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This Introduction , in short , in so far as it deals with the relation of the Imperial Parliament to the colonies , refers exclusively , or all but exclusively , to the relation between the Imperial Parliament and the five Dominions . But this concession is often misconstrued ; it is taken sometimes to mean that no man ought to be blamed or punished for rebellion if only he believes that he suffers from injustice and is not pursuing any private interest of his own . The present edition , therefore , of the Law of the Constitution is in substance a reprint of the seventh edition ; it is however accompanied by this new Introduction whereof the aim is to compare our constitution as it stood and worked in 1884 with the constitution as it now stands in 1914 . It assuredly is to increase the power of any party which possesses a parliamentary majority , i.e ., a majority , however got together , of the House of Commons , and , finally , to place the control of legislation , and indeed the whole government of the country , in the hands of the Cabinet which is in England at once the only instrument through which a dominant party can exercise its power , and the only body in the state which can lead and control the parliamentary majority of which the Cabinet is the organ . The phrase " running with the land " is only appropriate to covenants which pass like easements . The reason for this is pretty obvious . This does not mean that a body of English gentlemen will wish to be presided over by a rogue ; what it does mean is that they will come to desire a Speaker who is not a judge but is an honest partisan . That might have worked to some degree in small communities where the candidates could become known to most of the electorate , at a time when a candidate did n't need to spend much money to get elected to any office , because public demand for candidacy information made it profitable for newspapers to print it , but by the middle of the 19th century , that situation changed . The above considerations taken as a whole afford some explanation of a demand for that referendum which , though it originates in Switzerland , flourishes in reality , though not in name , in almost every state of the American Commonwealth . Under this enactment the House of Lords may insist upon a delay of at least two years and one calendar month , and a powerful opposition in the House of Commons may lengthen this delay . In a case where a testator owned a rent , and divided it by will among his sons , and then one of the sons brought debt for his part , two of the judges , while admitting that the testator could not have divided the tenant 's liability by a grant or deed in his lifetime , thought that it was otherwise with regard to a division by will . Parliament , in the second place , had long before 1884 practically admitted the truth of the doctrine in vain pressed upon his contemporaries by Burke ,23 when insisting upon the folly of the attempt made by the Parliament of England to exert as much absolute power in Massachusetts as in Middlesex , that a real limit to the exercise of sovereignty is imposed not by the laws of man but by the nature of things , and that it was vain for a parliamentary or any other sovereign to try to exert equal power throughout the whole of an immense Empire . Courts , means , in the first place , that by no proceeding known to the law can the King be made personally responsible for any act done by him ; if ( to give an absurd example ) the King were himself to shoot the Premier through the head , no court in England could take cognisance of the act . This veto , in the first place , has , at any rate since 1832 , been as a rule used by the Lords as a merely suspensive veto . In other words , by a process similar to that which we use to select trial juries , and arguably are supposed to use to select grand juries . The habit has now grown up that conferences should be held from time to time in England , at which shall be present the Premier of England and the Premier of each Dominion , for consultation and discussion on all matters concerning the interest and the policy of the Empire , and that such conferences should be from time to time held may now , it is submitted , be considered a moral right of each Dominion . Hence the provision contained in the constitution of the United States under which two Senators , and no more , are given to each state , though one be as populous , as large , and as wealthy as is New York , and another be as small in area and contain as few citizens as Rhode Island . The Home Rule Bill was introduced into the House of Commons during the first of the three successive sessions on April 11 , 1912 ; it passed its second reading in the House of Commons during that session on May 9 , 1912 ; it was rejected by the House of Lords either actually or constructively19 in each of the three successive sessions . But the authority of the House of Lords has been gravely diminished , whilst the authority of the House of Commons , or rather of the majority thereof during any one Parliament , has been immensely increased . What is the precise moral influence which might be exerted by a wise constitutional monarch ; what are the circumstances under which a Minister is entitled to dissolve Parliament ; whether the simultaneous creation of a large number of Peers for a special purpose is constitutionally justifiable ; what is the principle on which a Cabinet may allow of open questions these and the like are the kind of inquiries raised and solved by writers whom , as being occupied with the conventional understandings of the constitution , we may term conventionalists . Nor can it often be desirable that an opinion held by , say , a third of a ministerial party should necessarily be represented by a third of the Cabinet . Each tendency has obviously some good and some bad effects .