There is no democracy without media literacy
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Lipszyc, Jarosław
In the last months, during difficult situation in Ukraine and annexation of Crimea, there was a sudden influx of pro-Russian commentators on many polish web forums. That was not just a normal activity of citizens discussing political matters. As it turned out, it was (and is) a clever special operation of Russian government agencies. Spamming and trolling techniques allowed to take over many web-forums and effectively suppress any discussion on the topic. How we defend our freedom of speech while confronted with such organized and creative attack on it?
 And our next speaker starts with a bold claim. He says there is no democracy without media literacy. We had a series of talks before on this stage today about threats to freedom of press. And I think Jaroslav Lipitski from the modern Poland Foundation, who is an activist. Oh, sorry. Liptsi. Liptsi. What is your name? I'm sorry. Can you pronounce it? Liptsz. My name is Liptsz. Liptsz. Please applaud. Welcome Jaroslav Liptsz on stage. Hello everyone. My name is Jaroslav Liptsz. I come from Warsaw, Poland, not far away from here. And yes, I would like to talk about freedom of speech and I would like to talk about war. Because who thinks that right now his country is in a state of war? Not many people, like no one. And the problem with you, with all of you, is that you are wrong. Because there are countries which think otherwise and currently such a country is Russia. Currently such a country is Russia, which is conducting an information war on an unprecedented scale. And the problem we are all having is that this thing is not widely reported and it's not being discussed and it's not being analyzed. And because of that we cannot really defend ourselves in the information war. So in March 2014, just two months ago, Polish edition of Newsweek magazine found out something really strange happening on the web forums run by the magazine. They found out that there is a sudden influx after the annexation of Crimea by Russia. Southern influx of pro-Russian comments on the forums. And they started to analyze the server logs and they found out that most of the pro-Russian comments doesn't come from Poland. And in fact those comments come from all over the world, except Russia. They also found out that you can find a clues about the place of origin of those comments because they use almost perfect Polish language, but not perfect. You could see that they are written by someone for whom Polish is a second language or by a bot or they were automatically translated. Those comments were usually much longer than genuine comments written by users from Poland. They were longer and much better written, in fact. And they had a strange pattern of alternating the very reasonable comments like pro-Russian politics alternating with a pure hate speech. And this way the trolls took over the forums and suppressed the discussion on the topic. So we could have some doubts about how these comments were posted, but we don't because in September 2013 one activist obviously was looking for a job and she got in St. Petersburg to the office of business, which was actually working for Russian government and what they did was posting comments. And that time in September 2013 that was comments on Navalny, which is the main opposition leader in Russia. And this was their task. And so we know how it works. They are well organized, they work for government, they are being paid some 800 euro per month and the average amount of comments posted by the people employed in that business is 100 comments per day. So if you think that Germany is an exception, you are wrong. This is something which was posted accidentally on Twitter. And this is the official, it's a comment on how to comment the Spiegel article. So I don't know German, I couldn't review it, but I'm sure if you look closely at the web forums in German language you will find exactly the same what we have found in Poland or what the Guardian found in United Kingdom because it works everywhere. And no European country is an exception. So this is a well organized activity. And the first detailed report we do have comes from 2012 actually when the Russian newspaper Commissar published an article based on the leaks of the emails which were published on the web by someone who was calling himself anonymous, surprisingly. And those were emails of the chief people of the Nashi, which is the youth organization of Putin political party. And in that time in 2012 the activists were being paid 85 rubles per comment. That was 2012. So and what I'm talking about is just one small part of the information war which is happening right now. And don't make mistake, this is war. And the famous saying of Klausewitz was that the war is the continuation of politics by other means. The information war is being played on very different levels. It's whitewashing the politics of Russia by prominent politicians or ex-politicians who actually took positions in Russian gas companies and so on and so on and so on. And it's also official media. In fact, probably most of that war we would classify as something which is fully compliant with our legal system. This war is legal. But it is the war. And it's not new. It's not new. The KGB, which is the grandfather of FESB, was using exactly these tactics for years during Soviet times. And you can go to the web and search for the video of Yuri Besmende, which was a famous KGB defector called the art of subversion. How to create conflict in areas where there is none. How to use tools of communication, of mass communication to make people change their minds and how to use it in a well-organized way in order to forward the national interest of some country or the interest of people who think that who are in church. So we have a problem because the freedom of speech is a crucial element of our democratic system. In democratic system we rely on freedom of speech. Because democracy is all about mediation. It's about taking all points of view into account. It's about compromise which is being reached through the discussion. And this is true today in the network world even more than it was in the old days. But the right to speak freely is something we really do need to constantly defend. And in the information war, in a way it's being run by Russia right now, is something very contradictory to the freedom of speech. The modus operandi of the enemies of freedom of speech has changed and adapted. In the old days it was censorship in the age of the printing press. The censorship was effective way of suppressing the freedom of speech. In mass media era it was propaganda. And now this is something completely new. This is something completely new. It's a special operation in an information network which is being done in completely new ways. And we don't know yet how to defend ourselves from such a threat. So we do need to defend ourselves and some of the radical ideas being proposed in Poland in talks between people, also in people in power, was that we need to somehow centralize control on the Internet in order to stop the special forces of Russia to influence the public opinion in a damaging way. This is a really dangerous idea. It's like fighting one evil with another evil. So we do need the tools for control of the communication channels. And this is something which was being discussed in this venue for the past two days. And we know the answers. We need the control over the information. It's infrastructure. We need the control over the cables. We need the control over the services. And we need privacy because obviously we cannot exercise the freedom of speech if we are being constantly monitored and in a world where every hour move and every hour word is being recorded and stored forever. There is no freedom of speech. We need anonymity because without the right to speak anonymously we cannot really speak what we have on our minds. There was a great case in the highest court of the United States in a case McIntyre versus Ohio election board. And the court decided in favor of the right to anonymous speech saying that anonymity is the shield to protect minority from oppressive majority. So we need those hard tools. But in the information world, this is not enough. Because the information world is war against our minds. And thus our minds are our only defense in information world. So we need to know. We need to understand. We need to be able to critically observe what's happening. And we need to know how to react to it. And in other way, this is all about media literacy. So media literacy is an umbrella term which was being discussed for the last 10 years. And it took its place in a very important documents of European Union or UNESCO and so on and so on and probably in your country as well. But very rarely those bodies took an effort to actually define what is media literacy. What kind of competencies we need in order to survive in an information war. And it's not about Russia really. It's about everyone. Of course Russia is just an extreme example. But it's actually about survival in an information society. When we in our organization focused on media literacy and decided to run a program, we began to look for documents who would tell us, okay. So what we need to teach, what we need to teach to the kids in school. And we found nothing. What we did, we decided to write down the standards for media literacy. We created the media literacy catalog which you can find on this web page. But it was developed by some 50 experts. And we decided to write it down for different levels of education and for different areas of interest. Those are the main areas of what we think is important in media literacy. The use of information, relations between people in media, language of the media because you probably know the famous Marshall McLuhan saying that medium is a message. So the language of media, creative use of media, something new, ethics and values, very important because this is how they want to divide us. Safety, law, economy and digital education, something which is usually taught in schools, just the technical part of the competencies to use communication technologies. So this is how it looks in practice. It's just a very long table, some 100 pages like that. And it's written down to different levels of education and also for lifelong learning. We published this document also in Russia because as it turns out in post-Soviet space there is a great deal of interest in media literacy. And we've been showcasing it, for example, last year in the Ukrainian Crimea, still Ukrainian back then, on the conference for teachers from all over the posts of its countries, including Russia. And based on that we decided to run in Poland a project of educational resources. We engage NGOs and public institutions to use educational materials we create and to run programs for kids of different age and for adults as well. And this is something which is developing really quickly. And I think I strongly believe that you really need to take care of media literacy as well. Because these kind of tensions we are observing right now, I believe only our own competencies can help us defend ourselves. And this is something we all rely on. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you a lot for your talk. I think we have some minutes, some more minutes for questions from the audience. And I already see there are some questions. Hello, Sebastian. My name. I put the question yesterday already to another talk where we talked about the Ukraine-Russian conflict at the moment. And my question was there are some really high, well-made videos there which are a supercut of things that pro-Ukraine people have done in Ukraine. And I think it's really made very professional. It's like with super music, supercuts, it looks like no normal user can do it. It looks like if there is a big person behind it. But it's really extremely well-shared in Germany. It has like 5,000 or more shares on a Facebook page here in Germany. And I think what you're demanding is on the one hand right, but I'm a little bit skeptical if this media literacy is really realistic that we can teach so many people to really realize that kind of professional videos and that they can think about, okay, who's made this, who spreads this, who finances. Is it realistic that we can teach this to so many people or do we need more journalists who can say, okay, look here there is propaganda ongoing and that's why? So in the beginning of the 19th century probably the same was said about teaching people how to read, right? If we cannot teach the people how to use media, how to understand media, how to read media, we are doomed. And all we need to rely on a centralized censorship to defend the integrity of our societies. So I choose the first, obviously. It's because if we go the other way, then we surrender the freedom of speech and if we surrender the freedom of speech, we surrender democracy. And I strongly believe in democracy. So yeah, in every message you need to understand not only what the message says but also who is writing and why is he writing or she to understand the meaning. And this is something very basic in a media literacy program to check the origins of the message. To check is it a Wikipedia or is it a university webpage? Is it and so on and so on and so on. And it's not only about the political opinion, it's true for every single activity. If you repair cars, you really need to know where the instructions come from. So I think media literacy is pretty much universal and pretty basic. And this is why we start the media competences catalog from preschool, actually, from kindergarten. And then we go from primary school to secondary school to university. Question. So I had a question. It's related to, I can't hear myself, it's related to literacy. I've heard a lot of talk here about concern of government oversight of data and yet that oversight is, the people that do that work are part of a military complex that a democratic society is controlled by politicians and politicians in turn are elected by the people. And then I just stopped for a minute and looked at the demographic numbers over the last years in the United States where the lowest number of voters are young people and it very progressively gets higher and higher percentage of voter turnout the older you get. And so what's the role of active participation in democracy as part of your view of this? I don't have easy answer for that. Obviously and it's true for most of the countries, the youth is underrepresented in the political system because. And I also think it's somewhat natural. I mean, the best evidence is anecdotal evidence, right? So I myself turned to policy, policy, not politics when I was well after my 30s. And I was really not interested in anything even remotely connected to politics or policy before that time. Why? Because I have a kid and you know, I'm probably more responsible and I'm looking at the future, you know, in a more constructive and reasonable way. And now I know that this is the only word I lean in and I need to take care about this word. This is, I mean, so, so from my perspective, personal perspective, this is somewhat natural. Do we have an answer for that? No. Do we know how to engage young people in politics or policy? Not really. How many NGOs in Germany is working on that right now? I mean, hundreds or thousands, yeah? So, so, but I don't think it's also, you know, that much of the problem. I, because, because we have more serious problems right now. How to defend the basic infrastructure of our communication? How to, how to, how to defend civic society in a world which is being teared apart and where new forces are trying to, to, to, to, to, to conflict us. So, so, yeah. Okay. Okay. The last question, I fear our time is running up. Hi, thank you for the talk. Could you talk a bit about the educational system, the schools and universities? Are they actually interested in media literacy or is it just lip service? So we are moving forward. We are moving forward last year. The Ministry of Education announced the digital school program in Poland and part of that, and part of that program is actually teaching all the teachers, 600,000 teachers, the competencies to use technology. It's difficult discussion because the, because, because the entrenched way of teaching technology is teaching how to use Microsoft Office. And, and teachers are also very conservative group of people. They don't want to change. And schools have very conservative systems on the, the changes. So the change of the, of the school system is always difficult, whatever you want to do. But, but, but we are making progress and there is more and more NGOs and public institutions engaged. In fact, right now we are beginning the cooperation with the biggest Polish national institution, which is the Institute for Audiovisual, something. I don't know how to translate it. Polish National Audiovisual Institute, that will be translation. And we are, they just built a big center for media literacy in Warsaw and they will be, they will be teaching like thousands of kids from all over the Poland in there. And they will be, and we are cooperating closely. So, so it's moving forward. Okay. Thank you again for this wonderful presentation and applause please. And after a short break we'll go on with our next talk.
 And our next speaker starts with a bold claim.  He says there is no democracy without media literacy.  We had a series of talks before on this stage today about threats to freedom of press.  And I think Jaroslav Lipitski from the modern Poland Foundation, who is an activist.  Oh, sorry.  Liptsi.  Liptsi.  What is your name?  I'm sorry.  Can you pronounce it?  Liptsz.  My name is Liptsz.  Liptsz.  Please applaud.  Welcome Jaroslav Liptsz on stage.  Hello everyone.  My name is Jaroslav Liptsz.  I come from Warsaw, Poland, not far away from here.  And yes, I would like to talk about freedom of speech and I would like to talk about war.  Because who thinks that right now his country is in a state of war?  Not many people, like no one.  And the problem with you, with all of you, is that you are wrong.  Because there are countries which think otherwise and currently such a country is Russia.  Currently such a country is Russia, which is conducting an information war on an unprecedented  scale.  And the problem we are all having is that this thing is not widely reported and it's  not being discussed and it's not being analyzed.  And because of that we cannot really defend ourselves in the information war.  So in March 2014, just two months ago, Polish edition of Newsweek magazine found out something  really strange happening on the web forums run by the magazine.  They found out that there is a sudden influx after the annexation of Crimea by Russia.  Southern influx of pro-Russian comments on the forums.  And they started to analyze the server logs and they found out that most of the pro-Russian  comments doesn't come from Poland.  And in fact those comments come from all over the world, except Russia.  They also found out that you can find a clues about the place of origin of those comments  because they use almost perfect Polish language, but not perfect.  You could see that they are written by someone for whom Polish is a second language or by  a bot or they were automatically translated.  Those comments were usually much longer than genuine comments written by users from Poland.  They were longer and much better written, in fact.  And they had a strange pattern of alternating the very reasonable comments like pro-Russian  politics alternating with a pure hate speech.  And this way the trolls took over the forums and suppressed the discussion on the topic.  So we could have some doubts about how these comments were posted, but we don't because  in September 2013 one activist obviously was looking for a job and she got in St. Petersburg  to the office of business, which was actually working for Russian government and what they  did was posting comments.  And that time in September 2013 that was comments on Navalny, which is the main opposition leader  in Russia.  And this was their task.  And so we know how it works.  They are well organized, they work for government, they are being paid some 800 euro per month  and the average amount of comments posted by the people employed in that business is 100  comments per day.  So if you think that Germany is an exception, you are wrong.  This is something which was posted accidentally on Twitter.  And this is the official, it's a comment on how to comment the Spiegel article.  So I don't know German, I couldn't review it, but I'm sure if you look closely at the  web forums in German language you will find exactly the same what we have found in Poland  or what the Guardian found in United Kingdom because it works everywhere.  And no European country is an exception.  So this is a well organized activity.  And the first detailed report we do have comes from 2012 actually when the Russian newspaper  Commissar published an article based on the leaks of the emails which were published on  the web by someone who was calling himself anonymous, surprisingly.  And those were emails of the chief people of the Nashi, which is the youth organization  of Putin political party.  And in that time in 2012 the activists were being paid 85 rubles per comment.  That was 2012.  So and what I'm talking about is just one small part of the information war which is  happening right now.  And don't make mistake, this is war.  And the famous saying of Klausewitz was that the war is the continuation of politics by  other means.  The information war is being played on very different levels.  It's whitewashing the politics of Russia by prominent politicians or ex-politicians who  actually took positions in Russian gas companies and so on and so on and so on.  And it's also official media.  In fact, probably most of that war we would classify as something which is fully compliant  with our legal system.  This war is legal.  But it is the war.  And it's not new.  It's not new.  The KGB, which is the grandfather of FESB, was using exactly these tactics for years  during Soviet times.  And you can go to the web and search for the video of Yuri Besmende, which was a famous  KGB defector called the art of subversion.  How to create conflict in areas where there is none.  How to use tools of communication, of mass communication to make people change their  minds and how to use it in a well-organized way in order to forward the national interest  of some country or the interest of people who think that who are in church.  So we have a problem because the freedom of speech is a crucial element of our democratic  system.  In democratic system we rely on freedom of speech.  Because democracy is all about mediation.  It's about taking all points of view into account.  It's about compromise which is being reached through the discussion.  And this is true today in the network world even more than it was in the old days.  But the right to speak freely is something we really do need to constantly defend.  And in the information war, in a way it's being run by Russia right now, is something  very contradictory to the freedom of speech.  The modus operandi of the enemies of freedom of speech has changed and adapted.  In the old days it was censorship in the age of the printing press.  The censorship was effective way of suppressing the freedom of speech.  In mass media era it was propaganda.  And now this is something completely new.  This is something completely new.  It's a special operation in an information network which is being done in completely new  ways.  And we don't know yet how to defend ourselves from such a threat.  So we do need to defend ourselves and some of the radical ideas being proposed in Poland  in talks between people, also in people in power, was that we need to somehow centralize  control on the Internet in order to stop the special forces of Russia to influence the  public opinion in a damaging way.  This is a really dangerous idea.  It's like fighting one evil with another evil.  So we do need the tools for control of the communication channels.  And this is something which was being discussed in this venue for the past two days.  And we know the answers.  We need the control over the information.  It's infrastructure.  We need the control over the cables.  We need the control over the services.  And we need privacy because obviously we cannot exercise the freedom of speech if we are being  constantly monitored and in a world where every hour move and every hour word is being  recorded and stored forever.  There is no freedom of speech.  We need anonymity because without the right to speak anonymously we cannot really speak  what we have on our minds.  There was a great case in the highest court of the United States in a case McIntyre versus  Ohio election board.  And the court decided in favor of the right to anonymous speech saying that anonymity  is the shield to protect minority from oppressive majority.  So we need those hard tools.  But in the information world, this is not enough.  Because the information world is war against our minds.  And thus our minds are our only defense in information world.  So we need to know.  We need to understand.  We need to be able to critically observe what's happening.  And we need to know how to react to it.  And in other way, this is all about media literacy.  So media literacy is an umbrella term which was being discussed for the last 10 years.  And it took its place in a very important documents of European Union or UNESCO and  so on and so on and probably in your country as well.  But very rarely those bodies took an effort to actually define what is media literacy.  What kind of competencies we need in order to survive in an information war.  And it's not about Russia really.  It's about everyone.  Of course Russia is just an extreme example.  But it's actually about survival in an information society.  When we in our organization focused on media literacy and decided to run a program, we  began to look for documents who would tell us, okay.  So what we need to teach, what we need to teach to the kids in school.  And we found nothing.  What we did, we decided to write down the standards for media literacy.  We created the media literacy catalog which you can find on this web page.  But it was developed by some 50 experts.  And we decided to write it down for different levels of education and for different areas  of interest.  Those are the main areas of what we think is important in media literacy.  The use of information, relations between people in media, language of the media because  you probably know the famous Marshall McLuhan saying that medium is a message.  So the language of media, creative use of media, something new, ethics and values, very  important because this is how they want to divide us.  Safety, law, economy and digital education, something which is usually taught in schools,  just the technical part of the competencies to use communication technologies.  So this is how it looks in practice.  It's just a very long table, some 100 pages like that.  And it's written down to different levels of education and also for lifelong learning.  We published this document also in Russia because as it turns out in post-Soviet space  there is a great deal of interest in media literacy.  And we've been showcasing it, for example, last year in the Ukrainian Crimea, still Ukrainian  back then, on the conference for teachers from all over the posts of its countries, including  Russia.  And based on that we decided to run in Poland a project of educational resources.  We engage NGOs and public institutions to use educational materials we create and to run  programs for kids of different age and for adults as well.  And this is something which is developing really quickly.  And I think I strongly believe that you really need to take care of media literacy as well.  Because these kind of tensions we are observing right now, I believe only our own competencies  can help us defend ourselves.  And this is something we all rely on.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you a lot for your talk.  I think we have some minutes, some more minutes for questions from the audience.  And I already see there are some questions.  Hello, Sebastian.  My name.  I put the question yesterday already to another talk where we talked about the Ukraine-Russian  conflict at the moment.  And my question was there are some really high, well-made videos there which are a supercut  of things that pro-Ukraine people have done in Ukraine.  And I think it's really made very professional.  It's like with super music, supercuts, it looks like no normal user can do it.  It looks like if there is a big person behind it.  But it's really extremely well-shared in Germany.  It has like 5,000 or more shares on a Facebook page here in Germany.  And I think what you're demanding is on the one hand right, but I'm a little bit skeptical  if this media literacy is really realistic that we can teach so many people to really  realize that kind of professional videos and that they can think about, okay, who's made  this, who spreads this, who finances.  Is it realistic that we can teach this to so many people or do we need more journalists  who can say, okay, look here there is propaganda ongoing and that's why?  So in the beginning of the 19th century probably the same was said about teaching people how  to read, right?  If we cannot teach the people how to use media, how to understand media, how to read media,  we are doomed.  And all we need to rely on a centralized censorship to defend the integrity of our societies.  So I choose the first, obviously.  It's because if we go the other way, then we surrender the freedom of speech and if we  surrender the freedom of speech, we surrender democracy.  And I strongly believe in democracy.  So yeah, in every message you need to understand not only what the message says but also who  is writing and why is he writing or she to understand the meaning.  And this is something very basic in a media literacy program to check the origins of the  message.  To check is it a Wikipedia or is it a university webpage?  Is it and so on and so on and so on.  And it's not only about the political opinion, it's true for every single activity.  If you repair cars, you really need to know where the instructions come from.  So I think media literacy is pretty much universal and pretty basic.  And this is why we start the media competences catalog from preschool, actually, from kindergarten.  And then we go from primary school to secondary school to university.  Question.  So I had a question.  It's related to, I can't hear myself, it's related to literacy.  I've heard a lot of talk here about concern of government oversight of data and yet that  oversight is, the people that do that work are part of a military complex that a democratic  society is controlled by politicians and politicians in turn are elected by the people.  And then I just stopped for a minute and looked at the demographic numbers over the last years  in the United States where the lowest number of voters are young people and it very progressively  gets higher and higher percentage of voter turnout the older you get.  And so what's the role of active participation in democracy as part of your view of this?  I don't have easy answer for that.  Obviously and it's true for most of the countries, the youth is underrepresented in the political  system because.  And I also think it's somewhat natural.  I mean, the best evidence is anecdotal evidence, right?  So I myself turned to policy, policy, not politics when I was well after my 30s.  And I was really not interested in anything even remotely connected to politics or policy  before that time.  Why?  Because I have a kid and you know, I'm probably more responsible and I'm looking at the future,  you know, in a more constructive and reasonable way.  And now I know that this is the only word I lean in and I need to take care about this  word.  This is, I mean, so, so from my perspective, personal perspective, this is somewhat natural.  Do we have an answer for that?  No.  Do we know how to engage young people in politics or policy?  Not really.  How many NGOs in Germany is working on that right now?  I mean, hundreds or thousands, yeah?  So, so, but I don't think it's also, you know, that much of the problem.  I, because, because we have more serious problems right now.  How to defend the basic infrastructure of our communication?  How to, how to, how to defend civic society in a world which is being teared apart and  where new forces are trying to, to, to, to, to, to conflict us.  So, so, yeah.  Okay.  Okay.  The last question, I fear our time is running up.  Hi, thank you for the talk.  Could you talk a bit about the educational system, the schools and universities?  Are they actually interested in media literacy or is it just lip service?  So we are moving forward.  We are moving forward last year.  The Ministry of Education announced the digital school program in Poland and part of that,  and part of that program is actually teaching all the teachers, 600,000 teachers, the competencies  to use technology.  It's difficult discussion because the, because, because the entrenched way of teaching technology  is teaching how to use Microsoft Office.  And, and teachers are also very conservative group of people.  They don't want to change.  And schools have very conservative systems on the, the changes.  So the change of the, of the school system is always difficult, whatever you want to  do.  But, but, but we are making progress and there is more and more NGOs and public institutions  engaged.  In fact, right now we are beginning the cooperation with the biggest Polish national institution,  which is the Institute for Audiovisual, something.  I don't know how to translate it.  Polish National Audiovisual Institute, that will be translation.  And we are, they just built a big center for media literacy in Warsaw and they will  be, they will be teaching like thousands of kids from all over the Poland in there.  And they will be, and we are cooperating closely.  So, so it's moving forward.  Okay.  Thank you again for this wonderful presentation and applause please.  And after a short break we'll go on with our next talk.
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