than someone without this cognitive representation. In other words, we pay
more attention to and have a stronger emotional reaction to events that arerelevant to our possible selves.
Because possible selves guide many of our choices and reactions, they can
be useful in predicting future behavior. Researchers have used measures ofpossible selves to look at such varied behaviors as binge drinking (Quinlan,
Jaccard, & Blanton, 2006), academic performance (Oyserman et al., 2006),
weight loss (Granberg, 2006), and adherence to an exercise program(Ouellette, Hessling, Gibbons, Reis-Bergan, & Gerrard, 2005). Other research
has tied possible selves to problem behaviors. One team of investigators ex-
amined possible selves in juvenile delinquents (Oyserman & Markus, 1990;Oyserman & Saltz, 1993). Significantly, more than one-third of the juvenile
delinquents had developed a criminal possible self. In addition, very few of
these adolescents possessed possible selves for more conventional goals, such
as having a job. Because possible selves are indicative of our goals, fears, and
aspirations, we should not be surprised if many of these youthful offenders
were to become adult criminals.
Researchers also find gender differences in the possible selves of young
men and young women. In particular, female high school and college students
are less likely than males to see themselves in traditionally masculine roles in
the future. University women are less likely than men to have a possible self
that includes a career in a math, science or business (Lips, 2004). Male stu-
dents are less likely than women to see themselves in careers related to arts,
culture, and communication. However, research also points to solutions for
these gender discrepancies. High school girls who have female friends inter-
ested in science and who receive encouragement from their peers are more
likely to develop a scientist possible self (Stake & Nickens, 2005). Same-
gender role models also help. High school girls who see women scientistsand business leaders are more likely to incorporate these occupations intotheir possible selves. People are more optimistic about reaching their hoped-
for occupation when they know someone already in that position (Robinson,
Davis, & Meara, 2003).
Self Discrepancies
While reading the previous section, you may have been struck by the simi-
larities between possible selves and Carl Rogers’ description of the real-self
and ideal-self (Chapter 11). Rogers described the difficulties people face
when the person they are is very different from the person they would like
to be. Cognitive personality psychologists have also explored the relation
between different self-concepts. One approach, called self-discrepancy the-
ory, proposes three different cognitive representations of self (Higgins,
1987, 1989). First, each of us possesses an actual self. The actual self con-
tains all the information you have about the kind of person you are (or be-
lieve you are), similar to the notion of self-concept used by other personalitypsychologists. Second, you also possess an ideal self, w h i c hi sy o u rm e n t a l
image of the kind of person you would like to be. The ideal self includesyour dreams and aspirations and the goals you have set for yourself in life.Cognitive Representations of the Self 423