 16. Personality and Parenting 355
ness, and impatience predict ego undercon -
trol among sons (Kremen & Block, 1998). 
Moreover, greater increases  in parental 
hostility are related to greater decreases  in 
effortful control during adolescence (Ather -
ton, Lawson, & Robins, 2020), and mater -
nal negativity at age 3 predicts decreases in 
child effortful control across 2 years (Klein 
et al., 2018). Finally, intervention effects on 
offspring effortful control are mediated by 
intervention-  induced changes in negative 
and inconsistent parenting (Elizur, Somech, 
& Vinokur, 2017).
The effect of parenting on neuroticism and 
related traits (e.g., negative emotionality, 
anxiety, depression, worry, and fearfulness) 
has also received considerable empirical at -
tention. High observed parental warmth 
and low observed parental harshness nega -
tively predict adolescent neuroticism after 
accounting for prior neuroticism (Schofield 
et al., 2012), and negatively predict adoles -
cent depressive symptoms after accounting 
for prior depressive symptoms (Ge, Best, 
Conger, & Simons, 1996). Parent-  reported 
warmth also predicts decreases in adolescent 
depressive symptoms (Hipwell et al., 2008), 
whereas observed nonsupportive parenting 
predicts increases in adolescent depressive 
symptoms (Luby, Gaffrey, Tillman, April, 
& Belden, 2014). Parent-  reported punitive 
responses to child misbehavior predict de -
creases in emotion regulation (Eisenberg et 
al., 1999), and insensitive, controlling ma -
ternal behavior predicts increases in nega -
tive affectivity (Blandon, Calkins, Keane, 
& O’Brien, 2010). Maternal negativity to -
ward children at age 3 predicts increases in 
children’s frustration tendencies at age 54 
months (Klein et al., 2018). Observed pa -
rental aggression predicts increases in ado -
lescent depression and anxiety, whereas ob -
served parental positivity predicts decreases 
in depression (Schwartz et al., 2012). Par -
ent self-  reported punitive reactions to child 
misbehavior predict increases in negative 
emotionality (Eisenberg et al., 1999), and 
parental rejection predicts increases in fear 
and irritability (Lengua, 2006).
Parenting also predicts changes in agree -
ableness and related traits (e.g., positive 
emotionality–  affiliation, warmth, kindness, 
and prosociality). High observed parental 
warmth and low observed parental harsh -ness positively predict adolescent agreeable -
ness, after accounting for prior agreeable -
ness (Schofield et al., 2012). Children with 
parents who model prosocial behavior by 
treating them with warmth, support, and 
positivity are more prosocial and altruistic 
(Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006; Padilla- 
Walker, Carlo, Christensen, & Yorgason, 
2012). In contrast, after accounting for child 
difficulty at age 4, mother self-  reported 
warmth toward the child at age 8 does not 
predict offspring agreeableness at age 16 
(Baardstu, Karevold, & Von Soest, 2017).
Very little attention has been directed to -
ward studying how parenting behavior in -
fluences changes in extraversion or related 
traits (e.g., surgency, sensation seeking, and 
sociability) and openness to experience or 
related traits (e.g., creativity, imagination, 
and intellectual curiosity). The few prospec -
tive, longitudinal studies show that observed 
maternal warmth and responsiveness and 
observed maternal positive affect and re -
sponsiveness lead to decreases in surgency 
(Blandon et al., 2010). Additionally, paren -
tal warmth and autonomy support predict 
increases in creative potential (Harrington, 
Block, & Block, 1987), yet neither warmth 
nor restrictiveness predict increases in cre -
ativity into adulthood (Koestner, Walker, & 
Fichman, 1999).
In general, negative parenting behav -
ior predicts maladaptive trait change, and 
positive parenting behavior predicts adap -
tive trait change. Even so, the relation be -
tween parenting behavior and offspring trait 
development is likely more nuanced and 
context-  dependent. It would not be adaptive 
for parents to reinforce a given trait (e.g., 
agreeableness) or pursue any other social -
ization goal without regard for how adap -
tive it might be in the offspring’s current or 
future environment. Traits that are adaptive 
in one environment may not necessarily be 
equally adaptive in another environment 
(Dodge, McLoyd, & Lansford, 2005; Kelley, 
Power, & Wimbush, 1992), and traits typi -
cally considered limiting may be assets in 
extreme environments (Del Giuidice, 2009). 
It is important to view personality traits as 
tools that vary in their environmental util -
ity because it can help researchers to address 
the nuances of when, where, how, and why 
“negative” parenting practices can benefit 