578 vI. SELF‑ AND S OCIAL P ROCESSES
p. 332), which should increase status, reduce 
conflict, and facilitate coalition building.
Finally, according to the egotist  metaphor, 
people strive to see themselves in a positive 
light and will distort self-  relevant informa -
tion to accomplish this goal. Virtually every 
theory of the self posits some variant of the 
motive to protect and enhance self-worth, 
and a large body of research has documented 
numerous positivity biases in self-  perception 
(Dunning, 2005; Taylor & Brown, 1994). 
These self-  enhancement biases may facilitate 
goal striving, emotional well-being, academ -
ic attainment, mate attraction, and other 
adaptive behaviors, at least in the short term 
(e.g., Chung, Scriber, & Robins, 2016; Duf -
ner, Gebauer, Sedikides, & Denissen, 2019; 
Lockard & Paulhus, 1988; Robins & Beer, 
2001; Taylor & Brown, 1994). Relatedly, in -
dividuals with high self-  esteem tend to have 
more satisfying social and romantic relation -
ships, more success in school and work, bet -
ter health, and lower levels of depression and 
criminal behavior (Cameron & Granger, 
2019; Kuster, Orth, & Meier, 2013; Mier & 
Ladny, 2018; Orth & Robins, 2013, 2019; 
Orth, Robins, & Widaman, 2012; Trzes -
niewski et al., 2006; Von Soest, Wichstrøm, 
& Kvalem, 2016).
Together, the four motives that drive 
processing of self-  relevant information—  
accuracy, consistency, social status/accep -
tance, and enhancement—  provide a flexible 
arsenal that help us (and presumably our 
evolutionary ancestors) adapt to a complex, 
multistructured social environment. From 
an evolutionary perspective, the ideal mind 
would be able to convince itself that it is bet -
ter, smarter, and faster than it really is when 
this view facilitates survival and reproduc -
tion, but switch to a reality mode when 
needed for increased fitness. Thus, differ -
ent motives may be prioritized at different 
stages in the processing of self-  relevant in -
formation. Specifically, enhancement may 
drive the first stage (“Does it make me feel 
good?”), consistency the second stage (“Is 
it consistent with how I see myself?”), and 
more deliberate and effortful cost–  benefit 
analyses the third stage (“Is it accurate? 
Does it facilitate my social status and repu -
tation?”). This possibility makes sense from 
an evolutionary perspective and shows how 
processing of information about the self may indeed reflect the workings of a specialized 
adaptive design.
Understanding Others’  Minds
In a complex social environment, survival 
and reproduction depend partly on the 
ability to explain, predict, and manipulate 
others. The capacity for self-  awareness fa -
cilitates introspectively based social strate -
gies such as empathy, sympathy, gratitude, 
deception, and pretense. Some theorists have 
even argued that self-  awareness evolved for 
the specific purpose of helping us to un -
derstand others (e.g., Leary, 2007). For 
example, children may learn to understand 
others by reflecting on their own internal 
states, feelings, and intentions, and simulat -
ing what might be happening in the mind of 
others (e.g., Harris, 1992).
The capacity to reflect on our internal 
states and feelings and project them onto 
others contributes to another capacity: the 
experience of self-  conscious emotions (Tracy 
& Robins, 2007a; Tracy & Weidman, Chap -
ter 23, this volume). These emotions, which 
require the ability to evaluate oneself from 
the perspective of actual or imagined others, 
guide behavior by compelling us to do things 
that are socially valued. We strive to achieve, 
to be a “good person,” or to treat others well, 
because doing so makes us feel proud of our -
selves,  and failing to do so makes us feel 
guilty or ashamed of ourselves . By reinforc -
ing adaptive social behaviors—  encouraging 
us to act in ways that promote social sta -
tus (getting ahead) and acceptance (getting 
along)—self-  conscious emotions facilitate 
interpersonal reciprocity, a social arrange -
ment that is highly beneficial in the long term 
(Trivers, 1971). In short, self-  conscious emo -
tions help us thrive in a social world in which 
attaining status and acceptance is essential 
to our ability to survive and reproduce. As 
Kemeny, Gruenewald, and Dickerson (2004) 
stated, emotions such as shame and pride 
“may be one way that individuals feel their 
place in the social hierarchy” (p. 154).
Despite their adaptive benefits, emotions 
such as pride and shame can also be mal -
adaptive. For example, in the Greek myth, 
Narcissus ultimately dies from his excessive 
pride, endlessly gazing at his own reflection 
and ignoring the love of a beautiful nymph 