696 vI. SELF‑ AND S OCIAL P ROCESSES
of studies in the last decade has developed 
theoretical models and methodologies that 
capture the multiplicity and malleability of 
cultural meaning within  individuals (see ear -
lier discussion about the dynamic construc -
tivist and polyculturalist approaches).
Some studies have shown important in -
dividual differences in these processes. 
Specifically, a broad spectrum of personal -
ity dispositions has been linked to different 
acculturation strategies (Kosic, Kruglanski, 
Pierro, & Mannetti, 2004; Luijters, Van Der 
Zee, & Otten, 2006), attitudes (e.g., integra -
tive vs exclusionary) towards cultural change 
(Chen et al., 2016; Stupar, Van de Vijver, Te 
Lindert, & Fontaine, 2014), intercultural 
competencies (Van der Zee & Van Ouden -
hoven, 2014), types of multicultural identity 
(Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005), and 
even bilingualism (Chen, Benet-Martínez, 
& Ng, 2014; Ramirez-  Esparza et al., 2006). 
Openness to experience, for instance, pre -
dicts how much a multicultural individual 
sees him- or herself as a combination or 
blending of cultures, while neuroticism pre -
dicts how much the same individual sees ele -
ments of tension between his or her cultures 
(Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005).
These personality traits also seem to make 
individuals more or less prone to experienc -
ing certain kinds of acculturation stressors 
(see Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005, Fig -
ure 1). There is also strong evidence showing 
that the integration/biculturalism strategy 
(which is, among other things, predicted by 
openness to experience), as compared to the 
other three acculturation modes (separation, 
assimilation, marginalization), is the most 
ideal, leading to greater levels of psychologi -
cal and psychosocial well-being (Nguyen 
& Benet-Martínez, 2007; Schwartz et al., 
2015). All in all, given the importance that 
aforementioned behavioral, identity, and at -
titudinal outcomes have in contexts of diver -
sity, where these outcomes themselves pre -
dict levels of psychological and behavioral 
adjustment, there is a need for diversity re -
searchers and practitioners to be more mind -
ful of the role played by personality (for a 
review see Van der Zee & Van Oudenhoven, 
2014).
Multicultural experiences also influ -
ence personality. In a longitudinal study 
that included youth studying abroad and a matched control sample, Zimmermann and 
Neyer (2013) found that studying abroad led 
to increases in openness and agreeableness 
and decreases in neuroticism (even after they 
controlled for self-  selection mechanisms); 
these personality changes were largely driv -
en by the formation of new social support 
systems. A study of Japanese immigrants in 
the United States found that they became 
more “American” and less “Japanese” in 
their personality as they reported higher 
participation in the U.S. culture, thus sug -
gesting that involvement with a new culture 
instigates changes in personality that result 
in a better fit with the norms of the culture 
of destination (Güngör, et al., 2012).
Experimental and longitudinal evidence 
also indicates that individuals with more 
extensive multicultural experiences, includ -
ing those who self-  identify as multicultural, 
show enhanced levels of integrative com -
plexity and creativity, and these gains are 
particularly pronounced in individuals dis -
positionally high on openness (A. Leung, 
Maddux, Galinsky, & Chiu, 2008; Maddux 
& Galinsky, 2009; Saad, Damian, Benet-
Martínez, Moons, & Robins, 2013; Tad -
mor, Galinsky, & Maddux, 2012). Because 
multicultural experiences involve learning 
new, and moving between, different cul -
tural systems, richer associations with a 
single concept (e.g., food, politeness) might 
develop. Individuals who have these experi -
ences might also develop greater tolerance 
for ambiguity, because they are comfortable 
with situations in which one basic idea may 
have different nuances depending on the 
community they inhabit at the time (Benet-
Martínez, Lee, & Leu, 2006).
If the experience of managing different 
systems of thought (e.g., different sets of cul -
tural norms, beliefs, contextual cues) leads 
to more creative and complex thinking, it is 
not surprising to find that some of these ben -
efits also extend to individuals who speak 
multiple languages (Dewaele & Wei, 2013), 
those who are multiracial (Gaither, Reme -
dios, Sanchez, & Sommers, 2015), individu -
als who had to adapt to new and even ad -
verse circumstances (Damian & Simonton, 
2015), and those possessing multiple social 
identities (Steffens, Goc łowska, Cruwys, & 
Galinsky, 2016). Steffens et al.’s experiment 
shows that the creativity gains are driven by 