Benigno Aquino III Senate (2007-10) What changes did he make while in the Senate? I don't know. When was he elected? May 15, 2007, Was he a republican or democrat? Genuine Opposition (GO), a coalition comprising a number of parties, including Aquino's own Liberal Party, Are there any other interesting aspects about this article? Aquino was endorsed by the pentecostal Jesus Is Lord Church,
Did he pass any laws?
Did Benigno Aquino III pass any laws?
Barred from running for re-election to the House of Representatives of the Philippines, to represent the 2nd district of Tarlac, due to term limits, Aquino was elected to the Senate of the Philippines in the 2007 Philippine midterm election on May 15, 2007, under the banner of the Genuine Opposition (GO), a coalition comprising a number of parties, including Aquino's own Liberal Party, seeking to curb attempts by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to amend the 1986 Philippine Constitution. In Aquino's political ads, he was endorsed by his younger sister, TV host Kris Aquino, and his mother, the late former President Corazon Aquino. Although a Roman Catholic, Aquino was endorsed by the pentecostal Jesus Is Lord Church, one of the largest Protestant churches in the Philippines. With more than 14.3 million votes, Aquino's tally was the sixth highest of the 37 candidates for the 12 vacant seats elected from the nation at large. Aquino assumed his new office on June 30, 2007.  During the campaign, Aquino reached out to his former enemy, Senator Gregorio Honasan, supporting his application for bail. Aquino told Job Tabada of Cebu Daily News, on March 5, 2007;  "I endorse Honasan's request for bail para parehas ang laban [to even out the playing field]. I was hit by bullets from Honasan's men in the neck and hips but that's past now. The principle of my father was, 'Respect the rights even of your enemies.' Ito ang nagpatingkad ng demokrasya [This is what defines democracy]. Genuine reconciliation is democracy in action."  Aquino was referring to an unsuccessful coup attempt staged by rebel soldiers led by Gregorio Honasan on August 28, 1987, in which Aquino was seriously injured. CANNOTANSWER
CANNOTANSWER
Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III  (; February 8, 1960 – June 24, 2021), also known as Noynoy Aquino and colloquially as PNoy, was a Filipino politician who served as the 15th president of the Philippines from 2010 to 2016. Before being elected president, Aquino was a member of the House of Representatives and Senate from 1998 to 2010, and also served as a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives from 2004 to 2006.

The son of politician Benigno Aquino Jr. and President Corazon Aquino, he was a fourth-generation politician as part of the Aquino family of Tarlac. On September 9, 2009, shortly after the death of his mother, he officially announced his candidacy in the 2010 presidential election, which he would go on to win. He was sworn into office as the 15th president of the Philippines on June 30, 2010, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. His presidency was marked by stabilizing and growing the nation's economy into its highest in decades, and the country was dubbed as a "Rising Tiger". Aquino is also credited for his confrontational foreign policy. His administration filed an arbitration case, Philippines v. China, before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in an attempt to invalidate China's claims in the South China Sea and asserted his own country's claims in the area; the court ruled in favor of the Philippines. Aquino received criticism for the Mamasapano clash, a botched police operation that killed 44 members of the Special Action Force, and several other issues. His non-renewable term ended on June 30, 2016, and he was succeeded by Rodrigo Duterte. After leaving office, Aquino was the subject of legal actions over his role in the Mamasapano clash and for approval of a controversial budget project.

Early life and education 
Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III was born on February 8, 1960, at Far Eastern University Hospital in Sampaloc, Manila. He is the third of the five children of Benigno Aquino Jr., who was then the vice governor of Tarlac, and Corazon Cojuangco, daughter of a prominent Tarlac businessman. He has four sisters, namely: Maria "Ballsy" Elena, Aurora "Pinky" Corazon, Victoria "Viel" Elisa, and Kristina "Kris" Bernadette. He attended the Ateneo de Manila University in Quezon City for his elementary, high school, and college education. Aquino finished his Bachelor of Arts (major in economics) degree from the Ateneo de Manila University in 1981. He was one of the students of former professor of economics at the Ateneo de Manila University, former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

He joined his family in their exile in the United States shortly thereafter. In September 1972, Aquino's father, who was then a senator and prominent opposition leader to President Ferdinand Marcos, was arrested for subversion. In August 1973, Aquino's father was brought before a military tribunal in Fort Bonifacio.

In 1980, after a series of heart attacks, Aquino's father was allowed to seek medical treatment in the United States, where Aquino's family began a period of self-exile. In 1981, shortly after graduation, Aquino joined his family in the United States.

In 1983, after three years in exile in the United States, Aquino's family returned to the Philippines, shortly after the assassination of his father on August 21, 1983. He had a short tenure as a member of the Philippine Business for Social Progress, working as an assistant of the executive director of PBSP. He later joined Mondragon Industries Philippines, Inc. as an assistant Retail Sales Supervisor and assistant promotions manager for Nike Philippines.

From 1986 to 1992, during the presidency of his mother, Aquino joined the Intra-Strata Assurance Corporation, a company owned by his uncle Antolin Oreta Jr., as vice president.

On August 28, 1987, eighteen months into the presidency of Aquino's mother, rebel soldiers led by Gregorio Honasan staged an unsuccessful coup attempt, attempting to lay siege to Malacañang Palace. Aquino was two blocks from the palace when he came under fire. Three of Aquino's four security escorts were killed, and the last was wounded protecting him. He himself was hit by five bullets, one of which was embedded in his neck.

From 1993 to 1998, he worked for Central Azucarera de Tarlac, the sugar refinery in the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita. He was employed as the executive assistant for administration from 1993 to 1996 and subsequently worked as manager for field services from 1996 to 1998.

In 1998, he was elected to the House of Representatives as Representative of the 2nd district of Tarlac. He was subsequently re-elected to the House in 2001 and 2004. In 2007, having been barred from running for re-election to the House due to term limits, he was elected to the Senate in the 14th Congress of the Philippines.

Congressional career 
Aquino was a fourth-generation politician: his great-grandfather, Servillano "Mianong" Aquino, served as a delegate to the Malolos Congress; his paternal grandfather, Benigno Aquino Sr., served as Speaker of the National Assembly from 1943 to 1944; his maternal grandfather, José Cojuangco, was also a member of the House of Representatives; and his parents were Corazon Aquino, who served as the 11th president of the Philippines (1986–1992), and Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. Aquino was a member of the Liberal Party, where he held various positions such as secretary general and vice president for Luzon.

House of Representatives (1998–2007) 
Aquino became a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives on November 8, 2004, but relinquished the post on February 21, 2006, when Aquino joined his Liberal Party members in calling for the resignation of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo at the height of the Hello Garci scandal.

Aquino was also Chairman of the Board of the Central Luzon Congressional Caucus.

Senate (2007–2010) 
Barred from running for re-election to the House of Representatives of the Philippines, to represent the 2nd district of Tarlac, due to term limits, Aquino was elected to the Senate of the Philippines in the 2007 Philippine midterm election on May 15, 2007, under the banner of the Genuine Opposition (GO), a coalition comprising a number of parties, including Aquino's own Liberal Party, seeking to curb attempts by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to amend the 1987 Philippine Constitution. In Aquino's political ads, he was endorsed by his younger sister, television host Kris Aquino, and his mother, Corazon Aquino. Although a Roman Catholic, Aquino was endorsed by the pentecostal Jesus Is Lord Church, one of the largest Protestant churches in the Philippines. With more than  votes, Aquino's tally was the sixth highest of the 37 candidates for the 12 vacant seats elected from the nation at large. Aquino assumed his new office on June 30, 2007.

During the campaign, Aquino reached out to his former political rival, Senator Gregorio Honasan, supporting his application for bail. Aquino told Job Tabada of Cebu Daily News, on March 5, 2007;

Aquino was referring to an unsuccessful coup attempt staged by rebel soldiers led by Gregorio Honasan on August 28, 1987, in which Aquino was seriously injured.

Senate bills 
The Budget Impoundment and Control Act (Senate Bill No. 3121), wherein "impoundment" refers to the power of the president to refuse the release of funds appropriated by the Congress of the Philippines, is another bill Aquino was proud of; he regretted, however, that such power has been used and abused by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a result of which abuse has been the significant emasculation of Congress' ability to check the president's authority. Aquino filed this bill so that the president would have to pass a measure through Congress every time that they the chief executive had the impetus to impound part of the budget.

Another significant Aquino contribution to the Philippines' corruption problem was Senate Bill 2035, which is the Preservation of Public Infrastructures bill, seeking to raise standards in the construction of all public infrastructures by penalizing contractors of defective infrastructures. The bill also requires the Bureau of Maintenance under the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) to conduct periodic inspections of public infrastructures.

Aquino also pushed for the passage of the Amending the Government Procurement Act (SB 2160), which applies to all government procurement activities regardless of source of funds whether local or foreign; only treaties or international/executive agreements entered into by the government prior to its enactment shall be exempt from coverage. The bill was filed in light of the Department of Justice (DOJ) declaration regarding the validity of the NBN–ZTE deal corruption scandal, wherein its international aspect, as well as the fact that it was an executive agreement, was cited as one reason for its exemption from the procurement process stipulated in Republic Act No. 9184.

Focusing further on accountability in government appropriations and spending, Aquino filed other reform-oriented bills, among which were Philippine National Police reform; the banning of reappointment to the Judicial and Bar Council; and the prevention of reappointment and bypassing of the Commission on Appointments.

2010 presidential campaign 

On November 26, 2008, the Liberal Party elected Mar Roxas, president of the Liberal Party, as the standard-bearer of the Liberal Party for President of the Philippines in the then-upcoming 2010 presidential elections.

Following the death and funeral of Aquino's mother, former President Corazon Aquino, many people began calling on Aquino to run for President of the Philippines. This groundswell of support became known as the "Noynoy Phenomenon".

On August 27, 2009, Edgardo "Eddie" Roces, son of the late Chino Roces, publisher and owner of The Manila Times, and a group of lawyers and activists formed the Noynoy Aquino for President Movement (NAPM), a nationwide campaign to collect a million signatures in order to persuade Aquino to run for president, reminiscent of Roces' father, who on October 15, 1985, launched the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), collecting more than one million signatures nationwide and asking Aquino's mother to run against Ferdinand Marcos in the 1986 presidential snap elections.

On September 1, 2009, at the Club Filipino, in a press conference, Senator Mar Roxas, president of the Liberal Party, announced his withdrawal from the 2010 presidential race and expressed his support for Aquino, as the party standard-bearer instead. Aquino later stood side by side with Roxas, but did not make a public statement at the press conference. The next day, Aquino announced that he would be going on a "spiritual retreat" over the weekend to finalize his decision for the elections, visiting the Carmelite sisters in Zamboanga City, reminiscent of his mother's own soul-searching in 1985 before deciding to run for the elections the following year. He came back on September 9 to formally announce his candidacy. Almost two weeks later, Roxas pledged to run alongside Aquino as the Liberal Party standard-bearer for vice-president. The two men filed their respective certificates of candidacy for president and vice-president on November 28, 2009.

Fake psychiatric reports on Aquino's mental health began circulating online during the 90-day election campaign period from February 9 – May 8, 2010, Aquino received information that the first such report came from the wife of Nacionalista Party supporter and former National Power Corporation (NAPOCOR) president Guido Delgado, a move Aquino claimed was made with "malicious intent". A second report came from an unidentified supporter of Senator Manny Villar, the Nacionalistas' leader and presidential candidate. Later presented by Delgado at a press conference, the psychiatric report was supposedly signed by Father Jaime C. Bulatao, S.J., PhD, a Jesuit priest, a professor of Psychology and a clinical psychologist at the Ateneo de Manila University, taken when Aquino was finishing his bachelor's degree in economics at the university in 1979. It reportedly showed that Aquino suffered from depression and melancholia, the priest later denied writing the document at all. Another supposed psychiatric report that later surfaced claimed that Aquino suffered from major depressive disorder; the report's supposed author, Jesuit priest Father Carmelo A. Caluag II, denied writing any evaluations of Aquino. The university's psychology department later debunked the documents, with Aquino labelling them as another desperate effort by rivals to malign his reputation.

During the campaign, Senator Francis Escudero began endorsing Aquino as president and PDP–Laban standard-bearer Jejomar Binay, for Vice President, launching the Aquino–Binay campaign.

During the 2010 presidential election, held on May 10, 2010, in unofficial tallies, conducted by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) and the Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV), Aquino was the leading candidate in tallied votes for president, and in the official Congressional canvass, Aquino was the leading candidate in canvassed votes for president. Aquino was unofficially referred to at the time as "president-apparent" by the media.

On June 9, 2010, at the Batasang Pambansa Complex, in Quezon City, the Congress of the Philippines proclaimed Aquino as the president-elect of the Philippines, following the 2010 election with 15,208,678 votes, while Jejomar Binay, the former mayor of Makati, was proclaimed as the vice president-elect of the Philippines with 14,645,574 votes, defeating runner-up for the vice presidency Mar Roxas, the standard-bearer of the Liberal Party for vice president.

Presidency (2010–2016)

Early years
The presidency of Benigno Aquino III began at noon on June 30, 2010, when he became the fifteenth president of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. From the start of his presidency on, he was also referred to in the media as PNoy.

The presidential transition began on June 9, 2010, when the Congress of the Philippines proclaimed Aquino the winner of the 2010 Philippine presidential elections held on May 10, 2010, proclaiming Aquino as the president-elect of the Philippines. The transition was in charge of the new presidential residence, cabinet appointments, and cordial meetings between themselves and the outgoing administration. Aquino took residence in the Bahay Pangarap, the first president to do so, instead of the Malacañang Palace, which has been the official residence of his predecessors.

Aquino also announced the formation of a truth commission that would investigate various issues including corruption allegations against his predecessor President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with former Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr. as commission head.

Aquino took the oath of office on June 30, 2010, at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila. The oath of office was administered by Associate Justice Conchita Carpio-Morales, who officially accepted Aquino's request to swear him into office, reminiscent of the decision of his mother, who in 1986, was sworn into the presidency by Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee. After being sworn in as the fifteenth president of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Aquino delivered his inaugural address.

On July 26, 2010, at the Batasang Pambansa, in Quezon City, Aquino delivered his first State of the Nation Address (SONA). During Aquino's first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Aquino announced his intention to reform the education system in the Philippines by shifting to K–12 education, a 12-year basic education cycle. K–12 education is used in the United States, Canada, and Australia. On July 29, 2015, Aquino delivered his final SONA address, where he discussed the country's economic improvements and the benefits of social service programs, particularly the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program and the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation, during the course of his presidency.

Domestic policy

No wang wang policy
During the inaugural address, Aquino created the "no wang-wang" policy, strengthening the implementation of Presidential Decree No. 96. Wang-wang is colloquial term for blaring sirens. The decree was issued on January 13, 1973, by then President Ferdinand Marcos, regulating the use of sirens and other similar devices only to motor vehicles designated for the use of select national government officials, the police, the military, the fire department and ambulances. Despite having the privilege of using wang-wang as president, Aquino refrained from using sirens to set up an example for his policy, even if it means being stuck in traffic and being late every now and then. After the inaugural address, the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority began to enforce Aquino's no wang-wang policy, confiscating wang-wang from public officials and private motorists who illegally used them.

Bangsamoro peace process
Aquino resumed stalled peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a rebel group in Mindanao seeking self-determination for Moros. He met with the MILF in Tokyo, Japan in August 2011 to initiate peace talks which resulted to the signing of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Philippine government and the rebel group the following year. The agreement started the process of replacing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) with a new political entity. In 2014, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) was signed between the Philippine government and the MILF, with the deal characterized as a "final peace agreement" between the two parties.

The CAB paved way for the drafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL; later known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law or BOL), a charter for a proposed Bangsamoro autonomous region which would replace the ARMM.

In 2015, President Aquino was accused of evading responsibility for the Mamasapano clash, a botched police operation, which resulted to the death of 44 Special Action Force officers. He was also criticized for entrusting the operation to suspended police chief Alan Purisima. This led to a decrease of public support for the BBL.

Education
Aquino introduced reforms on the Philippine education program by introducing the K-12 curriculum by signing into law the Enhanced Basic Education Act in 2013. This added two years to the basic education system; which became known as the Senior High School stage. The program was introduced because the Philippines was among the three countries in the world at that time still had a 10-year basic education program. Among the criticisms of the K-12 program is the associated costs to be shouldered by teachers, parents, and students for the additional two years of basic education as well as the lack of classrooms and teachers required for the implementation of the shift to K-12.

Foreign policy
Benigno Aquino III is noted for his confrontational foreign policy against China, especially concerning the Philippines' approach in pursuing its claims in the South China Sea. It was under his administration, that the China v. Philippines case was filed in the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) which ruled in 2016 the invalidity of China's nine-dash line claim which covers the entire sea, although China continues to disregard the decision. The case was filed in 2013, after the Philippines lost control of the Scarborough Shoal after the 2012 standoff with China over the dispute feature. He is also responsible for instituting the term "West Philippine Sea" in 2012 for the eastern parts of the South China Sea which the Philippines claims to be part of its exclusive economic zone.

Criticism

Manila hostage crisis 
On August 23, 2010, in front of the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, the Manila hostage crisis occurred when a gunman took hostage a bus with Hong Kong tourists. Aquino defended the actions of the police at the scene, stating that the gunman had not shown any signs of wanting to kill the hostages. Aquino ordered a "thorough investigation" into the incident, and would wait until it is completed before deciding whether anyone should lose his or her job. Aquino declared that the media may have worsened the situation by giving the gunman "a bird's-eye view of the entire situation". Aquino also made reference to the Moscow theater hostage crisis, which, according to Aquino, resulted in "more severe" casualties despite Russia's "resources and sophistication". On August 24, 2010, Aquino signed Proclamation No. 23, declaring August 25, 2010, as a national day of mourning, instructing all public institutions nationwide and all Philippine embassies and consulates overseas to lower the Philippine flag at half-mast, in honor of the eight Hong Kong residents who died during the crisis. On August 25, 2010, at a press conference in Malacañang, Aquino apologized to those offended when he was caught on television apparently smiling while being interviewed at the crime scene hours after the Manila hostage crisis. Aquino said:

On September 3, 2010, Aquino took responsibility for the crisis. Aquino actually has direct supervision of the Philippine National Police, since Aquino had asked Secretary of the Interior and Local Government Jesse Robredo to address other concerns, such as coming up with a comprehensive plan on delivering social services to and relocating informal settlers in coordination with the local governments. No formal apology for the crisis was made by Aquino until President Rodrigo Duterte formally apologized in 2018 as president of the Republic of the Philippines and in behalf of the people of the Philippines.

Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) 
President Aquino's administration was criticised during and after Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) in November 2013 for the government's "slow" response to aid the victims. This criticism resulted in countries like Canada providing humanitarian aid to the victims of the typhoon through non-governmental organizations and not the Philippine government.

Noynoying 

Noynoying (pronounced noy-noy-YING or noy-NOY-ying) was a protest tactic in the form of a neologism that Aquino's critics used to question his work ethic, alleging his inaction on the issues of disaster response and rising oil prices. A play on the term planking and Aquino's nickname, Noynoying involved posing in a lazy manner, such as sitting idly while resting his head on one hand, and doing nothing.

Cabinet 
Sources:

Judicial appointments 
Aquino appointed the following to the Supreme Court of the Philippines:
 Maria Lourdes Sereno – August 13, 2010 (as Associate Justice); August 25, 2012 (as Chief Justice).
 Bienvenido L. Reyes – August 16, 2011
 Estela M. Perlas-Bernabe – September 16, 2011
 Mario Victor F. Leonen – November 21, 2012
 Francis H. Jardeleza – August 19, 2014
 Alfredo Benjamin Caguioa – January 22, 2016

Post-presidency 
Following the turnover ceremonies to his successor Rodrigo Duterte at Malacañang, Aquino returned to his parents' residence along Times Street, Quezon City. After leaving office, Aquino remained silent on the Duterte administration and rarely made public appearances. However, in November 2016, Aquino attended a concert at Rizal Park and joined protests against the burial of Ferdinand Marcos. In February 2017, Aquino commemorated the 31st anniversary of the People Power Revolution by marching to the People Power Monument and joining the protests against the Ferdinand Marcos regime.

Legal charges 
In July 2017, criminal charges were filed against Aquino for usurpation of authority under the Revised Penal Code and violating anti-graft and corruption laws. Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales cited the involvement of then suspended Philippine National Police chief Alan Purisima in the 2015 Mamasapano police operation against the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Mamasapano, Maguindanao, where 44 Special Action Force members were killed. Under the Revised Penal Code, suspended public officials cannot perform their duties or interfere in government affairs. Aquino's former Deputy Presidential Spokesperson Abigail Valte said that Aquino planned to file a motion for reconsideration to appeal the charges. On 22 August 2019, the Sandiganbayan dropped the charges against Aquino upon request from Ombudsman Samuel Martires, citing the rule that no president can be charged of inducing subordinates to follow orders.

In 2018, Aquino was indicted in a $1.35-billion criminal case involving a congressional approval to use state funds on major government projects.

Personal life 
Aquino never married and had no children, making him the Philippines' first bachelor president. Aquino previously had a relationship with Shalani Soledad, a Valenzuela metropolitan councilor and niece of former Senator Francisco Tatad. In November 2010, Aquino confirmed that he and Soledad had ended their relationship. He had previously dated Korina Sanchez, Bernadette Sembrano, and Liz Uy. He was also in a relationship with Korean television host Grace Lee. Aquino had openly stated that he preferred younger women because he wanted to have children.

Aquino was also an enthusiast of shooting, billiards, and video games. Aquino did not drink alcoholic beverages but was a chain smoker. Aquino also said that he was not keen on being a poster boy for anti-smoking campaigns. Upon winning the election, Aquino received a phone call from U.S. President Barack Obama, who congratulated him and offered assistance to smoking cessation.

Although his official residence as president was Malacañang Palace, Aquino chose to reside in the Bahay Pangarap (House of Dreams), located within the Palace grounds, while in office.

Illness and death 

Speculation surrounding Aquino's health began circulating in August 2019 after he was unable to attend the commemoration of his father's 36th death anniversary; however, his spokesperson Abigail Valte said that his illness then was "nothing serious". In November 2019, Aquino was reported to have suffered from pneumonia. A month after, he was confined at Makati Medical Center for an executive checkup and undisclosed routine procedures. Aquino was confined in an intensive care unit, although according to his spokesperson, he was never in critical condition and the accommodation was just to limit visitors. Senator Francis Pangilinan, who was Aquino's former food security czar, later stated that this confinement was due to a kidney malfunction. Pangilinan added that Aquino had also been suffering from hypertension and diabetes. Thereafter, Aquino regularly sought medical treatment for his condition. By May 2021, Aquino told Camille Elemia of Rappler that he was experiencing a loss of appetite and breathing difficulties. That same month, he reportedly underwent a cardiac surgery.

In the early hours of June 24, 2021, Aquino was found by his maidservant lying unconscious on his recliner at his home in West Triangle, Quezon City. He was immediately transported by ambulance to the nearby Capitol Medical Center in Diliman, where he was pronounced dead at 6:30 a.m. (PHT), that day (22:30 UTC of the previous day). The cause of death was stated as renal disease, secondary to diabetes. According to his personal chauffeur, Aquino was scheduled to undergo dialysis on June 21, but refused because he felt that his body was "weak". Another dialysis was planned the day prior to his death, but Aquino again turned it down for similar reasons. Aquino's former public works secretary, Rogelio Singson, stated that he also underwent angioplasty to prepare for a scheduled kidney transplantation; Aquino was in the process of searching for donors at the time of his death.

His remains were cremated on the day of his death and his ashes were buried adjacent to that of his parents at the Manila Memorial Park in Parañaque on June 26, making him the first former Philippine president to have been cremated. Three Masses were held on June 25–26 at the Church of the Gesù at his alma mater, the Ateneo de Manila University, where a public viewing was also held. Then-newly installed Manila Archbishop Jose Advincula blessed his remains, while his funeral mass was presided over by Lingayen–Dagupan Archbishop Socrates Villegas (who also presided the requiem mass for Aquino's mother in 2009 when Villegas was Bishop of Balanga), with Caloocan Bishop Pablo Virgilio David concelebrating. Aquino's grave marker is in the same style as his parents: a simple, grey marble plaque with his name, nickname, and the dates of birth and death inscribed in black.

A few hours after the announcement of Aquino's death, President Rodrigo Duterte declared a ten-day "period of national mourning" from June 24 to July 3. All national flags have been flown at half-mast as a sign of mourning.

The funeral rites of Aquino were covered by Radyo Katipunan, the radio arm of his alma mater, for the wake and Radio Television Malacañang for his burial.

Honors and awards 
This is a list of honors and awards received by Benigno Aquino III.

Foreign honors
 :
  Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (June 2, 2015)
 :
  Collar of the Knightly Order pro merito Melitensi (March 4, 2015)
 :
  First Class of the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (October 10, 2014)
 :
  Collar of the Order of Mubarak the Great (March 23, 2012)
 :
 Collar of the Order of Independence (April 11, 2012)
National Honors:

 : Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Knights of Rizal. (February 17, 2011).

Honorary degrees

 Fordham University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics (September 19, 2011)
 Centro Escolar University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics (April 11, 2012)
 Kasetsart University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics
 University of the Philippines Diliman – Honorary doctoral degree in Law
 Sophia University – Honorary doctoral degree in Law (December 13, 2014)
 Tarlac State University – Honorary doctoral degree in Humanities (May 14, 2015)
 Loyola Marymount University – Honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree (February 17, 2016)

Recognitions
 Named one of the 100 Most Influential People in the World in 2013 by Time
 United States: City Council Resolution on welcoming the President to Chicago presented by Mayor Rahm Emanuel (May 6, 2015)

See also 

 Noynoying
 Political positions of Benigno Aquino III
 Presidency of Benigno Aquino III

Notes

References

External links 

 
 Official profile in the website of the Senate of the Philippines
 Inaugural Address of President Benigno Aquino III | June 30, 2010
 President Benigno Aquino III's First State of the Nation Address | July 26, 2010
 President Benigno Aquino III's Second State of the Nation Address | July 25, 2011
 President Aquino's speech before the United Nations General Assembly | September 24, 2010

 
1960 births
2021 deaths
20th-century Roman Catholics
21st-century Roman Catholics
Benigno Aquino 3
Ateneo de Manila University alumni
Burials at the Manila Memorial Park – Sucat
Children of presidents of the Philippines
Cojuangco family
Deaths from diabetes
Deaths from kidney failure
Deputy Speakers of the House of Representatives of the Philippines
Filipino Roman Catholics
Kapampangan people
Liberal Party (Philippines) politicians
Members of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from Tarlac
People from Quezon City
People from Tarlac
Candidates in the 2010 Philippine presidential election
Presidents of the Philippines
Scouting in the Philippines
Secretaries of the Interior and Local Government of the Philippines
Senators of the 14th Congress of the Philippines
Filipino politicians of Chinese descent
In South Africa, pass laws were a form of internal passport system designed to segregate the population,  manage urbanization, and allocate migrant labor. Also known as the natives' law, pass laws severely limited the movements of not only black African citizens, but other people as well by restricting them to designated areas. Before the 1950s, this legislation largely applied to African men, and attempts to apply it to women in the 1910s and 1950s were met with significant protests. Pass laws were one of the dominant features of the country's apartheid system until it was effectively ended in 1986.

Early history
The first internal passports in South Africa were introduced on 27 June 1797 by the Earl Macartney in an attempt to prevent Africans from entering the Cape Colony. The Cape Colony was merged with the two Afrikaners republics in southern Africa to form the Union of South Africa in 1910. By this time, versions of pass laws existed elsewhere. A major boost for their utilization was the rise of the mining sector from the 1880s: pass laws provided a convenient means of controlling workers' mobility and enforcing contracts.

In 1896 the South African Republic brought in two pass laws which required Africans to carry a metal badge.  Only those employed by a master were permitted to remain on the Rand. Those entering a "labour district" needed a special pass which entitled them to remain for three days.

Summary
Pass laws date “back to 1760 in the Cape when slaves moving between urban and rural areas were required to carry passes authorizing their travel”. The pass laws, “had entitled police at any time to demand that Africans show them a properly endorsed document or face arrest”, hindering their freedom of movement. This meant that it restricted where they could live, which in turn then “tied them to their white employers, underpinning a system of cheap labor and humiliating subjection”. Their implementation over time arose from two contradictory needs. The white population in South Africa utilized these laws as “an ‘exclusionary’ need to obtain political security by controlling and policing the number of Africans in “white” areas, and an ‘inclusionary’ need to ensure a supply of cheap labor within these areas”. The legislation and practices associated with the pass laws have changed over time. 

As these demands and beliefs changed, so did the rights of the black population in South Africa. When the pass laws were implemented at the turn of the century, they “encouraged the flow of labor into ‘white’ agriculture and industry and to redistribute labor into geographical areas where it was needed”. This process would last until the 1950s, when the government opted to change the paradigm. This meant, “from 1950 onward the emphasis of the pass laws has been overtly exclusionary and directed to ‘relocating’ Africans from ‘white’ areas and containing them within the Bantustans”. Therefore, there has always been a tension between the white and black community in South Africa. This stemmed from the “efforts to use the pass system to balance white needs for security and labor”, while also creating laws that would allow for the control of “African employment, housing, access to land, and citizenship”. Due to these laws, “over 17,745,000  Africans have been arrested or prosecuted” between 1916 and 1984. The policing of Africans has allowed for the whites to maintain dominance over the black population for the greater part of the 20th century. 

Not only did the focus on how to control change over time, but also whom to control. Initially and “historically the use of passes in South Africa as a form of labour control applied only to men”. This happened because “whenever attempts were made to extend the system to black women, mass protests quickly resulted”. There vociferous opposition to the pass laws are of no surprise, considering the “fact that black women in South Africa have traditionally taken a more active role in mass popular protest”, in comparison to men. The biggest manifestation was a phenomenon that occurred “during the 1950s when black women throughout the nation fiercely resisted official efforts to make them carry passes for the first time”. The history of the application of pass laws towards women was intertwined with the belief that it would benefit the black female population. The “municipal authorities argued that passes for women were necessary to combat illegal brewing and prostitution”. They hypothesized that if a woman could prove that they made an honest living with legal employment then they would not be allowed to resort to illegal activities since they would be evicted. This proved to be a futile system since it was easier for the women in illegal practices to get around the laws than the home-based workers. Regardless of the reasons and the people that these laws affected, they could never be truly justified, and could only be seen as a scheme to control the black population in South Africa. 

As the years passed by, pass laws would be used less and less to prosecute people. There was a “decline in pass law prosecutions over the period 1968-1981”, which is not surprising considering “the new forms of tight influx controls”. There had been a radical change when the Riekert Commission recommended “that ‘unlawful occupation of accommodation by persons’, together with ‘unlawful employment’, be grounds for ‘repatriation’ of persons from the white area”, which meant that they changed their enforcement to “being taken off the streets and into housing and factories”. Pass laws were repealed in 1986.

Later legislation
The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 deemed urban areas in South Africa as "white" and required all black African men in cities and towns to carry around permits called "passes" at all times. Anyone found without a pass would be arrested immediately and sent to a rural area. It was replaced in 1945 by the Natives (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, which imposed "influx control" on black men and also set up guidelines for removing people deemed to be living idle lives from urban areas. This act outlined requirements for African peoples' "qualification" to reside legally in white metropolitan areas. To do so, they had to have Section 10 rights, based on whether 

 the person had been born there and resided there always since birth;
 the person had laboured continuously for ten years in any agreed area for any employer, or lived continuously in any such area for fifteen years;

The Black (Natives) Laws Amendment Act of 1952 amended the 1945 Native Urban Areas Consolidation Act, stipulating that all black people over the age of 16 were required to carry passes and that no black person could stay in an urban area more than 72 hours unless allowed to by Section 10. The Natives (Abolition of Passes and Co-ordination of Documents) Act of 1952, commonly known as the Pass Laws Act, repealed the many regional pass laws and instituted one nationwide pass law, which made it compulsory for all black South Africans over the age of 16 to carry the "passbook" at all times within white areas. The law stipulated where, when, and for how long a person could remain. 

The document was similar to an internal passport, containing details on the bearer such as their fingerprints, photograph, the name of his/her employer, his/her address, how long the bearer had been employed, as well as other identification information. Employers often entered a behavioural evaluation, on the conduct of the pass holder. 

An employer was defined under the law and could only be a white person. The pass also documented permission requested and denied or granted to be in a certain region and the reason for seeking such permission. Under the terms of the law, any government employee could strike out such entries, basically cancelling the permission to remain in the area.

A passbook without a valid entry then allowed officials to arrest and imprison the bearer of the pass. These passes often became the most despised symbols of apartheid. The resistance to the Pass Law led to many thousands of arrests and was the spark that ignited the Sharpeville Massacre on March 21, 1960, and led to the arrest of Robert Sobukwe that day.

Colloquially, passes were often called the dompas, literally meaning the "dumb pass" or domestic passport. 

Apart from discrimination against black people, there was also discrimination against the so-called "coloured people." The "coloured" included all Indians, Chinese and Arabs, as well as those of "mixed" black/white ethnicity. Indian people, for example, were barred from the Orange Free State.

Resistance by syndicalists and nationalists
These discriminatory regulations fueled growing discontent from the black population. The 1910s saw significant opposition to pass laws being applied to black women. 

In 1919, the revolutionary syndicalist International Socialist League (South Africa), in conjunction with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of Africa and the early African National Congress, organised a major anti-pass campaign. 

The 1950s saw the ANC begin the Defiance Campaign to oppose the pass laws. This conflict climaxed at the Sharpeville Massacre, where the anti-pass protestors led by the rival breakaway Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) surrounded the Sharpeville police station, prompting the police to open fire, killing 69 people and injuring over 180. Subsequent protests and strikes were met with major repression and the ANC and PAC were both banned.

Repeal in 1986
On July 24, 1986, as part of a process of removing some apartheid laws, the South African government lifted the requirement to carry passbooks, although the pass law system itself was not yet repealed. The system of pass laws was formally repealed retroactive on April 23, 1986, with the Abolition of Influx Control Act. Helen Suzman (MP) mentioned the act as the most eminent reform a government had ever introduced.

See also

 Bantustan
 Racial segregation
 Ghetto
 Hukou system
 Resident registration in Russia
 Identity document
 Jim Crow laws
 Judenhut
 Second-class citizen
 Yellow badge
 Passing (racial identity)
 Pass system (Canadian history)

References
Notes

Bibliography

I personally think we should not study history because for heaven sake is history it is the past so can we move on tu. Otherwise those racist white people i dare them to come to the hood heeeeeh ketla ba nyisa struu.

External links
Apartheid Pass Laws and the Anti-pass campaigns

Identity documents
Apartheid laws in South Africa The European Firearms Pass (EFP) is a locally issued firearms licence in a common format that allows citizens of the European Union (EU) to travel with one or more firearm(s) mentioned on the licence from one member state to another. For certain purposes other documentation may be required, depending on the current states' laws and the reason for the movement; a transfer may be temporary (for a competition) or permanent (on a sale). An applicant for an EFP must already hold a licence from the member state in which he/she holds the firearm.

Functions
The EFP is required by and  benefits: 
 hunters of deer, wild boar, game birds and vermin carrying their firearm(s) into another EU member state
 target shooters involved in international competitions in the EU
 Dealers, sellers and importers of firearms across EU borders
 Specialist collectors and museums

The EFP extends the "Four Freedoms" to the EU's licensed sports shooters, gun collectors and dealers.

The United Kingdom does not accept the EFP without an accompanying UK Visitors Pass which must be requested in advance. The UK Visitors pass is only valid for one year and an EFP does not allow the importation of firearms that are legal in the visitor's home country but prohibited in the UK (e.g. handguns, centerfire semi-automatic rifles).

EEC / EU Directives
The European Firearms Pass was first introduced in the European Firearms Directive of 1991. The amending directive 2008/51/EC was approved in May 2008 and member states' laws had to comply with it by 28 July 2010. 
Clause 14 comments that:
"The European firearms pass functions in a satisfactory way on the whole and should be regarded as the main document needed by hunters and marksmen for the possession of a firearm during a journey to another Member State. Member States should not make the acceptance of the European firearms pass conditional upon the payment of any fee or charge."
Article 1 amends article 4 of the 1991 directive to:
"4. A “European firearms pass” shall be issued on request by the authorities of a Member State to a person lawfully entering into possession of and using a firearm. It shall be valid for a maximum period of five years, which may be extended, and shall contain the information set out in Annex II. It shall be non-transferable and shall record the firearm or firearms possessed and used by the holder of the pass. It must always be in the possession of the person using the firearm and any change in the possession or characteristics of the firearm, as well as the loss or theft thereof, shall be indicated on the pass."

See also
 Air travel with firearms and ammunition
 European Union law
 Gun politics in the United Kingdom
 Overview of gun laws by nation

References

European Union firearms laws