Principalía Pre-colonial principalities What were the pre-colonial princibalities? From the beginning of the colonial period in the Philippine, the Spanish government built on the traditional pre-conquest socio-political organization of the barangay
How did this affect the government?
How did the Spanish government building on the traditional pre-conquest socio-political organization of the barangay affect them?
From the beginning of the colonial period in the Philippine, the Spanish government built on the traditional pre-conquest socio-political organization of the barangay and co-opted the traditional indigenous princes and their nobles, thereby ruling indirectly. The barangays in some coastal places in Panay, Manila, Cebu, Jolo, and Butuan, with cosmopolitan cultures and trade relations with other countries in Asia, were already established principalities (Kinadatuan) before the coming of the Spaniards. In other regions, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies dominated by the same type of recognized aristocracy and lordships (with birthright claim to allegiance from followers), as those found in more established, richer and more developed principalities. The aristocratic group in these pre-colonial societies was called the datu class. Its members were presumably the descendants of the first settlers on the land or, in the case of later arrivals, of those who were datus at the time of migration or conquest.  The duty of the datus was to rule and govern their subjects and followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What the chiefs received from their followers was: to be held by them in great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of their houses. The natives attended to these duties very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid their chief tribute (which they called buwis) in varying quantities, in the crops that they gathered. The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the Lordship, were held in the same respect and consideration, and were all regarded as nobles and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, or the plebeians (timawas). The same right of nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for the men.  Some of these principalities and lordships have remained, even until the present, in unHispanicized  and mostly Lumad and Muslim parts of the Philippines, in some regions of Mindanao. CANNOTANSWER
In other regions, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies
The principalía or noble class was the ruling and usually educated upper class in the pueblos of the Spanish Philippines, comprising the Gobernadorcillo, who was later referred to as Capitán Municipal (who had functions similar to a town mayor), El Teniente de Justicia (Lieutenants of Justice), and the Cabezas de Barangay (heads of the barangays) who governed the districts, former Gobernadorcillos or Municipal Captains, and Municipal lieutenants in good standing during their term of office.

The distinction or status of being part of the principalía was originally a hereditary right. However, the royal decree of December 20, 1863 (signed in the name of Queen Isabella II by the Minister of the Colonies, José de la Concha), made possible the creation of new principales under certain defined criteria, among which was the proficiency in the Castilian language. Later, wider conditions that define the principalía were stipulated in the norms provided by the Maura Law of 1893, which were never changed until Spain lost the Philippines to the United States in 1898. The Law also redefined the reference to the head of municipal government in the Spanish Philippines from Gobernadorcillo to Capitán Municipal, and extended the distinction as principales to citizens paying 50 pesos in land tax.

Prior to the Maura Law, this distinguished upper class included only those exempted from tribute (tax) to the Spanish crown. Colonial documents would refer to them as "de privilegio y gratis", in contrast to those who pay tribute ("de pago"). It was the true aristocracy and the true nobility of the Spanish Philippines, which could be roughly comparable to the patrician class in Ancient Rome. The principales (members of the principalía) traced their origin to the precolonial Maginoo ruling class of the established kingdoms, rajahnates, confederacies, and principalities, as well as the lordships of the smaller, ancient social units called barangays in the Visayas, Luzon, and Mindanao. The members of this class enjoyed exclusive privileges: only the members of the principalía were allowed to vote, be elected to public office, and be bear the titles Don or Doña. The use of the honorific addresses "Don" and "Doña" was strictly limited to what many documents during the colonial period would refer to as "vecinas y vecinos distinguidos".

For the most part, the social privileges of the nobles were freely acknowledged as befitting their greater social responsibilities. The gobernadorcillo during that period received a nominal salary and was not provided government funds for public services. In fact, more often the gobernadorcillo had to maintain governance of his municipality by looking after the post office and the jailhouse, alongside managing public infrastructure, using personal resources.

Principales also provided assistance to parishes by helping in the construction of church buildings, and in the pastoral and religious activities of the clergy who, being usually among the few Spaniards in most colonial towns, had success in winning the goodwill of the natives. More often, the clergy were the sole representatives of Spain in many parts of the archipelago. Under the Patronato Real of the Spanish crown, these Spanish churchmen were also the king's de facto ambassadors, and promoters of the realm.

With the end of Spanish sovereignty over the Philippines after the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the introduction of a democratic, republican system during the American Occupation, the principalía and their descendants lost their legal authority and social privileges. Many were, however, able to integrate into the new socio-political structure, retaining some degree of influence and power.

Historical background

Pre-colonial principalities

From the beginning of the colonial period in the Philippine, the Spanish government built on the traditional preconquest sociopolitical organization of the barangay and coopted the traditional indigenous princes and their nobles, thereby ruling indirectly. Manila, Cebu, Jolo, and Butuan, with cosmopolitan cultures and trade relations with other countries in Asia, were already established principalities (Kinadatuan) before the coming of the Spaniards. In other regions, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies dominated by the same type of recognized aristocracy and lordships (with birthright claim to allegiance from followers), as those found in more established, richer and more developed principalities. The aristocratic group in these precolonial societies was called the datu class. Its members were presumably the descendants of the first settlers on the land or, in the case of later arrivals, of those who were datus at the time of migration or conquest.

The duty of the datus was to rule and govern their subjects and followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What the chiefs received from their followers was: to be held by them in great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of their houses. The natives attended to these duties very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid their chief tribute (which they called buwis) in varying quantities, in the crops that they gathered. The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the Lordship, were held in the same respect and consideration, and were all regarded as nobles and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, or the plebeians (timawas). The same right of nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for the men.

Some of these principalities and lordships have remained, even until the present, in unHispanicized  and mostly Lumad and Muslim parts of the Philippines, in some regions of Mindanao.

Pre-colonial principalities in the Visayas

In more developed barangays in Visayas, e.g., Panay, Bohol and Cebu (which were never conquered by Spain but were incorporated into the Spanish sphere of influence as vassals by means of pacts, peace treaties, and reciprocal alliances), the datu class was at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order in a territorial jurisdiction called in the local languages as Sakop or Kinadatuan (Kadatuan in ancient Malay; Kedaton in Javanese; and Kedatuan in many parts of modern Southeast Asia), which is elsewhere commonly referred to also as barangay. This social order was divided into three classes. The Kadatuan, which is also called Tumao (members of the Visayan datu class), were compared by the Boxer Codex to the titled lords (Señores de titulo) in Spain.  As Agalon or Amo (lords), the datus enjoyed an ascribed right to respect, obedience, and support from their oripun (commoner) or followers belonging to the third order. These datus had acquired rights to the same advantages from their legal "timawa" or vassals (second order), who bind themselves to the datu as his seafaring warriors. "Timawas" paid no tribute, and rendered no agricultural labor. They had a portion of the datu's blood in their veins. The Boxer Codex calls these "timawas" knights and hidalgos. The Spanish conquistador, Miguel de Loarca, described them as "free men, neither chiefs nor slaves". In the late 1600s, the Spanish Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Ignatio Alcina, classified them as the third rank of nobility (nobleza).

To maintain purity of bloodline, datus marry only among their kind, often seeking high ranking brides in other barangays, abducting them, or contracting brideprices in gold, slaves and jewelry. Meanwhile, the datus kept their marriageable daughters secluded for protection and prestige. These wellguarded and protected highborn women were called "binokot", the datus of pure descent (four generations) were called "potli nga datu" or "lubus nga datu", while a woman of noble lineage (especially the elderly) was addressed by the Visayans (of Panay) as "uray" (meaning: pure as gold), e.g., uray Hilway.

Pre-colonial principalities in the Tagalog region

The different type of culture prevalent in Luzon gave a less stable and more complex social structure to the precolonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna. Enjoying a more extensive commence than those in Visayas, having the influence of Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living, the Tagalogs were described by the Spanish Augustinian Friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.

The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating.

Comparison

The Jesuit priest Francisco Colin made an attempt to give an approximate comparison of it with the Visayan social structure in the middle of the seventeenth century. The term datu or lakan, or apo refers to the chief, but the noble class to which the datu belonged or could come from was the maginoo class. One may be born a maginoo, but he could become a datu by personal achievement. In the Visayas, if the datu had the personality and economic means, he could retain and restrain competing peers, relatives, and offspring. The term timawa came into use in the social structure of the Tagalogs within just twenty years after the coming of the Spaniards. The term, however, was being applied to former alipin (third class) who have escaped bondage by payment, favor, or flight. The Tagalog timawas did not have the military prominence of the Visayan timawa. The warrior class in the Tagalog society was present only in Laguna, and they were called the maharlika class. At the early part of the Spanish regime, the number of their members who were coming to rent land from their datus was increasing.

Unlike the Visayan datus, the lakans and apos of Luzon could call all nonmaginoo subjects to work in the datu's fields or do all sorts of other personal labor. In the Visayas, only the oripuns were obliged to do that, and to pay tribute besides. The Tagalog who works in the datu's field did not pay him tribute, and could transfer their allegiance to another datu. The Visayan timawa neither paid tribute nor performed agricultural labor. In a sense, they were truly aristocrats. The Tagalog maharlika did not only work in his datu's field, but could also be required to pay his own rent. Thus, all nonmaginoo formed a common economic class in some sense, though this class had no designation.

The civilization of the precolonial societies in the Visayas, northern Mindanao, and Luzon were largely influenced by Hindu and Buddhist cultures. As such, the datus who ruled these principalities (such as Butuan, Cebu, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also shared the many customs of royalties and nobles in southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the way they used to dress and adorn themselves with gold and silk.  The Boxer Codex bears testimony to this fact. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility. The first westerners who came to the archipelago observed that there was hardly any "Indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.

Filipino nobility during the colonial period

When the Spaniards expanded their dominion to the Americas and later on to the East Indies, they encountered different cultures that existed in these territories, which possessed different social structures (more or less complex) where as a common trait among them, there was a ruling class that held power and determined the destinies of peoples and territories under its control. These elites were those that the Spaniards discovered and conquered in the New World. It was these Spanish conquerors, using European terminology, who correlated the identity of classes of the pre-Hispanic elites, alongside with the royalty or with the nobility of Europe at the time according to appropriate categories, e.g., emperor, king, etc.

The thoughts of the more notable among them give useful insights on how the first European settlers regarded the rulers of Indians in the New World. Fray Bartolome de las Casas, for example, would argue that indigenous nobles were "(...) as Princes and Infantes like those of Castile." Juan de Matienzo, during his rule of Peru, said that the "Caciques, curacas and principales are the native princes of the Indians." In the Lexicon of Fray Domingo de Santo Tomás and Diego González Holguín as well as in the work of Ludovico Bertonio, several entries included were devoted to identify the pre-Hispanic society, comparing their old titles to those of their counterpart in the Iberian peninsula. The same approach to the local society in the East Indies was used by the Spaniards.

The principalía was the first estate of the four echelons of Filipino society at the time of contact with Europeans, as described by Fr. Juan de Plasencia, a pioneer Franciscan missionary in the Philippines. Loarca and the Canon Lawyer Antonio de Morga, who classified society into three estates (ruler, ruled, slave), also affirmed the preeminence of the principales. All members of this first estate (the datu class) were principales whether they were actually occupying positions to rule or not. The Real Academia Española defines Principal as, "A person or thing that holds first place in value or importance, and is given precedence and preference before others". This Spanish term best describes the first estate of the society in the archipelago, which the Europeans came in contact with. San Buenaventura's 1613 Dictionary of the Tagalog language defines three terms that clarify the concept of principalía:

 Poon or Punò (chief, leader) – principal or head of a lineage.
 Ginoo – a noble by lineage and parentage, family and descent.
 Maguinoo – principal in lineage or parentage.

The Spanish term Señor (lord) is equated with all these three terms, which are distinguished from the nouveau riche imitators scornfully called maygintao (man with gold or hidalgo by wealth, and not by lineage).  The first estate was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience, and support from those of subordinate status.

Local nobility and the Laws of the Indies

After conquering Manila and making it the capital of the colonial government in 1571, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi noted that aside from the rulers of Cebu and of the capital, the other principales existing in the Archipelago were either heads or Datus of the barangays allied as nations; or tyrants, who were respected only by the law of the strongest. From this system of the law of the strongest sprung intestinal wars with which certain dominions annihilate one another. Attentive to these existing systems of government without stripping these ancient sovereigns of their legitimate rights, Legaspi demanded from these local rulers vassalage to the Spanish Crown. On 11 June 1594, shortly before confirming Legaspi's erection of Manila as a city on June 24 of the same year, King Philip II issued a Royal Decree institutionalizing the recognition of the rights and privileges of the local ruling class of the Philippines, which was later included in the codification of the Recopilación de las leyes de los reynos de Las Indias.

In Book VI, Title VII (dedicated to the caciques) of the Recopilación de las leyes de los reynos de Las Indias, (Laws of the Indies) there are three very interesting laws insofar as they determined the role that the caciques were to play in the Indian new social order under the colonial rule. With these laws, the Spanish Crown officially recognized the rights of these principales of pre-Hispanic origin. Specifically, Laws 1, 2 (dedicated to American territories) and; Law 16, instituted by Philip II, on 11 June 1594 which is similar to the previous two, with the main purpose of assuring that the principales of the Philippines would be treated well and be entrusted with some government charge. Likewise, this provision extended to the Filipino caciques all policies concerning the Indian caciques under the Spanish rule.

To implement a system of indirect rule in the Philippines, King Philip II ordered, through this law of 11 June 1594, that the honors and privileges of governing, which were previously enjoyed by the local royalty and nobility in formerly sovereign principalities who later accepted the catholic faith and became subject to him, should be retained and protected. He also ordered the Spanish governors in the Philippines to treat these native nobles well. The king further ordered that the natives should pay to these nobles the same respect that the inhabitants accorded to their local Lords before the conquest without prejudice to the things that pertain to the king himself or to the encomenderos.

The royal decree says: "It is not right that the Indian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion; rather they should have such treatment that would gain their affection and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that God has communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be added, and they may live contentedly and comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islands to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the government of the Indians, of whom they were formerly lords. In all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did during the period of their paganism, provided this is without prejudice to the tributes that are to be paid us, or to that which pertains to their encomenderos."

Through this law, the local Filipino nobles (under the supervision of the Spanish colonial officials) became encomenderos (trustees) also of the King of Spain, who ruled the country indirectly through these nobles. Corollary to this provision, all existing doctrines and laws regarding the Indian caciques were extended to Filipino principales. Their domains became selfruled tributary barangays of the Spanish Empire.

The system of indirect government helped in the pacification of the rural areas, and institutionalized the rule and role of an upper class, referred to as the "principalía" or the "principales", until the fall of the Spanish regime in the Philippines in 1898.

The Spanish dominion brought serious modifications to the life and economy of the indigenous society. The shift of emphasis to agriculture marginalized, weakened, and deprived the hildalgolike warriors of their significance in the barangays, especially in the traderaiding societies in the Visayas (which needed the Vikinglike services of the "timawas"). By the 1580s, many of these noblemen found themselves reduced to leasing land from their datus. Their military functions were eclipsed by farming. Whatever remained would quickly be disoriented, deflected, and destroyed by the superior military power of Spain. 

By the end of the 16th century, any claim to Filipino royalty, nobility or hidalguía had disappeared into a homogenized, Hispanicized and Christianized nobility – the principalía.   This remnant of the precolonial royal and noble families continued to rule their traditional domain until the end of the Spanish regime. However, there were cases when succession in leadership was also done through election of new leaders (cabezas de barangay), especially in provinces near the Manila where the ancient ruling families lost their prestige and role. It appears that proximity to the seat of colonial Government diminished their power and significance. In distant territories, where the central authority had less control and where order could be maintained without using coercive measures, hereditary succession was still enforced, until Spain lost the archipelago to the Americans. These distant territories remained patriarchal societies, where people retained great respect for the principalía.

Emergence of the mestizo class

The principalía was larger and more influential than the preconquest indigenous nobility. It helped create and perpetuate an oligarchic system in the Spanish colony for more than three hundred years,
serving as a link between the Spanish authorities and the local inhabitants.

The Spanish colonial government's prohibition for foreigners to own land in the Philippines contributed to the evolution of this form of oligarchy. In some provinces of the Philippines, many Spaniards and foreign merchants intermarried with the rich and landed MalayoPolynesian local nobilities. From these unions, a new cultural group was formed, the mestizo class. Their descendants emerged later to become an influential part of the government, and of the principalía.

The increase of population in the Archipelago, as well as the growing presence of Chinese and Mestizos also brought about social changes that necessitated the creation of new members of the principalía for these sectors of Filipino colonial society.  In this regard, pertinent laws were promulgated, such as the above-mentioned royal decree issued on December 20, 1863 (signed in the name of Queen Isabella II by the Minister of the Colonies, José de la Concha), which indicate certain conditions for promotion to the principalía class, among others, the capacity to speak the Castilian language. The reform also paved way to the creation of authorities among the Chinese guilds in enclaves of big settlements like Manila, on condition that these leaders were Christianized. Furthermore, Chinese Gobernadorcillos were not given jurisdiction over municipal districts. Their jurisdiction was exceptional and they only exercised this over persons belonging to their guilds.

Royal Cedula of Charles II

The emergence of the mestizo class was a social phenomenon not localized in the Philippines, but was also very much present in the American continent.
On 22 March 1697, Charles II of Spain issued a Royal Cedula, related to this phenomenon. The Cedula gave distinctions to classes of persons in the social structure of the Crown Colonies, and defined the rights and privileges of colonial functionaries. In doing so, the Spanish Monarch touched another aspect of the colonial society, i.e., the status of indigenous nobles, extending to these indigenous nobles, as well as to their descendants, the preeminence and honors customarily attributed to the Hidalgos of Castile. The Royal Cedula stipulates:

"Bearing in mind the laws and orders issued by my Progenies, Their Majesties the Kings, and by myself, I order the good treatment, assistance, protection and defense of the native Indians of America, that they may be taken cared of, maintained, privileged and honored like all other vassals of my Crown and that, in the course of time, the trial and use of them stops. I feel that its timely implementation is very suitable for public good, for the benefit of the Indians and for the service of God and mine. That, consequently, with respect to the Indian mestizos,  the Archbishops and Bishops of the Indias are charged by Article 7, Title VII, Book I of the Laws of the Indies, for ordaining priests, being attentive to the qualities and circumstances present, and if some mestizas ask to be religious, they (Bishops) shall give support to those whom they admit in monasteries and for vows. But in particular, with regard to the requirements for Indians in order to accede to ecclesiastical or secular, governmental, political and military positions, which all require purity of blood and, by its Statute, the condition of nobility, there is distinction between the Indians and mestizos, inasmuch as there is between the [1] descendants of the notable Indians called caciques, and [2] those who are issues of less notable Indian tributaries, who in their pagan state acknowledged vassalage. It is deemed that all preeminence and honors, customarily conferred on the Hijosdalgos of Castile, are to be attributed to the first and to their descendants, both ecclesiastical and secular; and that they can participate in any communities which, by their statutes require nobility; for it is established that these, in their heathenism, were nobles to whom their subordinates acknowledged vassalage and to whom tributes were paid. Such kind of nobility is still retained and acknowledged, keeping these as well as their privileges wherever possible, as recognized and declared by the whole section on the caciques, which is Title VII, Book VI of the Laws of the Indies, wherein for the sake of distinction, the subordinate Indians were placed under (these noble’s) dominion called «cacicazgo», transmissible from elder to elder, to their posteriority…"

The Royal Cedula was enforced in the Philippines and benefited many indigenous nobles. It can be seen very clearly and irrefutably that, during the colonial period, indigenous chiefs were equated with the Spanish Hidalgos, and the most resounding proof of the application of this comparison is the General Military Archive in Segovia, where the qualifications of "Nobility" (found in the Service Records) are attributed to those Filipinos who were admitted to the Spanish Military Academies and whose ancestors were caciques, encomenderos, notable Tagalogs, chieftains, governors or those who held positions in the municipal administration or government in all different regions of the large islands of the Archipelago, or of the many small islands of which it is composed. In the context of the ancient tradition and norms of Castilian nobility, all descendants of a noble are considered noble, regardless of fortune.

At the Real Academia de la Historia, there is also a substantial amount of records giving reference to the Philippine Islands, and while most part corresponds to the history of these islands, the Academia did not exclude among its documents the presence of many genealogical records. The archives of the Academia and its royal stamp recognized the appointments of hundreds of natives of the Philippines who, by virtue of their social position, occupied posts in the administration of the territories and were classified as "Nobles". The presence of these notables demonstrates the cultural concern of Spain in those Islands to prepare the natives and the collaboration of these in the government of the Archipelago. This aspect of Spanish rule in the Philippines appears much more strongly implemented than in the Americas. Hence in the Philippines, the local nobility, by reason of charge accorded to their social class, acquired greater importance than in the Indies of the New World.

Christianization under the Spanish Crown

With the recognition of the Spanish monarchs came the privilege of being addressed as Don or Doña. – a mark of esteem and distinction in Europe reserved for a person of noble or royal status during the colonial period. Other honors and high regard were also accorded to the Christianized Datus by the Spanish Empire. For example, the Gobernadorcillos (elected leader of the Cabezas de Barangay or the Christianized Datus) and Filipino officials of justice received the greatest consideration from the Spanish Crown officials. The colonial officials were under obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective duties. They were allowed to sit in the houses of the Spanish Provincial Governors, and in any other places. They were not left to remain standing. It was not permitted for Spanish Parish Priests to treat these Filipino nobles with less consideration.

The Gobernadorcillos exercised the command of the towns. They were Port Captains in coastal towns. They also had the rights and powers to elect assistants and several lieutenants and alguaciles, proportionate in number to the inhabitants of the town.

On the day on which the gobernadorcillo would take on government duties, his town would hold a grand celebration. A festive banquet would be offered in the municipal or city hall where he would occupy a seat, adorned by the coat of arms of Spain and with fanciful designs, if his social footing was of a respectable antiquity.

On holy days the town officials would go to the church, together in one group. The principalía and cuadrilleros (police patrol or assistance) formed two lines in front of the Gobernadorcillo. They would be preceded by a band playing the music as they process towards the church, where the Gobernadorcillo would occupy a seat in precedence among those of the chiefs or cabezas de barangay, who had benches of honor. After the mass, they would usually go to the parish rectory to pay their respects to the parish priest. Then, they would return to the tribunal (municipal hall or city hall) in the same order, and still accompanied by the band playing a loud double quick march called paso doble.

The gobernadorcillo was always accompanied by an alguacil or policia (police officer) whenever he went about the streets of his town.

Class symbols

At the later part of the Spanish period, this class of elite Christian landowners started to adopt a characteristic style of dress and carry regalia. They wore a distinctive type of salakot, a Philippine headdress commonly used in the archipelago since the precolonial period. Instead of the usual headgear made of rattan, of reeds called Nitó, or of various shells such as capiz shells, which common Filipinos would wear, the principales would use more prized materials like tortoise shell. The special salakot of the ruling upper class was often adorned with ornate capping spike crafted in metals of value like silver, or, at times, gold. This headgear was usually embossed also with precious metals and sometimes decorated with silver coins or pendants that hung around the rim.

It was mentioned earlier that the royalties and nobilities of the Pre-colonial societies in the Visayas, Northern Mindanao, and Luzon (Cebu, Bohol Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also shared the many customs of royalties and nobles in Southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the generous use of gold and silk in their costumes, as the Boxer Codex demonstrate. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility. When the Spaniards reached the shores of the Archipelago, they observed that there was hardly any "Indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.

However, this way of dressing was slowly changed as colonial power took firmer grips of the local nobilities and finally ruled the Islands. By the middle of the 19th century, the Principalía's usual attire was black jacket, European trousers, salakot and colored (velvet) slippers. Many would even wear varnished shoes, such as high quality leather shoes. Their shirt was worn outside the trousers. Some sources say that the Spaniards did not allow the native Filipinos to tuck their shirts under their waistbands, nor were they allowed to have any pockets. It was said that the intention of the colonizers was to remind the natives that they remain indios regardless of the wealth and power they attain. It was a way for discriminating the natives from their Spanish overlords. The locals also used native fabrics of transparent appearance. It is believed that transparent, sheer fabric were mainly for discouraging the Indios from hiding any weapons under their shirts. However, the native nobles did not wish to be outdone in the appearance of their apparel. And so, they richly embroidered their shirts with somewhat baroque designs on delicate Piña fabric. This manner of sporting what originally was a European attire for men led the way to the development of the Barong, which later became the national costume for Filipino men.

Distinctive staffs of office were associated with the Filipino ruling class. The Gobernadorcillo would carry a tasseled cane (baston) decorated with precious metals, while his lieutenants would use some kind of wands referred to as "Vara (rama)". On occasions and ceremonies of greater solemnity, they would dress formally in frock coat and high crowned hat.

One distinctive status symbol of the Principalía families of the rural pueblos, which remain handed down to their descendants until the present time, is the ownership of a santo or religious statue. Principalía families in provinces were mostly hacienderos, who had the means and manpower to maintain and decorate carrozas or floats of sacred images, which are often processed during various religious occasions, most importantly the town fiesta and Holy Week. Those who were endowed with more material possessions and power would own images with ivory heads and hands, and crowned with gold or silver halos. From the 17th to the 19th century, Spanish missionaries established a system of sponsorship for religious images. Those who sponsored santos were called "camareros". The prestige associated to being camareros influenced the contemporary trend among well-to-do Filipino Catholic families to sponsor carrozas for processions organized during various religious festivities in the country.

Race and status

Although the principalía had many privileges, there were limitations to how much power they were entitled to under Spanish rule. A member of the principalía could never become the GovernorGeneral (Gobernador y Capitán General), nor could he become the provincial governor (alcalde mayor).Hypothetically, a member of the principalía could obtain the position of provincial governor if, for example, a noblewoman of the principalía married a Spanish man born in the Philippines (an Insular ) of an elevated social rank. In which case her children would be classified as white (or blanco). However, this did not necessarily give a guarantee that her sons would obtain the position of provincial governor. Being mestizos was not an assurance that they would be loyal enough to the Spanish crown. Such unquestionable allegiance was necessary for the colonizers in retaining control of the archipelago.

The children born of the union between the principales and the insulares, or better still, the peninsulares (a Spanish person born in Spain) are neither assured access to the highest position of power in the colony. Flexibility is known to have occurred in some cases, including that of Marcelo Azcárraga Palmero who even became interim Prime Minister of Spain on August 8, 1897, until October 4 of that same year. Azcárraga also went on to become Prime Minister of Spain again in two more separate terms of office. In 1904, he was granted Knighthood in the very exclusive Spanish chilvalric Order of the Golden Fleece — the only mestizo recipient of this prestigious award.

In the archipelago, however, most often ethnic segregation did put a stop to social mobility, even for members of the principalía – a thing that is normally expected in a colonial rule. It was not also common for principales to be too ambitious so as to pursue very strong desire for obtaining the office of Governor-General. For most part, it appears that the local nobles were inclined to be preoccupied with matters concerning their barangays and towns.

The town mayors received an annual salary of 24 pesos, which was nothing in comparison to the provincial governor's 1,600 pesos and the GovernorGeneral's 40,000 pesos. Even though the gobernadorcillo's salary was not subject to tax, it was not enough to carry out all the required duties expected of such a position. This explains why among the principales, those who had more wealth were likely to be elected to the office of gobernadorcillo (municipal governor).

Principales tend to marry those who belong to their class, to maintain wealth and power. However, unlike most European royalties who marry their close relatives, e.g. first cousins, for this purpose, Filipino nobles abhorred Incestuous unions. In some cases, members of the principalia married wealthy and nonnoble Chinese (Sangley) merchants, who made their fortune in the colony. Principales born of these unions had possibilities to be elected gobernadorcillo by their peers.

Wealth was not the only basis for intermarriage between the principales and foreigners, which were commonly prearranged by parents of the bride and groom. Neither did having a Spaniard as one of the parents of a child ennobles him. In a traditionally conservative Catholic environment with Christian mores and norms strictly imposed under the tutelage and prying eyes of Spanish friars, marriage to a divorcée or secondhand spouse (locally referred to as "tirá ng ibá", literally "others' leftovers") was scornfully disdained by Filipino aristocrats. Virgin brides were a must for the principalía, as well as for the Filipinos in general.

Children who were born outside of marriage, even of Spaniards, were not accepted in the circle of principales. These were severely ostracized in the conservative colonial society and were pejoratively called an "anák sa labás", i.e., "child from outside" (viz., outside marriage), a stigma that still remains part of the contemporary social mores.

During the last years of the regime, there were efforts to push for a representation of the archipelago in the Spanish Cortes among a good number of principales. This move was prevalent especially among those who have studied in Spain and other parts of Europe (Ilustrados). That initiative, however, was met with snobbery by the colonizers, who denied the natives of equal treatment, in any way possible.

Towards the end of the 19th century, civil unrest occurred more frequently. This situation was exposed by the writer and leader of the Propaganda Movement, José Rizal, in his two novels: Noli Me Tángere, and El Filibusterismo (dedicated to the three Filipino Catholic priests, who were executed on February 17, 1872, by Spanish colonial authorities, on charges of subversion arising from the 1872 Cavite mutiny). Because of this growing unrest that turned into an irreversible revolution, the position of provincial governor became awarded more and more often to the peninsulares. In the ecclesiastical sector, a decree was made, stating there were to be no further appointments of Filipinos as parish priests.

Status quaestionis

The recognition of the rights and privileges of the Filipino Principalía as equivalent to those of the Hidalgos of Castile appears to facilitate entrance of Filipino nobles into institutions under the Spanish Crown, either civil or religious, which required proofs of nobility. However, such approximation may not be entirely correct since in reality, although the principales were vassals of the Spanish Crown, their rights as sovereign in their former dominions were guaranteed by the Laws of the Indies, more particularly the Royal Decree of Philip II of 11 June 1594, which Charles II confirmed for the purpose stated above, to satisfy the requirements of the existing laws in the Peninsula.

From the beginning of the Spanish colonial period, the conquistador Miguel Lopez de Legaspi retained the hereditary rights of the local ancient sovereigns of the Archipelago who vowed allegiance to the Spanish Crown. Many of them accepted the Catholic religion and became Spanish allies at this time. He only demanded from these local rulers vassalage to the Spanish Crown, replacing the similar overlordship, which previously existed in a few cases, e.g., Sultanate of Brunei's overlordship of the Kingdom of Maynila. Other independent polities, which were not vassals to other States, e.g., Confederation of Madja-as and the Rajahnate of Cebu, were de facto Protectorates/Suzerainties having had alliances with the Spanish Crown before the Kingdom took total control of most parts of the Archipelago.

A question remains after the cessession of Spanish rule in the Philippines regarding any remaining rank equivalency of Filipino Principalía. Reassuming their ancestral titles as Datus while retaining the Hidalguía of Castile (their former protector state), as subsidiary title, is the logical consequence of the above-mentioned recognition by Charles II of Spain. As guaranteed by this Spanish Monarch's Royal Decree, the ancient nobility of the casiques within his realm (which includes the Filipino Principales) "is still retained and acknowledged".

Besides, the principales retained many of the ordinary obligations of local rulers as manifested in constructing local infrastructures and in maintaining the government offices without funds from Spain. Expenditures of the local government came from the private and personal resources of the principales. These were not taxes that citizens were obliged to pay as tributes required by their Spanish Crown from its subjects. In many ways, the principales retained much of the responsibilities, powers and obligations of the pre-colonial Datus – their predecessors, except for the right to organize their own armed forces. Only the right of Gobernadorcillos to appoint alguacils and "cuadrilleros" (police patrol or assistance) seem to point out to some kind of vestige of this pre-colonial sign of the Datu's coercive power and responsibility to defend his domain.

Like deposed royal families elsewhere in the world, which continue to claim hereditary rights as pretenders to the former thrones of their ancestors, the descendants of the Principalía have similar claims to the historical domains of their forebears.

See also

Filipino styles and honorifics
 Gobernadorcillo
 Cabeza de Barangay
Barangay state
Datu
 Lakan
 Maginoo
 Maharlika
 Timawa
 Babaylan
 History of the Philippines (1521–1898)
 Confederation of Madja-as
 Maragtas
 Kingdom of Maynila
 Kingdom of Namayan
 Kingdom of Butuan
 Rajahnate of Cebu
 Sultanate of Maguindanao
 Sultanate of Sulu
 Confederation of Sultanates in Lanao
 List of political families in the Philippines

Notes

Further reading 
 Luque Talaván, Miguel, Análisis Histórico-Jurídico de la Nobleza Indiana de Origen Prehispánico (Conferencia en la Escuela «Marqués de Aviles» de Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria de la «Asociación de Diplomados en Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria»).
 Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent, Las Pruebas de Nobleza y Genealogia en Filipinas y Los Archivios en Donde se Pueden Encontrar Antecedentes de Ellas in Heraldica, Genealogia y Nobleza en los Editoriales de «Hidalguia», 1953–1993: 40 años de un pensamiento, Madrid: 1993, Graficas Ariás Montano, S.A.-MONTOLES, pp. 232–235.[8][8][8][8][8]
 José Feced y Temprado, Manual del Gobernadorcillo en el Ejercicio de sus Atribuciones Judiciales y Escriturárias (Guia del Hombre de Negocios en Filipinas), Manila: 1867, Imp. de Ramirez y Giraudier.] Don José Feced y Temprado, Manual del Gobernadorcillo en el Ejercicio de sus Atribuciones Judiciales y Escriturárias (Guia del Hombre de Negocios en Filipinas), Manila: 1867, Imp. de Ramirez y Giraudier.
 Rafael Moreno y Diez, Manual del Cabeza de Barangay en Castellano y en Tagalog, Manila: 1874, Imprenta "Amigos del Pais".
 Regalado Trota Jose, The Many Images of Christ (particularly in the section: Spain retains the old class system) in DALISAY, Jose Y, ed. (1998), Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People.
 See also: Alfredo Reyes; CORDERO-FERNANDO, Gilda; QUIRINO, Carlos & GUTIERREZ, Manuel C, eds. Filipino Heritage: the Making of a Nation (10 vols), Manila: 1997, Lahing Pilipino Publications.
Celdrán Ruano, Julia, ed. (2009). La configuración del sistema jurídico hispano en las Islas Filipinas: orígenes y evolución (siglos XVI-XVIII) in Anales de Derecho, Vol. 27 (2009) (pdf) (in Español).
Jorge Alberto Liria Rodríguez, LA PECULIAR ADMINISTRACIÓNESPAÑOLA EN FILIPINAS (1890–1898), Las Palmas de Gran Canaria: Anroart, Asociación canaria para la difusión de la cultura y el arte , 2004.
Maura Law.

References

Honorary titles
History of the Philippines (1565–1898)
Captaincy General of the Philippines
Social class in the Philippines
People of Spanish colonial Philippines
Filipino nobility
The affect heuristic is a  heuristic, a mental shortcut that allows people to make decisions and solve problems quickly and efficiently, in which current emotion—fear, pleasure, surprise, etc.—influences decisions. In other words, it is a type of heuristic in which emotional response, or "affect" in psychological terms, plays a lead role.  It is a subconscious process that shortens the decision-making process and allows people to function without having to complete an extensive search for information. It is shorter in duration than a mood, occurring rapidly and involuntarily in response to a stimulus. Reading the words "lung cancer" usually generates an affect of dread, while reading the words "mother's love" usually generates a feeling of affection and comfort.  The affect heuristic is typically used while judging the risks and benefits of something, depending on the positive or negative feelings that people associate with a stimulus. It is the equivalent of "going with your gut". If their feelings towards an activity are positive, then people are more likely to judge the risks as low and the benefits high. On the other hand, if their feelings towards an activity are negative, they are more likely to perceive the risks as high and benefits low.

Concept
The theory of affect heuristic is that a human being's affect can influence how he or she makes decisions. Research has shown that risk and benefits are negatively correlated in people's minds. This was found after researchers found that the inverse relationship between perceived risk and perceived benefit of an activity was linked to the strength of positive or negative affect associated with the activity as measured by rating the activity on bipolar scales (e.g. good/bad). This implies that people base their judgements of an activity or a technology not only on what they think about it, but also on how they feel about it.  The affect heuristic gained early attention in 1980 when Robert B. Zajonc argued that affective reactions to stimuli are often the first reaction which occur automatically and subsequently influencing the way in which we process and judge information. The affect heuristic received more recent attention when it was used to explain the unexpected negative correlation between benefit and risk perception. Finucane, Alhakami, Slovic and Johnson theorized in 2000 that a good feeling towards a situation (i.e., positive affect) would lead to a lower risk perception and a higher benefit perception, even when this is logically not warranted for that situation. This implies that a strong emotional response to a word or other stimulus might alter a person's judgment. He or she might make different decisions based on the same set of facts and might thus make an illogical decision. Overall, the affect heuristic is of influence in nearly every decision-making arena.

Theoretical accounts of affect
An alternative thought to the “gut feeling” response is Antonio Damasio's somatic marker hypothesis. It is the opinion that thought is made largely from images which include perceptual and symbolic representations. These images then become “marked” by positive or negative feelings linked directly or indirectly to somatic states. When a negative somatic marker is linked to an image of a future outcome, it sounds an alarm in the brain. When a positive marker is linked to an image, it becomes a signal of incentive. He hypothesized that somatic markers increase the accuracy of the decision process and the absence of these markers, mostly seen in people with certain types of brain damage, degrades the ability to make good decisions. This hypothesis arose when observing patients with damage to their prefrontal cortex who had severe impairments in personal and social decision-making despite their other abilities.

Thought and feeling
It has been argued by researchers that people use affect heuristics as a first response to an issue, they rely on spontaneous affective reactions which make it more efficient than having to research and analyze external information. Slovic, Finucane, Peters and MacGregor (2005) contrast two modes of thinking: the analytic system and the experiential system. The analytic system, also referred to as the rational system, is thought that is considered to be slow and requires effort; it requires consciousness, probabilities, logical reasoning, and substantial evidence. The experiential system is the exact opposite. It is intuitive and mostly automatic which makes it more convenient for people because it does not require effort or consciousness. It relies on images, metaphors, and narratives which are then used to estimate the probability of a hazard. This is due to the experience of affect, in other words, a “gut feeling.” Multiple studies including the one done by Miller and Ireland (2005) show how "gut feeling" or intuitive decisions affect various executives and managers of many companies. Many of the individuals studied use intuition as an effective approach to making important decisions. The experimenters' goal is to evaluate the risk and benefits of using intuition. Their results show that this is a troublesome decision tool. Affective reactions that accompany judgements are not necessarily voluntary, but are automatic responses. Zajonc states that “one might be able to control the expression of emotion, but not the experience of it itself.”  However, he also clarifies that feelings are not free of thought and that thoughts are not free of feeling. The experiential system also takes past experiences into account. In other words, if a person has already experienced a certain issue, he or she is more likely to take more precautions towards the issue.

Experimental findings
Many studies have been done to further look into affect heuristics and many have found that these heuristics shape our attitudes and opinions towards our decisions, especially risk perception. These studies demonstrate how affect is an important characteristic of the decision-making process in many different domains and aspects as well as how it can lead to a strong conditioner of preference. As demonstrated below, affect is independent of cognition which indicate that there are conditions where affect does not require cognition.

Subliminal affective response
The cause of affect does not necessarily have to be consciously perceived. A study conducted by Winkielman, Zajonc and Schwarz (1997) demonstrated the speed at which an affective reaction can influence judgements. To do this they used a subliminal priming paradigm where participants were "primed" through exposure to either a smiling face, a frowning face, or a neutral polygon presented at about   of a second. This was considered an amount of time where the nature of the stimuli could not be recalled. Participants were then exposed to an ideograph (e.g. a Chinese character) for two seconds and asked to rate the ideograph on a scale of liking. Researchers found that participants preferred the ideograph preceded with a smiling face as opposed to those preceded by a frowning face or neutral polygon despite the fact that the smiling face was only shown for  of a second.

The same experiment demonstrated the persistence of initial affect. During a second session, participations were primed with the same characters, but these characters were preceded by a different face that they were not previously exposed to (e.g. those previously exposed to the smiling face were now exposed to the neutral polygon). Participants continued to show preference for the characters based on the first association, even though the second exposure was preceded by a different affective stimulus.  In other words, the second priming was ineffective because the effects of the first priming still remained. If the participant liked a character following exposure to a smiling face, they would continue to like the character even when it was preceded by a frowning face during the second exposure. (The experimental outcome was statistically significant and adjusted for variables such as non-affective preference for certain characters).

Insensitivity to numbers
Sometimes affective responses to certain stimuli are a result of a lack of sensitivity to other factors, for example, numbers. Slovic and Peters (2006) did a study on psychophysical numbing, the inability to discriminate change in a physical stimulus as the magnitude of the stimulus increases, and found that students more strongly supported an airport-safety measure that was expected to save a  high percentage of 150 lives at risk as opposed to a measure that was expected to save 150 lives. This is thought to have occurred because although saving 150 lives is good, it is somewhat harder to comprehend and thus the decision comes from the positive feeling associated with the higher percentage.

The influence of time
Research has been conducted in the influence that time plays in decision-making. In two experiments, Finucane, Alhakami, Slovic and Johnson (2000) studied the affect heuristic under time pressure and the influence that providing risk and benefit information has on the affect heuristic. The researchers compared individuals under no time pressure and those with time pressure. They predicted that individuals under time pressure would rely more heavily on their affect in order to be more efficient in their responses whereas those under no time pressure would use more logic in their decision-making. To do this, university students were randomly assigned to one of the two conditions (time pressure or no time pressure) and one of the two counterbalancing orders (risk judgements followed by benefit judgements or vice versa). They were then given a task in which they had to make judgements about the risk or benefit of certain activities and technologies. As predicted, individuals in the time-pressure condition took less time to make risk judgements than did individuals in the no time pressure condition. In the second experiment, students again had to make judgements about certain activities, but this time were given additional information about the risk and benefits. Information was framed as being high risk, low risk, high benefit or low benefit. The researchers found that this additional information did in fact influence their judgements.

Two similar studies were conducted by Wilson and Arvai in 2006, in which they also looked at the affect heuristic affects high and low risk options. These experiments examine the affect heuristic and the “evaluability hypothesis”, the joint evaluation when options are evaluated in a side-by-side comparison and separate evaluation where options are evaluated on their own. They take this concept and discuss how it relates to the affect heuristic by specifically looking at making traits of an option more or less meaningful in terms of the context of choice, more specifically, affect. To examine this relationship more closely, they conducted two experiments where participants received quantitative information about the nature of risks and were placed in one of two groups: affect-poor combined with high risks and affect-rich combined with low risks. In their first study, they looked how the influence of affect on evaluability in joint evaluations as compared to separate evaluations. To this, participants were asked to make choices about the affect-rich problem of crime and the affect-poor problem of deer overpopulation. Participants were asked to rate how they perceived crime and deer overpopulation by rating  on a scale from "very good" to "very bad." They found that participants ignored the quantitative information and focused on the affect characteristics.

Fear appeals
Health campaigns often use “fear appeals” to grab the attention of their audience.  Fear appeals are a type of advertising that specifically uses methods of creating anxiety in the consumer which results in the consumer wanting to cure this fear by purchasing the product. In a study by Averbeck, Jones, and Robertson (2011), researchers look at how prior knowledge influences one's response to fear appeals. Surveys were distributed which manipulated prior knowledge as low or high and two different topics: sleep deprivation or spinal meningitis. Various scale were used to test how prior knowledge affects certain health-related issues. Researchers found that individuals who had prior knowledge in a certain subject exhibited less fear and were least likely to fall prey to the affect heuristic as opposed to individuals that did not have prior knowledge who exhibited more fear and were more likely to fall prey.

Another example of how fear appeals are used in marketing today is through the findings presented in the experiment by Schmitt and Blass (2008). They produced two versions of an anti-smoking film. One contained high fear arousal and one did not. When exposed to these films, the participants (46 non-smoking students and 5 smoking students) expressed stronger anti-smoking behavioral intentions than when they viewed the low fear-arousal version.

Climate change
Research has shown that Americans are aware of climate change, but do not consider it to be a serious problem due to the lack of an affective response. Many people report as not having experienced the consequences of climate change or that it is a long-term consequence that will not happen in the near future. Therefore, it is considered to be of lower priority and not much is done as a solution to global climate change.

Risk communication
Research on the affect heuristic had its origin in risk perception. Communicating risk is meant to improve the correspondence between the magnitude of the risk of an issue and the magnitude to which people respond to that risk. Affect, specifically negative affect, is an important method for increasing perceived risk considering its influences on perceived risk and thus has been utilized as essential for communicating risk to the public.

Raising risk awareness is thought to be increased when risk information is presented in the form of frequences (e.g. “Within 40 years there is a 33% probability of flood”) or probabilities (e.g. “Each year there is a 1% probability of flood). This method is thought to evoke an affective response which then increases the availability of risk which results in greater perceived risk. This demonstrates how the way in which information is presented influences the way in which people interpret the information, more specifically, potential risks. Research also shows that people's financial risk taking is affected by their emotional state,

The affect heuristic is certainly evident in product innovations we see in the market. The processes consumers use to weigh the potential risk and benefits associated with purchasing such innovations are in constant motion. A study by Slovic and King (2014) tries to explain this specific phenomenon. Their experiment addresses the extent to which feelings dominate early perceptions of new products. Participants were exposed to three innovations in pretest and posttest design. Through this study, they concluded that risks and benefits associated with innovations are related to the consumer's evaluations of the products.

Cancer
Researchers have looked at the affective and experiential modes of thinking in terms of cancer prevention. Research has shown that affect plays a significant role in whether people choose to get screened for certain types of cancer. Current research is now looking into how to communicate the risks and benefits of cancer prevention and treatment options. So far research has shown that the way in which information is framed does play a role in the way in which the information is interpreted. Research has also shown that treatment options may not have significant meaning to patients unless it has an affective connection. It is for this reason that researchers are looking into using affective coding such as icon arrays to make numerical information easier to understand and process.

Air Pollution 
An experiment composed by Hine and Marks (2007) examines the role of affect heuristics in maintaining wood-burning behavior. The individuals analyzed in this study were 256 residents of a small Australian city where high levels of wood smoke pollution are present. With the negative effects of air pollution evident, their studies found that individuals who used wood heaters exhibited less support for wood smoke control policies. These individuals were aware that their wood heaters were part of the problem. Even with that awareness, their positive affections and emotions towards wood heating trumped all negative evidence for it.

Smiling
Research has been done on how smiling can cause affective responses and thus influence our opinions of others. An experiment by LaFrance and Hecht (1995) investigated  whether a smiling target would elicit more leniency than those that do not. Participants judged a case of potential academic misconduct and were asked to rate a list of subjects. Materials included photos of a female target either showing a neutral expression, felt smile, false smile, or miserable smile. Researchers found that the student pictured as smiling received less punishment than did the student who did not smile despite the fact that the smiling student was not seen as less guilty. They did not find a significant difference between the different smiles. Smiling students were also rated as more trustworthy, honest, genuine, good, obedient, sincere, and admirable compared to the student that did not smile.

To the previous studies evidence, there is further evidence on the effect of smiling on a person’s perception. They contain it in the experiment by Delevati and Cesar (1994). Brazilian undergraduates perceived a slide of a male and female person. Smiling faces were portrayed and non-smiling faces were portrayed. The participants used 12 different adjectives to judge the portraits. Results showed those persons showing a smile received more favorable perceptions than those who did not. Generally speaking, a smiling person can produce warmer feelings in the perceiver than the non-smiling person.

Memory load
Researchers have studied how one's memory load increases one's chances of using the affect heuristic. In a study by Shiv and Fedorikhin (1999), participants were asked to either memorize a two-digit number (low cognitive demand) or a seven-digit number (high cognitive demand). Participants were then asked to enter another room where they would report their number. On the way there, they were asked for their preference for two snacks: chocolate cake (more favorable affect, less favorable cognition) or fruit salad (less favorable affect, more favorable cognition). Researchers predicted that participants given the seven-digits to remember (high cognitive load) would reduce their deliberation process due to having to remember a large amount of information. This would increase the chances of these participants choosing the cake over the fruit salad due to it being the more affectively favorable option. This hypothesis proved true with participants choosing the chocolate cake 63% of the time when given a high cognitive load and only 41% when given a low cognitive load. In the same study they also tested the impulsiveness of the participants in moderating the effects of processing-resources of choice and at the time they were asked for their preference for the two snacks high cognitive demand chose the chocolate cake 84.2%. This provides evidence that people's decisions  can be influenced by affect heuristic in a relatively spontaneous manner from the stimulus, with little involvement of higher-order cognitive demand.

Lasting effects
Another common situation involving affect heuristic is where a strong, emotional first impression can inform a decision, even if subsequent evidence weight cognitively against the original decision made. In a study by Sherman, Kim and Zajonc (1998), they investigated how long the induced effects of an affective response could last. Participants were asked to study Chinese characters and their English meanings. Half of the meanings were positive (e.g. beauty) and the other half negative (e.g. disease). Participants were then tested on these meanings, which was followed by a task in which they were given pairs of characters and asked to choose which character they preferred. Researchers found that participants preferred the character with a positive meaning.

In the same experiment, participants were given a new task where the characters were presented with a neutral meaning (e.g. linen) and participants were told that these were the true meanings of the character. The testing procedure was the same and despite exposing participants with the new meanings, their preferences in characters remained the same. Characters that were paired with positive meanings continued to be preferred.

Disadvantages
While heuristics can be helpful in many situations, it can also lead to biases which can result in poor decision-making habits. Like other heuristics, the affect heuristic can provide efficient and adaptive responses, but relying on affect can also cause decisions to be misleading.

Smoking
Studies have looked at how the affect influences smoking behavior. Smokers tend to act experientially in the sense that they give little conscious thought to the risks before they start. It is usually as a result of affective responses in the moment that occur when seeing others partake in the behavior. Epstein (1995) found that there has been quite a bit of manipulation of consumers when it comes to packaging and marketing products. This is especially the case with tobacco companies. Research has shown that cigarette advertisements were designed to increase the positive affect associated with smoking and decrease the perceptions of risk. Therefore, seeing this advertisement could lead people astray to start smoking because of its induced appeal. In a study by Slovic et al. (2005), he released a survey to smokers in which he asked “If you had it to do all over again, would you start smoking?” and more than 85% of adult smokers and about 80% of young smokers (between the ages of 14-22) answered “No.” He found that most smokers, especially those that start at a younger age, do not take the time and think about how their future selves will perceive the risks associated with smoking. Essentially, smokers give little conscious thought to smoking before they start and it is usually after they have started smoking and have become addicted that they learn new information about health risk.

References

Further reading
  
 
 

Feeling
Heuristics
Experimental psychology Affect, as a term of rhetoric, is the responsive, emotional feeling (affect) that precedes cognition. Affect differs from pathos as described by Aristotle as one of the modes of proof and pathos as described by Jasinski as an emotional appeal because it is “the response we have to things before we label that response with feelings or emotions.”

In further exploring this term, scholars recognized affect’s rhetorical role in literature, photography, marketing and memory. In 2012, Rogers described how author W. E. B. Du Bois used the structure of his work, The Souls of Black Folk, to affect his audience into feeling shame. In 2016, Brunner and Deluca proposed the term affective winds to describe “the force of images that moves people to engage and interact by exploring the affective potency of visual arguments.” Affective winds were part of the rhetorical persuasiveness of images shared through social media. In a different sense, Harold described how the Target Corporation’s advertising used aura and affect to democratize the appearance of some products. Affect has also been identified as a conduit through which rhetorical memories can be internalized.

Drawing from philosophy, some rhetorical studies of affect have followed Martin Heidegger's articulation of Dasein which posits "affect" as the ground of reason. Others follow post-structuralist and post-Heideggerian insights to follow affect's influence on rhetorical canons and digital rhetoric.

References

Rhetorical techniques