William Goebel Gubernatorial election of 1899 In which state was the Gubernatorial election that William Goebel was involved in? Louisville - Who was Goebel's opponent in this race? Wat Hardin, and William J. Stone. Which political party did William J. Stone represent? Democratic nomination for governor Did William Goebel win the race? The Assembly then invalidated enough Republican ballots to give the election to Goebel. Was there a voting scandal involving Republican ballots? ruled 2-1 that the disputed ballots should count, Did the Union Labor party have a candidate in this race? I don't know. How many votes did William Goebel win by? 2,383 votes.
Did Goebel have any major ideas that were a platform for his Gubernatorial campaign?
Did Goebel have any major ideas that were a platform for his Gubernatorial campaign?
Three men sought the Democratic nomination for governor at the 1899 party convention in Louisville - Goebel, Wat Hardin, and William J. Stone. When Hardin appeared to be the front-runner for the nomination, Stone and Goebel agreed to work together against him. Stone's supporters would back whomever Goebel picked to preside over the convention. In exchange, half the delegates from Louisville, who were pledged to Goebel, would vote to nominate Stone for governor. Goebel would then drop out of the race, but would name many of the other officials on the ticket. As word of the plan spread, Hardin dropped out of the race, believing he would be beaten by the Stone-Goebel alliance.  Goebel took a calculated risk by breaking the agreement once his choice was installed as presiding officer. Hardin, seeing that Stone had been betrayed and hoping he might now be able to secure the nomination, re-entered the contest. Several chaotic ballots resulted in no clear majority for anyone, and Goebel's hand-picked chairman announced the man with the lowest vote total in the next canvass would be dropped. It turned out to be Stone. This put Stone's backers in a difficult position. They were forced to choose between Hardin, who was seen as a pawn of the railroads, or Goebel, who had turned against their man. Enough of them sided with Goebel to give him the nomination. Goebel's tactics, while not illegal, were unpopular and divided the party. A disgruntled faction calling themselves the "Honest Election Democrats" held a separate convention in Lexington and nominated John Y. Brown for governor.  Republican William S. Taylor defeated both Democratic candidates in the general election, but his margin over Goebel was only 2,383 votes. Democrats in the General Assembly began making accusations of voting irregularities in some counties, but in a surprise decision, the Board of Elections created by the Goebel Election Law and manned by three hand-picked Goebel Democrats, ruled 2-1 that the disputed ballots should count, saying the law gave them no legal power to reverse the official county results and that under the Kentucky Constitution the power to review the election lay in the General Assembly. The Assembly then invalidated enough Republican ballots to give the election to Goebel. The Assembly's Republican minority was incensed, as were voters in traditionally Republican districts. For several days, the state hovered on the brink of a possible civil war. CANNOTANSWER
Goebel's tactics, while not illegal, were unpopular and divided the party.
William Justus Goebel (January 4, 1856 – February 3, 1900) was an American Democratic politician who served as the 34th governor of Kentucky for four days in 1900, having been sworn in on his deathbed a day after being shot by an assassin. Goebel remains the only state governor in the United States to ever be assassinated while in office.

Goebel was born to Wilhelm and Augusta Goebel (), German immigrants from Hanover. He studied at the Hollingsworth Business College in the mid-1870s and became an apprentice in John W. Stevenson's law firm. While Goebel lacked the social qualities like public speaking, which were common to politicians, various authors referred to him as an intellectual man. He served in the Kentucky Senate, campaigning for populist causes like railroad regulation, which won him many allies and supporters.   

In 1895, Goebel engaged in a duel with John Lawrence Sanford, a former Confederate general staff officer turned cashier. According to the witnesses, both men then drew their pistols, but no one was sure who fired first. Sanford was killed; Goebel pled self-defense and was acquitted.   

During the 1899 Kentucky gubernatorial election, Goebel divided his party with his political tactics to win the nomination for governorship at a time when Kentucky Republicans were gaining strength, having elected the party's first governor four years previously. These dynamics led to a close contest between Goebel and William S. Taylor. In the politically chaotic climate that resulted, Goebel won the election, but was assassinated and died three days in office. Everyone charged in connection with the murder was either acquitted or eventually pardoned, and the identity of his assassin remains unknown.

Early life

Heritage and career 
Wilhelm Justus Goebel was born January 4, 1856, in either Sullivan County, Pennsylvania, or Albany Township, Bradford County, Pennsylvania, to Wilhelm and Augusta Goebel (), immigrants from Hanover, Germany. The eldest of the four children, he was born two months premature and weighed less than . His father served as a private in Company B, 82nd Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment during the American Civil War, and Goebel's mother raised her children alone, teaching them much about their German heritage. Wilhelm spoke German until the age of six, but he embraced American culture, adopting the English spelling of his name as "William".

After being discharged from the army in 1863, Goebel's father moved his family to Covington, Kentucky. Goebel attended school in Covington and was then apprenticed to a jeweler in Cincinnati, Ohio. After a brief time at Hollingsworth Business College in mid 1870s, he became an apprentice in the law firm of John W. Stevenson, who had served as governor of Kentucky from 1867 to 1871. Goebel eventually became Stevenson's partner and executor of his estate. Goebel graduated from Cincinnati Law School in 1877, and enrolled at the Kenyon College in Gambier, Ohio, before joining the practice of Kentucky state representative John G. Carlisle. He then rejoined Stevenson in Covington in 1883, after the death of Stevenson's previous partner.

Personal characteristics
According to author James C. Klotter, Goebel was not known as a particularly genial person in public. He belonged to few social organizations and greeted none but his closest friends with a smile or handshake. He was rarely linked romantically with a woman and was the only governor of Kentucky who never married. Journalist Irvin S. Cobb remarked, "I never saw a man who, physically, so closely suggested the reptilian as this man did." Others commented on his "contemptuous" lips, "sharp" nose, and "humorless" eyes. Goebel was not a gifted public speaker, often eschewing flowery imagery and relying on his deep, powerful voice and forceful delivery to drive home his points. Klotter wrote, "When coupled to somewhat demagogic appeals and to an occasional phrase that stirred emotions, this delivery made for an effective speech, but never more than an average one." While lacking in the social qualities common to politicians, one characteristic that served Goebel well in the political arena was his intellect. Goebel was well-read, and supporters and opponents both conceded that his mental prowess was impressive. Cobb concluded that he had never been more impressed with a man's intellect than he had been with Goebel's.

Political career

Kentucky Senate 

In 1887, James William Bryan vacated his seat in the Kentucky Senate to pursue the office of lieutenant governor. Goebel decided to seek election to the vacant seat representing Covington. He campaigned on the platform of railroad regulation and labor causes. Like Stevenson, he insisted on the right of the people to control chartered corporations. The Union Labor Party had risen to power in the area with a platform similar to Goebel's. However, while Goebel had to stick close to his allies in the Democratic Party, the Union Labor Party courted the votes of both Democrats and Republicans and made the election close, which was decided in Goebel's favor by just 56 votes. During his first term as senator, the State Railroad Commission increased to over $3,000,000 tax evaluation on the property of Louisville and Nashville Railroad. A proposal from pro-railroad legislators in the Kentucky House of Representatives to abolish Kentucky's Railroad Commission was passed and sent to the Senate. Cassius Marcellus Clay responded by proposing a committee to investigate lobbying by the railroad industry. Goebel served on the committee, which uncovered significant violations by the railroad lobby. He also helped defeat the bill to abolish the Railroad Commission in the Senate. These actions increased his popularity and he was elected senator unopposed in 1889 for a full term. Goebel was well able to broker deals with fellow lawmakers and was equally able and willing to break the deals if a better deal came along. His tendency to use the state's political machinery to advance his agenda earned him the nickname "William the Conqueror".

Goebel served as a delegate to Kentucky's fourth constitutional convention in 1890, which produced the current Constitution of Kentucky. Despite being a delegate, Goebel showed little interest in participating in the process of creating a new Constitution. The convention was in session for approximately 250 days, but Goebel was present for approximately only 100 days. However, he did secure the inclusion of the Railroad Commission in the new Constitution. As a Constitutional entity, the Commission could only be abolished by an amendment ratified by a popular vote. This effectively protected the Commission from ever being unilaterally dismantled by the General Assembly. Klotter wrote, "Goebel used the constitution as a vehicle to enact laws which he had not been able to pass in the more conservative legislature." Goebel won another term in 1893 by a three-to-one margin over his Republican opponent. By 1894, he had been elected as the President pro tempore of the Kentucky Senate.

Duel with John Sanford

In 1895, Goebel engaged in what many observers considered to be a duel with John Lawrence Sanford. Sanford, a former Confederate general staff officer turned cashier, had clashed with Goebel before. Goebel's successful campaign to remove tolls from some of Kentucky's turnpikes cost Sanford a large amount of money. Many believed that Sanford had blocked Goebel's appointment to the Kentucky Court of Appeals, in retaliation. Incensed, Goebel had written an article in a local newspaper referring to Sanford as "Gonorrhea John." On April 11, 1895, Goebel and two acquaintances went to Covington to cash a check. Goebel suggested they avoid Sanford's bank, but Sanford, standing outside the bank, spoke to the men before they could cross the street to a different bank. Sanford greeted Goebel's friends, offering them his left hand. However, Goebel noticed that Sanford's right hand was on a pistol concealed in his pocket. Having come armed himself, Goebel clutched his revolver in his pocket. Sanford confronted Goebel and said, "I understand that you assume authorship of that article." "I do", replied Goebel.

The shooting took place at 1:30 p.m. According to the witnesses, both men then drew their pistols, but no one was sure which had fired first. One of the witnesses – W. J. Hendricks, the attorney general of Kentucky, said "I don't know who shot first, the shots were so close together." Another witness, Frank P. Helm, said "I was right up against them and really thought at first that I had, myself, been shot." Sanford's bullet passed through Goebel's coat and ripped his trousers, but left him uninjured. Goebel's shot fatally struck Sanford in the head; Sanford died five hours later. Goebel pled self-defense and was acquitted. The acquittal was significant because the Kentucky constitution prohibited dueling. If Goebel had been convicted of dueling, he would have been ineligible to hold any public office. The shooting made Goebel unpopular among Kentucky's Confederate veterans, who also noted his non-southern background and his father's service in the Union army.

Goebel Election Law
Kentucky Democrats, who controlled the General Assembly believed that county election commissioners had been unfair in selecting local election officials, and had contributed to the election of Republican governor William O. Bradley in 1895. Goebel proposed a bill, known as the "Goebel Election Law", which passed along strict party lines and over Governor Bradley's veto, created a three-member state election commission, appointed by the General Assembly, to choose the county election commissioners. It allowed the Democratic-controlled General Assembly to appoint only Democrats to the election commission. Many voters decried the bill as a self-serving attempt by Goebel to increase his political power, and the election board remained a controversial issue until its abolition in a special session of the legislature in 1900. Goebel became the subject of much opposition from constituencies of both parties in Kentucky after the passage of the law.

Gubernatorial election of 1899

In 1896, when William Jennings Bryan electrified the Democratic National Convention with his Cross of Gold speech and won the nomination for president, many delegates from Kentucky bolted the convention. Various Kentuckian politicians believed that free silver was a populist idea, and it did not belong to the Democratic Party. Subsequently, Republican William McKinley won the 1896 presidential election, carrying Kentucky. Author Nicholas C. Burckel believed that this set the stage for "horripilating gubernatorial election of 1899". Three men sought the Democratic nomination for governor at the 1899 party convention in Louisville – Goebel, Parker Watkins Hardin, and William Johnson Stone. When Hardin appeared to be the front-runner for the nomination, Stone and Goebel agreed to work together against him. They concluded that Stone's supporters would endorse whomever Goebel picked to preside over the convention. In exchange, half the delegates from Louisville, who were pledged to Goebel, would vote to nominate Stone. Goebel would then drop out of the race, but would name many of the other officials on the ticket. Both men agreed that, should one of them be defeated or withdraw from the race, they would encourage their delegates to vote for the other rather than support Hardin. As word of the plan spread, Hardin dropped out of the race, believing he would be beaten by the Stone–Goebel alliance. When the convention convened on June 24, several chaotic ballots resulted in no clear majority for anyone, and Goebel's hand-picked chairman announced the man with the lowest vote total in the next canvass would be dropped, which turned out to be Stone. This put Stone's supporters in a difficult position, and were forced to choose between Hardin, who was seen as a pawn of the railroads, or Goebel. Enough of them sided with Goebel to give him the nomination. Goebel's tactics, while not illegal, were unpopular and divided the party. A disgruntled faction calling themselves the "Honest Election Democrats" held a separate convention in Lexington and nominated John Y. Brown as their gubernatorial candidate. 

Republican William S. Taylor defeated both Democratic candidates in the general election, but his margin over Goebel was only 2,383 votes. Democrats in the General Assembly began making accusations of voting irregularities in some counties, but in a surprise decision, the Board of Elections created by the Goebel Election Law, manned by three hand-picked pro-Goebel Democrats, ruled 2–1 that the disputed ballots should count, saying the law gave them no legal power to reverse the official county results and that under the Kentucky Constitution the power to review the election lay in the General Assembly. The Assembly then invalidated enough Republican ballots to give the election to Goebel. The Assembly's Republican minority was incensed, as were voters in traditionally Republican districts. For several days, the state hovered on the brink of a possible civil war.

Assassination and legacy

Shooting and death 
While the election results remained in dispute, Goebel, despite being warned of a rumored assassination plot against him, walked flanked by two bodyguards to the Old State Capitol on the morning of January 30, 1900. Reports conflict about what happened, but some five or six shots were fired from the nearby State Building, one striking Goebel in the chest and wounding him seriously. Taylor, serving as governor pending a final decision on the election, called out the militia and ordered the General Assembly into a special session in London, Kentucky – a Republican area. The Republican minority obeyed the call and went to London. Democrats resisted the move, many going instead to Louisville. Both groups claimed authority, but the Republicans were too few to muster a quorum. That evening, the day after being shot, Goebel was sworn in as governor. In his only act, Goebel signed a proclamation to dissolve the militia called up by Taylor, which was ignored by the militia's Republican commander. Despite the care of 18 physicians, Goebel died the afternoon of February 3, 1900. Journalists recalled his last words as "Tell my friends to be brave, fearless, and loyal to the common people." Skeptic Irvin S. Cobb uncovered another story from some in the room at the time. On having eaten his last meal, the governor supposedly remarked "Doc, that was a damned bad oyster." Goebel remains the only American governor ever assassinated while in office. In respect of Goebel's displeasure with the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, his body was transported not by the L&N direct line, but circuitously from his hometown of Covington north across the Ohio River to Cincinnati, and then south to Frankfort on the Queen and Crescent Railroad.

After Goebel's death, amid controversy, the Kentucky Court of Appeals ruled that the General Assembly had acted legally in declaring Goebel the winner of the election. That decision was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States. Arguments were presented in the case Taylor v. Beckham on April 30, 1900, but on May 21, the justices decided 8–1 not to hear the case, allowing the Court of Appeals' decision to stand. Goebel's lieutenant governor J. C. W. Beckham ascended to the governorship.

Trials, investigations, and legacy 
During the ensuing assassination investigation, suspicion naturally focused on deposed governor Taylor, who fled to Indianapolis, under the looming threat of indictment. The governor of Indiana refused to extradite Taylor, and he was thus never questioned about his knowledge of the plot to kill Goebel. Taylor was later pardoned in 1909 by Beckham's successor, Republican governor Augustus E. Willson. Sixteen people, including Taylor, were eventually indicted in Goebel's assassination. Three accepted immunity from prosecution in exchange for testimony. Only five ever went to trial, two of those being acquitted. Convictions were handed down against Taylor's Secretary of State Caleb Powers, Henry Youtsey, and Jim Howard. The prosecution charged that Powers was the mastermind, having a political opponent killed so that Taylor could stay in office. Youtsey was an alleged intermediary, and Howard, who was said to have been in Frankfort to seek a pardon from Taylor for the killing of a man in a family feud, was accused of being the actual assassin. Republican appeal courts overturned Powers' and Howard's convictions, though Powers was tried three more times, resulting in two convictions and a hung jury, and Howard was tried and convicted twice more. Both men were pardoned in 1908 by Willson. Youtsey, who received a life imprisonment, did not appeal, but after two years in prison, he turned state's evidence. In Howard's second trial, Youtsey claimed that Taylor had discussed an assassination plot with Youtsey and Howard. He backed the prosecution's claims that Taylor and Powers worked out the details, he acted as an intermediary, and Howard fired the shot. On cross-examination, the defense pointed out contradictions in the details of Youtsey's story, but Howard was still convicted. Youtsey was paroled in 1916 and was pardoned in 1919 by Democratic governor James D. Black. Of those allegedly involved in the killing: Taylor died in 1928; Powers died in 1932; Youtsey died in 1942. Most historians agree that the identity of the assassin of Goebel is unclear. Goebel Avenue in Elkton, Kentucky, and Goebel Park in Covington, Kentucky are named in Goebel's honor.

See also 

 History of Kentucky
 List of assassinated American politicians
 List of unsolved murders

Notes

References

Works cited

Further reading

 

1856 births
1900 deaths
1900 murders in the United States
19th-century American politicians
American people of German descent
Assassinated American politicians
Burials at Frankfort Cemetery
Deaths by firearm in Kentucky
Democratic Party state governors of the United States
American duellists
Governors of Kentucky
Kentucky Democrats
Kentucky state senators
Kenyon College alumni
Male murder victims
People from Carbondale, Pennsylvania
People murdered in Kentucky
Populism in the United States
University of Cincinnati alumni
Unsolved murders in the United States
Parker Watkins ("Wat") Hardin (June 3, 1841 – July 25, 1920) was a politician from the U.S. state of Kentucky. From 1879 to 1888, he served as Attorney General of Kentucky. He was an unsuccessful candidate for Governor of Kentucky in 1891, 1895 and 1899.

Early life
Parker Watkins Hardin was born in Adair County, Kentucky. He was the second child of Parker C. and Carolina (Watkins) Hardin. His father was the nephew of Congressman Benjamin Hardin and served in the Kentucky Senate from 1840 to 1848. Known to friends as "P. Wat," "Watt," "P. W.," "Parker," and sometimes "Polly Wolly", the younger Hardin was educated in the schools of Adair County, then studied law with his father.

In December 1864, Hardin married Mary E. Sallee. The couple had four children. The following year, he was admitted to the bar of Columbia, the county seat of Adair County. He formed a law partnership with his brother, Charles A. Hardin, in the city of Harrodsburg, Kentucky.

Political career
Hardin's political career began in 1865 when he was elected city attorney for the city of Danville, Kentucky. In 1879, state Democrats nominated him for attorney general. A polished orator, he stumped for Democratic gubernatorial candidate Luke P. Blackburn when Blackburn became ill during the campaign. Despite Blackburn's illness, the entire Democratic slate was elected.

Hardin was re-nominated in 1883 on a Democratic slate that included J. Proctor Knott for governor against Republican Thomas Z. Morrow. Morrow's brother-in-law, William O. Bradley, was one of the Republican Party's strongest speakers, and he vigorously attacked the record of previous Democratic administrations, particularly that of Governor Blackburn. Hardin defended Blackburn's administration in a speech that drew heavy praise from Louisville Courier-Journal editor Henry Watterson. Watterson reprinted Hardin's entire speech in the Courier-Journal. Once again, the entire Democratic slate was elected by a large majority.

Gubernatorial election of 1891
Hardin was re-elected as attorney general 1887. In 1891, he was one of four men who sought the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. The others were ex-Confederate John Y. Brown, Cassius Clay, Jr. (nephew of the noted abolitionist), and Dr. John Daniel Clardy, a member of Kentucky's Farmers' Alliance. In the Democratic nominating convention, Brown led the field with 275 votes to Clay's 264, Clardy's 190, and Hardin's 186. Clay and Clardy split the votes of the state's agricultural interests, while Hardin and Clardy divided the free silver votes.

The vote count changed little over the next nine ballots, although Hardin moved ahead of Clardy. After the tenth ballot, the convention chair announced that the candidate with the fewest votes would be dropped. That turned out to be Clardy, and his delegates split their votes nearly equally among the remaining three candidates. On the next vote, Hardin was dropped. His delegates supported Brown, who won the nomination on the thirteenth ballot. Brown went on to win the governorship over candidates from the Republican, Populist, and Prohibition parties.

Gubernatorial election of 1895
Democrats entered the 1895 gubernatorial election badly split over the question of free silver. Party leaders John G. Carlisle, Henry Watterson, and William Lindsay were all advocates of sound money principles. At the party's nominating convention, these leaders succeeded in getting the party to adopt a platform that included a sound money plank. Nevertheless, the delegates chose Hardin, a free silver supporter, as their gubernatorial candidate over Cassius Clay, Jr., a sound money supporter. Historian James C. Klotter attributes the choice of Hardin to the candidate's overwhelming personal popularity.

Seeing the split in the Democratic ranks over the money question, Republicans, having never won the governorship of Kentucky before, put forth their strongest candidate, William O. Bradley, to oppose Hardin. The Populist Party also put forth a strong candidate, Thomas Pettit of Owensboro. The major party candidates agreed to a series of debates across the state. The first debate was held in Louisville on August 19, 1895. Hardin opened the debate with an attack on the Republican Party for its "carpetbagger despotism" during Reconstruction. Though pro-Southern oratory had long been a campaign tactic of Democratic candidates, Hardin was shocked by a heckler who cried out "The war is over; give us something else." The comment shocked Hardin, and the rest of his performance in the debate was affected. Even sympathetic newspapers admitted that his usual glowing oratory had failed him.

Despite the official party platform in favor of the gold standard, Hardin threw his support to the free silver position early in the race, believing he needed to do so to keep the party's rural agrarians from bolting to the Republicans. The strategy backfired as conservative Democrats abandoned the party. Sitting Democratic governor Brown refused to campaign for Hardin, and the Populist Party also ran Thomas S. Pettit, who siphoned off votes for Hardin. Republican Bradley also gained some Democratic votes from the American Protective Association, a secret fraternal group opposed to Catholics and immigrants. In the general election, Hardin lost to Bradley 172,436 to 163,524.

Gubernatorial election of 1899

Hardin was among three men who sought the Democratic gubernatorial nomination in 1899. The others were former congressman William Johnson Stone and state senator William Goebel. Hardin was the early favorite to win the nomination. He was supported by the powerful Louisville and Nashville (L&N) Railroad and by Louisville political boss John Henry Whallen. His free silver views helped him with the state's populist voters, but Stone, from rural western Kentucky, was also courting those voters. Stone had an additional advantage among this group because he was not associated with a large corporation like the L&N. Goebel primarily had his support among the state's urban areas.

Just prior to the nominating convention, representatives for Goebel and Stone met to negotiate a deal whereby they could overcome the front-runner, Hardin. Goebel agreed to instruct half of his delegates from Louisville to vote for Stone in exchange for Stone's support of his choice of convention chairman. The two sides further agreed that if their candidate was defeated or withdrew, their delegates would support the other and not Hardin.

The convention opened on June 21, 1899 in Louisville's Music Hall. Stone supporter Ollie M. James nominated Judge David B. Redwine for chairman. When Urey Woodson, a Goebel supporter, seconded the nomination, the deal between the two men became apparent to all. Hardin supporters nominated William H. Sweeney of Marion County, but Sweeney was defeated by a vote of 551 to 529. Hardin incurred a further disadvantage when only four of his supporters were named to the thirteen-member committee on credentials. This committee would decide which delegates would be allowed to vote from delegations that were contested.

The following day, the credentials committee issued its report, which shifted 159 votes from Hardin to Goebel and Stone. Chairman Redwine only allowed uncontested delegations to vote on the committee's report, which was approved 441 to 328. This series of procedural defeats discouraged Hardin, and he announced his withdrawal from the race. As voting began, some Hardin delegates refused to acknowledge his withdrawal and voted for him anyway. When the Louisville delegation voted, they cast all their votes for Goebel instead of splitting them with Stone, as had been agreed earlier by the two men. At the end of the balloting, the vote was 520 for Goebel, 428 for Stone, and 126 for Hardin.

Seeing the collapse of the Stone-Goebel deal, Hardin supporters returned to their candidate on the second ballot, and they were joined by some outraged Stone supporters and even some of Goebel's delegates who were angered by his turnabout. The result of the second ballot was 395 for Stone, 359 for Hardin, and 330 for Goebel. Ten more ballots were taken before the convention adjourned for the day. The voting on the last ballot was 376 for Stone, 365 for Hardin, and 346 for Goebel.

The delegates did not convene on June 23 (a Sunday), but gathered to resume voting on Monday, June 24. The hall was packed with delegates and non-delegates; angered by Goebel's tactics and Redwine's biased rulings, both groups sang, shouted, and blew horns to disrupt the proceedings. Redwine attempted to take a roll call vote, but the noise made communication nearly impossible. Many delegations refused to vote under such conditions. Redwine announced a vote of 352 for Goebel, 261 for Stone, and 67 for Hardin, and declared Goebel the winner because he received a majority of the votes cast. Goebel declined to accept the nomination with anything less than a majority of the delegates present. Unable to proceed further, the convention adjourned for the day.

When the delegates gathered on June 25, both Stone and Hardin called for the convention to adjourn sine die, but Redwine ruled the motion out of order. This decision was appealed, but Redwine ruled the appeal out of order. The raucous delegates promised not to disrupt the proceedings and accept the result of the day's voting. Seven more ballots were cast, and the vote stood at 398 for Stone, 355 for Hardin, and 328 for Goebel. Finally, the delegates adopted a resolution to drop the candidate with the fewest votes after the twenty-fifth ballot. The result of this ballot was 389 for Goebel, 382 for Hardin, and 319 for Stone. Stone was dropped, and on the next ballot, Goebel was nominated by a vote of 561 to 529.

Following the convention, Hardin made no comment on Goebel or his nomination by the convention. Some discontent delegates began calls for a new convention, although there is no evidence that Hardin or Stone directly played any part in the organization of such a convention. Neither Hardin nor Stone gave Goebel much active support in the governor's race, and the election was won by Republican William S. Taylor.

Later life
Hardin died of pneumonia in Richmond, Virginia at the age of 79. He was buried in Frankfort Cemetery in Frankfort, Kentucky.

References

Kentucky Attorneys General
Kentucky Democrats
Kentucky lawyers
People from Adair County, Kentucky
Burials at Frankfort Cemetery
Deaths from pneumonia in Virginia
1841 births
1920 deaths
19th-century American lawyers The 1899 Kentucky gubernatorial election was held on November 7, 1899, to choose the 33rd governor of Kentucky. The incumbent, Republican William O'Connell Bradley, was term-limited and unable to seek re-election.

After a contentious and chaotic nominating convention at the Music Hall in Louisville, the Democratic Party chose state Senator William Goebel as its nominee. A dissident faction of the party, styling themselves the "Honest Election Democrats", were angered by Goebel's political tactics at the Music Hall convention and later held their own nominating convention. They chose former governor John Y. Brown as their nominee. Republicans nominated state Attorney General William S. Taylor, although Governor Bradley favored another candidate and lent Taylor little support in the ensuing campaign. In the general election, Taylor won by a vote of 193,714 to 191,331. Brown garnered 12,040 votes, more than the difference between Taylor and Goebel. The election results were challenged on grounds of voter fraud, but surprisingly, the state Board of Elections, created by a law Goebel had sponsored and stocked with pro-Goebel commissioners, certified Taylor's victory.

An incensed Democratic majority in the Kentucky General Assembly created a committee to investigate the charges of voter fraud, even as armed citizens from heavily Republican eastern Kentucky poured into the state capital under auspices of keeping Democrats from stealing the election. Before the investigative committee could report, Goebel was shot by an unknown assassin while entering the state capitol on January 30, 1900. As Goebel lay in a nearby hotel being treated for his wounds, the committee issued its report recommending that the General Assembly invalidate enough votes to give the election to Goebel. The report was accepted, Taylor was deposed, and Goebel was sworn into office on January 31. He died three days later on February 2.

Lieutenant Governor J. C. W. Beckham ascended to the office of governor, and he and Taylor waged a protracted court battle over the governorship. Beckham won the case on appeal, and Taylor fled to Indiana to escape prosecution as an accomplice in Goebel's murder. A total of sixteen people were charged in connection with the assassination. Five went to trial; two of those were acquitted. Each of the remaining three were convicted in trials fraught with irregularities and were eventually pardoned by subsequent governors. The identity of Goebel's assassin remains a mystery.

Background
In the 1895 gubernatorial election, Kentucky elected its first-ever Republican governor, William O. Bradley. Bradley was able to capitalize both on divisions within the Democratic Party over the issue of Free Silver and on the presence of a strong third-party candidate, Populist Thomas S. Pettit, to secure victory in the general election by just under 9,000 votes. This election marked the beginning of nearly thirty years of true, two-party competition in Kentucky politics.

A powerful Democratic foe of Bradley had begun his rise to power in the Kentucky Senate. Kenton County's William Goebel became the leader of a new group of young Democrats who were seen as enemies of large corporations, particularly the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, and friends of the working man. Goebel was known as aloof and calculating. Unmarried and with few close friends of either gender, he was singularly driven by political power.

Goebel was chosen president pro tem of the Senate for the 1898 legislative session. On February 1, 1898, he sponsored a measure later called the Goebel Election Law. The law created a Board of Election Commissioners, appointed by the General Assembly, who were responsible for choosing election commissioners in all of Kentucky's counties and were empowered to decide disputed elections. Because the General Assembly was heavily Democratic, the law was attacked as blatantly partisan and self-serving to Goebel; it was opposed even by some Democrats. Nevertheless, Goebel was able to hold enough members of his party together to override Governor Bradley's veto, making the bill law. As leader of the party, Goebel essentially hand-picked the members of the Election Commission. He chose three staunch Democrats—W. S. Pryor, former chief justice of the Kentucky Court of Appeals; W. T. Ellis, former U. S. Representative from Daviess County; and C. B. Poyntz, former head of the state railroad commission. Republicans organized a test case against the law, but the Court of Appeals found it constitutional.

Democratic nominating convention
Three Democratic candidates had announced intentions to run for governor in 1899—Goebel, former Kentucky Attorney General P. Wat Hardin, and former congressman William J. Stone. Hardin, a native of Mercer County, had the backing of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. Lyon County's Stone had the backing of the state's agricultural interests. Goebel generally had the backing of urban voters. Going into the party's nominating convention, Hardin was the favorite to win the nomination. Knowing that combining forces was the only way to prevent Hardin's nomination, representatives of Goebel and Stone met on June 19, 1899, to work out a deal. According to Urey Woodson, a Goebel representative at the meeting, the two sides signed an agreement whereby half of the Louisville delegation, which was committed to Goebel, would vote for Stone. Both men agreed that, should one of them be defeated or withdraw from the race, they would encourage their delegates to vote for the other rather than support Hardin.

The Democratic nominating convention began on June 20, at the Music Hall on Market Street in Louisville. The first order of business was to nominate a convention chairman. Ollie M. James, a supporter of Stone, nominated Judge David Redwine. When Woodson seconded the nomination, the deal between Stone and Goebel became apparent to all. Hardin supporters nominated William H. Sweeney, but the Stone-Goebel alliance elected Redwine. The membership of several county delegations was challenged; these cases would be decided by the credentials committee. This committee was also stacked against Hardin; his supporters made up just four of the thirteen members. Prolonged deliberations by the credentials committee caused the delegates to become restless, and hundreds of people—both delegates and non-delegates—entered the Music Hall attempting to disrupt the convention. When Redwine summoned Louisville city police to the hall to maintain order, Hardin supporters accused him of using intimidation tactics. The credentials committee finally issued its report on June 23. Of the twenty-eight cases where delegates were contested, twenty-six of them were decided in favor of Goebel or Stone supporters.

Formal nominations began the following day. Hardin felt as though he had been cheated and withdrew his candidacy, although some loyal delegates continued to vote for him. Delegate John Stockdale Rhea nominated Stone. Stone believed his agreement with Goebel meant, with Hardin's withdrawal, Goebel would instruct his delegates to vote for Stone, maintaining a unified party. That understanding vanished when another delegate nominated Goebel. Stone was further incensed when all of the Louisville delegation voted for Goebel instead of being split between Stone and Goebel, as the two men had previously agreed. In retaliation, some Stone supporters began to back Hardin. Seeing the breakdown of the Stone-Goebel alliance, Hardin reversed his withdrawal. After numerous ballots, the convention was deadlocked on the night of June 24 with each candidate receiving about one-third of the votes. No deliberations were held on Sunday, June 25, and when the delegates reconvened on Monday, June 26, the hall was filled with police per Redwine's request. Rhea requested that the police be removed to prevent intimidation, but Redwine ruled the motion out of order. Another delegate appealed Redwine's decision, and, in violation of parliamentary rule, Redwine ruled the appeal out of order. Angered by Redwine's obviously biased rulings, delegates for Stone and Hardin then began trying to disrupt the convention by blowing horns, singing, yelling, and standing on chairs. Although voting was attempted, many delegates abstained because they were unable to hear and understand what was going on. When the voting—such as it was—ended, the chair announced that Goebel had a majority of the votes cast, but Goebel sent word to Redwine that he would accept the nomination only if he received an absolute majority of the delegates. Further attempts to vote were likewise disrupted, and the meeting adjourned for the day.

On the morning of June 27, the hall was orderly. Stone and Hardin both called for the convention to adjourn sine die. Again, Redwine ruled this motion and the subsequent appeal of his decision out of order. Leaders for Stone and Hardin announced they would not disrupt the proceedings as they had the previous day and that they would abide by the convention's decision. As voting proceeded, Stone and Hardin unsuccessfully tried to form an alliance against Goebel, and the balloting was deadlocked for twenty-four consecutive ballots. The delegates agreed to drop the third-place candidate on the next ballot; that turned out to be Stone. The votes of the urban centers, previously divided between Stone and Goebel, now went entirely to Goebel, while the rural western counties that had supported Stone went to Hardin. The vote remained close, but as the alphabetical roll call proceeded, Goebel secured the votes of Stone's Union County delegation, giving him the nomination. Following the vote, Hardin and Stone leaders pledged their support to Goebel, though some did so in qualified terms. For lieutenant governor, the Democrats nominated J. C. W. Beckham who, at age 29, was not yet legally old enough to assume the governorship if called on to do so. Goebel questioned the selection of Beckham because Beckham's native Nelson County had voted for Hardin and was largely controlled by political boss Ben Johnson, but Goebel's allies convinced him that Beckham would be loyal to his program. Among the other nominees was ex-Confederate soldier Robert J. Breckinridge, Jr., for attorney general. This nomination helped placate the numerous ex-Confederates in the party, since Goebel's father had fought for the Union. It was not enough, however, to persuade Breckinridge's brother, former congressman W. C. P. Breckinridge, to support the ticket.

Republican nominating convention
Potential Republican gubernatorial candidates were initially few. Some were not interested in being on the defense against the inevitable Democratic attacks on the Bradley administration. Still others were intimidated by the prospect of being defeated by the machinery of the Goebel Election Law. Party leaders were encouraged, however, by the deep Democratic divisions at the Music Hall Convention. Sitting attorney general William S. Taylor was the first to announce his candidacy and soon secured the support of Republican senator William Deboe. Later candidates included Hopkins County judge Clifton J. Pratt and sitting state Auditor Sam H. Stone. The former was the choice of Governor Bradley, while the latter was supported by Lexington Herald editor Sam J. Roberts. Taylor, like Goebel, was a skilled political organizer. He was able to create a strong political machine amongst the county delegations and seemed the favorite to win the nomination.

The Republican nominating convention convened on July 12 in Lexington, Kentucky. Angry that his party had not more seriously considered his candidate, Governor Bradley did not attend. Black leaders in the party threatened to follow Bradley and organize their own nominating convention, as they believed Taylor represented the "lily-white" branch of the party. Taylor attempted to hold the party together by making one of the black leaders permanent secretary of the convention and promising to appoint other black leaders to his cabinet if elected. He also tried to bring Bradley back to the convention by promising to nominate Bradley's nephew, Edwin P. Morrow, for secretary of state. Bradley refused the offer. In the face of Taylor's superior organization, Auditor Stone announced that he desired to see a united party and moved that Taylor be nominated unanimously; Judge Pratt seconded the motion. Other notable nominations were John Marshall for lieutenant governor, Caleb Powers for secretary of state, and Judge Pratt for attorney general.

"Honest Election Democrats"
Some Democrats remained unsatisfied with the outcome of the Music Hall Convention. After a period of silence, candidate William Stone publicly detailed the arrangement he believed he had with Goebel and how Goebel had broken it. Although Goebel's allies attempted to defend him against the charges, Stone's story was soon corroborated by former congressman W. C. Owens. Owens called on Democrats to vote for the Republican candidate, and to do so in such large numbers that no amount of political wrangling by Goebel could give him the governorship.

A group of Louisville Democrats, supporters of U. S. Senator Jo Blackburn, made the first formal calls for a new convention. A short time after, a large meeting at Mount Sterling gave the movement a definite form. They called for a meeting in Lexington on August 2 to organize the details of a new convention. At subsequent mass meetings, it was announced that former governor John Y. Brown would accept the nomination of a second convention, should one be held. As Brown had been thought to be a supporter of Goebel, this announcement caused no small stir among Democrats. Representatives of sixty counties attended the August 2 meeting in Lexington. Resolutions endorsing the Democratic platform from the 1896 Democratic National Convention and the candidacy of William Jennings Bryan in 1900 were adopted. Then, ex-governor Brown addressed the crowd. Finally, the representatives agreed to a nominating convention to be held on August 16.

Representatives from 108 of Kentucky's 120 counties attended the convention. Among the attendees were the editors of the Lexington Herald, Louisville Evening Post, and Louisville Dispatch, former congressman Owens, former Speaker of the Kentucky House of Representatives Harvey Myers, Jr., and political bosses William Mackoy, John Whallen, and Theodore Hallam. The convention nominated an entire slate of candidates for state office, with former governor Brown at the head. They also put forward a platform condemning the Music Hall Convention, the Goebel Election Law, and the presidential administration of William McKinley.

Campaign
Goebel's campaign staff included Senator Jo Blackburn, former governor James B. McCreary, and political boss Percy Haly. Goebel opened his campaign on August 12 in Mayfield, a city in the heavily Democratic Jackson Purchase region of the state. He attacked the Louisville and Nashville Railroad and charged that wealthy corporate interests from outside the state were attempting to influence the choice of Kentucky's governor.

Taylor opened his campaign on August 22 in London, a Republican stronghold in eastern Kentucky. Among his supporters were Senator Deboe, Congressman Samuel Pugh, Caleb Powers, and former Republican gubernatorial candidate Thomas Z. Morrow (who was also the brother-in-law of Governor Bradley). Taylor stressed the economic prosperity brought about during the McKinley administration. He reminded the crowd that the Republicans had not supported the enslavement of blacks and stated they would not now support what he called the "political enslavement" that would result from electing Goebel.

Brown opened his campaign in Bowling Green on August 26. Because of his age and ill health, he made no more than one speech per week. Nevertheless, he toured the Commonwealth, questioning the sincerity of Goebel's Free Silver views. He continued to attack the Music Hall Convention, asking whether past great Democrats such as John C. Breckinridge and Lazarus W. Powell would have supported the events that took place there. He also derided the Goebel Election Law as creating an oligarchy. Brown's limited appearances were supplemented by speeches from his supporters.

Although ex-Confederates were generally a safe voting bloc for Democrats, Goebel could not heavily rely on them because of his father's ties to the Union. Also, in 1895, Goebel had killed John Sanford, an ex-Confederate, in a duel stemming from a personal dispute between the two men. This made him particularly odious to Brown supporter Theodore Hallum, a friend of Sanford's, who said of Goebel at a campaign rally in Bowling Green "[W]hen the Democratic Party of Kentucky, in convention assembled, sees fit in its wisdom to nominate a yellow dog for the governorship of this great state, I will support him—but lower than that you shall not drag me." Goebel tried to mitigate his lukewarm support from ex-Confederates by courting the black vote, long given to the Republicans, though he had to do so carefully to avoid further alienating his own party base. Unlike other Democrats, Goebel had not voted on the Separate Coach Bill, a law that required blacks and whites to use segregated railroad facilities. Most blacks opposed the bill, and Goebel tried to remain silent on the issue, but when pressed, he admitted in a campaign event in Cloverport that he supported the bill and would oppose its repeal. Likewise, Taylor had tried to dodge the issue of the Separate Coach Bill to avoid upsetting the "lily white" branch of his party, but a week after Goebel took a position in favor of the bill, Taylor came out against it. This marked a turning point in the campaign, as blacks, at first cool toward Taylor, now actively supported him.

The dying Populist Party had also nominated a full slate of candidates for state offices, eroding some of Goebel's populist base. Although the Populist Party platform was similar to Goebel's, it also explicitly condemned the Goebel Election Law. Thomas Pettit, the Populist candidate from the 1895 gubernatorial election, campaigned for Goebel, but many of the other leaders in the party did not. With his support slipping on every side, Goebel appealed to William Jennings Bryan to come to the state and campaign for him. Known as "the Great Commoner", Bryan was immensely popular with Kentuckians, particularly Democrats and Populists. After refusing initial requests, Bryan finally came to the state and, in three days, crisscrossed the state with Goebel to stir up support. Bryan's visit helped solidify Democrats behind Goebel and took significant support from the Brown ticket.

No sooner had Bryan left the state than Governor Bradley reversed course and began stumping for Taylor. Though he insisted he only wanted to defend his administration from Democratic attacks, Louisville Courier-Journal editor Henry Watterson suggested that Bradley was seeking to enlist Taylor's support for his anticipated senatorial bid. Bradley kicked off his tour of the state in Louisville, charging that Democrats had to import an orator for their candidate because all the state's best men had deserted him. As evidence, he cited Goebel's lack of support from Democrat John G. Carlisle, his former ally, as well as Senator William Lindsay, W. C. P. Breckinridge, John Y. Brown, Theodore Hallum, W. C. Owens, Wat Hardin, and William Stone. He also encouraged blacks not to desert the Republican Party. He contrasted his appointments of blacks to his cabinet with the Democrats' support of the Separate Coach Bill. Bradley and Republican leader (and later governor) Augustus E. Willson toured the state on behalf of the Republican ticket, often drawing crowds larger than those assembled for Taylor.

In the final two weeks of the campaign, Brown was injured in an accident and became a wheelchair user. This was a severe blow to an already faltering campaign, and it became clear the race would primarily be between Goebel and Taylor. Both men spent the last days of the campaign in Louisville, knowing that, with its sizable population, it would be key to the election. Goebel continued his attack on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, supporting striking laborers from the railroad and charging that the Republican party was controlled by trusts. Both Republicans and Democrats warned of the possibility that election fraud and violence would be perpetrated by the other side. Louisville mayor Charles P. Weaver, a Goebel Democrat, added 500 recruits to the city's police force just before the election, leading to charges that voter intimidation would occur in that city. Governor Bradley countered by ordering the state militia to be ready to quell any disturbances across the state. On election day, the headline of the Courier-Journal proclaimed "BAYONET Rule".

Election and aftermath
For all the claims about the potential for violence, election day, November 7, remained mostly calm across the state. Fewer than a dozen people were arrested statewide. Voting returns were slow, and on election night, the race was still too close to call. When the official tally was announced, Taylor had won by a vote of 193,714 to 191,331. Brown had garnered 12,040 votes, and Populist candidate Blair had captured 2,936. Had Goebel been able to win the votes that went to either of the third party candidates, he could have saved the election for the Democrats. Charges of fraud began even before the official returns were announced. In Nelson County, 1,200 ballots listed the Republican candidate as "W. P. Taylor" instead of "W. S. Taylor"; Democrats claimed these votes should be invalidated. In Knox and Johnson counties, voters complained of "thin tissue ballots" that allowed the voter's choices to be seen through them. One Democratic political boss even called for the entire Louisville vote to be invalidated because the state militia had intimidated voters there. (Taylor had won by about 3,000 votes in Louisville.)

Republicans gained an early victory when the Court of Appeals ruled that the Nelson County vote should stand. The final result of the election, however, would be decided by the Board of Elections, created by the Goebel Election Law. Newspapers across the state, both Democratic and Republican, called for the board's decision to be accepted as final. Tensions grew as the date for the board's hearings drew near, and small bands of armed men from heavily Republican eastern Kentucky began to arrive in Frankfort, the state capital. Just before the board's decision was announced, the number of armed mountain men was estimated at 500. Although the board was thought to be controlled by Goebel, it rendered a surprise 2–1 decision to let the announced vote tally stand. The board's majority opinion claimed they did not have any judicial power and were thus unable to hear proof or swear witnesses. Taylor was inaugurated on December 12, 1899. Democrats were outraged; party leaders met on December 14 and called on Goebel and Beckham to contest the election. Goebel had been inclined to let the result stand and seek a seat in the U. S. Senate in 1901, but he heeded the wishes of his party's leaders and contested the board's decision.

Allie Young, chairman of the state Democratic Party, called a caucus of the Democratic members of the General Assembly to be held on January 1, 1900. As a result of the caucus, J. C. S. Blackburn was nominated for a seat in the U. S. Senate, Goebel was nominated as president pro tem of the Kentucky Senate, and South Trimble was nominated as speaker of the House. When the General Assembly convened, each Democratic nominee was elected, the party possessing heavy majorities in both houses. Lieutenant Governor Marshall presented a list of committees to the Senate, but that body voted 19–17 to set aside this list and approve a list provided by Goebel instead. Similarly, in the House, the list of committees presented by Speaker Trimble and approved by that body enumerated forty committees, none of them with a Republican majority.

Goebel's and Beckham's challenges to the election results were received by the General Assembly on January 2. The following day, the Assembly appointed a contest committee to investigate the allegations contained in the challenges, voter fraud and illegal military intimidation of voters among them. The members of the committee were drawn at random, although the drawing was likely rigged—only one Republican joined ten Democrats on the committee. (Chance dictated that the committee should have contained four or five Republicans.) The joint committee on the rules recommended that the contest committee report at the pleasure of the General Assembly, that debate was limited once the findings were presented, and that the report be voted on in a joint session of the Assembly. The rules further provided that the speaker of the House would preside over this joint session instead of the lieutenant governor, as was customary. The Republican minority fought these provisions, but the Democratic majority passed them over their opposition.

Goebel's assassination
Republicans around the state expected the committee to recommend disqualification of enough ballots to make Goebel governor. Additional armed men from eastern Kentucky filled the capital. Taylor, recognizing that the slightest incident could lead to violence, ordered the men home, and many of them complied. Still, two or three hundred remained, awaiting the election committee's findings. Others remained as witnesses set to testify before the contest committee. Some of these Republican witnesses were arrested by local police, who were mostly Goebel partisans. Governor Taylor issued pardons for some of them, citing their claims the police had robbed them upon their arrest. To avoid arrest for carrying a concealed weapon, many of the Republican partisans began wearing their guns openly, adding to the tensions in the city, but effectively reducing the number of arrests by local police.

On the morning of January 30, as Goebel and two friends walked toward the capitol building, a shot rang out, and Goebel fell wounded. He was taken to a nearby hotel to be treated for his wounds. Soldiers filled the streets and blocked entrance to the capitol. Defiantly, the contest committee met in Frankfort's city hall. By a strictly party-line vote, they adopted a majority report that claimed Goebel and Beckham had received the most legitimate votes and should be installed in their respective offices.

A little over an hour after the committee's meeting, Governor Taylor declared a state of insurrection and called out the state militia. He called the legislature into special session, not in Frankfort, but in heavily Republican London, which he insisted was a safer location. Defiant Democratic legislators refused to heed the call to London, but when they attempted to convene first in the state capitol and later in other public locations in Frankfort, they found the doors barred by armed citizens. On January 31, 1900, they convened secretly in a Frankfort hotel, with no Republicans present, and voted to certify the findings of the contest committee, invalidating enough votes to make Goebel governor. Goebel was sworn in, and immediately ordered the state militia to stand down. He also ordered the General Assembly to reconvene in Frankfort. The Republican militia refused to disband, and a rival Democratic militia formed across the lawn of the state capitol. Civil war seemed possible.

Taylor apprised President McKinley of the situation in Kentucky. He stopped short of asking for intervention by federal troops, and McKinley assured a delegation of Kentucky's federal legislators that such intervention would occur only as a last resort. Republican legislators made preparations to heed Taylor's call to convene in London on February 5. Meanwhile, in order to resolve any doubts about the legitimacy of their earlier meeting, Democratic legislators met at the state house—no longer being denied entrance by the state militia—and again voted to adopt the majority report declaring Goebel and Beckham the winners of the election. Both men again took the oath of office.

As a test to see if his gubernatorial authority was still recognized, Taylor issued a pardon for a man convicted of manslaughter in Knott County. The pardon was signed by the proper county officials, but officers at the penitentiary refused to release the man. It was feared Taylor would dispatch the state militia to remove the prisoner, but no further attempts were made to secure his release. Continuing to live under heavy guard in his executive office, Taylor was criticized for not having offered a reward for the capture of Goebel's unknown assailant. Responding that he was not authorized to make an offer in the absence of a request to do so by the officials in Franklin County, he offered a $500 reward from his own money.

Goebel died of his wounds on February 3. He remains the only American governor ever assassinated while in office. With Goebel, the most controversial figure in the election, dead, tensions began to ease somewhat. Leaders from both sides drafted an agreement whereby Taylor and Lieutenant Governor Marshall would step down from their respective offices; in exchange, they would receive immunity from prosecution in any actions they may have taken with regard to Goebel's assassination. The state militia would withdraw from Frankfort, and the Goebel Election Law would be repealed and replaced with a fairer law. Despite the agreement of his allies, Taylor refused to sign the agreement. He did, however, lift the ban on the General Assembly meeting in Frankfort.

Legal challenges

When the legislature convened on February 19, two sets of officers attempted to preside. Marshall and Goebel's lieutenant governor, J. C. W. Beckham, both claimed the right to preside over the state senate. Taylor sued to prevent Beckham from exercising any authority in the senate; Beckham counter-sued for possession of the capitol and executive building. The cases were consolidated, and both Republicans and Democrats agreed to let the courts decide the election. On March 10, a circuit court found in favor of Beckham and the Democrats. By a 6–1 vote, the Kentucky Court of Appeals, the state's court of last resort at the time, upheld the circuit court's decision on April 6, legally unseating Taylor and Marshall. The case of Taylor v. Beckham was eventually appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, but the court refused to intervene in the case because it found there were no federal questions involved. The lone justice dissenting from that opinion was Kentuckian John Marshall Harlan.

Sixteen indictments were returned in connection with Goebel's assassination, including one against deposed governor Taylor. In May 1900, Taylor fled to Indianapolis, Indiana, and the governor, James A. Mount refused to extradite him for trial. Three others charged in the assassination turned state's evidence. Only five of the sixteen went to trial; two of those were acquitted. Three men were eventually convicted for playing roles in Goebel's assassination. Kentucky's Secretary of State, Caleb Powers, was accused of being the mastermind behind the assassination. Henry Youtsey, the State Auditor of Kentucky, was said to have aided the assassin. James B. Howard, a participant in a bloody feud in Clay County was charged with being the actual assassin.

According to the prosecution's theory, the assassin shot Goebel from the secretary of state's office on the first floor of a building next to the state capitol. However, much of the testimony against the accused men was conflicting, and some of it was later proven to be perjured. Most of the state's judges were Democratic supporters of Goebel and juries were packed with partisan Democrats. The appellate courts, however, were largely Republican, and the convictions returned by the lower courts were often overturned, with the cases being remanded for new trials. Howard was tried and convicted in September 1900, January 1902, and April 1903; his final appeal failed, and he was sentenced to life in prison. Powers was also convicted three times—in July 1900, October 1901, and August 1903; a fourth trial in November 1907 ended in a hung jury. In 1908, Powers and Howard were pardoned by Republican governor Augustus E. Willson. Months later, Willson also issued pardons for former governor Taylor and several others still under indictment. Despite the pardon, Taylor seldom returned to Kentucky; he became an insurance executive in Indiana and died there in 1928. Youtsey, the only defendant not to appeal his sentence, was paroled in 1916 and pardoned in 1919 by Democratic governor James D. Black.

See also
 Brooks–Baxter War – an armed conflict resulting from the 1872 Arkansas gubernatorial election

Notes

References

Further reading
 
 
 

Kentucky
1899
Gubernatorial
November 1899 events