Calming position & emotional expression function in tandem, tailored to each dyad
aggression, depression, guilt, ’
Analysis revealed the importance of mother–child calming position and emotional expression. These themes most frequently co-occurred (Fig. Observation code co-occurrenceAnalysis showed that emotional expression, featuring vocal communication and sometimes crying, peaked when participants were in the calming position (Fig. Selected observation code frequency by sessionThese findings support calming cycle theory’s view of crying as a spontaneous release of the full range of feelings prompted by dyadic disconnection. It appears to be useful but not essential for establishing emotional connection.Crying was most commonly an expression of child dysregulation during the separate distress phase of the calming cycle. Of the 27 crying periods L(mother)*NS 2: “She needs to see your tears. Don’t cover your face.”NS 3: “K*, look at mommy! Mommy’s sad.”…L: “I don’t know what to do, when she wants something she goes to [her] dad, because he doesn’t like to see her cry. I can’t afford any more energy.” [Observation 12]The mother’s (L’s) tears expressed her hurt, frustration, and exhaustion. Although K did not respond immediately, 30 min later, L leaned in to kiss her child, who kissed back. The next session, this dyad reached connection sooner, joyfully emotionally expressing together for the entirety.L’s tears helped K recognize her behavior’s effect on her mother. Tears may be effective due to their inherent communication of deep feeling. For mother–child dyads stuck in the “individual distress” phase, asking the mother to express her feelings about, for example, dysregulated behavior may help the pair progress to resolution. Additionally, mothers crying during the concluding group discussion when reflecting on particularly difficult moments, elicited support from other mothers.Another important element of emotional expression is the tenor, volume, and prosody of speaking—often coupled with intimate physicality. Speech is “soft, soothing” [Observations 3, 4 5, 7, 14] and often “whispering” [1, 3, 4]. Dyads sing together [Observations 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14], rock back and forth [3, 7, 13], and talk closely and cozily [1, 9]. For example, the researcher noted F* and R*, after emotionally connecting, “slipping easily into soft chatter” [Observation 7] and A* and J*(child) “pressed together, talking animatedly” with A “stroking J’s face” [Observation 1].These interactions describe the elements of connection codified in the RCT’s primary outcome measure, the Welch Emotional Connection Screen (WECS). This brief screen assesses emotional connection in terms of parent–child facial communication, mutual attraction, sensitivity/reciprocity, and mutual vocal communication [For D*, the emotional expression component of MCEP helped her relinquish long-standing maternal guilt through apologizing. At the start of group sessions, D was ashamed over her harsh disciplining of her child B* years prior (“I hurt him, I hit him”) and lack of quality time (“I didn’t spend time with him”) during a period of postpartum depression from B’s birth through his toddler years. Apologizing to her child catalyzed their emotional connection. D later reflected on this moment in her interview:“...when B was looking at me in the eyes like this…it was as if I started to understand him a little better…why he was a little distant from me…it was that I didn’t dedicate time to him, because I had never asked him for forgiveness.”In subsequent sessions, D and B were physically affectionate and emotionally expressive. B was observed “kissing his mom…” and seeking skin-to-skin contact [Observation 10]. D’s apology alleviated her feelings of guilt and shame, giving way to emotional expression.In session, children repeatedly sought contact with their mothers’ skin. The maternal-child benefits of skin-to-skin contact are documented mainly for preterm infants and include “cardiorespiratory stability” [This contact-seeking contrasts to the boys’ initial resistance to their mothers’ attempts to engage. In the first few sessions, it took mothers of the two boys relative to those of the six girls more effort to position their child to sit facing them. Boys were more physically aggressive towards their mothers. Large cross-cultural studies show higher levels of physical aggression but not “relational aggression” (e.g., between a mother and child) as “normative” among boys [