has maintained a steady position as other Republicans rise and fall around him. Democrats in Obama's circle believe that barring an unexpected development, Romney will be the nominee. As a result, their sideline denunciations are designed to begin a story line they intend to build upon in the general election. 
  
 Gerry Chervinsky, a Massachusetts pollster who conducted public surveys during the Kennedy-Romney contest and during Kerry's presidential bid, said attacks on Romney's shifting stances aren't likely to damage him because he confronted them in 2007 and 2008 when he first ran for president. 
  
 "The Romney business issue, however, I think would score points," he said. "Teddy (Kennedy) had excellent info and made terrific TV spots and definitely left the impression that Romney's business record was based on laying people off to make big bucks." 
  
 Once the ads ran, Romney was unable to recover and lost to Kennedy. But the damage was not permanent. Romney ran for governor in 2002 and won. 
  
 So far, with the exception of former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, Republicans running against Romney have not tried to turn Romney's business experience against him. 
  
 During a debate last week, Huntsman described Romney as "somebody who breaks down businesses, destroys jobs as opposed to creating jobs and opportunity, leveraging up, spinning off, enriching shareholders." 
  
 "The whole discussion around this campaign is going to be job creation _ how can you win that debate given your background?" Huntsman asked him. 
  
 Romney parried the question, noting that Bain Capital had launched Staples and Sports Authority. 
  
 "We didn't take things apart and cut them off and sell them off," Romney said. "We instead helped start businesses." |||||
Barack Obama has an unlikely role model in his bid for re-election: George W. Bush, circa 2004. So says the AP and New York Times, who separately report that Obama strategists are so struck by the similarities between Bush's campaign against John Kerry and the 2012 race that they are borrowing from Bush's political playbook. For one thing: The White House already is attacking Mitt Romney as a Massachusetts flip-flopper, much as Bush did to Kerry. "Politics is infused with rich ironies,” says Mark McKinnon, Bush's media strategist back then. Like Team Bush, Team Obama intends to prove the political adage that an election usually boils down to a choice between two individuals instead of being a referendum on policy, writes Richard W. Stevenson in the Times. Not that policy doesn't matter: Bush in some ways turned the Iraqi war to his advantage with the message that he made politically unpopular decisions to keep the country safe. Obama might well take the same approach with his equivalent of a war—the tanking economy.