9.4: Hindi “Indie”
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- Tejaswini Ganti
- University of California Press
From 2006 on, a number of films produced by A-list production companies have utilized local registers of Hindi that set them apart from earlier films. 22 With a few exceptions, these films forgo the use of major stars and are set in small towns or subaltern spaces of large cities. Screenwriter Anjum Rajabali commented that the generic Hindustani of earlier eras of filmmaking was disappearing and that in contrast to the past, when characters spoke in the same dialect and register regardless of region or social class, in contemporary films, “characters’ language is rooted in the cultural milieu in which they exist—not just region-specific, but also area-specific, city-specific, and locality-specific.” 23 Rajabali explained this shift in terms of a greater concern with authenticity and realism. Devika Bhagat, a writer-director trained at New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts, asserted that it was not possible to have a uniformity of speech across an entire film when its characters represented a wide array of socioeconomic backgrounds. Discussing her directorial debut, Bhagat described the characters and their various milieus: “I have a boy who’s from the Dharavi slums, he speaks in Mumbaiya tapori language. And then there is a middle-class IT professional who speaks in Hinglish, so for each character, the language is specific to their background, their region, their attributes, so that’s why there cannot be a pure form of Hindi anymore.” 24
This quasi-ethnographic attention to linguistic detail reflects the tremendous concern of a newer generation of filmmakers with gesturing toward a form of realism in mainstream cinema. One way to index the “real” is through spoken words and dialogue. Even if the rest of the production design is in the realm of fantasy and spectacle, dialogue can mark the rootedness of a film. In many recent films, the setting is actually not integral to the narrative. For example, certain films that showcase a Delhi Punjabi vernacular could have been set anywhere in India, as Delhi was not crucial to their plots; they could have easily been set in Mumbai. These films are anchored to a particular place not by the story but by the language and the register of the dialogue.
Language has become an important way to distinguish among films; it is being foregrounded not just in songs but also in dialogue and speech. Thus language, in terms of dialect, accent, slang, and proverbs, has become an important part of the mise-en-scène, akin to songs, action, locales, and sets. Dialogue has always been important in Hindi cinema, but the turn to the colloquial helps to “dress the dialogue” in a different way. Writers are less reliant on clever turns of phrase or memorable dialogue because mere showcasing of the vernacular is enough. Writers can demonstrate skill not by cleverly crafting witty or memorable dialogue but by merely sounding nonstandard and “rustic.”
Industry professionals offered two main explanations for this turn to the vernacular. One was framed in terms of a backlash of sorts by filmmakers, who were mostly from the Hindi-speaking north and outsiders to both Mumbai and the industry, against the dominant paradigm of filmmaking in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Referring to filmmakers like Anurag Kashyap, who is heavily identified with gritty, violent, dark dramas frequently set in nonmetropolitan sites, writer-director Sriram Raghavan stated, “There was that big phase of the Yashraj and Karan Johar films, which were shot largely abroad. Anurag and that group made it even more specific about certain areas [in India] because it was a reaction to some of these big films—that there were too many of them and they were seeming fake.” 25
Director Tigmanshu Dhulia asserted that the artifice of films from this period was a result of Mumbai-bred filmmakers catering only to diasporic audiences: “Because films were being catered to the sensibility of the NRIs [nonresident Indians], the language became fairly easy, poetry was lost, subjects and story lines became very frivolous. Suddenly we stopped making rooted films, and because we were getting revenues from abroad, we stopped making films for Indians.” Dhulia went on to describe how filmmakers who grew up in the Hindi film industry—the second- and third-generation professionals who began their careers in the 1990s—“had not seen India; they’d only seen Bombay.” 26 Due to their limited experience of India, according to Dhulia, such filmmakers only made “films about films; they were creating characters out of filmi characters, because they had no experience of India, of life; they thought Bombay is India.” 27
Dhulia claimed that people coming from outside Mumbai played a significant role in transforming Hindi cinema and the film industry. In Dhulia’s words, outsiders enabled cinema to “find geography.” Referring to himself and a number of other filmmakers, Dhulia remarked, “We came with our experiences, and so we started making films about the characters we knew, about the region we knew, so that is why the change of character and of language; we became very area specific. Now films have a geography, whereas earlier films didn’t have a geography at all.” 28 Sameer Sharma pointed out how even if the “bosses”—those who control finance and distribution—are from Mumbai, many of the directors, such as Anurag Kashyap, are outsiders who are becoming producers themselves and thus are able to green-light or foster films that are set in nonurban or nonmetropolitan settings. With reference to his own directorial debut, Luv Shuv Tey Chicken Khurana , a quirky comedy produced by Kashyap and set in Punjab, which employed Hindi heavily laced with Punjabi expressions, idioms, and humor, Sharma explained that although Kashyap is not from Punjab, he was able to understand a script that was rooted in a small town milieu by virtue of not being from Mumbai. Sharma stated, “It’s important that people who are actually from outside can influence the making of certain films, which may not be understood by a producer who is only from Bombay.” 29
Sharma’s remarks illustrate how even filmmakers who self-identify as “outsiders” or as “indie” work very much within mainstream structures of finance, distribution, and exhibition. In fact, their use of Hindi can be seen as another way to assert and perform their “independence” from “Bollywood,” so that their linguistic ability becomes an important form of cultural capital that allows them to distinguish themselves within the industry. 30 The overwhelmingly positive critical reception of such directors—including Dibakar Banerjee, Vishal Bharadwaj, Abhishek Chaubey, Tigmanshu Dhulia, and Anurag Kashyap—by the English-language media in India, mostly for their “authentic” portrayals of the “Hindi heartland,” illustrates the success some filmmakers have had with an outsider or renegade image.
However, rather than indexing the “real” or “geography,” the Hindi in such films circulates as an exotic parlance or a simulacrum of the Indian hinterlands within English-speaking cultural spheres. The widely divergent responses between English-language and Hindi-language media regarding Anurag Kashyap’s Gangs of Wasseypur provide a case in point. Screened at Cannes in the Directors Fortnight in 2012, this tale about a long-running blood feud between the families of an outlaw and a corrupt politician in Bihar was widely celebrated in the international and Indian press for “redefining” Indian cinema and identified as a potential crossover success. Interestingly, some media analysts noticed that the Hindi press was quite underwhelmed with the film and pointed out that reviewers for Hindi newspapers dismissed the film’s claims to authenticity and argued that it simply pandered to metropolitan stereotypes under the guise of realism. 31 With respect to the dialogue, one analyst pointed out, “The English-language media were fawning about precisely the sort of things the Hindi reviewers noticed as false, including the language with its extravagant crudity.” 32 I contend that it is only as a result of English becoming the unmarked, naturalized language of production and discourse within the film industry that filmmakers are able to deploy Hindi as a self-consciously marked commodity.
The second reason for the turn to the colloquial has to do with changes in the political economy of the film industry. The fact that some filmmakers are able to utilize language in a way that would have been regarded in an earlier era of filmmaking as limiting or alienating one’s audience has to do with changing structures of finance, production, distribution, and exhibition that have reshaped the Hindi film industry’s audience imaginaries—issues I have explored in detail elsewhere. 33 For example, Tigmanshu Dhulia, referring to his 2012 film Paan Singh Tomar , a biopic about a celebrated and medaled Indian steeplechase runner who is forced by circumstances to become a bandit, stated, “The language was Bundelhi; it was not even Hindi and I was scared that . . . I thought the audience would not even understand the language, but they did! So now cinema has changed, and I think it has changed for the better.” 34
One of the biggest changes in the political economy of the Hindi film industry since the advent of multiplexes and corporate production and distribution companies is the diminished significance of the “universal hit”—films that do well all over India and across all demographics. This is due to the structural transformations in filmmaking caused by the entry of corporate production companies and multiplexes, which have altered ideas of commercial success in the industry. Multiplexes, with their high ticket rates, revenue-sharing arrangements, and financial transparency, have managed to transform even low to moderate audience attendance or ticket sales into a sign of success. The entry of the Indian organized industrial sector into film production and the ability of established producers to raise money from the Indian stock market have diminished the role of traditional territorial distributors, who were always perceived by filmmakers as averse to cinematic experimentation. Many corporate producers have ventured into both all-India and overseas distribution and possess a much higher threshold for financial risk. These corporate distributors can either rely on profits from some territories to offset losses from others or profit from their investment by reselling distribution rights to individual territorial distributors. A universal hit is simply not as necessary within this new financing and distribution scenario. Thus there is less anxiety on the part of the financing side of the industry if a film appears limited in its appeal.
Sameer Sharma asserted that filmmakers now have a greater opportunity to express their individual style: “Previously you had to cut across to a whole section of the audience, and your way of making was dictated by the fact that a film should work both in New York and in Patna. But today, it’s become more flexible. I think people have gotten more confident that you don’t have reach out to everybody.” 35 Sharma’s statements illustrate how the reduced value of the universal hit within the industry has expanded the criteria of success to the benefit of filmmakers. While the previous structure of the industry rewarded—in terms of both economic and symbolic capital—only filmmakers who strived for universal hits, the contemporary structure enables those filmmakers who are unable to achieve or are unconcerned with broad appeal to also raise money and earn prestige and status within the industry.


17: Documentation and Assessment
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Learning Objectives
By the end of the chapter, you should be able to:
Documenting and assessing all the children in your care allows you to gradually build up a comprehensive picture of each child’s interests, strengths and relationships, as well as an insight into areas they may be avoiding or skills they need help to develop. It will give you a clearer picture of the social interactions, creative ideas and the concerns of the children in your program. It will take some time and a concerted team effort to gather documentation on all the children in your care— but there are benefits. Having this kind of profile of all the children in your service will allow you to plan curriculum that develops these interests and builds up these skills over time. [1]
[1] Australian Government Department of Education (n.d.) Educator My Time, Our Place. Retrieved from files.acecqa.gov.au/files/National-Quality-Framework-Resources-Kit/educators_my_time_our_place.pdf


1.1: Introduction
Introduction
Many health care and support services may be provided outside of the traditional health care environment such as a hospital, skilled nursing facility, rehabilitation center, or long-term care environment. Receiving care within the home allows individuals to remain in the comfort of their residence, surrounded by loved ones, while their health care and daily living needs are managed. Patients who receive home health care services have a team of health care workers together help patients and their families manage their needs.
As part of this team, the Home Health Aide (HHA)/Personal Care Aide (PCA) play a vital role. Home health aides and personal care aides often spend more time with patients than any other team member. Being a home health aide/personal care aide is a very rewarding career as you have an opportunity to play a very important role in the home care team. You will meet many different people and work in a variety of settings. You will often have the chance to work with the same patients and families for a long period of time. You will have the chance to get to know your patients and families in a very personal and special way as you work with them to meet their health care and daily living needs.
Home health aide and personal care aide are two of the fastest growing occupations. There is high demand for home health aide and personal care aide workers, with many opportunities for employment. This course will provide you with the background necessary to begin working toward a career as a home health aide/personal care aide. There are many similarities between home health aides and personal care aides. They both provide assistance to patients with eating, bathing, managing a budget, cleaning, and provide personal care. However, one important difference is that personal care aides may not perform any medical related service or task as a home health aide may. For example, personal care aides may not take blood pressures or assist patients with taking their medications.
What Is Home Health Care?
Home care or home health care is supportive care that is provided in the home. Home care allows a person to remain in the comfort of their home while they are receiving services to recover from illness, injury, or disability. Home care services are also provided for people who have chronic conditions such as diabetes, HIV/AIDS, hypertension, heart failure, cancer, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). Home care may be provided for people who have cognitive or physical disabilities to help them complete activities of daily living. Home care may also be provided for patients who are on hospice. Hospice home care is for patients who have been diagnosed with a terminal illness (an illness that cannot be cured) and who have a prognosis of six months or less. Hospice home care allows people with a terminal illness to remain in the comfort of their homes, surrounded by familiar people and things.
People who receive home care have a variety of needs depending on their physical condition and specific disease or injury. Patients may need reminders or help to take their medications. Patients often need assistance with ambulation (walking) and transferring (moving) from a bed to a chair or wheelchair, or getting in and out of the shower. Many patients have adaptive equipment such as walkers, wheelchairs, canes, and prosthetic devices that assist them in moving about their home. Often, patients require help with activities of daily living (ADLs) such as toileting, bathing, dressing, and eating. Some patients need help with managing their budget, and with purchasing and cooking food. Patients may need assistance with changing simple dressings on wounds, making and changing their bed linens, doing laundry, and maintaining a safe and clean home.
Who Receives Home Care Services?
Home health services help people of all ages who are recovering from an illness, operation, or injury to remain in their home and avoid an unnecessary hospitalization or skilled nursing facility placement. Home health care provides support for people with physical or mental disabilities so that they may remain at home out of an institution or long-term care placement. Home health services are provided to people who are living with chronic conditions such as diabetes, obesity, HIV/AIDS, congestive heart failure, and asthma. Many chronic conditions are complex to manage and require the use of various technological devices and equipment such as a glucose meter, blood pressure monitor, and adaptive equipment such as wheelchairs. Many people have conditions that require special diets to be prepared and followed. Assisting patients who have chronic diseases to manage their conditions within the home allows them independence within the comfort of their own home.
Patients who have recently had surgery may continue to recover within the comfort of their home while receiving supportive services to manage dressings, complete a course of antibiotics, and regain their strength. Adolescents and children may also receive home care services to recover from illness or injury or to receive assistance with activities of daily living. At-risk newborns, children, and teenagers may receive home care services to avoid foster care or institutional placement. When people receive supportive services within their home, they are able to remain connected with their family, neighborhood, community, and places of worship. Remaining in the home allows a person to be as independent as possible. Patients benefit by being surrounded by the people and things they most care about. This promotes their comfort and dignity and helps to maintain the family unit.
An increasing number of people are receiving home care services. One of the reasons for this is that the cost of medical care in hospitals is rising, and patients are being discharged from hospitals sooner than they have had a chance to fully recover (National Research Council, Committee on the Role of Human Factors in Home Health Care, 2011). These patients often have complex needs and require support as they recuperate. Medically-necessary skilled home care services are often covered in full or in part by reimbursement through private or government-sponsored programs like Medicaid and Medicare. Continuing to receive skilled medical support within the home is a less expensive alternative than care received within a hospital.
There is a steady increase in the aging population within the United States, many of whom have numerous health issues and needs (National Research Council, Committee on the Role of Human Factors in Home Health Care, 2011). Family members may not always be able to provide the care these patients need. Some families may live far away, have work responsibilities, or need to care for small children. This makes providing care for a loved one difficult. Sometimes, families may be able to provide some of the care, but may benefit from respite (relief) that a home health agency can provide from the emotional and physical stress of caregiving. The United States also has a growing number of veterans returning home with disabilities (National Research Council, Committee on the Role of Human Factors in Home Health Care, 2011). Veterans with disabilities may require help with the care of injuries, completion of activities of daily living, or with the emotional support home care workers provide.
Advances in technology, medicine, and disease prevention have extended the lives of people living with chronic diseases. People living with chronic conditions require monitoring and health care interventions. Chronic illnesses are often progressive (become worse) and patients living with these types of conditions require advanced care as their disease progresses. For example, patients with heart failure or HIV/AIDS require disease-specific care to manage their numerous medications, treatments, appointments, diet, and completion of activities of daily living (ADLs). Many people want to be as independent as possible and are more comfortable at home. Providing supportive home health care services allows them to do this.
Patients with______________ may benefit from home health care. Select all that apply .
- Terminal illness
- Chronic illnesses
- Cerebral palsy
- HIV/AIDS
- Birth defects
- Kidney failure
- Multiple sclerosis
- Stroke
- Swallowing difficulties
- Physical disabilities
- Cognitive disabilities
- Dementia
- Hearing impairments
- Heart failure
- Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
- Wounds
- Asthma
- Arthritis
- Diabetes
- Hypertension
- Vision impairments
- Cancer
- Answer
-
If you selected all of the answer choices, you are correct. Anyone has the potential to need home care services. Home health care workers and personal care aides serve people of all ages, culture, ethnicity, gender, and type of disability or illness.


5.4: How to Cite Your Sources- Avoiding Plagiarism
Learning Objectives
At the end of this section, the learner will:
- Explain the difference between a reference and a citation
- Utilize resources to create accurate citations and references
Citations and References
After reading about academic integrity, you may feel nervous about unintentionally committing plagiarism. However, you can avoid plagiarism by giving credit where credit is due, by using citations and references.
What is a citation or reference? The terms are often used interchangeably; however, a citation is often included in the text of your writing (often referred to as an in-text citation). A reference tells your reader what sources you used in your writing. This generally includes pieces of information such as the title, author, and year of publication. References and citations are highly formatted, listing each piece of information in a specific order. The formatting used for citations and references varies depending on what field you are studying. For example, Nursing, History, and English all use different methods or style books.
MLA
The MLA Handbook is the citation guide for the Modern Language Association. You will use MLA in your English classes. For more information on MLA, view the Purdue OWL (Online Writing Lab) website.
APA
The American Psychological Association (APA) shares its guidelines for citations in its APA Publication Manual. APA is the citation format nursing students are required to use. For more information, visit the APA Style Blog .
UTA APA Help
- For information on using APA, visit the UTA Libraries APA guide .
- If you don’t have easy access to the APA 7th Edition Style Manual, two chapters have been scanned and placed on E-reserve. To view the reference examples, log in with your NetID and password.
Activity 6.4: A Closer look at apa ‘sentence case’
A Closer Look at APA ‘Sentence Case’
The most common error encountered with APA format is related to sentence case for book and article titles. Confused as to what this means? You may be accustomed to capitalizing every word in the title of a paper, but in sentence case, only the first word is capitalized. There are a couple of exceptions, however, where you would still capitalize the first letter of the word:
- proper nouns
- first word of a subtitle
- first word following punctuation, such as a colon or em dash.
Read this post from the APA blog to learn more, dating back to 1929!
Don’t forget – sentence case is one of the distinguishing factors between MLA and APA format.


19.3A: Lymphoid Cells
A lymphocyte is a type of white blood cell in the vertebrate immune system.
- List the types of lymphocytes in the vertebrate immune system and their roles in innate or humoral immunity
Key Points
- A lymphocyte is a type of white blood cell in the vertebrate immune system.
- NK cells are a part of the innate immune system and play a major role in defending the host from both tumors and virally infected cells.
- T cells are involved in cell-mediated immunity whereas B cells are primarily responsible for humoral immunity (relating to antibodies ).
- Helper T-cells coordinate immune responses, while cytotoxic T-cells lyse (break down) pathogens associated with T cell’s specific antigen.
- Memory B cells are formed at the end of an adaptive immune response and will produce antibodies more quickly when the antigen is detected again, which is effective at preventing recurrent infections from the same pathogen.
- Sometimes the body will present antigens that aren’t harmful (allergy) or antigens from otherwise normally functioning body parts (autoimmunity). The latter can cause severe antibody and T-cell induced immune responses and diseases.
Key Terms
- humoral immunity : Immunity to infection due to antibodies that circulate in the blood and lymph and are produced by B cells.
- antigen : Any molecule that activates an immune response from a host organism, such as a toxin produced by bacteria or a molecule expressed on the cell wall of a virus -infected cell.
- lymphocyte : A type of white blood cell that includes T cells, B cells, and NK cells.
A lymphocyte is a type of white blood cell in the immune system. Lymphocytes develop from lymphoblasts (differentiated blood stem cells) within lymphoid tissue in organs such as the thymus. Lymphocytes are vital for normal immune system function. The three major types of lymphocyte are T cells, B cells, and natural killer cells.

Natural killer (NK) cells are part of the innate immune system and play a major role in defending the host from both tumors and virus-infected cells. NK cells contain receptors for a molecule called MHC (major histocompatibility complex) class I, which allows the NK cell to distinguish between infected cells and tumors from normal and uninfected cells. Normal cells express MHC class I on their cell membranes, while infected or cancerous cells do not express or express reduced amounts of the molecule. Therefore, the molecule acts as an inhibitor of NK cell activity, and NK cells activate and destroy cells on which MHC class I is not detected.
Activated NK cells release cytotoxic (cell-killing) granules that contain perforin and granzyme, which can lyse (break down) cell membranes and induce apoptosis to kill infected or abnormal cells. Cancer cells express much less MHC class I than normal cells, so NK cells are effective at destroying them before they develop into full tumors. If cancer cells evade NK cell detection for long enough, however, they can grow into tumors that are more resistant to NK cell activity.
T Cells and B Cells
T and B lymphocytes are the main forces of adaptive immunity, which includes cell-mediated and humoral immunity. T cells are involved in cell-mediated immunity whereas B cells are primarily responsible for humoral immunity. T cells and B cells irecognize specific “non-self” antigens during a process known as antigen presentation with MHC class II (usually done by dendritic cells). Once they have received an antigen, the cells become specifically tailored to eliminate and inhibit the pathogens or pathogen-infected cells that express that antigen. Sometimes these lymphocytes react to antigens that aren’t harmful (allergy) or will attack antigens expressed from the host’s own body (autoimmunity).
There are two types of T cells involved in adaptive, cell-mediated immunity.
- Helper T cells (CD4s) facilitate the organization of immune responses. They present antigens to B cells, produce cytokines that guide cytotoxic T cells, and activate macrophages.
- Cytotoxic T cells (CD8s) destroy pathogens associated with an antigen. Similar to NK cells, they bind to MHC class I and release granzymes, but will only bind to cells that express their specific antigen. Cytoxic T cells cause much of the damage associated with cell-mediated hypersensitivity, autoimmune disorders, and organ transplant rejection.
B cells are part of the humoral component of adaptive immunity. They respond to pathogens by producing large quantities of antigen-specific antibodies which neutralize foreign objects like bacteria and viruses, and opsonize (mark) them to be more easily recognized by other immune cells.
Following activation, B cells and T cells leave a lasting legacy of the antigens they have encountered in the form of memory cells. Memory B cells are important for quickly producing antibodies should an antigen be recognized again, which can prevent recurrent infections from the same type of pathogen. This explains why vaccines are so effective, though viruses and bacteria with high mutation rates will express different antigens and thus avoid recognition by memory cells.
Development of Lymphocytes
SEM Lymphocyte : A scanning electron microscope (SEM) image of a single human lymphocyte.
All lymphocytes originate from a common lymphoid progenitor cell known as a lymphoblast, before differentiating into their distinct lymphocyte types. The formation of lymphocytes is known as lymphopoiesis. B cells mature into B lymphocytes in the bone marrow, while T cells migrate to and mature in thymus. Following maturation, the lymphocytes enter the circulation and peripheral lymphoid organs, where they survey for invading pathogens and cancer cells. The lymphocytes involved in adaptive immunity (B and T cells) differentiate further after exposure to an antigen, which occurs in the lymph nodes during antigen presentation from the dendritic cells. The fully differentiated B and T cells are specific to the presented antigen and work to defend the body against pathogens associated with that antigen.


1.3: Scattering From a 1D Delta-Function Potential
We are now ready to solve a simple scattering problem. Consider a 1D space with spatial coordinate denoted by \(x\) , and a scattering potential that consists of a “spike” at \(x = 0\) :
\[V(x) = \frac{\hbar^2\gamma}{2m} \,\delta(x).\]
The form of the prefactor \(\hbar^2\gamma/2m\) is chosen for later convenience; the parameter \(\gamma\) , which has units of \([1/x]\) , controls the strength of the scattering potential.
If you are disturbed by the idea of a delta function potential, just regard it as the limiting case of a family of increasingly tall and narrow gaussian functions centered at \(x=0\) . For each non-singular potential, the applicability of the Schrödinger wave equation implies that the wavefunction \(\psi(x)\) is continuous and has well-defined first and second derivatives. In the delta function limit, however, these conditions are relaxed: \(\psi(x)\) remains continuous, but at \(x=0\) the first derivative becomes discontinuous and the second derivative blows up. To see this, we integrate the Schrödinger wave equation over an infinitesimal range around \(x = 0\) :
\[\begin{align} \begin{aligned}\lim_{\varepsilon\rightarrow 0^+} \int_{-\varepsilon}^{+\varepsilon} dx\; \left[-\frac{\hbar^2}{2m} \frac{d^2}{dx^2} + \frac{\hbar^2\gamma}{2m} \delta(x)\right] \psi(x) &= \lim_{\varepsilon\rightarrow 0^+} \int_{-\varepsilon}^{+\varepsilon} dx\; E \psi(x) \\ = \lim_{\varepsilon\rightarrow 0^+} \left\{-\frac{\hbar^2}{2m} \left[\frac{d\psi}{dx}\right]_{-\varepsilon}^{+\varepsilon} \right\} + \frac{\hbar^2\gamma}{2m} \psi(0) &= 0 \end{aligned}\end{align}\]
Hence,
\[\lim_{\varepsilon\rightarrow 0^+} \left\{\; \left.\frac{d\psi}{dx}\right|_{x = +\varepsilon} - \left.\frac{d\psi}{dx}\right|_{x = -\varepsilon}\; \right\} = \gamma \,\psi(0). \label{delta_discontinuity}\]
To proceed, consider a particle incident from the left, with energy \(E\) . This is described by an incident state proportional to a momentum eigenstate \(|k\rangle\) , where \(k = \sqrt{2mE/\hbar^2} > 0\) . We said “proportional”, not “equal”, for it is conventional to adopt the normalization
\[|\psi_i\rangle = \sqrt{2\pi}\Psi_i |k\rangle \;\;\; \Leftrightarrow\;\;\; \psi_i(x) = \langle x|\psi\rangle = \Psi_i \, e^{ik x}.\]
The complex constant \(\Psi_i\) is called the “incident amplitude.” Plugging this into the Schrödinger wave equation gives
\[\left[-\frac{\hbar^2}{2m} \frac{d^2}{dx^2} + \frac{\hbar^2\gamma}{2m}\delta(x)\right] \left(\Psi_i \, e^{ikx} + \psi_s(x) \right) = E \left(\Psi_i \, e^{ikx} + \psi_s(x) \right).\]
Taking \(E = \hbar^2k^2/2m\) , and doing a bit of algebra, simplifies this to
\[\left[ \frac{d^2}{dx^2} + k^2\right] \psi_s(x) = \gamma \delta(x) \left(\Psi_i \, e^{ikx} + \psi_s(x) \right),\]
which is an inhomogenous ordinary differential equation for \(\psi_s(x)\) , with the potential on the right hand side acting as a “driving term”.
To find the solution, consider the two regions \(x < 0\) and \(x > 0\) . Since \(\delta(x) \rightarrow 0\) for \(x \ne 0\) , the equation in each half-space reduces to
\[\left[\frac{d^2}{dx^2} + k^2\right] \psi_s(x) = 0.\]
This is the Helmholtz equation , whose general solution may be written as
\[\psi_s(x) = \Psi_i \left(f_1 \, e^{ik x} + f_2 \, e^{-ik x}\right).\]
Here, \(f_1\) and \(f_2\) are complex numbers that can take on different values in the two different regions \(x < 0\) and \(x > 0\) .
We want \(\psi_s(x)\) to describe an outgoing wave , moving away from the scatterer towards infinity. So it should be purely left-moving for \(x < 0\) , and purely right-moving for \(x > 0\) . To achieve this, let \(f_1 = 0\) for \(x < 0\) , and \(f_2 = 0\) for \(x > 0\) , so that \(\psi_s(x)\) has the form
\[\psi_s(x) = \Psi_i \times \begin{cases}f_- \,e^{-ikx}, & x < 0 \\ f_+ \,e^{ikx}, & x > 0.\end{cases}\]
The complex numbers \(f_-\) and \(f_+\) are called scattering amplitudes . They describe the magnitude and phase of the wavefunction scattered backwards into the \(x<0\) region, and scattered forward into the \(x > 0\) region, respectively.
Recall from the discussion at the beginning of this section that \(\psi(x)\) must be continuous everywhere, including at \(x = 0\) . Since \(\psi_i(x)\) is continuous, \(\psi_s(x)\) must be as well, so \(f_- = f_+\) . Moreover, we showed in Equation \(\eqref{delta_discontinuity}\) that the first derivative of \(\psi(x)\) is discontinuous at the scatterer. Plugging \(\eqref{delta_discontinuity}\) into our expression for \(\psi(x)\) , at \(x = 0\) , gives
\[\Psi_i\big[ik(1+f_\pm) - ik(1-f_\pm)\big] = \Psi(1+f_\pm) \gamma.\]
Hence, we obtain
\[f_+ = f_- = -\frac{\gamma}{\gamma - 2ik}.\]
For now, let us focus on the magnitude of the scattering amplitude (in the next chapter, we will see that the phase also contains useful information). The quantity \(|f_\pm|^2\) describes the overall strength of the scattering process:
\[|f_\pm|^2 = \left[1 + \frac{8mE}{(\hbar\gamma)^2}\right]^{-1}.\]
Its dependence on \(E\) is plotted below:
There are several notable features in this plot. First, for fixed potential strength \(\gamma\) , the scattering strength decreases monotonically with \(E\) —i.e., higher-energy particles are scattered less easily. Second, for given \(E\) , the scattering strength increases with \(|\gamma|\) , with the limit \(|f|^2 \rightarrow 1\) as \(|\gamma|\rightarrow \infty\) . Third, an attractive potential ( \(\gamma < 0\) ) and a repulsive potential ( \(\gamma > 0\) ) are equally effective at scattering the particle.


9.1: Early Industrialization in the Northeast
Northern industrialization expanded rapidly following the War of 1812. Industrialized manufacturing began in New England, where wealthy merchants built water-powered textile mills (and mill towns to support them) along the rivers of the Northeast. These mills introduced new modes of production centralized within the confines of the mill itself. As never before, production relied on mechanized sources with water power, and later steam, to provide the force necessary to drive machines. In addition to the mechanization and centralization of work in the mills, specialized, repetitive tasks assigned to wage laborers replaced earlier modes of handicraft production done by artisans at home. The operations of these mills irrevocably changed the nature of work by deskilling tasks, breaking down the process of production to its most basic, elemental parts. In return for their labor, the workers, who at first were young women from rural New England farming families, received wages. From its origin in New England, manufacturing soon spread to other regions of the United States.
FROM ARTISANS TO WAGE WORKERS
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, artisans—skilled, experienced craft workers—produced goods by hand. The production of shoes provides a good example. In colonial times, people bought their shoes from master shoemakers, who achieved their status by living and working as apprentices under the rule of an older master artisan. An apprenticeship would be followed by work as a journeyman (a skilled worker without his own shop). After sufficient time as a journeyman, a shoemaker could at last set up his own shop as a master artisan. People came to the shop, usually attached to the back of the master artisan’s house, and there the shoemaker measured their feet in order to cut and stitch together an individualized product for each customer.
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, merchants in the Northeast and elsewhere turned their attention as never before to the benefits of using unskilled wage labor to make a greater profit by reducing labor costs. They used the putting-out system, which the British had employed at the beginning of their own Industrial Revolution, whereby they hired farming families to perform specific tasks in the production process for a set wage. In the case of shoes, for instance, American merchants hired one group of workers to cut soles into standardized sizes. A different group of families cut pieces of leather for the uppers, while still another was employed to stitch the standardized parts together.
This process proved attractive because it whittled production costs. The families who participated in the putting-out system were not skilled artisans. They had not spent years learning and perfecting their craft and did not have ambitious journeymen to pay. Therefore, they could not demand—and did not receive—high wages. Most of the year they tended fields and orchards, ate the food that they produced, and sold the surplus. Putting-out work proved a welcome source of extra income for New England farm families who saw their profits dwindle from new competition from midwestern farms with higher-yield lands.
Much of this part-time production was done under contract to merchants. Some farming families engaged in shoemaking (or shoe assemblage), as noted above. Many made brooms, plaited hats from straw or palm leaves (which merchants imported from Cuba and the West Indies), crafted furniture, made pottery, or wove baskets. Some, especially those who lived in Connecticut, made parts for clocks. The most common part-time occupation, however, was the manufacture of textiles. Farm women spun woolen thread and wove fabric. They also wove blankets, made rugs, and knit stockings. All this manufacturing took place on the farm, giving farmers and their wives control over the timing and pace of their labor. Their domestic productivity increased the quantity of goods available for sale in country towns and nearby cities.
THE RISE OF MANUFACTURING
In the late 1790s and early 1800s, Great Britain boasted the most advanced textile mills and machines in the world, and the United States continued to rely on Great Britain for finished goods. Great Britain hoped to maintain its economic advantage over its former colonies in North America. So, in an effort to prevent the knowledge of advanced manufacturing from leaving the Empire, the British banned the emigration of mechanics, skilled workers who knew how to build and repair the latest textile machines.
Some skilled British mechanics, including Samuel Slater, managed to travel to the United States in the hopes of profiting from their knowledge and experience with advanced textile manufacturing. Slater (Figure 9.1.2) understood the workings of the latest water-powered textile mills, which British industrialist Richard Arkwright had pioneered. In the 1790s in Pawtucket, Rhode Island, Slater convinced several American merchants, including the wealthy Providence industrialist Moses Brown, to finance and build a water-powered cotton mill based on the British models. Slater’s knowledge of both technology and mill organization made him the founder of the first truly successful cotton mill in the United States.
The success of Slater and his partners Smith Brown and William Almy, relatives of Moses Brown, inspired others to build additional mills in Rhode Island and Massachusetts. By 1807, thirteen more mills had been established. President Jefferson’s embargo on British manufactured goods from late 1807 to early 1809 (discussed in a previous chapter) spurred more New England merchants to invest in industrial enterprises. By 1812, seventy-eight new textile mills had been built in rural New England towns.
Slater’s mills and those built in imitation of his were fairly small, employing only seventy people on average. Workers were organized the way that they had been in English factories, in family units. Under the “Rhode Island system,” families were hired. The father was placed in charge of the family unit, and he directed the labor of his wife and children. Instead of being paid in cash, the father was given “credit” equal to the extent of his family’s labor that could be redeemed in the form of rent (of company-owned housing) or goods from the company-owned store.
The Embargo of 1807 and the War of 1812 played a pivotal role in spurring industrial development in the United States. Jefferson’s embargo prevented American merchants from engaging in the Atlantic trade, severely cutting into their profits. The War of 1812 further compounded the financial woes of American merchants. The acute economic problems led some New England merchants, including Francis Cabot Lowell, to cast their gaze on manufacturing. Lowell had toured English mills during a stay in Great Britain. He returned to Massachusetts having memorized the designs for the advanced textile machines he had seen in his travels, especially the power loom, which replaced individual hand weavers. Lowell convinced other wealthy merchant families to invest in the creation of new mill towns. In 1813, Lowell and these wealthy investors, known as the Boston Associates, created the Boston Manufacturing Company. Together they raised $400,000 and, in 1814, established a textile mill in Waltham and a second one in the same town shortly thereafter (Figure 9.1.3).
At Waltham, cotton was carded and drawn into coarse strands of cotton fibers called rovings. The rovings were then spun into yarn, and the yarn woven into cotton cloth. Yarn no longer had to be put out to farm families for further processing. All the work was now performed at a central location—the factory.
The work in Lowell’s mills was both mechanized and specialized. Specialization meant the work was broken down into specific tasks, and workers repeatedly did the one task assigned to them in the course of a day. As machines took over labor from humans and people increasingly found themselves confined to the same repetitive step, the process of deskilling began.
The Boston Associates’ mills, which each employed hundreds of workers, were located in company towns, where the factories and worker housing were owned by a single company. This gave the owners and their agents control over their workers. The most famous of these company towns was Lowell, Massachusetts. The new town was built on land the Boston Associates purchased in 1821 from the village of East Chelmsford at the falls of the Merrimack River, north of Boston. The mill buildings themselves were constructed of red brick with large windows to let in light. Company-owned boarding houses to shelter employees were constructed near the mills. The mill owners planted flowers and trees to maintain the appearance of a rural New England town and to forestall arguments, made by many, that factory work was unnatural and unwholesome.
In contrast to many smaller mills, the Boston Associates’ enterprises avoided the Rhode Island system, preferring individual workers to families. These employees were not difficult to find. The competition New England farmers faced from farmers now settling in the West, and the growing scarcity of land in population-dense New England, had important implications for farmers’ children. Realizing their chances of inheriting a large farm or receiving a substantial dowry were remote, these teenagers sought other employment opportunities, often at the urging of their parents. While young men could work at a variety of occupations, young women had more limited options. The textile mills provided suitable employment for the daughters of Yankee farm families.
Needing to reassure anxious parents that their daughters’ virtue would be protected and hoping to avoid what they viewed as the problems of industrialization—filth and vice—the Boston Associates established strict rules governing the lives of these young workers. The women lived in company-owned boarding houses to which they paid a portion of their wages. They woke early at the sound of a bell and worked a twelve-hour day during which talking was forbidden. They could not swear or drink alcohol, and they were required to attend church on Sunday. Overseers at the mills and boarding-house keepers kept a close eye on the young women’s behavior; workers who associated with people of questionable reputation or acted in ways that called their virtue into question lost their jobs and were evicted.
In the 1830s, the French government sent engineer and economist Michel Chevalier to study industrial and financial affairs in Mexico and the United States. In 1839, he published Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States , in which he recorded his impressions of the Lowell textile mills. In the excerpt below, Chevalier describes the rules and wages of the Lawrence Company in 1833.
All persons employed by the Company must devote themselves assiduously to their duty during working-hours. They must be capable of doing the work which they undertake, or use all their efforts to this effect. They must on all occasions, both in their words and in their actions, show that they are penetrated by a laudable love of temperance and virtue, and animated by a sense of their moral and social obligations. The Agent of the Company shall endeavour to set to all a good example in this respect. Every individual who shall be notoriously dissolute, idle, dishonest, or intemperate, who shall be in the practice of absenting himself from divine service, or shall violate the Sabbath, or shall be addicted to gaming, shall be dismissed from the service of the Company. . . . All ardent spirits are banished from the Company’s grounds, except when prescribed by a physician. All games of hazard and cards are prohibited within their limits and in the boarding-houses.
Weekly wages were as follows:
For picking and carding, $2.78 to $3.10
For spinning, $3.00
For weaving, $3.10 to $3.12
For warping and sizing, $3.45 to $4.00
For measuring and folding, $3.12
What kind of world were the factory owners trying to create with these rules? How do you think those who believed all white people were born free and equal would react to them?
Visit the Textile Industry History site to explore the mills of New England through its collection of history, images, and ephemera.
The mechanization of formerly handcrafted goods, and the removal of production from the home to the factory, dramatically increased output of goods. For example, in one nine-month period, the numerous Rhode Island women who spun yarn into cloth on hand looms in their homes produced a total of thirty-four thousand yards of fabrics of different types. In 1855, the women working in just one of Lowell’s mechanized mills produced more than forty-three thousand yards.
The Boston Associates’ cotton mills quickly gained a competitive edge over the smaller mills established by Samuel Slater and those who had imitated him. Their success prompted the Boston Associates to expand. In Massachusetts, in addition to Lowell, they built new mill towns in Chicopee, Lawrence, and Holyoke. In New Hampshire, they built them in Manchester, Dover, and Nashua. And in Maine, they built a large mill in Saco on the Saco River. Other entrepreneurs copied them. By the time of the Civil War, 878 textile factories had been built in New England. All together, these factories employed more than 100,000 people and produced more than 940 million yards of cloth.
Success in New England was repeated elsewhere. Small mills, more like those in Rhode Island than those in northern Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine, were built in New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. By midcentury, three hundred textile mills were located in and near Philadelphia. Many produced specialty goods, such as silks and printed fabrics, and employed skilled workers, including people working in their own homes. Even in the South, the region that otherwise relied on slave labor to produce the very cotton that fed the northern factory movement, more than two hundred textile mills were built. Most textiles, however, continued to be produced in New England before the Civil War.
Alongside the production of cotton and woolen cloth, which formed the backbone of the Industrial Revolution in the United States as in Britain, other crafts increasingly became mechanized and centralized in factories in the first half of the nineteenth century. Shoe making, leather tanning, papermaking, hat making, clock making, and gun making had all become mechanized to one degree or another by the time of the Civil War. Flour milling, because of the inventions of Oliver Evans (Figure 9.1.4), had become almost completely automated and centralized by the early decades of the nineteenth century. So efficient were Evans-style mills that two employees were able to do work that had originally required five, and mills using Evans’s system spread throughout the mid-Atlantic states.
THE RISE OF CONSUMERISM
At the end of the eighteenth century, most American families lived in candlelit homes with bare floors and unadorned walls, cooked and warmed themselves over fireplaces, and owned few changes of clothing. All manufactured goods were made by hand and, as a result, were usually scarce and fairly expensive.
The automation of the manufacturing process changed that, making consumer goods that had once been thought of as luxury items widely available for the first time. Now all but the very poor could afford the necessities and some of the small luxuries of life. Rooms were lit by oil lamps, which gave brighter light than candles. Homes were heated by parlor stoves, which allowed for more privacy; people no longer needed to huddle together around the hearth. Iron cookstoves with multiple burners made it possible for housewives to prepare more elaborate meals. Many people could afford carpets and upholstered furniture, and even farmers could decorate their homes with curtains and wallpaper. Clocks, which had once been quite expensive, were now within the reach of most ordinary people.
THE WORK EXPERIENCE TRANSFORMED
As production became mechanized and relocated to factories, the experience of workers underwent significant changes. Farmers and artisans had controlled the pace of their labor and the order in which things were done. If an artisan wanted to take the afternoon off, he could. If a farmer wished to rebuild his fence on Thursday instead of on Wednesday, he could. They conversed and often drank during the workday. Indeed, journeymen were often promised alcohol as part of their wages. One member of the group might be asked to read a book or a newspaper aloud to the others. In the warm weather, doors and windows might be opened to the outside, and work stopped when it was too dark to see.
Work in factories proved to be quite different. Employees were expected to report at a certain time, usually early in the morning, and to work all day. They could not leave when they were tired or take breaks other than at designated times. Those who arrived late found their pay docked; five minutes’ tardiness could result in several hours’ worth of lost pay, and repeated tardiness could result in dismissal. The monotony of repetitive tasks made days particularly long. Hours varied according to the factory, but most factory employees toiled ten to twelve hours a day, six days a week. In the winter, when the sun set early, oil lamps were used to light the factory floor, and employees strained their eyes to see their work and coughed as the rooms filled with smoke from the lamps. In the spring, as the days began to grow longer, factories held “blowing-out” celebrations to mark the extinguishing of the oil lamps. These “blow-outs” often featured processions and dancing.
Freedom within factories was limited. Drinking was prohibited. Some factories did not allow employees to sit down. Doors and windows were kept closed, especially in textile factories where fibers could be easily disturbed by incoming breezes, and mills were often unbearably hot and humid in the summer. In the winter, workers often shivered in the cold. In such environments, workers’ health suffered.
The workplace posed other dangers as well. The presence of cotton bales alongside the oil used to lubricate machines made fire a common problem in textile factories. Workplace injuries were also common. Workers’ hands and fingers were maimed or severed when they were caught in machines; in some cases, their limbs or entire bodies were crushed. Workers who didn’t die from such injuries almost certainly lost their jobs, and with them, their income. Corporal punishment of both children and adults was common in factories; where abuse was most extreme, children sometimes died as a result of injuries suffered at the hands of an overseer.
As the decades passed, working conditions deteriorated in many mills. Workers were assigned more machines to tend, and the owners increased the speed at which the machines operated. Wages were cut in many factories, and employees who had once labored for an hourly wage now found themselves reduced to piecework, paid for the amount they produced and not for the hours they toiled. Owners also reduced compensation for piecework. Low wages combined with regular periods of unemployment to make the lives of workers difficult, especially for those with families to support. In New York City in 1850, for example, the average male worker earned $300 a year; it cost approximately $600 a year to support a family of five.
WORKERS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
Many workers undoubtedly enjoyed some of the new wage opportunities factory work presented. For many of the young New England women who ran the machines in Waltham, Lowell, and elsewhere, the experience of being away from the family was exhilarating and provided a sense of solidarity among them. Though most sent a large portion of their wages home, having even a small amount of money of their own was a liberating experience, and many used their earnings to purchase clothes, ribbons, and other consumer goods for themselves.
The long hours, strict discipline, and low wages, however, soon led workers to organize to protest their working conditions and pay. In 1821, the young women employed by the Boston Manufacturing Company in Waltham went on strike for two days when their wages were cut. In 1824, workers in Pawtucket struck to protest reduced pay rates and longer hours, the latter of which had been achieved by cutting back the amount of time allowed for meals. Similar strikes occurred at Lowell and in other mill towns like Dover, New Hampshire, where the women employed by the Cocheco Manufacturing Company ceased working in December 1828 after their wages were reduced. In the 1830s, female mill operatives in Lowell formed the Lowell Factory Girls Association to organize strike activities in the face of wage cuts (Figure 9.1.5) and, later, established the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association to protest the twelve-hour workday. Even though strikes were rarely successful and workers usually were forced to accept reduced wages and increased hours, work stoppages as a form of labor protest represented the beginnings of the labor movement in the United States.
Critics of industrialization blamed it for the increased concentration of wealth in the hands of the few: the factory owners made vast profits while the workers received only a small fraction of the revenue from what they produced. Under the labor theory of value, said critics, the value of a product should accurately reflect the labor needed to produce it. Profits from the sale of goods produced by workers should be distributed so laborers recovered in the form of wages the value their effort had added to the finished product. While factory owners, who contributed the workspace, the machinery, and the raw materials needed to create a product, should receive a share of the profits, their share should not be greater than the value of their contribution. Workers should thus receive a much larger portion of the profits than they currently did, and factory owners should receive less.
In Philadelphia, New York, and Boston—all cities that experienced dizzying industrial growth during the nineteenth century—workers united to form political parties. Thomas Skidmore, from Connecticut, was the outspoken organizer of the Working Men’s Party, which lodged a radical protest against the exploitation of workers that accompanied industrialization. Skidmore took his cue from Thomas Paine and the American Revolution to challenge the growing inequity in the United States. He argued that inequality originated in the unequal distribution of property through inheritance laws. In his 1829 treatise, The Rights of Man to Property , Skidmore called for the abolition of inheritance and the redistribution of property. The Working Men’s Party also advocated the end of imprisonment for debt, a common practice whereby the debtor who could not pay was put in jail and his tools and property, if any, were confiscated. Skidmore’s vision of radical equality extended to all; women and men, no matter their race, should be allowed to vote and receive property, he believed. Skidmore died in 1832 when a cholera epidemic swept New York City, but the state of New York did away with imprisonment for debt in the same year.
Worker activism became less common in the late 1840s and 1850s. As German and Irish immigrants poured into the United States in the decades preceding the Civil War, native-born laborers found themselves competing for jobs with new arrivals who were willing to work longer hours for less pay. In Lowell, Massachusetts, for example, the daughters of New England farmers encountered competition from the daughters of Irish farmers suffering the effects of the potato famine; these immigrant women were willing to work for far less and endure worse conditions than native-born women. Many of these native-born “daughters of freemen,” as they referred to themselves, left the factories and returned to their families. Not all wage workers had this luxury, however. Widows with children to support and girls from destitute families had no choice but to stay and accept the faster pace and lower pay. Male German and Irish immigrants competed with native-born men. Germans, many of whom were skilled workers, took jobs in furniture making. The Irish provided a ready source of unskilled labor needed to lay railroad track and dig canals. American men with families to support grudgingly accepted low wages in order to keep their jobs. As work became increasingly deskilled, no worker was irreplaceable, and no one’s job was safe.
Section Summary
Industrialization led to radical changes in American life. New industrial towns, like Waltham, Lowell, and countless others, dotted the landscape of the Northeast. The mills provided many young women an opportunity to experience a new and liberating life, and these workers relished their new freedom. Workers also gained a greater appreciation of the value of their work and, in some instances, began to question the basic fairness of the new industrial order. The world of work had been fundamentally reorganized.
Review Questions
How were the New England textile mills planned and built?
Experienced British builders traveled to the United States to advise American merchants.
New England merchants paid French and German mechanics to design factories for them.
New England merchants and British migrants memorized plans from British mills.
Textile mills were a purely American creation, invented by Francis Cabot Lowell in 1813.
C
Which is the best characterization of textile mill workers in the early nineteenth century?
male and female indentured servants from Great Britain who worked hard to win their freedom
young men who found freedom in the rowdy lifestyle of mill work
experienced artisans who shared their knowledge in exchange for part ownership in the company
young farm women whose behavior was closely monitored
D
What effect did industrialization have on consumers?
Industrialization made manufactured goods more abundant and more widely available. All but the poorest Americans were able to equip their homes with cookstoves, parlor stoves, upholstered furniture, and decorations such as wallpaper and window curtains. Even such formerly expensive goods as clocks were now affordable for most.
Glossary
- artisan
- skilled, experienced worker who produces specialized goods by hand
- deskilling
- breaking an artisanal production process into smaller steps that unskilled workers can perform
- labor theory of value
- an economic theory holding that profits from the sale of the goods produced by workers should be equitably distributed to those workers
- putting-out system
- a labor system whereby a merchant hired different families to perform specific tasks in a production process
- Working Men’s Party
- a political group that radically opposed what they viewed as the exploitation of workers


7.7.4: What Should the Nurse Do?
What Should the Nurse Do?
2 .
How would you educate Mandeep on preventing and treating STIs?
3 .
What nursing interventions would you implement to support Mandeep’s care?
4 .
How might you approach discussing the possibility of sexually transmitted viral infections with Mandeep?
6 .
What diagnostic approaches would you recommend to confirm the presence and specific type of vaginal infection?
7 .
Considering Aurélie's discomfort, what nonpharmacologic and pharmacologic treatment options would you discuss with her, and how would you prioritize them?
8 .
In line with the educational component, how would you counsel Aurélie on preventing recurrent episodes of bacterial vaginitis and candidiasis?
9 .
What considerations would you keep in mind regarding the potential emotional impact of these infections on Aurélie, and how might you address her concerns and anxieties?
11 .
What diagnostic measures would you recommend to confirm the type and extent of the UTI?
12 .
What factors could contribute to the patient’s condition, and how might they inform the management plan?
13 .
How would you educate Chase on the prevention strategies for recurrent UTIs?
14 .
Considering the possibility of interstitial cystitis, what additional assessments might be necessary to explore this condition?


7.15: Assignment- Information Systems in Retail and CRM Software
Imagine that the small organic sports drink business that you have been working for is expanding into a few new markets. However, with new markets comes new demographics of customers and you need to set up a customer relationship management program at your company. You have been charged with finding a Customer Relationship Management (CRM) software that is efficient and effective while keeping costs to a minimum.
Assignment
Your task is to search the Internet to find several CRM Software options to present to your manager. Prepare a summary along with a chart comparing the different features:
- Costs
- Ease of use (for customers and the company)
- Technology required to operate
- Security procedures to keep customers personal information safe
- How this CRM would improve customer relations
- Ways the CRM allows you to analyze customer data and identify target customers
Note that you can include other features beyond this list.
Ultimately, try to show that the end results (such as profits) for your store could be worth the monetary investment of the CRM for your store.
You will submit your CRM chart and a three-paragraph essay describing which option you chose and why. Please explain how the new CRM will be implemented into your store.
Grading Rubric
This assignment is worth a total of 50 points.
| Criteria | Not Evident | Developing | Proficient | Exemplary | Points |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Organization and format |
4 pts
Writing lacks logical organization. It may show some coherence but ideas lack unity. Serious errors and generally is an unorganized format and information. |
6 pts
Writing is coherent and logically organized, using a format suitable for the material presented. Some points may be contextually misplaced and/or stray from the topic. Transitions may be evident but not used throughout the essay. Organization and format used may detract from understanding the material presented. |
8 pts
Writing is coherent and logically organized, using a format suitable for the material presented. Transitions between ideas and paragraphs create coherence. Overall unity of ideas is supported by the format and organization of the material presented. |
10 pts
Writing shows high degree of attention to details and presentation of points. Format used enhances understanding of material presented. Unity clearly leads the reader to the writer’s conclusion and the format and information could be used independently. |
10 pts |
| Content |
4 pts
Some but not all required questions are addressed. Content and/or terminology is not properly used or referenced. Little or no original thought is present in the writing. Concepts presented are merely restated from the source, or ideas presented do not follow the logic and reasoning presented throughout the writing. |
6 pts
All required questions are addressed but may not be addressed with thoughtful consideration and/or may not reflect proper use of content terminology or additional original thought. Additional concepts may not be present and/or may not be properly cited sources. |
8 pts
All required questions are addressed with thoughtful consideration reflecting both proper use of content terminology and additional original thought. Some additional concepts may be presented from other properly cited sources, or originated by the author following logic and reasoning they’ve clearly presented throughout the writing. |
10 pts
All required questions are addressed with thoughtful in-depth consideration reflecting both proper use of content terminology and additional original thought. Additional concepts are clearly presented from properly cited sources, or originated by the author following logic and reasoning they’ve clearly presented throughout the writing. |
10 pts |
| Development – Critical Thinking |
8 pts
Shows some thinking and reasoning but most ideas are underdeveloped, unoriginal, and/or do not address the questions asked. Conclusions drawn may be unsupported, illogical or merely the author’s opinion with no supporting evidence presented. |
12 pts
Content indicates thinking and reasoning applied with original thought on a few ideas, but may repeat information provided and/ or does not address all of the questions asked. The author presents no original ideas, or ideas do not follow clear logic and reasoning. The evidence presented may not support conclusions drawn. |
16 pts
Content indicates original thinking, cohesive conclusions, and developed ideas with sufficient and firm evidence. Clearly addresses all of the questions or requirements asked. The evidence presented supports conclusions drawn. |
20 pts
Content indicates synthesis of ideas, in-depth analysis and evidence beyond the questions or requirements asked. Original thought supports the topic, and is clearly a well-constructed response to the questions asked. The evidence presented makes a compelling case for any conclusions drawn. |
20 pts |
| Grammar, Mechanics, Style |
4 pts
Writing contains many spelling, punctuation, and grammatical errors, making it difficult for the reader to follow ideas clearly. There may be sentence fragments and run-ons. The style of writing, tone, and use of rhetorical devices disrupts the content. Additional information may be presented but in an unsuitable style, detracting from its understanding. |
6 pts
Some spelling, punctuation, and grammatical errors are present, interrupting the reader from following the ideas presented clearly. There may be sentence fragments and run-ons. The style of writing, tone, and use of rhetorical devices may detract from the content. Additional information may be presented, but in a style of writing that does not support understanding of the content. |
8 pts
Writing is free of most spelling, punctuation, and grammatical errors, allowing the reader to follow ideas clearly. There are no sentence fragments and run-ons. The style of writing, tone, and use of rhetorical devices enhance the content. Additional information is presented in a cohesive style that supports understanding of the content. |
10 pts
Writing is free of all spelling, punctuation, and grammatical errors and written in a style that enhances the reader’s ability to follow ideas clearly. There are no sentence fragments and run-ons. The style of writing, tone, and use of rhetorical devices enhance the content. Additional information is presented to encourage and enhance understanding of the content. |
10 pts |
| Total: | 50 pts |
Contributors and Attributions
- Assignment: Information Systems in Retail and CRM Software. Provided by : Lumen Learning. License : CC BY: Attribution
- Revision and adaptation. Authored by : Jameson Gurley. Provided by : Lumen Learning. License : CC BY: Attribution


11.4: Summary
11.1 Rights of Medication Administration
Nurses play a critical role in ensuring safe medication administration. Prior to medication administration, nurses must review medication orders to ensure accuracy, prevent transcription errors, and clarify any questions related to the medication order with the provider. During medication administration, ensuring the “rights” of medication administration are confirmed at three key checkpoints will reduce the potential for a medication error to occur. Following medication administration, nurses ensure patient safety by monitoring the patient for adverse reactions and reporting any unexpected reactions to the provider.
11.2 Dosing
Medication dosing typically utilizes three systems of measurement: the metric system, household system, and apothecary system. Of the three systems of measurement, the metric system provides the most accurate dose calculations. The nurse must be confident in their ability to calculate drug dosages to be able to verify and safely administer medications. Drug calculations may be performed using a variety of methods, including dimensional analysis, formula method, or ratio proportion method. Calculations may require consideration of additional factors, such as converting systems of measurement, weight-based dosing, and serum-based dosing. Utilizing the nursing process, the nurse may systematically calculate accurate drug dosages.
11.3 Documentation of Medication Administration
Nurses play a critical role in ensuring accurate and timely documentation of medication administration. It is important for the nurse to use only approved abbreviations, document medications immediately after they are administered, and evaluate medication effectiveness. Any errors in documentation should be corrected as soon as they are noted. Accurate documentation is also required for all actions taken by the nurse if a patient refuses a medication. Administration of any medication is documented in the MAR, which provides a comprehensive list of medications and serves as a communication tool for the interdisciplinary team. Ensuring the administration process is documented accurately and timely is essential in capturing that quality care was provided.


9.2: Two Types of Errors
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Before going into details about how a statistical test is constructed, it’s useful to understand the philosophy behind it. I hinted at it when pointing out the similarity between a null hypothesis test and a criminal trial, but I should now be explicit. Ideally, we would like to construct our test so that we never make any errors. Unfortunately, since the world is messy, this is never possible. Sometimes you’re just really unlucky: for instance, suppose you flip a coin 10 times in a row and it comes up heads all 10 times. That feels like very strong evidence that the coin is biased (and it is!), but of course there’s a 1 in 1024 chance that this would happen even if the coin was totally fair. In other words, in real life we always have to accept that there’s a chance that we did the wrong thing. As a consequence, the goal behind statistical hypothesis testing is not to eliminate errors, but to minimise them.
At this point, we need to be a bit more precise about what we mean by “errors”. Firstly, let’s state the obvious: it is either the case that the null hypothesis is true, or it is false; and our test will either reject the null hypothesis or retain it. 160 So, as the table below illustrates, after we run the test and make our choice, one of four things might have happened:
| retain H 0 | reject H 0 | |
|---|---|---|
| H 0 is true | correct decision | error (type I) |
| H 0 is false | error (type II) | correct decision |
As a consequence there are actually two different types of error here. If we reject a null hypothesis that is actually true, then we have made a type I error . On the other hand, if we retain the null hypothesis when it is in fact false, then we have made a type II error .
Remember how I said that statistical testing was kind of like a criminal trial? Well, I meant it. A criminal trial requires that you establish “beyond a reasonable doubt” that the defendant did it. All of the evidentiary rules are (in theory, at least) designed to ensure that there’s (almost) no chance of wrongfully convicting an innocent defendant. The trial is designed to protect the rights of a defendant: as the English jurist William Blackstone famously said, it is “better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer.” In other words, a criminal trial doesn’t treat the two types of error in the same way~… punishing the innocent is deemed to be much worse than letting the guilty go free. A statistical test is pretty much the same: the single most important design principle of the test is to control the probability of a type I error, to keep it below some fixed probability. This probability, which is denoted α, is called the significance level of the test (or sometimes, the size of the test). And I’ll say it again, because it is so central to the whole set-up~… a hypothesis test is said to have significance level α if the type I error rate is no larger than α.
So, what about the type II error rate? Well, we’d also like to keep those under control too, and we denote this probability by β. However, it’s much more common to refer to the power of the test, which is the probability with which we reject a null hypothesis when it really is false, which is 1−β. To help keep this straight, here’s the same table again, but with the relevant numbers added:
| retain H 0 | reject H 0 | |
|---|---|---|
| H 0 is true | 1−α (probability of correct retention) | α (type I error rate) |
| H 0 is false | β (type II error rate) | 1−β (power of the test) |
A “powerful” hypothesis test is one that has a small value of β, while still keeping α fixed at some (small) desired level. By convention, scientists make use of three different α levels: .05, .01 and .001. Notice the asymmetry here~… the tests are designed to ensure that the α level is kept small, but there’s no corresponding guarantee regarding β. We’d certainly like the type II error rate to be small, and we try to design tests that keep it small, but this is very much secondary to the overwhelming need to control the type I error rate. As Blackstone might have said if he were a statistician, it is “better to retain 10 false null hypotheses than to reject a single true one”. To be honest, I don’t know that I agree with this philosophy – there are situations where I think it makes sense, and situations where I think it doesn’t – but that’s neither here nor there. It’s how the tests are built.


11.11: Quiz 10-Crane Safety in Construction Environments
1. True or False... It is critical to know the weight capacity of a crane before hoisting a load?
2. Which of the following is not a type of industrial crane?
________ Boom.
________ Jib.
________ Barrel.
________ Overhead.
3. True or False... When performing an inspection of a crane, it is not necessary to check fluid levels to see if they are within acceptable limits?
4. True or False... Every boom crane has its own load chart?
5. Which of the following operational safety devices does not monitor and/or control the handling capabilities of a crane?
________ Overload indicators.
________ Emergency stop buttons.
________ Anti-slip bevels.
________ Limit switches.
6. True or False... To signal an "emergency stop", extend both of your arms out (with palms down) and move them horizontally?


6.7: America Enters the War
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By the fall of 1916 and spring of 1917, President Wilson believed an imminent German victory would drastically and dangerously alter the balance of power in Europe. Submarine warfare and the Zimmerman Telegram, meanwhile, inflamed public opinion. Congress declared war on Germany on April 4, 1917.  The United States was unprepared in nearly every respect for modern war. Considerable time elapsed before an effective army and navy could be assembled, trained, equipped, and deployed to the Western Front in Europe. The process of building the army and navy for the war proved to be different from previous conflicts. Unlike the largest European military powers of Germany, France, and Austria-Hungary, no tradition existed in the United States to maintain large standing armed forces or trained military reserves during peacetime. Moreover, there was no American counterpart to the European practice of rapidly equipping, training, and mobilizing reservists and conscripts.
The U.S. historically relied solely on traditional volunteerism to fill the ranks of the armed forces. Notions of patriotic duty and adventure appealed to many young men who not only volunteered for wartime service but sought and paid for their own training at army camps before the war. American labor organizations favored voluntary service over conscription. Labor leader Samuel Gompers argued for volunteerism in letters to the congressional committees considering the question. “The organized labor movement,” he wrote, “has always been fundamentally opposed to compulsion.” Referring to American values as a role model for others, he continued, “It is the hope of organized labor to demonstrate that under voluntary conditions and institutions the Republic of the United States can mobilize its greatest strength, resources and efficiency.” 7
Despite fears of popular resistance, Congress quickly instituted a reasonably equitable and locally administered system to draft men for the military. On May 18, 1917, Congress approved the Selective Service Act, and President Wilson signed it a week later. The new legislation avoided the unpopular system of bonuses and substitutes used during the Civil War and was generally received without major objection by the American people. 8
The conscription act initially required men from ages twenty-one to thirty to register for compulsory military service. Basic physical fitness was the primary requirement for service. The resulting tests offered the emerging fields of social science a range of data collection tools and new screening methods. The Army Medical Department examined the general condition of young American men selected for service from the population. The Surgeon General compiled his findings from draft records in the 1919 report, “Defects Found in Drafted Men,” a snapshot of the 2.5 million men examined for military service. Of that group, 1,533,937 physical defects were recorded (often more than one per individual). More than 34 percent of those examined were rejected for service or later discharged for neurological, psychiatric, or mental deficiencies. 9
To provide a basis for the neurological, psychiatric, and mental evaluations, the army used cognitive skills tests to determine intelligence. About 1.9 million men were tested on intelligence. Soldiers who could read took the Army Alpha test. Illiterates and non-English-speaking immigrants took the nonverbal equivalent, the Army Beta test, which relied on visual testing procedures. Robert M. Yerkes, president of the American Psychological Association and chairman of the Committee on the Psychological Examination of Recruits, developed and analyzed the tests. His data argued that the actual mental age of recruits was only about thirteen years. Among recent immigrants, he said, it was even lower. As a eugenicist, he interpreted the results as roughly equivalent to a mild level of retardation and as an indication of racial deterioration. Years later, experts agreed that the results misrepresented the levels of education for the recruits and revealed defects in the design of the tests.
The experience of service in the army expanded many individual social horizons as native-born and foreign-born soldiers served together. Immigrants had been welcomed into Union ranks during the Civil War, including large numbers of Irish and Germans who had joined and fought alongside native-born men. Some Germans in the Civil War fought in units where German was the main language. Between 1917 and 1918, the army accepted immigrants with some hesitancy because of the widespread public agitation against “hyphenated Americans.” Others were segregated.
Prevailing racial attitudes among white Americans mandated the assignment of white and black soldiers to different units.  Black leaders viewed military service as an opportunity to demonstrate to white society the willingness and ability of black men to assume all duties and responsibilities of citizens, including wartime sacrifice.  The War Department, however, barred black troops from combat and relegated black soldiers to segregated service units where they worked as general laborers.
In France, the experiences of black soldiers during training and periods of leave proved transformative. The army often restricted the privileges of black soldiers to ensure that the conditions they encountered in Europe did not lead them to question their place in American society. However, black soldiers were not the only ones tempted by European vices. To ensure that American “doughboys” did not compromise their special identity as men of the new world who arrived to save the old, several religious and progressive organizations created an extensive program designed to keep the men pure of heart, mind, and body. With assistance from the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) and other temperance organizations, the War Department put together a program of schools, sightseeing tours, and recreational facilities to provide wholesome and educational outlets. The soldiers welcomed most of the activities from these groups, but many still managed to find and enjoy the traditional recreations of soldiers at war. 10
Women reacted to the war preparations by joining several military and civilian organizations. Their enrollment and actions in these organizations proved to be a pioneering effort for American women in war. Military leaders authorized the permanent gender transition of several occupations that gave women opportunities to don uniforms where none had existed before in history. Civilian wartime organizations, although chaired by male members of the business elite, boasted all-female volunteer workforces. Women performed the bulk of volunteer work during the war. 11
The admittance of women brought considerable upheaval. The War and Navy Departments authorized the enlistment of women to fill positions in several established administrative occupations. The gendered transition of these jobs freed more men to join combat units. Army women served as telephone operators (Hello Girls) for the Signal Corps, navy women enlisted as yeomen (clerical workers), and the first groups of women joined the Marine Corps in July 1918. Approximately twenty-five thousand nurses served in the Army and Navy Nurse Corps for duty stateside and overseas, and about a hundred female physicians were contracted by the army. Neither the female nurses nor the doctors served as commissioned officers in the military. The army and navy chose to appoint them instead, which left the status of professional medical women hovering somewhere between the enlisted and officer ranks. As a result, many female nurses and doctors suffered various physical and mental abuses at the hands of their male coworkers with no system of redress in place. 12
Millions of women also volunteered in civilian organizations such as the American Red Cross, the Young Men’s and Women’s Christian Associations (YMCA/YWCA), and the Salvation Army. Most women performed their volunteer duties in communal spaces owned by the leaders of the municipal chapters of these organizations. Women met at designated times to roll bandages, prepare and serve meals and snacks, package and ship supplies, and organize community fund-raisers. The variety of volunteer opportunities gave women the ability to appear in public spaces and promote charitable activities for the war effort. Female volunteers encouraged entire communities, including children, to get involved in war work. While most of these efforts focused on support for the home front, a small percentage of female volunteers served with the American Expeditionary Force in France. 13
Jim Crow segregation in both the military and the civilian sector stood as a barrier for black women who wanted to give their time to the war effort. The military prohibited black women from serving as enlisted or appointed medical personnel. The only avenue for black women to wear a military uniform existed with the armies of the allied nations. A few black female doctors and nurses joined the French Foreign Legion to escape the racism in the American army. Black female volunteers faced the same discrimination in civilian wartime organizations. White leaders of the American Red Cross, YMCA/YWCA, and Salvation Army municipal chapters refused to admit black women as equal participants. Black women were forced to charter auxiliary units as subsidiary divisions and were given little guidance on organizing volunteers. They turned instead to the community for support and recruited millions of women for auxiliaries that supported the nearly two hundred thousand black soldiers and sailors serving in the military. While most female volunteers labored to care for black families on the home front, three YMCA secretaries worked with the black troops in France. 14