Evaristo da Veiga hailed the participations, raised on the "milk of the new doctrines There were other similar episodes in which the opposition organized popular civic celebrations, such as 7 September, also a day of municipal elections, 
Evaristo da Veiga hailed the participations, raised on the "milk of the new doctrines There were other similar episodes in which the opposition organized popular civic celebrations, such as 7 September, also a day of municipal elections, 53 or the notable role of Exaltados in the invention of the Dois de Julho festival in the late s. In's celebration, several thousand men, "the majority of color," according to the French consul, accompanied the militia battalions in the great parade from Lapinha to Salvador's city center.
Joan Leblon, Étienne-Alexandre Bermer, évêque d'Orléans ( ), - Persée
In short, civic celebrations provoked debates about the composition of the people and the nation, about citizenship, and about imperial institutions the monarchy and the constitution, celebrated respectively on the emperor's birthday and on 25 March. These were ritualized ways of doing politics that went beyond the parliamentary realm or formal politics, but still had close connections to the empire's political institutions.
Associational life, whose importance for politicization in Spanish America has been identified by Hilda Sabato and Carlos Forment, 59 has been little studied in Brazil. The dominant view remains that Brazilians were little given to associational life. It is difficult to determine the extent of associational life in Brazil before the law that regulated the foundation of societies and obliged them to submit their statues to the Council of State.
Organized to celebrate the 7 September Independence Day, these societies mobilized artisans, students, and neighborhood residences. In the struggles for independence, in the Exaltado campaign against Pedro I, in, as well is in many other lesser or greater episodes, divisions in the Brazilian political elite opened up spaces for more visible popular political participation, but politicization did not depend on divisions in the dominant classes.
Brazilians were active political subjects. They voted, read newspapers or heard them read, participated in civic rituals and other political demonstrations, and gathered in societies and associations. It is, however, difficult to argue that the elements of popular politicization analyzed up to this point, with all of their "pre-democratic" features, as Fureix would put it, and with their modern elements, led to a more profound politicization in the second half of the nineteenth century.
The Regresso, the repression of popular revolts and those of regional elites, the construction of the "Tempo Saquarema" 66 and, finally, the reduction of the electorate closed the spaces for popular politics and created a political context very similar to that of the period in France analyzed by Fureix. The number of Brazilian voters in the s about,, a tenth of the number of voters in the s was the same as the number of French voters before At this time, Brazil witnessed a large popular campaign that mobilized broad sectors of society excluded from the political world, but in close connection to parliamentary activities: the abolition movement.
With its symbols the Leblon camellias, rituals meetings, theater galas in benefit of the cause; the public freeing of slaves, mostly women; campaigns to free city blocks of slavery; campaigns on behalf of abolitionist candidates, hundreds of associations and societies, bazaars, and the participation of a large part of the population denied the vote by the law, the abolition movement brought a new political repertoire to Brazil. After the celebrations of 13 May slavery was officially abolished on that day in came the reactions: the refusal to consider other reforms, the repression of black mobilization and the racialization of rhetoric about society, and the dismissal of the people as unworthy; finally the republic with few significant reforms and its population "reduced to the status of dumb beasts [ bestializado ].
All wanted the end of slavery; as long as the abolitionist movement operated within the legal framework and respected property rights, it could be accepted by all. Those who opposed the abolitionists were concerned about the maintenance of order and wanted to be indemnified for the loss of slave property. They did not seek to perpetuate slavery indefinitely. They also did not want mobilized citizens, active, conscious of their rights, demanding.
While the empire opened spaces for popular political participation, it always closed them when this participation appeared to threaten order. The same took place in Spanish America. The conservative regimes of the century's last decades, like the Regeneration in Colombia or the Porfiriato in Mexico, put an end to the politicization of the era of "American republican modernity. This pattern of reactions against popular political mobilizations also worked on the individual and ritual levels.
His insistence on the equality of citizens of all colors led to accusations that Meirelles was plotting the death of whites in's alleged Gregorian Society. We only know, however, of his nickname Deputy because he was forcibly recruited into the army in, at a time when the authorities in Santo Amaro felt themselves strong enough to get rid of him.
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