standard might exaggerate the truth slightly and indicate that this is true for
him or her. What can be done about this? By measuring social desirability
tendencies directly, a tester can adjust the interpretation of other scores ac-
cordingly. However, some researchers have questioned whether this adjust-
ment actually improves the validity of the scores (McCrae & Costa, 1983).
When social desirability scores are especially high, researchers sometimes
drop participants from the study.
Social desirability scores are also useful when testing the discriminant
validity of a new personality scale (Chapter 2). Suppose you developed aself-report inventory to measure the trait friendliness . Most of your items
would be fairly straightforward, such as “Do you make a good friend? ”IN THE NEWS
Gao Kao: The World ’s Largest Test
The use of entrance exams in ad-
mission decisions by American uni-versities and colleges has been thesubject of debate for decades. At theheart of this issue is the question of
validity, i.e., what do exams like theSAT and the ACT really measure?Are they valid indicators of a stu-dent’s academic potential? Critics
also raise questions about fairness.
They point to test score differences
based on gender, ethnicity, parent ’s
income, and parent ’s education.
These concerns have led several
prominent universities to no longerconsider entrance exam scores whenevaluating prospective students(Lewin, 2008). Recently, a com-mission created by the NationalAssociation for College AdmissionCounseling recommended that col-leges and universities reduce theirreliance on entrance exam scoreswhen making admission and finan-cial aid decisions (Rimer, 2008).Researchers continue to examinethe validity of the tests for predict-ing academic performance (Sackett,Kuncel, Arneson, Cooper, &Waters, 2009). But there is generalagreement among psychologists andeducators that admission decisionsshould be based on more than test
scores.
This trend stands in sharp con-
trast to the situation in China. Eachsummer more than 10 million stu-
dents take China ’s National College
Entrance Examination, which isknown as the gao kao (the“big”or
“high” test). Scores on the 9-hour
test are the single determinant of
which students are admitted to
Chinese universities. Higher scoresearn admission to more prestigiousinstitutions. Regardless of other
achievements or skills, studentswhose scores fall in the bottom 40%have to take the test again if they wantto go to college. Because a collegedegree is the only hope most Chinesehave for obtaining a good paying,white-collar job, the pressure to dowell is intense (LaFraniere, 2009).
Thegao kao is offered only once
a year, but students spend monthsand sometimes years preparing forthe test. In large cities, police cordonoff streets near test sites so that testtakers are not disturbed by trafficnoise (Factbox, 2008). In someareas, police are barred from usingtheir sirens during testing hours andsome cities halt construction projectsat night so that test takers can get a
good night ’s sleep (Siegel, 2007).
Parents often stand outside keepingvigil during the test. Although thecompetition for admission into the
best Chinese universities is intense,the situation is better now than whenthe test was reinstated in 1977. Thatyear nearly six million studentscompeted for only 220,000 univer-
sity spots (Siegel, 2007).
As in the United States, the
Chinese entrance exam has its
critics. Some Chinese educators
complain that the test emphasizesmemorization over problem solvingand creativity (Siegel, 2007). Issuesof fairness have also been raised.Students from rural areas tend toperform more poorly on the gao
kaothan urban students who typi-
cally receive a superior education(LaFraniere, 2009). Despite theseconcerns, no one expects the systemto change any time soon.
On the morning of the gao kao ,
after countless hours of prepara-tion, many test takers eat a specialbreakfast —a bread stick next to
two eggs. The meal is said to sym-bolize 100%, the hoped-for scoreon the test.Assessment: Self-Report Inventories 177