 26. Naturalizing the Self 577
ing us to efficiently pool information from 
multiple specialized neural subsystems (e.g., 
sensory, memory, etc.), then consider the 
available options, select the best course of 
action, and coordinate all of the specialized 
subsystems toward the achievement of the se -
lected goal. In some sense, self-  consciousness 
creates a centralized workspace that imper -
fectly represents in one part of the brain 
what the rest of the brain is doing. Together, 
the two aspects of the self enable us to pri -
oritize and organize goal-  directed behavior 
amid a complex and multiply-  nested struc -
ture of goals and subgoals. Interestingly, 
chimpanzees, our close evolutionary cous -
ins, are also able to engage in fairly complex 
forms of self-  regulation: For example, they 
use various strategies such as distraction, to 
resist the temptation to eat right away when 
they know they will get more food later on 
(Evans & Beran, 2007; see also, Rosati et 
al., 2018).
The adaptive consequences of self-  control 
(and related self-  regulatory traits such as ef -
fortful control and conscientiousness) are 
well-  established and span multiple domains 
of functioning, including achievement and 
wealth, health and longevity, relationship 
functioning, and substance use and psy -
chopathology (Atherton, Conger, Ferrer, & 
Robins, 2015; Atherton, Lawson, Ferrer, & 
Robins, 2020; Atherton, Zheng, Bleidorn, 
& Robins, 2019; Barrick & Mount, 1991; 
Duckworth & Seligman, 2005; Halford, 
Lizzio, Wilson, & Occhipinti, 2007; Hill, 
Turiano, Hurd, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2011; 
Moffitt et al., 2011; Noftle & Robins, 2007; 
Strauman, 2017).
Information Processing  Filter
In a complex social environment, it is inef -
ficient for individuals to attend to and en -
code all of the information that is constantly 
bombarding them. The self addresses this 
dilemma by serving as a filter, or lens, 
through which the world is perceived and 
experienced. Our self-  representations con -
sist of cognitive structures, or schemas, 
that organize and direct processing of in -
formation about the self. What guides this 
top-down process? I believe that four basic 
motives—  accuracy, consistency, popular -
ity (i.e., social status and acceptance), and enhancement—  influence which information 
the self attends to, encodes, retrieves, and 
acts upon. These motivational orientations 
can be conceptualized in terms of four basic 
metaphors (Robins & John, 1997).
According to the scientist  metaphor, in -
dividuals are driven to acquire accurate  in-
formation about themselves and the world 
(Bem, 1972; Kelly, 1955; Trope, 1986). Just 
as the scientist develops empirically based 
theories, laypeople use facts and observa -
tions to develop theories about themselves, 
engaging in a dispassionate search for ac -
curate self-  knowledge. Clearly accurate 
self- representations can serve an adaptive 
function, helping us to formulate realistic 
goals and act in accordance with our actual 
social status, mate value, and other objec -
tively based self-  representations. However, 
as Pinker (1997) notes, “Our brains were 
shaped for fitness, not for truth” (p. 305). 
Consequently, we sometimes adopt biased 
information processing strategies, oriented 
toward maximizing consistency, popularity, 
or self-  enhancement instead of accuracy.
According to the consistency seeker  meta -
phor, individuals strive to see themselves in a 
consistent  manner, confirming their preex -
isting self-views regardless of reality (Swann, 
1997; Swann & Bosson, Chapter 27, this 
volume). There is considerable evidence that 
people actively seek out and create contexts 
in which their self-views will be confirmed, 
even when these views are inaccurate and/
or negative. Although consistency seeking 
may lead to information processing errors, 
it can be a useful and efficient heuristic in 
a complex and chaotic social environment. 
Consistency also serves an interpersonal 
function, ensuring that people honor the 
identities they negotiated in previous social 
interactions and act similarly over time.
According to the politician  metaphor, 
people strive to present themselves in ways 
that create the most favorable impressions 
on others, thereby enhancing their social sta -
tus and acceptance . Like politicians, people 
target their public performances to differ -
ent audiences (or constituencies) that place 
multiple and often conflicting demands 
and expectations on them. The person-  as- 
politician seeks to “maintain the positive 
regard of important constituencies to whom 
he or she feels accountable” (Tetlock, 1992, 