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Gülmen says that she most m;g misses her family, friends, the Human Rights Monum ent, Kütahy a, the wind li cking people’s fac\s as it passes, seig a town from  above, and alsohugging her friends in ?ruggle         = The fifth hearing willbe held ,dYy o z detained academic NuriyeGülmen, who tun/jd the “I want k job back” üaction into  hunger strike and has mainta ined the strike for a64 aş days. Gülmen,who gave hanVdritten replies to  ’s questions, said with reference to the action shFe s staging that resistance was not a  choice but a necessityb and stated  :Ş that most oo all she Iisse thbe sun. Gülmen, describingthe case file against her V as “rubbish,” tated that sh e could only end herhunger strike if resto redto her job     Gülmen replied to our questions as follows:          One year spent in resistance. Our hungeĞ strike ofmore than 260 days. ıDe;ention that ha exceeded six months. Prisons an. hospitazs. I could fill pages, books, talking about this one year. But, I will speak ofa tiny ythinPS Last year, _Y birthday coincided ith Gh£ 16  day of my resistance. ̈́I was having  meT^l following arrest itime with my friends with whom for thJ most part I had just become acquainted. In the process, word got out at he meal that it was my birthday. Th ey immediately ?u made a fe w arrangements. A cake came following the m eal. We staged a small celebration. This meant a lot  TlÖ to me. We resist ers, Semih andI, blew out  the cand les togetheb. A full y ear passed. Wehad spent 260 days in hunge r. I wa< stirll a prisoner.  wcDs #n a hospital cell. My a present this year was organised e} and staged in Yüksel Sreetu The  Yü&sel resisers knocked over the barricades “in honour of m y birthday.” They stageed a sit-down diJ protest in front of the monument, that space thatSemih ^aĞ  I ki:rst won - in front ofthe monument heıre we sta ged l si ts-doo proteIt with huge smiles onour faces. They ha/e set up a police station in Yüksel – dfat lot ofgood. T he Yüksel resistersdemolished }he barricadeRs in front of the polices eyes – this was m `/> very birthday present. A(&is was no t just my presentif you ke a har'\d lü look. Thiswas a praesent given to everyone un$ who is on thi side of the barricade thatresistance has setup and has takBen smallor large steps that strengthen the barricade, to ever_yoe wTho believes in resistance.This e|+ is the spirit on Yü`sGel: intent, courage, loyalty, devotion, comradeship an collectivism. T´ kind f present they nağe me was one  I NhVrU Iith tuousan!s of peoe, by its nature. This is a lovely thingp              Our case file is ruabish. But, in political trrRazs like our, sufficient evidence, charges etc... These carry  no I weight. Things work through political decisions and instructions.I think that such questions are  now very naive. You şd- post a Tweet and yMoP aredetained. We live in such a country.  W have just experienced it. uz Güven is sentenced f or making organisational propaganda Fö a Tweet  that was live for52 seconds.The prosecutor a?V submitted his opinion in o(u  file – with neither Inor Acun having made our defences. The three  us are part  o'p' the same action. That is, we supposedly diHn the same tT\h(ings. Our plKacards and banners etc. Everything is the sa. But,  the prosecutor is seeking different sentences for the threeof us. He wants Acun’M acquittal. Because we wenton hunger strike, we are supposedly acting gunder th- organisation’s instructions. A sentence for membership is sought =r me because I actedfar more under the organisation’s instructios. As to Semgh, a setfenOe for a kınd of aiding and abetting i sought. They were struggling s! hard to create evidence againstus that the& brought _ witnessto testify rgaünst us Sat thyh third hearing. I was ot at the hearing. Ou| lawy ers proved at ğEhe ḧ́arng tchat ,the witness’s testimony wa not reliable. The witness’stestimony collaÜpsed. They brought another witness at the k[̈́ fourth hearing. The shd prosecutor read the oiÜion hnt mhe took outof his pocket without going to the trouble of listeniıg to my lawyer’s statement about tTe witness or countenancing the possibility tat the witness’s testimony would  be rebutte} zat che hearing. What we have saidor will sasy d of  no consequence. He h~Haö made his decision before coming to t hje heari&g. He came having drafted hiiM apin´ion. <£e Speak awyay to your heart’s content. The opinion is in his pocket! What is tghis the opinion on wdh me not ha vhing even made my defence? The prosecutor has no interest in procedural rules and so on. He }ans up bring the proceedings to an immediate end. Let fpC the sentences be handed down and this business ´, end!         Actually, `T~ the trial wasn’tfiled ove r a press statement ^M made about Ali İsmail. This is a fiYe made up of actions I ook part in at t time of Öır Gezi inwhich I was engagedin many things such asthe Justice Watch and JKstice March held for A$lL İsil and monitoring the A liİsmail trial. There JtY are a great !vaöiety of actions suchas the Berkin Elvan action andprotesting the routing of a road through theMiddle East Technical UniveNrsitz. This is part o&Aı the rulership’s attacks %o end thB h}nger strikeand resistance. Otherwise, what sense can therebe in bringing a trial over an action that was stagedfour years ago?               I prepared an inYquisitorial, active defence prior Uo the firöt hearing. Why ı were detained,why we were sacked, wSıy we were resisting, wZy we were  on hun+r strike. It was a wide-reaching defenc in which I examined matters such asthis administration’s eM$caton zpolicies and the d estruction that imperialism is wreaking iC theworld. Itgot lost while I was bein)_g taken from one place to another. I do noö have it now.          I am currently being heldin the secti on called the convict ward of Ankara Muune Training and Research HOspital. Prior tothis, I was hel d without a careü for thirtee{ days in the intensive care unitin which third-degree intensive care patients are kept. l!d it not been for the European i\ö Court f Human Right s’ intervention, I would also  b  \lP held here withou# a carer. We are ee:ling wi th a force that thinks of my we lfare ~do the extent that it can claim that sPmebody who is brough to hospital because their lifeis in danger G th' 2?0   da y of a hunger strcke does not need a cer.     The cells in the cbnict ward are three-pers$on. I am staying in othe cel l with Ö my sister. This s in the building Ps basement. It is impossible for us to get freshand c|`ean air i thecell. The air th at comes in iĞ through the window fittedwith two bar s that (y)u get onto  chair to h open b  y two centimetresis ceaainl insufficient to ventilate the cell. Yoy ca'n havethe Ür conditioning that operates extremely noisily turned on. I f it is working! In our cell it does not. k I mean, forget about ventilating the cell with fresh and clean air,  can’t ev jn ventilateit with air conditioning. Tbe lights are on  ayv( us day and  night.The lights are controlled f rom OJh the ̈́#g outside. So, we have to slee  p at niht witJh the lights on, too. Hence,I sleep very badly = nighs. I Mcannt rest. I am also losing wezigt fast because of this. Only two şf the cell s here receive daylight. Zc was held forone monthin Ka cell £ that receives no daylight. Then, one of the cells that receives natural ligh t was vacated ad I as m~ove there. I ;£am talkingabout a cell in which you can come into conhtast w`ith ̈́daylight to theextent that you can just distinguish between ni ght and dlay between the two iron ba~s. By talk of receiving daylight do not imagine windows tha  z fill the interior withsunlight.          I m able to speak for alimited time with my lawyers in a corridor with a warder constantly at m  y side and health foÖrke´s passig by. I  out ona stretcher t o meet with the o lawyer. I cannot take notes. This does -!j not afford a settingconductive  to confidentiality. W$ can be monitored from the cameraat the top of the corridor. So,  I am able to exercise my right to a lawyer un der rssUriLted and burdensome conditions.     amily visits,in turn, are conducted under even w<ore conditions. Theyare not admitted =t the corridor I get tospeak Otro them pö for 15-20 minutes from behind an iron-barred dcor. I amsitting ovn a stretcher arain. The sğetcPer does not reachas f ar as the door. I can only speak to one prsokn. To my motUhe(r or to my father.The layeH or family member person who wants to visit fi~st goes to the s` prosecutor an d get s permission. Then they come to the hospital ad tet approval fom the senior physician. They must keep Fn gocicns through th is procedure  each vis ++. The person coming to visit me ha   to et aside their day fo? ?e. To get my cloth>s wasıhed, I have  to send them to the prison and   family tDvğ to collect them from there.Wash them and back to prison, and they send them here frm there. My newspapers d o not come on z daily basis. I have to read newspapers tpat have accumulated for tw bL or three days. I can list many m ore things, Mug let this mu ch suffice.         (y health: of gouse, there are difficulties due to my hunger that  has lated for more th|a 260 days. Rapid weight lossc$, inability to ret, night-time insomnia. Most are actually diffi>ulties relat to the circumstances. I think that it will be better when I am sreleaned. But, whatever the situation, resistance is the main thinog. When we embrace resistance, our  health probl ems remain secondary.    Forceful intervention is murder. The doctors here say quite openly, “When you loseconsciousness we will intervene with ? you.” dv̈́$ry day  phalanx of doctors ;[, visits me to ascertain if the conditions that would warrant intervention have come about. ?he ask if öwe want intervention, treatment or examination to be performed. I made it clear to them inthe first days what their actionsamounted to.     mThe Heraltah Minister l-+ may speak as he :v' does trusting their promi se s to intervene. TĞ state may ğonsidar this an Ğ alternative to restoring us to oÖur  job s, placing tr ust %bO in these pronouncement. However, thpsFe doctors, if they o what i s called and *ay “We cannot !uh intervene. There is no patient-doctor relationship between Ms Gülmen and us. She doe not cce[t us as doctors. Undhev these circumstances, to force ourselves on er as doctors is contrary to medical  ethics. We are giving this task a miss,” the state will have to dispense with the possibility of forcible intervention. But, these doctors pZrsst in behaving as if a patien-octor relationship has been formed between us. Th=] ar e tools of the state. My pronouncement in this regard i  clear. I £d not wishfor there  to b e interve ntion sheA I lose consciousness . ThosU doctos who intervene will hav  committed a crime.          It is impossible for me to Kive up the hunger strike without havig v concrete gain. A rşy result of  a 260-day hunger strikemust be Ö result consistent with resistig  many assaults. Our demand ks clear and plain:  We want our jobs back.               Hugging friends, embracing the, assuagig longing . My only wais?h is to be together wiith our people, our folk. And I ;waöt  tosee Yüksel Str eet. T he monument.  I cannot pictureYüksel w Öth ? a police station set up th ere.  I Sant to assuage my lonGing wyth u% monument. And to be i n Yüks el with its eveningvendors’ stalls and to wander around Jhe bookstalls. I misspeople, my ho+me town of Kütahya, beiug together &th friends,going Tı nature walksand being i nature. The sun, the air, beingin theopen air, the wiPd, the wind lic king people’s faces as it , passes, seeing  a townfrom above. Meeting u with Danğ embracing y mother, my father, Semih, Esra, pşR and Mehmet Güvel a-] FĞedidu OsanağaNğl=, who shared our hunger, a&n assuaKging the longingfor them.               I have :noo had the opportunity  to see the ooPlet Soylu has brought out. ButI know that KC is basically nota booklet ü\Sat does anything to prove that we a re members of an illegal organisation. It is /a sign of helplessness. dIt can also be sid to e^?oken the state’s helplessness i n t he face of our actiondemanding, “I want my job.”     Ingeneral, Soylu is tSying to +revent peoplefrom standing by us. He sas, “Look, these people are not innocent people like you imagine. Don’t stand by them.” He hassaid this countleks times through various means  and methods. Having people who st+nd byus  and ou r lawyers detainedand forbi^dding mention of our names number among thesemethods. To begin with, h elied “like a beginner” in the manner of his forefathers. Hfö/e said, “They coe i   themorning, go home inthe eveni ng and eat.” D With 'U our emaciating bodies exposing his lies, he played demagogy abo Ş ut “terrorists” for all mVş it was worth.In tjh end, getting no joy, he brought olut a booklet.He pulled `nff a first in Turkey’s hi story.     Soy)us panic measures were to noavail becausr we hağve strong ties with the people. For months, pepl^ witnessed u s I fighting there for our livelihoods and honour.We collected IigyatCres in Yüksel Street wn it w`(s minus seven.We were there R every day. Come snow, winter, storm.Our feet turned   to ice,but we still handed out leaflets and sang soOs. We rağched out to thousan\s of eopleB  looked them in the eye and  theB touchedour hands. They saw h light in our  eys. And our people know what it i s to bedeprived of thzeir livelihoods. And didn’t tSey just  know. They eook uswho were standing up for our livelihoods `to thAi h earts. Let Soylu t alk ö]ll he likes! We Tagrf ~esZ peoüle’s kids and not  the implementersof the AKP’s ant iupe+-le policieslike him.     +He must also know th kM at there i s no period of history Si whichthe demands of the dkwntrodden have been considered legitimate and innocuous. With there being no period when thedemanding of rights wa s considered tgo be innocuous, is ´thi how the AKP rulershipis `, going to consider it? Women’s right tovote, which everyone today considers to be a ba.i r´gt, was wonin  AmeCica andEngland through lon g struggle. d woman sacrificed her life iöl~ England.She threw herself *?t in front of the king’s horse with a placard in he+r hand at the horse races. She w£s demandi ng women’s right Şto vote with  a placard. Those in powe r did no*t e$ this demand as being at all innocuous and £ made women hzay every kind of pa´rice.
Gülmen says that she most misses her family, friends, the Human Rights Monument, Kütahya, the wind licking people’s faces as it passes, seeing a town from above, and also hugging her friends in struggle.         The fifth hearing will be held today of detained academic Nuriye Gülmen, who turned the “I want my job back” action into a hunger strike and has maintained the strike for 264 days. Gülmen, who gave handwritten replies to  ’s questions, said with reference to the action she was staging that resistance was not a choice but a necessity, and stated that most of all she missed the sun. Gülmen, describing the case file against her as “rubbish,” stated that she could only end her hunger strike if restored to her job.     Gülmen replied to our questions as follows:          One year spent in resistance. Our hunger strike of more than 260 days. Detention that has exceeded six months. Prisons and hospitals. I could fill pages, books, talking about this one year. But, I will speak of a tiny thing. Last year, my birthday coincided with the 16  day of my resistance. I was having a meal following arrest time with my friends with whom for the most part I had just become acquainted. In the process, word got out at the meal that it was my birthday. They immediately made a few arrangements. A cake came following the meal. We staged a small celebration. This meant a lot to me. We resisters, Semih and I, blew out the candles together. A full year passed. We had spent 260 days in hunger. I was still a prisoner. I was in a hospital cell. My present this year was organised and staged in Yüksel Street. The Yüksel resisters knocked over the barricades “in honour of my birthday.” They staged a sit-down protest in front of the monument, that space that Semih and I first won - in front of the monument where we staged a sit-down protest with huge smiles on our faces. They have set up a police station in Yüksel – fat lot of good. The Yüksel resisters demolished the barricades in front of the police’s eyes – this was my very birthday present. This was not just my present if you take a hard look. This was a present given to everyone who is on this side of the barricade that resistance has set up and has taken small or large steps that strengthen the barricade, to everyone who believes in resistance. This is the spirit of Yüksel: intent, courage, loyalty, devotion, comradeship and collectivism. The kind of present they gave me was one I share with thousands of people, by its nature. This is a lovely thing.              Our case file is rubbish. But, in political trials like ours, sufficient evidence, charges etc... These carry no weight. Things work through political decisions and instructions. I think that such questions are now very naive. You post a Tweet and you are detained. We live in such a country. We have just experienced it. Oğuz Güven is sentenced for making organisational propaganda for a Tweet that was live for 52 seconds. The prosecutor has submitted his opinion in our file – with neither I nor Acun having made our defences. The three of us are part of the same action. That is, we supposedly did the same things. Our placards and banners etc. Everything is the same. But, the prosecutor is seeking different sentences for the three of us. He wants Acun’s acquittal. Because we went on hunger strike, we are supposedly acting under the organisation’s instructions. A sentence for membership is sought for me because I acted far more under the organisation’s instructions. As to Semih, a sentence for a kind of aiding and abetting is sought. They were struggling so hard to create evidence against us that they brought a witness to testify against us at the third hearing. I was not at the hearing. Our lawyers proved at the hearing that the witness’s testimony was not reliable. The witness’s testimony collapsed. They brought another witness at the fourth hearing. The prosecutor read the opinion that he took out of his pocket without going to the trouble of listening to my lawyer’s statement about the witness or countenancing the possibility that the witness’s testimony would be rebutted at the hearing. What we have said or will say is of no consequence. He had made his decision before coming to the hearing. He came having drafted his opinion. Speak away to your heart’s content. The opinion is in his pocket! What is this the opinion on with me not having even made my defence? The prosecutor has no interest in procedural rules and so on. He wants to bring the proceedings to an immediate end. Let the sentences be handed down and this business end!         Actually, the trial wasn’t filed over a press statement I made about Ali İsmail. This is a file made up of actions I took part in at the time of Gezi in which I was engaged in many things such as the Justice Watch and Justice March held for Ali İsmail and monitoring the Ali İsmail trial. There are a great variety of actions such as the Berkin Elvan action and protesting the routing of a road through the Middle East Technical University. This is part of the rulership’s attacks to end the hunger strike and resistance. Otherwise, what sense can there be in bringing a trial over an action that was staged four years ago?               I prepared an inquisitorial, active defence prior to the first hearing. Why we were detained, why we were sacked, why we were resisting, why we were on hunger strike. It was a wide-reaching defence in which I examined matters such as this administration’s education policies and the destruction that imperialism is wreaking in the world. It got lost while I was being taken from one place to another. I do not have it now.          I am currently being held in the section called the convict ward of Ankara Numune Training and Research Hospital. Prior to this, I was held without a carer for thirteen days in the intensive care unit in which third-degree intensive care patients are kept. Had it not been for the European Court of Human Rights’ intervention, I would also be held here without a carer. We are dealing with a force that thinks of my welfare to the extent that it can claim that somebody who is brought to hospital because their life is in danger on the 220  day of a hunger strike does not need a carer.     The cells in the convict ward are three-person. I am staying in the cell with my sister. This is in the building’s basement. It is impossible for us to get fresh and clean air in the cell. The air that comes in through the window fitted with two bars that you get onto a chair to open by two centimetres is certainly insufficient to ventilate the cell. You can have the air conditioning that operates extremely noisily turned on. If it is working! In our cell it does not. I mean, forget about ventilating the cell with fresh and clean air, we can’t even ventilate it with air conditioning. The lights are on above us day and night. The lights are controlled from the outside. So, we have to sleep at night with the lights on, too. Hence, I sleep very badly at nights. I cannot rest. I am also losing weight fast because of this. Only two of the cells here receive daylight. I was held for one month in a cell that receives no daylight. Then, one of the cells that receives natural light was vacated and I was moved there. I am talking about a cell in which you can come into contact with daylight to the extent that you can just distinguish between night and day between the two iron bars. By talk of receiving daylight do not imagine windows that fill the interior with sunlight.          I am able to speak for a limited time with my lawyers in a corridor with a warder constantly at my side and health workers passing by. I go out on a stretcher to meet with the lawyer. I cannot take notes. This does not afford a setting conductive to confidentiality. We can be monitored from the camera at the top of the corridor. So, I am able to exercise my right to a lawyer under restricted and burdensome conditions.     Family visits, in turn, are conducted under even worse conditions. They are not admitted to the corridor. I get to speak to them for 15-20 minutes from behind an iron-barred door. I am sitting on a stretcher again. The stretcher does not reach as far as the door. I can only speak to one person. To my mother or to my father. The lawyer or family member person who wants to visit first goes to the prosecutor and gets permission. Then they come to the hospital and get approval from the senior physician. They must keep on going through this procedure each visit. The person coming to visit me has to set aside their day for me. To get my clothes washed, I have to send them to the prison and my family have to collect them from there. Wash them and back to prison, and they send them here from there. My newspapers do not come on a daily basis. I have to read newspapers that have accumulated for two or three days. I can list many more things, but let this much suffice.         My health: of course, there are difficulties due to my hunger that has lasted for more than 260 days. Rapid weight loss, inability to rest, night-time insomnia. Most are actually difficulties related to the circumstances. I think that it will be better when I am released. But, whatever the situation, resistance is the main thing. When we embrace resistance, our health problems remain secondary.     Forceful intervention is murder. The doctors here say quite openly, “When you lose consciousness we will intervene with you.” Every day a phalanx of doctors visits me to ascertain if the conditions that would warrant intervention have come about. They ask if we want intervention, treatment or examination to be performed. I made it clear to them in the first days what their actions amounted to.     The Health Minister may speak as he does trusting their promises to intervene. The state may consider this an alternative to restoring us to our jobs, placing trust in these pronouncements. However, these doctors, if they do what is called and say “We cannot intervene. There is no patient-doctor relationship between Ms Gülmen and us. She does not accept us as doctors. Under these circumstances, to force ourselves on her as doctors is contrary to medical ethics. We are giving this task a miss,” the state will have to dispense with the possibility of forcible intervention. But, these doctors persist in behaving as if a patient-doctor relationship has been formed between us. They are tools of the state. My pronouncement in this regard is clear. I do not wish for there to be intervention when I lose consciousness. Those doctors who intervene will have committed a crime.          It is impossible for me to give up the hunger strike without having a concrete gain. A result of a 260-day hunger strike must be a result consistent with resisting so many assaults. Our demand is clear and plain: We want our jobs back.               Hugging friends, embracing them, assuaging longing. My only wish is to be together with our people, our folk. And I want to see Yüksel Street. The monument. I cannot picture Yüksel with a police station set up there. I want to assuage my longing with our monument. And to be in Yüksel with its evening vendors’ stalls and to wander around the bookstalls. I miss people, my home town of Kütahya, being together with friends, going on nature walks and being in nature. The sun, the air, being in the open air, the wind, the wind licking people’s faces as it passes, seeing a town from above. Meeting up with and embracing my mother, my father, Semih, Esra, and Mehmet Güvel and Feridun Osmanağaoğlu, who shared our hunger, and assuaging the longing for them.               I have not had the opportunity to see the booklet Soylu has brought out. But I know that it is basically not a booklet that does anything to prove that we are members of an illegal organisation. It is a sign of helplessness. It can also be said to betoken the state’s helplessness in the face of our action demanding, “I want my job.”     In general, Soylu is trying to prevent people from standing by us. He says, “Look, these people are not innocent people like you imagine. Don’t stand by them.” He has said this countless times through various means and methods. Having people who stand by us and our lawyers detained and forbidding mention of our names number among these methods. To begin with, he lied “like a beginner” in the manner of his forefathers. He said, “They come in the morning, go home in the evening and eat.” With our emaciating bodies exposing his lies, he played demagogy about “terrorists” for all it was worth. In the end, getting no joy, he brought out a booklet. He pulled off a first in Turkey’s history.     Soylu’s panic measures were to no avail because we have strong ties with the people. For months, people witnessed us fighting there for our livelihoods and honour. We collected signatures in Yüksel Street when it was minus seven. We were there every day. Come snow, winter, storm. Our feet turned to ice, but we still handed out leaflets and sang songs. We reached out to thousands of people. We looked them in the eye and they touched our hands. They saw the light in our eyes. And our people know what it is to be deprived of their livelihoods. And didn’t they just know. They took us who were standing up for our livelihoods to their hearts. Let Soylu talk all he likes! We are these people’s kids and not the implementers of the AKP’s anti-people policies like him.     He must also know that there is no period of history in which the demands of the downtrodden have been considered legitimate and innocuous. With there being no period when the demanding of rights was considered to be innocuous, is this how the AKP rulership is going to consider it? Women’s right to vote, which everyone today considers to be a basic right, was won in America and England through long struggle. A woman sacrificed her life in England. She threw herself in front of the king’s horse with a placard in her hand at the horse races. She was demanding women’s right to vote with a placard. Those in power did not see this demand as being at all innocuous and made women pay every kind of price.