Cheri Honkala Criticism what is something she was criticised for? Honkala has been a controversial figure throughout her career as a protester and organizer. What caused the controversary? said "She has not been working, rolling up her sleeves on issues like Community Legal Services does. She has never availed herself [of] that opportunity, What was she accused of doing? the group was actually preventing its poor followers from obtaining housing through its tactic what was the tactic they used? of breaking into vacant homes, rather than utilizing established organizations. He wrote: "No good can come of when did this occur? I don't know. what were they going to do with the homes? I don't know. what did people think regarding this? Honkala added: "I get criticized on a regular basis for not being a team player. But I have no qualms about holding a protest tomorrow Who else was involved in this controversary? I don't know.
What is an interesting fact regarding this criticism?
What is an interesting fact regarding the criticism of Cheri Honkala?
Honkala has been a controversial figure throughout her career as a protester and organizer. Feather O. Houstoun, a former secretary of the (Pennsylvania) State Department of Public Welfare, said "She has not been working, rolling up her sleeves on issues like Community Legal Services does. She has never availed herself [of] that opportunity, while other groups have." John Kromer, a former director of the city's office of Housing and Community Development, faxed a five-page letter to KWRU, in which he claimed that the group was actually preventing its poor followers from obtaining housing through its tactic of breaking into vacant homes, rather than utilizing established organizations. He wrote: "No good can come of an organization-building strategy, which is based on misleading poor people or preventing them from obtaining access to available assistance and support." Honkala admits that the group failed to rehabilitate any of the homes illegally taken, but asserts that the group was instrumental in helping 500 formerly homeless people find housing through existing programs. Honkala added: "I get criticized on a regular basis for not being a team player. But I have no qualms about holding a protest tomorrow at anybody's offices if they are denying anybody the basic necessities of life. You're not supposed to do that in Philadelphia." She has been criticized for her confrontational tactics in dealing with the authorities. Author David Zucchino described Honkala's behavior at the first Liberty Bell protest as follows: Cheri loved to make people uncomfortable... She wanted people to squirm and recoil when they saw poor people. She was convinced that America sought desperately to keep its poor out of sight so as not to be reminded of the social policies she believed exacerbated poverty. If the country was going to turn its back on the poor, she was not going to let anyone feel ambivalent about it. She would assault people with her high-pitched nasal voice--in public demonstrations, in confrontations with elected officials, in media interviews, and in front of a ragged tent on Independence Mall. During the church takeover incident, William Parshall, the deputy city managing director, known as the Philadelphia "housing czar," was asked whether Honkala's in-your-face tactics "made his job difficult." Parshall replied that he was far more concerned with such pending problems as national and state welfare cuts. He added, "The question is, what are we going to do about it? That's the question Cheri should be asking." Zucchino in his book details many confrontations between Honkala and the authorities, but also instances in which she reached a mutually satisfactory compromise with them. For example, during the first Liberty Bell protest, she negotiated successfully with park authorities to leave the site without the necessity of admitting guilt or of enduring mass arrests. CANNOTANSWER
"No good can come of an organization-building strategy, which is based on misleading poor people or preventing them from obtaining access to available assistance and support."
Cheri Lynn Honkala (; born January 12, 1963) is an American anti-poverty advocate, co-founder of the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU) and co-founder and National Coordinator of the Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign. She has been a noted advocate for human rights in the United States and internationally. She is the mother of actor Mark Webber.

She was featured prominently in the 1997 book Myth of the Welfare Queen by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist David Zucchino. In 2011, Honkala was the Green Party candidate for Sheriff of Philadelphia, running on the promise of refusing to evict families from their homes. She was the Green Party's nominee for vice-president in the 2012 U.S. presidential election.

Early life
Cheri Honkala was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota, in 1963. Her father, Maynard Duane Honkala, was of Finnish ancestry, and her mother had Cheyenne Native American ancestry. She grew up watching her mother suffer from domestic violence. Honkala's mother quietly endured this abuse for fear of losing her children. Honkala was removed from the household and spent most of her youth incarcerated in a total of nine youth detention facilities.

When Honkala was 17, her 19-year-old brother Mark, who suffered from mental health issues, committed suicide. Because he was uninsured, he could not afford to get the professional help he needed. At the time of Mark's suicide, Honkala was already a mother (with a son, Mark, named after her brother), living out of her car and going to high school. Despite her difficult upbringing, she managed to graduate.

After living in an apartment in Minnesota, Honkala and her young son were forced to move out and live out of their white Camaro. She and her son became homeless after the Camaro was demolished by a drunk driver. Honkala could not find a shelter that would allow them to remain together that winter. To stay together and keep from freezing, Honkala decided to move into an abandoned Housing and Urban Development (HUD) home. She would later comment, "I chose to live, and I chose to keep my son alive." She called a press conference, in which she said, "This is me, this is my nine-year-old son, and we're not leaving until somebody can tell us where we can live and not freeze to death."

Work as organizer
For the past 25 years, Honkala has been a leading advocate for the poor and homeless in America. While still living in Minnesota, she formed the Twin Cities anti-poverty groups "Women, Work and Welfare" and "Up and Out of Poverty Now." In Philadelphia, she co-founded the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU) and the Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign (PPEHRC). She has organized numerous protests, holding marches, demonstrations and setting up tent cities, in the course of which activities she claims to have been arrested for civil disobedience violations more than 200 times. She is known internationally for her work advocating for the rights of poor people in the United States, and has received recognition in numerous publications for her role in bringing attention to issues such as homelessness and home foreclosures and has been called "the protester's protester." Currently based in Philadelphia, she has devoted most of her attention to the rise in home evictions among lower income families.

Kensington Welfare Rights Union

After moving to Philadelphia with her son in the late 1980s, in 1991 Honkala co-founded KWRU, the Kensington Welfare Rights Union, named after the Kensington area in northern Philadelphia, where Honkala lived. She called KWRU a "Philadelphia based interracial organization of welfare recipients and other poor people." In the winter of 1993, when homeless shelters were full, the organization took over an abandoned Catholic Church to use as a shelter. In late 1994, KWRU broke into and took over vacant HUD homes destined for low-income housing and subsidized rent, although all the inhabitants (which included Honkala herself) were eligible for the housing program under the rules. They chose to ignore the bureaucracy and its delays, particularly the paperwork, paying rent into an escrow account to avoid trespassing charges. This became known as the Underground Railroad Project.

From that time, the volunteers of the organization regularly (and illegally) took over HUD homes to provide accommodations for homeless families. To provide a support system to these families, the organization set up what they called an "'Underground Railroad,' a network of other poor people, students, social workers, doctors and lawyers." Said Honkala: "Stealing slaves out of captivity was against the law ... But it was right. Sometimes the law is wrong. Sometimes you have to appeal to a higher authority."

In the spring of 1994, the Quaker Lace factory (a manufacturer of lace tablecloths) in the Kensington area of Philadelphia burned down, leaving an empty lot. The following summer, Honkala and KWRU constructed a large tent city on the site. Because Philadelphia authorities could not produce documentation establishing who owned the property, it was unable to evict the residents. (Eventually, they were driven out by flooding.) This very public action resulted in a substantial increase in donations to KWRU.

In September 1995, while the tent city was still standing, Honkala staged a protest by camping out for 36 hours, with others from the tent city, on Independence Mall within sight of the Liberty Bell, to make the plight of Philadelphia's homeless visible to residents and tourists next to one of the city's most famous landmarks. Although she argued that she and the others were merely exercising their right to free speech and had not hurt the park, she was cited and later tried for "residing in a park area." She was sentenced to six months' probation and fined $250. In July 1997, she was involved with the Liberty Bell once more, when she led a group on the "March for Our Lives" from the Bell to the United Nations building in New York to protest so-called welfare reform as a violation of the human rights of the poor. This action led directly to the formation of the Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign (PPEHRC).

In October 1996, Honkala, with KWRU, staged a sit-in on the floor of the rotunda of Harrisburg's capitol building.  The organization created a makeshift "city" that it dubbed "Ridgeville" after Republican Governor Tom Ridge, who had slashed social service benefits. Part of the purpose of the protests was to point out to the homeless the opulence of Gov. Ridge's lifestyle, including the governor's mansion, supported at state expense. The protest was supported by legislators opposed to the cuts, who bought meals for the protesters.

In April 1997, Honkala was arrested on a charge of "defiant trespassing" for attempting to build shacks for homeless families in Philadelphia on an empty industrial lot, though at the time, the shelter system was full and people were living on the streets.

The organization's leaders maintained that "some U.S. laws, such as the Welfare Reform Act of 1996, which limits the amount of time a family can receive federal assistance, violate Articles 23, 25 and 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Those articles guarantee, respectively, the right to work for a living wage under humane conditions; the right to adequate food, housing, medical care and social security; and the right to education."

Starting in June 1998, KWRU led the New Freedom Bus Tour, which traveled across the country, gathering stories of human rights violations to present as a petition to the United Nations. "Under the banner 'Freedom from Unemployment, Hunger and Homelessness,' the KWRU team collected additional evidence on the [negative] impact of [welfare reform] and held educational sessions teaching the poor about their economic rights." (A second such bus tour was organized by the PPEHRC in November–December 2002, which traveled to 27 cities to record human rights violations.)

Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign

In the late 1990s, Honkala started another nonprofit, the Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign, of which she became National Coordinator. The PPEHRC represents "a network of over 40 poor people's organizations from across the U.S." One commentator has written that the campaign "is the only [national] movement to come out of welfare reform that has been organized by poor people, and not their advocates."

This organization was formed in direct response to the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 (also known as the Welfare Reform Act), signed into law by Democratic President Bill Clinton, which she and her allies claim hurts recipients of welfare. The organization's mission statement reads, "The Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign is committed to uniting the poor across color lines as the leadership base for a broad movement to abolish poverty. We work to accomplish this through advancing economic human rights as named in the universal declaration of human rights — such as the rights to food, housing, health, education, communication and a living wage job."

Part of the purpose of the organization is to make homelessness and the homeless visible, in order to force politicians to act. Honkala claims that the latter prefer that the homeless remain invisible, so they won't have to address the problem. In a speech, Honkala said: "That's what [the authorities] are saying [to you]: 'Go hide! Go be under a bridge, or ... hide under a bench, and we won't arrest you, we won't do anything to you, because you will be quiet!'" As Honkala declared, "When you have nothing, you still have your voice."

In October 1999, PPEHRC organized a month-long March of the Americas, from Washington, DC, to the United Nations in New York. Participants in the march included low-income families from the US, Canada and Latin America. The group "marched 15 miles a day for 32 days, sleeping in tent cities, churches and community centers at night, and holding press conferences and protests in local communities."

In July 2000, a PPEHRC march for the opening day of the Republican Party's National Convention in Philadelphia drew 10,000 homeless and poor people from around the country. (Of the several protest marches during that convention, this was the only one denied a permit by city authorities.)

In November 2000, at the historic Riverside Church in Manhattan in New York City, the PPEHRC held a "Poor People's World Summit to End Poverty," consisting of several hundred activists from some 30 countries, to share "experiences and [work] to build an international movement for economic human rights drawing explicitly on international treaties."

On July 4, 2003, Philadelphia held a celebration for the opening of the National Constitution Center, a new facility housing the Liberty Bell. Poor and homeless families from the city held a peaceful protest to demand their economic rights. "As the demonstrators marched toward Constitution Center single-file, carrying their own mattresses and led by children, park rangers, federal guards, and city police formed lines to prevent the families from approaching. Singing 'We Shall Not Be Moved,' the demonstrators locked arms and refused to leave the sidewalk. Protest leaders Honkala and Galen Tyler had prepared a 'Declaration of Economic Human Rights' to present at the Center. As they moved toward the Center, police moved to stop them, threw them to the ground, handcuffed them, and placed them under arrest ... Honkala was charged with one first-degree felony and four other felony counts. Police officers claimed that Honkala had struck one of them in the chest. However, a video taken at the time clearly shows Honkala carrying a mattress and being struck by the officer ... all the charges were subsequently withdrawn by the District Attorney's office."

In August 2004, Honkala marched with the PPEHRC in New York City (without a permit) to protest President Bush and the Republican National Convention (RNC) and to publicly call for greater attention by the government to the needs of the poor and homeless.

2011 campaign for Sheriff of Philadelphia
In early 2011, Honkala announced her run for Sheriff of Philadelphia on a "No Evictions" platform, with a campaign slogan of "Keeping families in their homes and protecting the 'hood." When asked why she accepted the Green Party's invitation to run, Honkala said: "I've been involved in too many fights in my life where I thought I was separate from the machine and the corporate money, only to find out later on that I was being used as a pawn for the Democratic Party ... [The Green Party] has a strict policy of no corporate money, which I liked."

As a publicity stunt, Honkala during the campaign rode a horse down Allegheny Avenue in Philadelphia while wearing a white hat resembling a Stetson, in imitation of the image of a Wild West sheriff. During her campaign, Honkala addressed the Occupy Wall Street encampment at Zuccotti Park in Manhattan to express solidarity with the group's anti-foreclosure aims and to ask for help in "occupying Philadelphia" on election day.

She finished in third place with over 10,000 votes.

2012 vice-presidential campaign

Nomination
On July 11, 2012, Jill Stein, then the presumptive nominee of the Green Party for president in the 2012 U.S. presidential election, announced that she had selected Honkala as her vice-presidential running mate. Said Stein: "My running mate has been on the front lines fighting for the American poor, taking on the banks, taking on foreclosures, standing up for children most at risk."

Stein and Honkala were officially nominated by the Green Party at its national convention in Baltimore on Saturday, July 14.

Political activism during campaign
On August 1, 2012, Honkala was arrested along with Stein and three others during a sit-in at a Philadelphia bank to protest housing foreclosures by Fannie Mae, on behalf of several city residents struggling to keep their homes. The event began as a PPEHRC protest involving Honkala which Stein, after the former became her running mate, decided to join. The organization demanded that the mortgage company halt foreclosure proceedings against two Philadelphia residents. Fannie Mae executive Zach Oppenheimer had previously promised in writing to meet with the two women at the center of the controversy to negotiate a solution, but no such meeting ever took place. The protestors entered the Fannie Mae building and vowed to stay until Mr. Oppenheimer kept his word. Two lower-level officials met with the group, but when no resolution was obtained, most of the protesters exited the building, leaving only the core group, including Honkala, to be subject to arrest. They were charged with "defiant trespassing" and released the following day.

John Nichols, a commentator for The Nation magazine, compared the position of the Green Party candidates on this issue to the anti-banking rhetoric of President Franklin D. Roosevelt during the New Deal.

She visited the PPEHRC encampment in Tampa, Florida, nicknamed "Romneyville," and strongly supported its plan to protest the 2012 Republican National Convention in that city, beginning on the convention's opening day in August.

On October 16, 2012, Honkala and Stein were arrested after they tried to enter the site of the second presidential debate at Hofstra University.

Policy positions
Stein and Honkala ran on a platform they call the Green New Deal, "an emergency four-part program of specific solutions for moving America quickly out of crisis into the secure green future." The program's name is inspired by Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in the Depression era.

The four pillars of the Green New Deal, "the central platform of the Stein/Honkala ticket" are: 
 An Economic Bill Of Rights – a) a Full Employment Program that will create 25 million jobs by implementing a nationally funded, but locally controlled direct employment initiative, replacing unemployment offices with local employment offices; b) defense of worker's rights including the right to a living wage, to a safe workplace, to fair trade, and to organize a union at work without fear of firing or reprisal; c) the right to quality health care which will be achieved through a single-payer Medicare-for-All program; d) the right to a tuition-free, quality, federally funded, local controlled public education system from pre-school through college, and forgiveness of current student loan debt; e) the right to decent affordable housing, including an immediate halt to all foreclosures and evictions; f) the right to accessible and affordable utilities; g) the right to fair taxation that's distributed in proportion to ability to pay. 
 A Green Transition – a) investment in green business by providing grants and low-interest loans to grow green businesses and cooperatives; b) investment in green research by redirecting research funds from fossil fuels and other dead-end industries toward research in wind, solar and geothermal; c) the creation of green jobs by enacting the Full Employment Program which will directly provide 16 million jobs in sustainable energy and energy efficiency.
 Real Financial Reform – a) relief of the debt overhang holding back the economy by reducing homeowner and student debt burdens; b) democratization of monetary policy to bring about public control of the money supply and credit creation; c) a policy of breaking up oversized banks that are "too big to fail"; d) termination of taxpayer-funded bailouts for banks, insurers, and other financial companies; e) the regulation of all financial derivatives; f) the restoration of the separation of depository commercial banks from speculative investment banks, as was the case under the Glass-Steagall Act; g) a 90% tax on bonuses for bailed out bankers; and h) support for the formation of federal, state, and municipal public-owned banks that function as non-profit utilities.
 A Functioning Democracy – a) the revocation of corporate personhood by amending our Constitution to make clear that corporations are not persons and money is not speech; b) the protect of our right to vote by supporting the proposed "Right to Vote Amendment"; c) the enactment of the Voter Bill of Rights; d) the commissioning of a thorough review of federal preemption law; e) the creation of a Corporation for Economic Democracy, f) the strengthening of media democracy by expanding federal support for locally owned broadcast media and local print media; g) the protection of our personal liberty and freedoms by, among other things, revoking the Patriot Act; h) a dramatic scaling back of the military–industrial complex.

Campaign goals
The SteinHonkala campaign set two immediate goals: to get its candidates on the ballots of as many states as possible before election day (November 6) and to make itself eligible to participate in the televised presidential debates, to take place in October. According to the rules of the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD), the nonprofit organization that sponsors and produces the presidential and vice-presidential debates, to qualify for a place in the debates the Green Party's presidential slate must a) appear on a sufficient number of state ballots to make it theoretically possible for its candidates to receive enough electoral votes to win the election, and b) receive an average of 15% support from respondents in five selected national polls. The CPD's selection criteria have often been criticized as prohibitively restrictive.

2016 Democratic National Convention
Honkala planned a novel political protest called a "fart-in" to be staged at the 2016 DNC "to greet the rhetorical flatulence of Hillary Clinton with the real thing". Just prior to the protest, Honkala hosted a "massive bean supper" for Sanders supporters in her home.

2017 Pennsylvania House of Representatives campaign

On January 31, 2017 Honkala announced she was running for the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in the March 21 special election to replace Leslie Acosta, who was the second state representative for the 197th legislative district to resign on federal fraud charges. She was considered to have more name recognition than her Republican and Democratic opponents.  Honkala ran as a write-in candidate against Republican Lucinda Little; there was no Democrat on the ballot in the heavily Democratic district.

Honkala was endorsed by many progressives and organizations including Our Revolution, Progress for All, environmental activist Josh Fox, progressive entertainers Rosario Dawson and Tom Morello, former Director Emeritus of Philaposh (a labor organization) Jim Moran, former Philadelphia Health Commissioner Walter Tsou, the PEOPLE Committee of the AFSCME District Council 47, Philadelphia Neighborhood Networks, the Philadelphia chapter of Socialist Alternative, and other local clergy and leaders.

In March 2017, Honkala lost to Democratic write-in Emilio Vazquez. However, this election went under investigation by the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office and the Pennsylvania Attorney General. Honkala, alongside the Green Party of Pennsylvania, Lucinda Little (the Republican candidate), and the State and City Republican parties filed a lawsuit in United States District Court against Emilio Vazquez, the Philadelphia Democratic Committee, Philadelphia City Commissioners, PA Secretary of State Cortes, and the State's Bureau of Commissions, Elections, and Legislation. The lawsuit alleges widespread election fraud and voter intimidation on the part of Vazquez and the Philadelphia Democratic Committee, and failure to properly supervise the elections for the other defendants.

Claims in the federal lawsuit include electioneering inside the polling place, money exchange between Democratic poll workers and election officials, a ballot box being at Vazquez's "victory" party, tables set up outside by Democratic poll works made to look like voter sign-in tables, election workers asking people who they are voting for, Democratic ward leaders handling the voting machines, Vazquez meeting with election officials on election day inside of the polling place, and other claims.  Despite the investigation, Vazquez was officially sworn in as a member of the Pennsylvania state House of Representatives on April 5, 2017.

Criticism
Honkala has been a controversial figure throughout her career as a protester and organizer. Feather O. Houstoun, a former secretary of the (Pennsylvania) State Department of Public Welfare, said "She has not been working, rolling up her sleeves on issues like Community Legal Services does. She has never availed herself [of] that opportunity, while other groups have." John Kromer, a former director of the city's office of Housing and Community Development, faxed a five-page letter to KWRU, in which he claimed that the group was actually preventing its poor followers from obtaining housing through its tactic of breaking into vacant homes, rather than utilizing established organizations. He wrote: "No good can come of an organization-building strategy, which is based on misleading poor people or preventing them from obtaining access to available assistance and support." Honkala admits that the group failed to rehabilitate any of the homes illegally taken, but asserts that the group was instrumental in helping 500 formerly homeless people find housing through existing programs. Honkala added: "I get criticized on a regular basis for not being a team player. But I have no qualms about holding a protest tomorrow at anybody's offices if they are denying anybody the basic necessities of life. You're not supposed to do that in Philadelphia."

She has been criticized for her confrontational tactics in dealing with the authorities. Author David Zucchino described Honkala's behavior at the first Liberty Bell protest as follows:

Cheri loved to make people uncomfortable ... She wanted people to squirm and recoil when they saw poor people. She was convinced that America sought desperately to keep its poor out of sight so as not to be reminded of the social policies she believed exacerbated poverty. If the country was going to turn its back on the poor, she was not going to let anyone feel ambivalent about it. She would assault people with her high-pitched nasal voice—in public demonstrations, in confrontations with elected officials, in media interviews, and in front of a ragged tent on Independence Mall.

During the church takeover incident, William Parshall, the deputy city managing director, known as the Philadelphia "housing czar," was asked whether Honkala's in-your-face tactics "made his job difficult." Parshall replied that he was far more concerned with such pending problems as national and state welfare cuts. He added, "The question is, what are we going to do about it? That's the question Cheri should be asking."

Zucchino in his book details many confrontations between Honkala and the authorities, but also instances in which she reached a mutually satisfactory compromise with them. For example, during the first Liberty Bell protest, she negotiated successfully with park authorities to leave the site without the necessity of admitting guilt or of enduring mass arrests.

Recognition

Honkala in the media
Honkala and her activities on behalf of the poor have been profiled many times in various media.

In print and photography
Honkala was one of two women profiled in Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist David Zucchino's book, The Myth of the Welfare Queen (1999). According to one review, Honkala, as depicted in the book, "helps create a tent city to protest welfare cuts, joins the occupation of an abandoned church and the takeover by protesters of empty houses owned by HUD. She tirelessly seeks publicity for her cause, battles with bureaucrats, and rallies and comforts fellow protesters."

She was the subject of Chapter 6, "Using Economic Human Rights in the Movement to End Poverty: The Kensington Welfare Rights Union and the Poor People's Economic Human Right Campaign" by Mary Bricker-Jenkins, Carrie Young and Honkala, in the book Challenges in Human Rights: A Social Work Perspective, edited by Elizabeth Reichert (2007). She was also briefly profiled in Katherine Martin's book Women of Courage: Inspiring Stories from the Women who Lived Them (1999).

Since the mid-1990s Honkala has been extensively documented by photographer Harvey Finkle. A YouTube video was created consisting of many of Finkle's photos of Honkala and of other poor people.  She also wrote the introduction to Finkle's book of photographs of the urban poor, Urban Nomads: A Poor People's Movement (1997). One of the last photos taken by the late photographer Richard Avedon (1923–2004) was a portrait of Honkala for the series Democracy 2004, which appeared in an October 2004 issue of The New Yorker magazine.

Interviews and articles on Honkala have appeared in numerous print and online publications, including The Village Voice, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia Weekly, Yes! magazine, Salon, Truthdig  and The Nation.

On video 
Honkala has been repeatedly and prominently featured in the work of documentary filmmakers Peter Kinoy and Pamela Yates, the latter a co-director of the award-winning film When the Mountains Tremble. Their work with Honkala has included Takeover (1990), a film, financed by Bruce Springsteen (during the making of which they first met Honkala), "about homeless women that was planned as the first in a series on 'heroes of the new American depression;'" Poverty Outlaw (1997), the story of a homeless woman "who must break the law to survive" and which tells the story of the birth and growth of the KWRU; Outriders (1999), about the New Freedom Bus Tour; and The Battle for Broad (2000), about KWRU's and PPEHRC's march during the Republican National Convention in 2000 in Philadelphia. (Living Broke in Broke Times is a compilation film condensing Takeover, Poverty Outlaw and Outriders.)

In the 1990s, the Television Trust for the Environment, as part of its "Life" series, broadcast on BBC World News a short documentary on Honkala and the KWRU called The Philadelphia Story. In the profile, Honkala talks about gated communities and her complex feelings about the state of the country.

The independent film, August in the Empire State, directed by Keefe Murren and Gabriel Rhodes, profiles several persons during the 2004 Republican National Convention, including Honkala, who is depicted leading her PPEHRC march against the RNC. In the film, Honkala discusses her commitment to the principle of Gandhian nonviolent resistance.

In February 2008, on its flagship public affairs program, People & Power, Al Jazeera English ran a video profile of Honkala entitled "Homeless Hero," depicting a campaign by the Nashville Homeless Power Project, which had invited Honkala to that city to organize "the first major homeless action in the history of Tennessee." The video shows the construction of an encampment to confront Nashville's mayor, during his budget address, with the issue of homelessness. (The mayor never appeared.)

On September 7, 2012, Honkala was a guest of Bill Moyers for the program Moyers & Company, "Challenging Power, Changing Politics", along with her Green Party Presidential running mate, Jill Stein, and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders.

Honors and awards
Honkala has been the recipient of numerous honors and awards:
 Philadelphia Magazine – list of the 100 Most Powerful Philadelphians 
 Philadelphia Weekly – "Woman of the Year" (1997) 
 Ms. Magazine – Woman of the Year (2001) 
 Bread and Roses Human Rights Award 
 Pennsylvania Association of Social Workers' Public Citizen of the Year
 Front Line Defenders (The International Foundation for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders), a Dublin-based human rights organization, named her one of the "12 most endangered" activists in America
 Mother Jones magazine – Hellraiser of the Month (April 2005)

In addition, the organization Honkala co-founded, the Kensington Welfare Rights Union, was a 1999 co-winner (with Dr. Juan Garcés) of the prestigious Letelier-Moffitt Human Rights Award, given by the Institute for Policy Studies.

In January 2004, Honkala was invited to speak at the annual World Social Forum (WSF) in Mumbai, India on the subject of the "War against the Homeless." In 2006, Honkala again addressed the WSF, this time in Caracas, Venezuela, to discuss poverty and homelessness in the United States, information that many of her listeners do not often receive from mainstream U.S. media sources.

Electoral history

Personal life
Honkala in 1990 married a Philadelphia-based union official, Bob Brown, whom she had met at a convention the previous year. They divorced not long afterwards.

Honkala is the mother of the actor and director Mark Webber (born 1980). Webber has supported his mother's causes in a number of ways, including holding benefit events, such as art auctions, on her behalf.

Honkala is also the mother of Guillermo Santos (born 2002).

References

External links

Poor People's Economic Human Rights Campaign Official site

1963 births
Living people
2012 United States vice-presidential candidates
21st-century American politicians
21st-century American women politicians
Activists from Philadelphia
American people of Cheyenne descent
American people of Finnish descent
American political activists
American social activists
Female candidates for Vice President of the United States
Green Party of the United States vice presidential nominees
Homeless people
Homelessness activists
Pennsylvania Greens
People from Minneapolis
Politicians from Philadelphia
Women in Pennsylvania politics
Native American candidates for Vice President of the United States
The Tamil Panar (or , ) were an ancient musical community of the Tamil area in India, attested from the classical Sangam texts onwards through medieval inscriptions. They sang their songs to the accompaniment of the yāl harp.

In fact medieval inscriptions present evidence for their performing Sanskrit drama and for singing and training temple dancers in hindu temples. As Palaniappan states therein: "What is interesting about the traditional views regarding the social status of the Pāṇars is that they were not informed by any real data on the Pāṇars actually living in Tamil Nadu during medieval times. Such real data are indeed available to us from Tamil inscriptions, which present a drastically different picture of the social status of the Pāṇars".

Notable personages 
 Tiru Nilakanta Yazhpanar (7th century CE)
 Thiruppaan Alvar (8–9th century CE)

See also 
 Panar (Kundapura), a modern-day community of Karnataka

References

Tamil history
Tamil There are many varieties of criticism. This article describes common types that occur regularly in everyday life. For other criteria that classify criticisms, see . For more subject-specific information, see the pages on topics such as art, film, literature, theatre, or architecture.

Aesthetic criticism
Aesthetic criticism is a part of aesthetics concerned with critically judging beauty and ugliness, tastefulness and tastelessness, style and fashion, meaning and quality of design—and issues of human sentiment and affect (the evoking of pleasure and pain, likes and dislikes). Most parts of human life have an aesthetic dimension, which means there is plenty potential for criticism. Often architecture criticism is considered the highest form of aesthetic criticism, because architecture combines art, science and technology to build a pleasing home environment, a "living space" that people must inhabit everyday, more or less permanently.

An aesthetic critic however does not simply say "it's beautiful" or "it's ugly." Instead, the aim is to explain the meaning of a work of art, why something is beautiful or ugly, or how the meaning of a design should be interpreted, the stronger and weaker sides of a cultural object, etc. For this purpose, aesthetic critics have a toolkit of criteria they can use in their commentary. These criteria include such things as:
 The motive behind creative activity
 Total context within which creative activity occurred
 Techniques or physical forces used to create the aesthetic effect
 Values, sentiments, interests, needs or ideals that a phenomenon communicates
 Relationship of an object of criticism to associated objects, themes, traditions, or genres
 Interaction between observer and observed, and the overall effect
 Function the object of the criticism fulfills

Using these kinds of criteria, which usually assume extensive relevant knowledge, aesthetic critics can inform their audience about the achievements and limitations of the object of aesthetic criticism. In this way, they can draw attention to aesthetic issues most people might have overlooked, educate people in their aesthetic appreciation, and stimulate debate about what kinds of aesthetic expressions are preferable.

In part, aesthetic criticism can genuinely prove aesthetic propositions;– if they concern matters of factual or logical evidence. For example, either an artist had a certain motivation, or s/he did not. But insofar as "beauty is in the eye of the beholder", there is always also a subjective element in aesthetic criticism, which is not provable, but expresses a preference, a personal taste. It may be possible to explain that preference, but it may not be possible to compare it meaningfully with other preferences.

Logical criticism
In a logical criticism, an objection is raised about an idea, argument, action or situation on the ground that it does not make rational sense (there is something wrong with it because it is illogical, it does not follow, or it violates basic conventions of meaning. Such an objection usually refers to assumptions, coherence, implications, and intent. Thus, the illogicality may involve something that:
 Is being assumed or inferred improperly, without reasonable ground
 Is internally inconsistent or self-contradictory in a way that makes it impossible to maintain all its content at once (because it would affirm and negate the same thing)
 Has implications or effects that are contrary to itself, or negate itself
 Has effects contrary to its own purpose or intent, or contrary to the purpose or intent of someone concerned with it
 involves a language that superficially makes sense, but defies logic when examined closely

Logical criticism is rooted in the basic cognitive principles that guide the behavior of humans and other sentient organisms: stimulus identification ("this is the recognized identity of X"), stimulus distinction ("this is different from that"), and stimulus generalization ("this is the same, or like that" or "this is an instance of type X"). The Greek philosopher Aristotle stated the most basic building blocks of logic as the law of identity, the law of non-contradiction and the law of the excluded middle. These are basic conditions for making meaningful sense, and for non-arbitrary representation.

Logical criticism presupposes that people accept at least the most basic rules of logic. If people believe "things mean just what they want them to mean", or if people constantly "change the meaning to suit the moment", logical criticism is not at all effective. Logical criticism assumes that there is a definite, identifiable, discoverable meaning, or at least that something can be proved meaningless (because it lacks any predictable or knowable pattern).

Logical criticism also presupposes that people agree about at least some basic facts and assumptions about the situation, or have in common at least some beliefs. It is not possible to argue about a logical criticism with somebody with whom one does not share any assumptions at all, or who is unwilling to consider at least the possibility that a given proposition might be true (or false). Very often, logical arguments take the form "suppose that X is the case", but if people reject the "suppose" or cannot imagine it, it becomes difficult to get the logical criticism off the ground.

Factual criticism
In a factual (empirical) criticism, an objection is raised about an idea, argument, action or situation on the ground that there is something wrong with the evidence of the known experience relevant to it. Typically,
 Relevant purported facts are labeled false or implausible, i.e., not facts at all.
 Relevant facts are said not to have been definitely established as true, or the likelihood that they are true, has not been established.
 Relevant facts mentioned imply different stories that cannot be reconciled. Accepting a fact would imply another fact that contradicts it in some way (this overlaps with logical criticism).
 The presentation of facts is biased. Important relevant facts are missing, or the total factual context is ignored.
 Other relevant facts, which have not been mentioned, shed a different light on the issue.
 Facts focused upon are not relevant to the purpose of those concerned.

Logical and factual criticism is generally considered important to ensure the consistency, authenticity and predictability of behavior of any kind. Without the presence of the relevant consistency, authenticity and predictability, one cannot make appropriate sense of behavior, which becomes disorienting and creates confusion, and therefore cannot guide behavioral choices effectively.

Philosophers have often debated about "what makes a fact, a fact." The basic problem with facts is that observations, made using the five senses, are never completely free from interpretation – to understand a fact as a fact, requires being able to place its meaning, which in turn requires basic cognitive categorizations not contained in the observed thing itself. A fact is concluded in the interaction between the observer and the observed.

Nevertheless, most people agree there are such things as the stubborn facts, i.e., evidence no one can deny, because everybody experiences the evidence in the same way, under the same conditions. That reality is essential for effective factual criticism. If people regard factual evidence as simply a subjective interpretation of experience, then factual criticism is ineffective. Factual criticism assumes, that people agree there exists a reality beyond their personal experience, that it is possible to obtain reliable information about it, and that people ordinarily experience those facts in the same way.

Positive criticism
A positive criticism draws attention to a good or positive aspect of something that is being ignored, disregarded or overlooked. People may be able to see only the negative side of something, so that it becomes necessary to highlight the positive side. A positive criticism may also be a type of self-justification or self-defense.

The term "positive criticism" is also used in the sense that the criticism is "well-meant" or "well-intentioned" ("I mean it in a positive way"). Here, the criticism intends to serve a purpose that is constructive, or that the targeted person would approve of.

The basic aim of positive criticism is usually to provide a better orientation, or frame of reference, for behavior. It provides ideas people can act on to improve the situation. At the very least, it provides more choices for behavior, and therefore potentially enlarges behavioral freedom.

A positive criticism can be stated as a positive alternative ("there are good reasons for thinking that we are better off to do Y, instead of X"). It does not necessarily say, that the option criticized is all bad, but rather that an alternative option is better, or preferable.

Negative criticism
Negative criticism means voicing an objection to something, only with the purpose of showing that it is wrong, false, mistaken, nonsensical, objectionable, or disreputable. Generally, it suggests disapproval of something, or disagreement with something – it emphasizes the downsides of something. Negative criticism is also often interpreted as an attack against a person (ad hominem). That may not have been the intention, but it can be interpreted that way.

Negative criticism can have the effect that the people criticized feel attacked or insulted by it, so that they either do not take it seriously, or react badly to it. Much often depends on how much negative criticism there is, and how much criticism is transmitted at once. People can handle some negative criticism, but they may not be able to handle a whole lot of negative criticism, at least not all at once.

The downside of negative criticism is, often, that it tells people what they cannot or should not do or believe, rather than telling them what they can or should do (what possibilities or options there are). So it may be disabling, rather than enabling. People might reply to a negative criticism that "this is all very well, but I cannot do anything with it", or they might say "now what?!". Yet, negative criticism may be necessary at times, to prevent a course of action harmful to the people concerned. If people are afraid to state a negative criticism, the existing problem might get worse.

The upside of negative criticism is that it can explain what the limitations of an idea, an action or a situation are, for the sake of being realistic. Sometimes it is necessary to say "no" to something (and explain why "no" is "no").

In the modern world, negative criticism has acquired the stigma of "being negative", and people who make negative criticisms can be easily exploited or manipulated. For this reason, many people nowadays express their negative criticism simply by not saying anything, not paying attention to something or someone, or by being absent.

Constructive criticism
Constructive criticism aims to show that an intent or purpose of something is better served by an alternative approach. In this case, making the criticism is not necessarily deemed wrong, and its purpose is respected; rather, it is claimed that the same goal could be better achieved via a different route. Constructive criticisms are often suggestions for improvement – how things could be done better or more acceptably. They draw attention to how an identified problem could be solved, or how it could be solved better. Constructive criticism is more likely accepted if the criticism is timely, clear, specific, detailed and actionable.

Both negative and constructive criticism have their appropriate uses, but often it is considered a requirement of criticism that they are combined. Thus, it is often considered that those who find fault with something should also offer an option for putting it right. More generally, any rule for behavior of any kind usually implies both "do's" and "don't s". Doing something usually also implies not doing something else, and, not doing something, often implies doing something else. There is therefore a conscious choice "to do this, or do that", but not both at the same time.

So, to orient behaviour, people need to know both what is "ruled in" and what is "ruled out". If the criticism concerns only one aspect, but not the other, it may supply only incomplete information, which is not really adequate to orient behaviour or guide action. One of the most elementary reasons why a rule is ignored, flouted or subverted is, because either the positive or the negative aspect of what it means is unspecified.

Destructive criticism

Destructive criticism aims to destroy the target of criticism. (e.g., "You should shut up and follow the program.").  The aim is to show that the point of view of someone else has no validity at all, or lacks any merit.

In some contexts, destructive criticism is regarded as an undesirable nuisance, a threat, or as completely unjustifiable, especially if it involves personal attacks.  Destructive criticism is often criticized because it has a destructive effect, instead of a positive effect (this may also just be an accusation or allegation if there is no proof that the effect actually is destructive).

However, in political and military contexts, destructive criticisms may be essential to save resources or to save lives among one's own group. An idea in itself is not dangerous, but an idea proposed in a particular context can be very dangerous so that people feel that it should be disarmed by mercilessly criticizing it. The ultimate destructive criticism occurs when people and property are physically destroyed.

The term "destructive criticism" is also used to mean that the level, scope, or intensity of criticism is such, that it becomes mainly destructive. In this context, people believe that the criticism is so great, or there is so much criticism, that it only destroys things. For example, a debate or controversy can get out of control, so that everybody is at war with everybody else, and everybody is opposed to everybody else. In that case, it may well be that the criticism is being overdone ("overkill"). What started out as a structured dialogue to identify conflicting aspects of a situation, ends up as chaos in which nobody can agree with anyone else anymore.

Destructive criticism from parents and other authority figures causes psychological harm to children that results in lower levels of self-esteem, social acceptance, scholastic competence, behavioral conduct, global self-worth, and generally poorer self-perception. This is a significant issue. In this study of 144 children from a middle-class environment, only six children (4%) reported that they had never been subject to physical punishment or the target of rejecting, demeaning, terrorizing, destructively criticizing, or insulting statements. Some parents may ask how do you correct a child who is misbehaving if you do not criticize.

Practical criticism
Practical criticism is an objection or appraisal of the type, that something "does or does not work" in practical reality, due to some reason or cause. The focus is on useful effect. Often people say, "That might be fine in theory, but in practice it does not work." Inversely, they might show with experiment that something works well in practice, even although the theory says this is not possible – so that the theory ought to be adjusted.

Practical criticism usually refers to relevant practical experience, to reveal why an action is wrongheaded, or under what conditions it would succeed. When someone proposes an idea, others might first consider if it makes sense – but often raise concerns about practicality and consequences. For example, would relevant people or organizations be better off or worse off? Does it get in the way of other things?

Practical criticisms are effective, if people are concerned with practicalities. If, however, people are purely concerned with what things mean, or ought to mean, they may not care about whether their way of seeing things is "practical" or not. People might hold on to their beliefs or defend them, even if they are not very practical at all, because they feel those beliefs are essential to who they are.

Practical criticism usually succeeds best, if it is made on the basis of the practical experience of the critic. Somebody who has practical experience with an issue, is usually best placed to make a practical criticism.

Theoretical criticism
Theoretical criticism is concerned with the meaning of ideas, including ideas on which a practice is based. It is concerned with the coherence or meaningfulness of a theory, its correspondence to reality, the validity of its purpose, and the limitations of the viewpoint it offers. Theories can be criticized 
from the point of view of other theories ("how much sense does it make") 
internally "in their own terms" ("is it consistent") 
in terms of the experiential evidence there is for those theories ("how well does the theory correspond to the facts")
the usefulness or practical gain of a theory.
the moral implications of the theory for human action and behaviour.

At issue is not simply whether an idea makes sense or is consistent, but whether it makes sense and is consistent in terms of the theoretical framework it is part of. In other words, at issue is the relationship between many linked ideas. What effect does the adoption of one idea have for a lot of related ideas, and how does a theory relate to all the evidence it can be called upon to explain. A theory can consist of one major hypothesis, but usually a theory consists of a series of linked hypotheses. Adopting one hypothesis can have many effects for other related hypotheses.

The merits of theories are usually judged according to three main criteria: their usefulness, their explanatory power and their predictive power. A theory is useful if it can help to guide or orient activity, serves the relevant purpose, or if it helps to make sense of things. A theory with great explanatory power is a theory which is able to account for all the relevant evidence, not just some. If the assumptions made by the theory are well-taken, it can predict effects, outcomes and results quite accurately. If theories are criticized, it is usually on the ground that they are not useful, do not speak to the situation, and fail to explain or predict things properly. Usually, the best theory is the simplest theory that explains the most. A theory that becomes extremely complicated often no longer provides much guidance, because it is no longer clear that anything in particular definitely follows from it. However, theories can also be judged according to their moral implications: if the theory is adopted, how does this affect the values and behaviour of people who subscribe to it?

Theoretical criticism often occurs in the context of eclecticism and intellectual opportunism, when people more or less creatively "cobble together" in one interpretation a bunch of ideas and models that draw from a variety of sources. The criticism might be that those ideas do not belong together, that they are not compatible, or that they produce an elaborate description that fails to explain anything. The theoretical critic then attempts to redress the situation by showing that a consistent theory requires abandoning or changing some ideas, or discarding the whole eclectic combination in favour of a more consistent interpretation.

Public and private criticism
Criticism can be expressed publicly or privately. The most private criticism exists only in the mind of the critic. The most obvious reason why criticisms are not expressed, or only expressed privately, is that the critic believes public knowledge of the criticism would harm the critic or others. People often first express criticisms privately to test their validity, formulation, or reactions to them. It may require courage, conviction, or certainty to express a criticism publicly.

However, the distinction between "private" and "public" itself may be rather vague, or there may be various gradations between "absolutely private" and "definitely public". Yet even if a criticism is publicly accessible already, it may remain relatively unknown, because it is only available in a rather obscure place, or because people are simply not looking for it. The criticism may exist for years, before someone digs it out, and presents it in a forum that makes it widely known.

The degree to which criticisms are made privately or publicly, often depends on customary or legal norms for expressing criticism. Thus, the degree to which a criticism is accessible may be influenced by moral considerations, fear, the human or commercial interests at stake, or authority issues. Criticisms can of course also be expressed anonymously or under a pseudonym, in which case the identity of the critic or the source of the criticism remains unknown. In this case, the criticism exists in public, but where exactly it came from remains private. If a criticism is actively suppressed or censored, then although there may have been an attempt to publicize it, it may not become public knowledge because there was no possibility for making it public. Yet criticisms can also travel very fast "through the grapevine" so that, although they are publicly denied or ignored, everyone knows what they are, because their peers informally communicated the criticism.

Moral criticism
Moral criticism is basically concerned with the rights and wrongs of values, ethics or norms people uphold, what is good and bad about what people do, or the rights and wrongs of the conditions people face. Morality is concerned with what is good and bad for people, and how we know that. There are many forms of moral criticism, such as:
 Showing that actions taken are inconsistent or incompatible with certain values being upheld, or values deemed desirable
 Counterposing one set of values to another, with the claim that the one set is better than the other
 Arguing that certain values are intrinsically objectionable, regardless of any other values that may be relevant
 Arguing that certain values ought to be adopted or rejected for some reason
 Arguing that, for the sake of integrity, somebody should or shouldn't do something

Rational or civil morality is based on the idea that people should be treated in the same ways, in the same kind of situation; the same norm should apply to all people concerned, in the same relevant situation. The exception that proves the rule implies that there does exist a moral rule, to which it is an exception, for a definite and explicable reason. Such a morality is often assumed because, without it, human behaviour would be unpredictable or arbitrary, and cannot be relied upon; the necessary co-operation between people as social beings would be hindered. Modern jurisprudence and legal systems are, at least in principle, based on this idea. It originates from the two social norms, often expressed in religions, that one should "do unto others as one would like them to do unto oneself" and "not do unto others as one would not like them to do unto oneself." Consistent behaviour in this sense is regarded as most likely to be effective for survival and achievement in the long run, in contrast to chaotic or arbitrary behaviour ("arbitrary" in the sense that one's own interests and needs, or the interests and needs of others are not properly taken into account).

Nevertheless, values people hold often clash, and how "consistency" should be interpreted may be disputed. Hence moral criticism ranges from whether there should be a moral rule at all and the justification of a moral rule, to the interpretation of the meaning of a moral rule, and to how it is in practice applied. The debate can be pursued formally (for example by lawyers, judges, religious authorities and politicians) or informally (by any citizens of a community). Philosophers of ethics aim to shed light on moral disputes by means of critical thinking, often with the aim of clearing up moral confusions, and improving moral behaviour.

Scientific criticism
Scientific criticism is not primarily concerned with moral values, but more with quantitative or categorical values. It focuses on whether an idea can be proven true or false, or what the limits of its valid application are, quite irrespective of whether people like that or not, or what the moral implications are. For this purpose, the scientist employs logic and relevant evidence offered by experience, as well as experimentation, and gives attention to the intent and purpose of relevant activity.

Obviously a scientist is also a moral being with moral biases, but science aims to ensure that moral biases do not prejudice scientific findings (the requirement of objectivity). If scientists would ignore relevant evidence pertaining to a case, for example because of some personal bias, they could be criticized for that.

Scientists can also criticize a specific morality on scientific grounds, but in a scientific capacity they do not do so on the ground that the morality itself is intrinsically objectionable, but rather that it cannot be reconciled with the facts, i.e., it involves assumptions or valuations contrary to known logical and factual evidence.

Science is typically not concerned with judging the desirability of ends in themselves, but rather with the relationship of means and ends.
The question in scientific activity is usually to ascertain – with reasoning, study and experiment – whether the chosen means can or cannot, as a matter of objective fact, produce the envisaged result, and why that is. So a scientist mainly aims to prove with evidence and reasoning, that if one wants to achieve X, then one must do Y, or not do Z. But whether one wants to achieve X or not, may be a separate question, on which a scientist cannot adjudicate, because telling people what they ought to do with themselves falls outside the realm of scientific inquiry. At most a scientist might say that, if X is achieved, it will have specific benefits, and if it is not achieved, it will have certain harmful effects or costs for the people concerned (or vice versa).

When scientists criticize other scientists, the criticism can be very specialized and technical, so that it may not be very easy to understand the meaning – unless one is familiar with the particular scientific discipline. There are some general rules for scientific criticism, but most often each branch of scientific research has its own rules and formats for criticizing. Science is above all a search for truth, and therefore if scientists are dishonest (for example, by faking the evidence), they are not being "scientific", dishonesty then is an obvious target for criticism.  Other, more common, criticisms relate to assumptions, sampling bias, methodological error, statistical issues or invalid conclusions.

Religious criticism

Religious criticism is primarily concerned with judging actions and ideas according to whether God (or the Gods, or other divine beings) would regard them as good or bad for human beings (or for the world). Normally a religion has some sacred or holy texts, which serve as an authoritative guide to interpreting actions and ideas as either good or bad. From these, religious authorities derive norms for how people ought to live and act in the world.

However, sacred texts may not always be clear, and may require interpretation. Thus, theologians ask critical questions such as, "How do we know what God wants for human beings?" They try to answer these questions by reasoning based on religious principles, rules, laws, by considering what people experience, and by "divine inspiration" through prayer and meditation.

Religious authorities such as the Pope may criticize how people behave, if the behaviour conflicts with church doctrine. In religious criticism, the motive or intention of the criticism (why somebody is criticizing) is important. Criticism must be offered in the right spirit so that it has a good effect.

Religious criticism is successful if it clarifies exactly what is good and bad, and why that is, in such a way that people are convinced to do what religion says is the "right thing" to do. Religious criticism is often very difficult to do well, because people's spiritual beliefs are very personal and the personal meaning attached to spiritual matters may be rather unusual – it may not be so easy to understand it, it may not be so rational or logical, and it may not conform to a shared framework or shared interpretation. In addition, because it is a very personal matter, it may require a great deal of respectful sensitivity to approach a spiritual issue in a good way.

Scholarly criticism
Criticism is considered "scholarly" only if it conforms to scholarly standards. A scholarly critic probes deeply into a problem, looking at all relevant evidence, the quality of reasoning involved, and the uses or purposes at stake. When he considers a problem, a scholar usually becomes familiar with the relevant background literature. He tries to make sure that he cannot be accused of inconsistent reasoning, that arguments are free from factual error, and that all relevant aims, motives, and purposes are clear. A scholar also conscientiously documents "who said what and when" so that sources for all arguments are clear. Thus, the scholar tries to be as objective and fact-based as possible.

In this way, criticism is much more difficult to ignore or to refute. Most often, a scholarly publication is refereed ("screened") by other knowledgeable scholars, who critically examine the text to find possible faults, and possibly suggest alterations. In this way, scholars always try to ensure the quality of what is said. A scholarly criticism is successful if it provides a proof or refutation that nobody can rationally deny, so that most people accepted it as definitive. Much scholarly criticism does not provide truly spectacular proofs or refutations. That is difficult to do, if many bright minds have worked or are working on the same issue – but a careful, methodically developed criticism can nevertheless contribute valuable and significant information. To substantiate even a small scholarly criticism can take much research, and can require perseverance and patience from the scholar.

A scholarly critic primarily aims to improve understanding of an issue, by means of research and the criticism of research, irrespective of any prejudices about the issue. Scholarly criticism does not mean impartiality or neutrality. Indeed, the very fact that someone has developed a scholarly criticism implies they are taking a partisan position. However, scholars usually submit their own considerations and findings to a public forum that evaluates criticisms on their merits and faults, with the explicit aim to contribute to the search for truth, and with the understanding that the criticism could be wrong. Thus, scholarly criticism involves the attitude that one is open to criticism.

What exactly the applicable "scholarly standards" for criticism are, can be open to debate. Nevertheless, participants in different academic disciplines or scientific specialisms usually operate with a reasonable amount of consensus about what the standards are. In general terms, such things as "lying, cheating, fraud, misinformation and misrepresentation" disqualify a criticism from being "scholarly". Scholarly criticism requires the greatest respect for truth, honesty in presenting a case, and a form of communication acceptable to the scholarly community.

Critical criticism
Critical criticism is "criticism for the sake of criticism", or criticism which voices an objection. The term was made famous by a polemical text written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels entitled The Holy Family. The most popular modern form of critical criticism is contrarianism. The highest positive value of the critical critic is to be critical. To be critical, or to be a dissident is, in this case, a way of life, the highest good. Such a position is itself often criticized for its motivation. People often feel that there should be a good reason for being critical, and that being critical simply for the sake of being critical is not a good reason. Instead, it is seen as a nuisance that can lead to blithe cynicism without constructive result. If everything is demolished by criticism, there may be nothing of value left. If people's only stance is to be critical, they can be accused of only negating things, without affirming anything, which provides no positive orientation for behaviour informing people about "what to do". People don't need talk about what is not possible, they want to know what is possible.

Critical critics might respond to such an accusation, by saying that it is surely always valuable and important to highlight the limitations of ideas and happenings, and that this could not very well occur, if criticism was banned ("in a world gone mad, it makes sense to be critical"). It may be necessary to point out that things are wrong, even if it is not known how to put it right (yet). Critical critics might argue that it is necessary to be "forever on guard" against illusions, and to be "eternally vigilant" against nonsense. Without criticism, things are not relativised, or put in proportion. A typical reply to this argument is, that many illusions in the world cannot be abolished simply by criticizing them. That is, people actually have to do something positively, to establish the truth, and they cannot very well do that, if they only focus on "what is not there", or on "what is wrong". If the whole situation was turned around by taking action, there might be no need anymore for criticism. Criticism would become irrelevant or meaningless in that case.

So the means critics use may not lead to the ends they favour. Sometimes people "just have to be quiet" and take action. In that case, critical criticism itself seems to contain an ultimate limitation: to get rid of the illusion or falsehood, might require getting rid of critical criticism, or going beyond it. To persist forever in critical criticism, might itself perpetuate an illusion, and the critical critics, if they were completely consistent, might not be able to survive their own "critical attitude to everything". Or, at the very least, they would have to be critical of their own critical criticism – they might be defeated by their own stance that there is nothing immune to criticism.

Radical and revolutionary criticism
The word "radical" derives from the Latin word "radix" ("root"). Thus, radical criticism means criticism that goes to the root of things, to the roots of the problem. Revolutionary criticism is criticism that aims to overturn or overthrow an existing idea or state of affairs. Thus, an existing idea may be turned upside down. Revolutionary criticism is sometimes also used in the sense of criticism that is unprecedented, or previously unheard of. Typically these kinds of criticism are associated with the youth, who are the new generation finding their identity in a battle with the older generations.

The radical critic aims to track down the most fundamental assumptions underlying an idea, position or situation in order to show the ultimate reason why it is true or false. The concern is with what something is ultimately based on. For this purpose, radical critics are not satisfied with superficial ideas. They question authority and the status quo. This presupposes the freedom to criticize, and to pursue a train of thought to its ultimate limits. Radical critics keep asking "why, why, why" very thoroughly, until they reach a complete answer to the puzzle of why things appear as they do. Radical criticism may be revolutionary, insofar as its result overthrows previous ideas with a new perspective, but it may also only demolish a particular way of seeing things, or show that an alternative way of seeing things or doing things is possible.

Radical or revolutionary criticism is often equated with political extremism, but this is not necessarily the case at all. This type of criticism may only just prove, in a "devastatingly simple" or even rather innocent way, that something is true or false, contrary to the popular perceptions or cherished beliefs. It may be "extreme", only in the sense that it falls outside the "normal" way of seeing things. If radical critics succeed in proving their case, their idea may in due course become accepted as "normal", and become an ordinary, mainstream idea. Many if not most ideas which people hold nowadays and accept as normal, originally were considered as "extremely radical", "revolutionary" or even "dangerous". It just took a long time before they became generally accepted – the radical thinker, by going beyond the ordinary, was merely ahead of the rest in grasping the essence of the matter.

So the distinction between "radical" and "normal" is, often, really only a relative one; it may have less to do with the content of ideas, than with how much they are accepted or not. Whereas the radical critic may, in his own day, be regarded as an oddball or a maverick, later on he may be hailed as a great thinker or even a genius. But this is not always the case. After all, even although radical critics may try hard, they may fail to prove the root of the matter, and thus they may be forgotten without acclaim. People may regard them only as "troublemakers".

Radical criticism can be a bit of a gamble, even if the criticism is perfectly valid. The reason is that it may open up a "can of worms" and unleash intense controversy, which can get beyond what the radical critic can handle, and which lasts for a long time. People may well know that there is a problem, but they prefer to avoid it, because they know that, if it came out into the open, it would cause a pack of trouble. Thus, when the radical critic exposes the problem or proposes a radical solution to it, people can become very agitated. To state a radical criticism often takes considerable courage, because there can be a powerful backlash to reckon with. Skilled radicals therefore try to make sure they can deal with the consequences of making their criticism. If they don't, they could be defeated by what they said.

Conservative criticism
Conservative criticism is primarily concerned with conformity to a rule or principle, and continuity with the past (a tradition or heritage of some sort). Conservative critics consider that:
everything in the world has its proper and rightful place.
people ought to know what that place is, for their own good.
people ought to stay in their own proper place, because they belong there.
people should not try to leave their proper place in life, or misplace things, because that only causes trouble.
the changes which occur, are only really variations of things which always remain the same in human existence, because "that is how people are" or "that is how society is".

Conservative criticism is therefore not necessarily "narrowminded", because knowing what the proper place of things is, might involve a vast knowledge about how things work. There may be very good reasons for keeping things as they are or were.

The most common forms of conservative criticism are that somebody is breaking with a rule, wrongly rejecting a tradition, or wrongly placing something where, they think, it does not belong. Conservative critics are as concerned with the future as anybody else, it is just that they expect no more from the future, than there has been in the past; and, to tackle the future, they believe only the "tried and tested methods" should be used. Typically conservatism is associated with older people, who "have seen it all and done it all". But conservative criticisms can be made by any kind of person, they are not automatically "conservatives" because they make a conservative criticism.

Conservative criticism has nothing much to do with "left-wing" or "right-wing", because left-wing people are often very conservative, in the defined sense, while right-wing people can also be very radical, in the defined sense. The difference between "radical" and "conservative" has more to do with the belief in whether a change to something genuinely new is really possible and necessary. Radicals typically believe strongly that such change is highly desirable and necessary, and that it can be achieved. Their criticism is that there is not enough change. Conservative critics, by contrast, are very skeptical about any such change, because they feel the change is really "just another form" of something that already exists.

The conservative criticism is typically that there has already been too much change, of the wrong kind, and that this change has led people astray – that people should return to how things were always done in the past. A return to the 'correct' tradition, 'correct' ways of the past, is the only big change many conservative critics are interested in.

Conservative critics may well recognize that important changes do occur, it is merely that whatever the changes, those changes do not and cannot alter the eternal conditions of human existence. "Details" may change, but "in essence" the human predicament remains the same as it has always been. So conservative critics typically emphasize continuity over change. They believe it is just not possible to change human existence very radically, whatever the appearance. Conservative criticism therefore says that, when people claim they are doing something new or have changed things, this is just spurious and superficial, because, in essence, things stay much as they always have been. People may think they are innovating, but in reality most of it has been done before.

A true conservative critic does not think in terms of "living for the moment", but in terms of years, decades, centuries and eternity. He criticizes on the basis of long-lasting principles. The ultimate aim of conservative criticism is to achieve stability, so that things stay in the place where they belong, orderly and peacefully. This is logical, because it fits with the idea that human beings quite simply "are as they are" – and that this will never change. Resistance to this reality, the conservative feels, is not only useless, but also just makes people unhappy; "you can't change human nature".

Conservative criticism can be effective, if it is feasible to keep things the way they are, or to return to a traditional way of doing things. It is usually not effective, if change is absolutely unavoidable and inevitable, or if it is impossible to go back to the way of doing things in the past. However, even if change cannot be avoided, there may be several different options for how to approach it, and conservative critics are then likely to choose a "conservative option".

Liberal criticism
Liberal criticism is primarily concerned with people's rights (including human rights) and freedoms, with whether people are taking responsibility for their choices or not, and with the limits of toleration. Liberal critics believe that:
 Interests, needs, and rights of autonomous individuals are most important, not group entities (except if they are groups of recognizable individuals).
 People should be free to make their own choices, and should take responsibility for those choices.
 People should have equal opportunities in the marketplace.
 People should be rewarded according to the merits of what they achieve, not according to their status, or inherited privileges.
 People are entitled to a private sphere of their own, i.e., a distinction should be made between private and public life.

Liberal criticism focuses on making sure that all the conditions exist in which individuals can develop, flourish and prosper successfully, as independent people, with a minimum of constraints. Liberals therefore criticize anything that gets in the way of this. People's rights, privacy and choices should be respected as much as possible, and obstacles to a free life should be attacked and removed. Liberals are in favour of pluralism: nobody has a monopoly on the truth, and other, different voices should be heard. At the same time, people should be prevented from interfering too much in other people's lives. If people make the wrong choices, or if they don't take responsibility for their own choices and their own lives, they should be criticized for that. If people are unfairly shut out from opportunities, or if they are unfairly rewarded, liberals often criticize it. Liberal criticism is associated especially with young adults who are starting to make their own way in life, on their own strength.

Liberal criticism can often become extraordinarily complex and subtle, involving very fine distinctions. The reason is that the interests, rights and obligations of individuals constantly have to be weighed against the interests, rights and obligations of other individuals. Rules and principles have to be created so that individuals are not too constrained, but also that they are prevented from interfering unduly in the lives of others. People should be "free, but not too free". People are "too free" when they become irresponsible, anti-social and arbitrary, i.e., when they fail to regulate their own behaviour appropriately, and have to be regulated by others. Liberal criticism is therefore always very concerned with finding the right kind of balance, or the right nuance, which would (ideally) express a situation of harmony among individuals (or expresses the best way to regard something). Liberals accept that conflicts always occur, but conflicts should be kept within certain bounds, and methods should be found to resolve them fairly. Much liberal criticism is devoted to defining exactly "what should be tolerated and what should not be tolerated", and explaining why that is.
At its best, liberal criticism takes a "liberal" view of human beings, meaning that it is sufficiently open-minded to consider issues in a very comprehensive way, from all different angles. It allows people enough freedom to try out something new, tolerates differences of opinion, and lets people learn from their mistakes.
At worst, liberal criticism "misses the wood for the trees" because, by focusing on individuals and individual solutions, it overlooks the "bigger picture", or fails to understand the meaning of people's social coexistence. Liberals often cannot imagine anything beyond individuals, and therefore, when they have to describe the total situation in which individuals have to operate (social systems, macro-realities or collectivities), their perspective may become eclectic, fragmented or particularist.
Generally, liberal critics believe that the world would be better off if everyone is a liberal; but if they are driven into a corner by the criticisms of others, i.e., if they are robbed of their freedom in some sense, they can also become very anti-liberal and despotic – at least until such time as their own liberal way of being is tolerated again.
Liberal criticism typically does not work well, when the interests of the people concerned are mutually exclusive, and cannot be reconciled at all. Liberal criticism usually assumes that people are sufficiently flexible to be willing to discuss, negotiate or compromise about something, i.e., that people have an attitude of "give and take".

Speculative criticism
Speculative criticism is criticism which focuses on what something "might, could, or ought to" mean, or what "might, could, or ought to" follow from it. It might also focus on the "probable" or "likely" meaning of something, or the "probable" or "likely" consequences of it. Speculative criticism usually occurs in the absence of (enough) evidence that would decide an issue. It goes "beyond the facts", because the facts available (if any) are not conclusive. Thus, speculative criticisms usually occur when things are either not certain, definite or fixed (yet), or when multiple different meanings are possible. Since most people have to deal with some uncertainties in their daily lives, and have to interpret things without (yet) knowing the details of the full story, they entertain speculative thoughts as a normal everyday occurrence . For example, if somebody is thinking of buying a used car, he or she might think of what "might" be right or wrong with it, without knowing for sure.

A speculative criticism often takes the form that "if we assumed such-and-such, then it would seem that a consequence (desirable or undesirable) would follow". Yet whether the assumption is valid, remains uncertain. Whether the inference made on the strength of the assumption is valid, may likewise be uncertain. The speculative critic imagines different positive and negative scenarios which could be applicable, if certain conditions are assumed to exist. Or, somebody might say, "intuitively I would object to such a statement", without definite grounds or reliable information being available. Something could be "plausible" (on the face of it, it makes sense), but not (yet) "provable". There could "probably" be something wrong with a thing or idea, without definite proof that it is wrong.

Speculative criticism is often criticized precisely because it is speculative, i.e., because relevant evidence is unavailable, or because the criticism is made before "the evidence is in." In this case, the criticism is considered to lack any solid basis. For example, politicians (or political commentators) might dismiss "speculative newspaper stories" because they believe that these stories are just "spin" based on gossip and hearsay, and not based on any "hard evidence".

Nevertheless, speculative criticism can play an important role (e.g., in research, in art, in hermeneutics and in literary theory), because the same information can be "read" in different ways, and read in different ways by different people. What the information means, is in this case not fixed; it is open to interpretation, it has different meanings, and it may be, that what it means can only be established by interacting with the information. By means of speculative criticism, it is established what the information could possibly mean, perhaps as a prologue to more thorough verification. For example, when archaeologists find some very old bones, they might debate their hunches about the civilization of the people to whom the bones belonged. In all sorts of fields of human endeavour, it can be important and valuable to establish, through criticisms, what the possible significance of something is. Speculative criticism does not necessarily assume that things mean "anything you like". It may only be that the significance of something could be interpreted in a limited number of different ways.

Speculative criticism can be useful and credible, if people have to evaluate situations where there are unknowns, uncertainties, novelties or different possibilities (see also brainstorming). It is not very credible, when a definite answer could easily be obtained, "if only" the speculative critics bothered to do a bit of thinking and fact-finding themselves, and if they verified the claims being made properly.

Foolish criticism

Foolish criticism is unclear about what the motive or purpose of the criticism is, or about what the consequence or effect of the criticism is. Usually it connotes lack of self-insight or a good understanding of the motives or issue involved. The foolish critic often mistakes what his target should be, and therefore, his criticism is really "at the wrong address", it is in some sense misplaced, disingenuous or misjudged ("clutching at straws", "tilting at windmills", "Red herring").

Foolish criticism is not necessarily arbitrary or willy-nilly, but it is "foolish", because it does the critic (or his intended target) no good. Typically it is therefore self-defeating, which might make people wonder why it is being stated at all. People can become terribly obsessed with a criticism, without really being aware of what it is truly about, why it is being made, or what the effect of it is. They might feel they should "pipe in" about an issue, without any awareness of a clear motivation.

Foolish criticism may lack any clear direction, being prompted simply by a grudge or gripe, a feeling of unease, or a sense of dissatisfaction. People often say, "don't criticize, what you don't understand", meaning that first people should understand things and their effects properly, before launching into criticism. If they do not, the criticism might "backfire" and have an effect which is opposite to what is intended. Criticism is truly foolish, if people persist in a criticism regardless, even though it is demonstrably not well-taken.

Foolish criticism is sometimes also interpreted as comical criticism ("critical foolery" or "fooling around with criticism") where the critic aims to entertain with his criticism.

Foolish criticism usually means that the criticism and the critic are not taken seriously by people who understand what the issue is about; thus, the criticism may have no other effect than that it makes people laugh, shrug or feel annoyed. People may acknowledge that a criticism is "brave" (they credit the critic with the courage to make a criticism), but also that it is "foolish" (because, by making it, the critic sacrifices something important which he did not need to do).

Professional criticism
The term "professional criticism" is applied in several ways.
Criticism which is professionally done - this implies that it is expertly done, and could hardly be improved. That usually means that it is so well-designed, that nobody can deny it, and that people feel something necessarily has to be done about it.
Criticism which is offered by a professional, rather than an amateur or layman. Somebody may offer a criticism "in his professional capacity", meaning that he bases himself on his professional experience with the subject of the criticism. This does not, however, automatically mean that the criticism is good.
Somebody is being criticized, because he has flouted a professional standard. Normally, a skilled occupation or a profession has a set of standards, which aims to ensure the quality of work. If the standards were not there, the goods and services supplied would be shoddy, useless or unsafe. Professionals learn what the standard is, through training and education, and they explain relevant aspects of that standard to the people they supervise. The standards can include a code of ethics, rules for behaviour, technical norms and procedures, legal rules, etc. It is expected that people who work in a profession really follow the standards of that profession. If they do not, they can be criticized for this failure. In that case, their behaviour is regarded as "not professional" or "unprofessional".
The criticism of professionals or the criticism of a profession may occur, sometimes in a somewhat humorous, or satirical way. It could be done by professionals themselves, or by amateurs or laypersons. In this case, there is some skepticism about what the status of "being professional" actually adds to solving a problem, or there is skepticism about the claims made by a profession about how it can contribute to solving a problem. It is often implied here, that the standards of professionals do no justice to a specific situation, or that there is a case of professional cretinism: the professional gets it wrong, because he is unable to think outside of his own profession (he is imprisoned in a framework that does not lead to a solution).

Not infrequently, some of these different senses of professional criticism are mixed together, especially when people try to pretend somebody's criticism is authoritative (they seem to have a professional expertise, although they really lack this expertise), or when people try to pretend that somebody's criticism is not authoritative (they are treated as no better than the rest, although in reality they are highly professional, and more competent and experienced than the rest).

Self-criticism

Self-criticism (or what academics sometimes call "autocritique") refers to the ability to appraise the pros and cons of one's own beliefs, thoughts, actions, behaviour or results, especially from the point of view of how others might regard them. The self-criticism might occur in private, or it might happen in a group discussion. Sometimes the self-criticism is aired publicly, specifically to show people that a person or group no longer believes in something which it formerly did; at other times, the self-criticism remains a hidden secret behind closed doors.

Self-criticism requires a certain flexibility of mind, because it assumes a person is able to call into question his own behaviour and thinking – instead of believing that he "naturally" is the way he is, or that he can "never be wrong". Often it requires that people are able to "step outside themselves", and see themselves from a different perspective. The self-critic is willing to search for, recognize, and accept objections against his own behavior, or his own characteristics; he is willing to accept that he could be wrong, or indeed that he  in the wrong.

Self-criticism can be very difficult, for several reasons.
People can be very resistant to admitting they are wrong about something, or that they did (or said) the wrong thing. They like to believe they got it right, even when others disagree. Acknowledging that they got it wrong, could be very embarrassing, confusing or distressing – especially if they personally invested a lot in the wrong idea. Their whole world might crumble.
People might have "blind spots" in their awareness, i.e., they are simply unable to see a part of themselves for what it is (unless others point it out to them). In that case, they are unable to criticize themselves, because they don't know what there is to criticize.
If people did engage in self-criticism, others might interpret it as a sign of weakness ("you got it wrong, so why should I take you seriously?"). Thus, the self-critic might no longer have the same confidence, or become vulnerable to attack from others.

Self-criticism is an essential component of learning. In order to be able to change one's behaviour, improve one's style, and adjust to a new situation, it is necessary to recognize personal errors as errors. Once the errors are known, something can be done about them; a different path can be pursued. One also needs to be able to tell the difference between success and failure, and not mistake one for the other. Only then is it possible to truly "learn from one's mistakes." Often, the most challenging part is to know what exactly the mistake or success consists in. The aim of self-criticism is to find all that out, aided by memory.

People sometimes say, "its about the criticism that gets me". This is especially true of self-criticism. Usually people are only prepared to criticize themselves within certain limits, otherwise it becomes confusing, disorienting, or even lethal. If a person arrives at the conclusion that most of what he is about is wrong, he can be plunged into a disorienting chaos, where he is unable to evaluate things properly anymore. Thus, while most people regard self-criticism as healthy, as a sign of good character, and as necessary for learning, excessive or enforced self-criticism is regarded as unhealthy (as destructive for the individual). The ultimate self-criticism can be a final self-attack through deliberate suicide. Suicidal persons are willing to give up their right to exist, they no longer believe their life is worth living. Thus, it is possible to be "too hard on oneself", leading to self-destructive behaviour.

See also
Critic
Critical theory
Criticism
Critique
List of fallacies

References