7.2: Representation and Belonging
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- Elizabeth B. Pearce
- Linn-Benton Community College via OpenOregon
How is equity served by representation? Social Institutions are defined by having a critical function, and with a structure of rules and roles.Those roles almost always include some form of representation: a way in which the participants are somehow “seen” and acknowledged via a leadership structure. Representation means that families know that they belong, that they are important, that their needs are known, and that the institution is functional. If the representation does not serve these purposes, it is unlikely that outcomes will be equitable for families.
In this chapter we will focus on the institutions of local and national governments. As you read, consider applying these same concepts to other institutions that you may be involved with including K-12 schools, the college and university systems, health care and health insurance, businesses and corporations, prisons and courts, media, and others.
Your social identity affects your experience with representation. Our social identities are complex (refer to the Social Identity wheel in Chapter One) and every family member adds additional complexities to identity. This is one of the beautiful and challenging aspects of family life. It is aspirational to think that we live in a country where every family has equitable access to opportunity and representation. When this cannot be achieved, we may aspire to the belief that our representatives still “see” and understand the needs of our families.
For example, this author is a member of the LGBTQ+ community, is White, and is a cis-gendered female. In many organizations, I see that the majority of the leadership is White. I see many women decision-makers, although the percentage decreases as the level of power increases. And I see relatively few members of the LGBTQ+ community. Since this part of the population is small (about 10% or less) I do not expect to see a majority of leaders in any organization to be members of this group. What I hope for is that regardless of demographic, these leaders still work to understand me and my family. This is especially true of any aspect of my identity that has been marginalized; in my case, that is being a woman and being part of the LGBTQ+ community. I hope that they listen to my stories. That they “see” me. They work to educate themselves about families like mine, so that even if I don’t see people like myself making the decisions that affect my family, they still represent me.
When I think about representation from this perspective, I am not only considering the federal government. I am thinking about employers, city councils, my health care insurance and health care providers, the school board, and the local court system. All of these institutions affect families based on their identities and formations. For example, health care and retirement benefits are typically tied to employers, whether they are public organizations, for-profit corporations, or not-for-profit entities. Those employers will determine which members of my family qualify for benefits and may be listed as beneficiaries of pension or life insurance policies. The school board is making decisions about forms, processes, rights and responsibilities affecting my children. The local courts and judges interpret laws and make decisions about adoption, divorce, custody agreements and for foster children. In all of these cases, I want to know that the people in the decision making roles have some understanding of who my family is, and who I am, whether or not they share the same social identities. They are representing me, not just as an individual, but as a member of the community that designated them with this power.
Each one of you who reads this has your own social identity which overlaps with the identities within your family. As you read this chapter, consider what representation means to you and how you would like to be represented within the various institutions in which you participate.
Historical Context
The Declaration of Independence is commonly quoted to demonstrate the United States is founded on equality,
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. [1]
But as we know, this declaration did not apply to all men in the United States, but only to men who were White, and in some cases was limited to land-owners (early in the history of the United States individual states regulated the right to vote, so there was variability about which White men had access to this form of equality). Not to mention women, at a time when the White culture defined sex and gender in a binary way.
Consider your own social identity and its overlapping characteristics. Our familial and individual social identities have a bi-directional relationship with representation. Our social identities (including how others define us) affect what kind of representation we have experienced, while representation continues to contribute to the social construction of identity: color, ethnicity, gender, sex, socioeconomic status, ability, age and so on. Understanding this relationship can help us increase equity in two ways:
- Reducing the effects of racialization and other forms of stereotyping that contribute to the marginalization of families; and
- Acknowledging the ways that families who are part of the dominant culture benefit from the stereotyping and bias of marginalized groups.
When we talk about families, we are moving far beyond the social construction of the typical family and the ways that government and other institutions define “family” for taxes, health care, and other legal rights and responsibilities. We are including all the ways that people define their own families. It is our aspirational goal to inspire readers to understand injustice more deeply via the ways that we are represented in institutions and to advocate and contribute to changes toward greater equity for families in the United States.
We will study a couple of the formal ways that families can expect to be represented in the United States, and how that representation plays out when we look at equity. This is important because governing bodies make decisions that affect all families; the definitions, laws, and regulations made by governments influence employers, business practices, schools and other public facilities such as libraries and parks.
We will look at the United States Census, a survey which attempts to count all the people (not all citizens, but all people) living in the United States and directly impacts the number of seats that a state has assigned in the U.S. House of Representatives as well how federal funds are distributed. Then we will look more closely at voting and the resulting elected officials at the local, state, and federal levels. Those officials are directly responsible for the laws and justice systems that govern us. Finally we will look at an aspect of representation outside of the formal processes: activism and social movements.
The United States Census
The United States census is conducted every ten years with the goal of counting every person in the country, although, as described below, it is almost impossible to reach this goal. The census collects information about the race, age, and housing situation of the population. The primary purpose of the census, as established in the Constitution, is to determine the number of seats each state will have in the US House of Representatives, the legislative branch of government. Voting district boundaries must then be redrawn in states that have gained or lost seats between census years (we will take a closer look at how redistricting is done and the spatial challenges of the process in later chapters). Censuses also determine how hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funding are distributed for many important purposes, including education, health care, environmental protection, transportation, and other forms of federal aid to states and cities.
The first US census, carried out in 1791 by sixteen US marshals and 650 assistants, counted around 3.9 million people. They asked only a few questions: the number of free persons, the number of enslaved people, and the sex and race of each individual.
By 1960, with the population approaching 180 million, it was no longer feasible to have a census taker visit each household. Instead, questionnaires were mailed to every household, and temporary employees followed up in person with the households that did not respond.
Questions asked of all households now include the number of persons by age, gender, ethnicity, homeownership, and household composition. Between 1940 and 2000, one in six households also received a more detailed “long form” survey which asked questions about a much wider range of topics including income, occupation, commute length, and military service. The Census Bureau then used this sample to estimate the characteristics of the rest of the population.
Demand for more timely social data led to the development of the American Community Survey (ACS), which replaced the long form census survey in 2010. The ACS is conducted every year in order to provide more frequent “snapshots” of demographic, economic, and housing characteristics of the population. However, only 2-3 million households receive the survey per year (less than 2% of the population), which introduces substantial statistical errors in estimates for the whole population. Data for the census and ACS are collected from each household, but in order to preserve privacy and to make the data easier to use, the Census Bureau aggregates the data to larger geographic areas.
Limitations of Census Data
The census is the most comprehensive source of demographic information available for the United States, but it still has important limitations.
The primary challenge is accuracy and undercounting. The census attempts to take a snapshot of how many people there are and where they are living on April 1st of the census year. The method for collecting data assumes that every person lives in a housing unit with a postal address and that they will respond accurately to surveys. The Census Bureau estimated that approximately 10 million people were missed in its 2010 count.
Undercounting is not random because it is more prevalent in certain areas and subpopulations. Those who are homeless or have unstable housing at the time of the census are often missed. Those residing in remote rural areas can be hard to contact by mail or in person. The census is also less likely to receive responses from those who distrust the government, such as people fearful that their answers will be used by immigration enforcement to deport undocumented family members.
The census is only taken every ten years, and the counts have long-term consequences for states and cities. The accuracy of counts can be very contentious in cash-strapped cities. For example, Detroit challenged the findings of the 2010 census, having come up 40,000 people short of a population cutoff point for many major sources of federal funding. Since poor and marginalized populations are among the hardest to count, districts with the most need are also the most at risk of underfunding and underrepresentation.
Beyond accuracy issues, while the census and ACS provide an extensive set of social data, plenty of topics are not covered. For example, there are no questions about religion, consumer spending, or political party affiliation. The quantity and wording of questions asked in the census has changed over time, and data are not always available for all places or for all geographic areas.
Remember that there are many other social surveys which collect information about different attributes, areas, or periods. For example, the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies conducts the “Religious Congregations and Membership Study” (RCMS) every 10 years to track patterns of religious affiliation. Local governments gather data for projects in their specific region. There are also censuses conducted in countries around the world with varying levels of detail and accuracy.
Why Does the Government Care about Race?
A YouTube element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: https://openoregon.pressbooks.pub/families/?p=606
This video helps us understand why race was emphasized in the first census, related to the number of voters (mostly free White men over the age of 21 years) and number of elected representatives. It also describes the changes in how race and ethnicity have been quantified. Remember the discussion of the social construction of race in the first chapter of this text? The Census is a perfect example of how the definition of race has changed over time. But social constructions have real effects on families and kinship groups. One of the reasons that we continue to quantify race is to track access to resources and the equity of experience for individuals and families.
The 2020 Census is currently underway. The Census Bureau has identified populations that are less likely to participate in the process as “Hard to Count (HTC).” [2] Have you or your family members participated in the Census? Perhaps your family falls into a group that the Census Bureau identifies as hard to locate, contact, persuade, and/or interview.
Current events may also affect participation; increased efforts to limit immigration and the mercurial decisions related to immigrants in recent years may reduce the number of immigrants willing to participate. For example, the Trump administration fought in several legal forums to have a question about citizenship added to the 2020 Census, but this question was not added. In addition, the COVID-19 pandemic may affect the number of college students who respond to the Census. The main dates for the mailing of census forms was between April 1 and May 13, 2020, at a time when many college students abandoned their regular place of residence (such as dormitory or apartment building in a college town) and went to live with parents or other family members. Towns with large universities may be affected by lower census counts because of this pattern. The Census can still be completed today online or by other means and through the end of the calendar year 2020.
We Count Oregon is an organization and website that has been developed to persuade everyone to participate. Why? The more people who participate will lead to more federal funding for hospitals, Medicaid, Headstart, parks, roads, and other programs. Oregon is one of five states (Arizona, Colorado, Florida and North Carolina are the others) predicted to earn an additional seat in the House of Representatives. We Count Oregon identifies HTC communities as including “people of color, children under five, renters, immigrants, people with limited English proficiency, multiple-family homes, Native tribal and urban communities, disabled people, and LGBTQ individuals.” [3] If you and your family are wondering if you can make a difference by filling out the Census, check out their website here. It is an opportunity to be more fully represented.
A Vimeo element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: https://openoregon.pressbooks.pub/families/?p=606
Licenses and Attributions
Open Content, Shared Previously
“The United States Census” is from “ Census Data ” by Melinda Kernik and Dudley Bonsal in Mapping, Society, and Technology . License: CC BY-NC 4.0 .
Figure 7.2. Image by US Census Bureau . Public domain.
Figure 7.3. Image by US Census Bureau . Public domain.
Figure 7.4. Image by US Census Bureau . Public domain.
Open Content, Original
Figure 7.1. Family photos by Liz Pearce. License: CC BY 4.0 .
All Rights Reserved Content
“ Why Does the Government Care about Race ?” (c) Origin of Everything . License Terms: Standard YouTube license.
“The 2020 Census is about Money and Power” (c) Dancing Hearts Consulting. License Terms: Standard Vimeo license.
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Jefferson, T. (1776, July 4). Declaration of independence: A transcription.
https://www.archives.gov/founding-do...ion-transcript
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US Census Bureau. (2019, July). Counting the hard to count in a census.
https://www.census.gov/content/dam/C...ions-Brief.pdf
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We Count Oregon. (n.d.). About #WeCountOregon. Retrieved July 14, 2020, from
https://wecountoregon.com/
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10.1: Youth Crime
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- Alison S. Burke, David Carter, Brian Fedorek, Tiffany Morey, Lore Rutz-Burri, & Shanell Sanchez
- Southern Oregon University via OpenOregon
Since the early 1990s, America has witnessed an increase in the fear of youth crime. [1] Sensationalized media exposure in the 1990s facilitated the public’s fear of youth crime, which resulted in get tough legislation and a perceived need to “do something” about juvenile crime. [2] The juvenile court was criticized for its inability to control youth crime and, as a result, policies shifted from rehabilitation to punishment of juvenile offenders. [3] This punishment included an increase in the number of states that adopted new legislation or revised their previous statutes to facilitate the transfer of youthful offenders from juvenile court to criminal court to be tried as adults. [4]
Ted Talks: Jeffrey Brown An architect of the “Boston miracle,” Rev. Jeffrey Brown started out as a bewildered young pastor watching his Boston neighborhood fall apart around him, as drugs and gang violence took hold of the kids on the streets. The first step to recovery: Listen to those kids don’t just preach to them and help them reduce violence in their own neighborhoods. It’s a powerful talk about listening to make a change. https://www.ted.com/talks/jeffrey_brown_how_we_cut_youth_violence_in_boston_by_79_percent?language=en#t-24954
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Benekos, P., & Merlo, A. (2004).
Controversies in juvenile justice and delinquency.
Anderson Publishing.
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Myers, D.L. (2001).
Excluding violent youth from the juvenile court: The effectiveness of legislative waiver
.New York: LBF Scholarly Press.
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Feld, B.C. (2001). Race, youth violence, and the changing jurisprudence of waiver.
Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 19
(1), 3-22.
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Snyder, H. N., & Sickmund, M. (2006). Juvenile offenders and victims: 2006 National Report. Washington, DC:
U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
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20.5C: Antigenic Determinants and Processing Pathways
Antigen epitopes make it possible for the immune system to recognize pathogens.
- Describe antigenic determinants and pathways of processing
Key Points
- An epitope (also known as an antigenic determinant) is part of an antigen that is recognized by the immune system, specifically by antibodies and B and T cells. Other immune cells like APCs cannot recognize epitopes (only PAMPS and DAMPS).
- Antigenic determinants (epitopes) are divided into conformational epitopes and linear epitopes.
- Antigen processing occurs within a cell and results in fragmentation of proteins, association of the fragments with MHC molecules, and expression of the peptide -MHC molecules at the cell surface where they can be recognized by the T cell receptor on a T cell.
- Antigen processing may be done through either the endogenous pathway (viral proteins from within an infected cell) or through the exogenous pathway (engulfing a pathogen and isolating its antigen from within the APC).
- The endogenous pathway uses MHC class I and binds to cytotoxic T cells, while the exogenous pathway uses MHC class II and binds to helper T cells.
- Some viruses can prevent antigen processing by disrupting movement of MHC within the cell.
Key Terms
- Linear epitopes : These consist of the primary amino acid structure of a protein that makes up the larger antigen.
- The Exogenous Pathway : Phagocytized pathogens are broken down from within the cell and their broken-down antigens bind with MHC II, which then is expressed on the surface of the antigen-presenting cell.
An epitope, also known as an antigenic determinant, is the part of an antigen that is recognized by the immune system, specifically by antibodies, B cells, and T cells. The latter can use epitopes to distinguish between different antigens, and only binds to their specific antigen. In antibodies, the binding site for an epitope is called a paratope. Although epitopes are usually derived from non-self proteins, sequences derived from the host that can be recognized are also classified as epitopes. Epitopes determine how antigen binding and antigen presentation occur.
Types of Antigenic Determinants
The epitopes of protein antigens are divided into two categories based on their structures and interaction with the paratope.
- A conformational epitope is composed of discontinuous sections of the antigen’s amino acid sequence. These epitopes interact with the paratope based on the 3-D surface features and tertiary structure (overall shape) of the antigen. Most epitopes are conformational.
- Linear epitopes interact with the paratope based on their primary structure (shape of the protein’s components). A linear epitope is formed by a continuous sequence of amino acids from the antigen, which creates a “line” of sorts that builds the protein structure.
Antigenic determinants recognized by B cells and the antibodies secreted by B cells can be either conformational or linear epitopes. Antigenic determinants recognized by T cells are typically linear epitopes. T cells do not recognize polysaccharide or nucleic acid antigens. This is why polysaccharides are generally T-independent antigens and proteins are generally T-dependent antigens. The determinants need not be located on the exposed surface of the antigen in its original form, since recognition of the determinant by T cells requires that the antigen be first processed by antigen presenting cells. Free peptides flowing through the body are not recognized by T cells, but the peptides associate with molecules coded for by the major histocompatibility complex (MHC). This combination of MHC molecules and peptide is recognized by T cells.
Antigen-Processing Pathways
Antigen-Binding Site of an Antibody : Antigen-binding sites can recognize different epitopes on an antigen.
In order for an antigen-presenting cell (APC) to present an antigen to a naive T cell, it must first be processed so itacan be recognized by the T cell receptor. This occurs within an APC that phagocytizes an antigen and then digests it through fragmentation (proteolysis) of the antigen protein, association of the fragments with MHC molecules, and expression of the peptide-MHC molecules at the cell surface. There, they are recognized by the T cell receptor on a T cell during antigen presentation. MHC molecules must move between the cell membrane and cytoplasm in order for antigen processing to occur properly. However, the pathway leading to the association of protein fragments with MHC molecules differs between class I and class II MHC, which are presented to cytotoxic or helper T cells respectively. There are two different pathways for antigen processing:
- The endogenous pathway occurs when MHC class I molecules present antigens derived from intracellular (endogenous) proteins in the cytoplasm, such as the proteins produced within virus-infected cells. Generally, proteosomes are used to break up the viral proteins and combine them with MHC I.
- The exogenous pathway occurs when MHC class II molecules present fragments derived from extracellular (exogenous) proteins that are located within the cell. First, pathogens are phagocytized, then endosomes within the cell break down antigens with proteases, which then combine with MHC II.
Some viral pathogens have developed ways to evade antigen processing. For example, cytomegalovirus and HIV-infected cells sometimes disrupt MHC movement through the cytoplasm, which may prevent them from binding to antigens or from moving back to the cell membrane after binding with an antigen.
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- Antigen. Provided by : Wikipedia. Located at : en.Wikipedia.org/wiki/Antigen . License : CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike
- antigen. Provided by : Wiktionary. Located at : en.wiktionary.org/wiki/antigen . License : CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike
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- hapten. Provided by : Wiktionary. Located at : en.wiktionary.org/wiki/hapten . License : CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike
- Fluorescein. Provided by : Wikipedia. Located at : en.Wikipedia.org/wiki/Fluorescein . License : Public Domain: No Known Copyright
- Antigenic determinants. Provided by : Wikipedia. Located at : en.Wikipedia.org/wiki/Antigenic_determinants . License : CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike
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7.13C: Homologs, Orthologs, and Paralogs
- Distinguish homologs, orthologs and paralogs
Homology forms the basis of organization for comparative biology. A homologous trait is often called a homolog (also spelled homologue). In genetics, the term “homolog” is used both to refer to a homologous protein and to the gene ( DNA sequence) encoding it. As with anatomical structures, homology between protein or DNA sequences is defined in terms of shared ancestry. Two segments of DNA can have shared ancestry because of either a speciation event (orthologs) or a duplication event (paralogs). Homology among proteins or DNA is often incorrectly concluded on the basis of sequence similarity. The terms “percent homology” and “sequence similarity” are often used interchangeably. As with anatomical structures, high sequence similarity might occur because of convergent evolution, or, as with shorter sequences, because of chance. Such sequences are similar, but not homologous. Sequence regions that are homologous are also called conserved. This is not to be confused with conservation in amino acid sequences in which the amino acid at a specific position has been substituted with a different one with functionally equivalent physicochemical properties. One can, however, refer to partial homology where a fraction of the sequences compared (are presumed to) share descent, while the rest does not. For example, partial homology may result from a gene fusion event.
Homologous sequences are orthologous if they were separated by a speciation event: when a species diverges into two separate species, the copies of a single gene in the two resulting species are said to be orthologous. Orthologs, or orthologous genes, are genes in different species that originated by vertical descent from a single gene of the last common ancestor. For instance, the plant Flu regulatory protein is present both in Arabidopsis (multicellular higher plant) and Chlamydomonas (single cell green algae). The Chlamydomonas version is more complex: it crosses the membrane twice rather than once, contains additional domains, and undergoes alternative splicing. However, it can fully substitute the much simpler Arabidopsis protein, if transferred from algae to plant genome by means of gene engineering. Significant sequence similarity and shared functional domains indicate that these two genes are orthologous genes, inherited from the shared ancestor. Orthologous sequences provide useful information in taxonomic classification and phylogenetic studies of organisms. The pattern of genetic divergence can be used to trace the relatedness of organisms. Two organisms that are very closely related are likely to display very similar DNA sequences between two orthologs. Conversely, an organism that is further removed evolutionarily from another organism is likely to display a greater divergence in the sequence of the orthologs being studied.
Homologous sequences are paralogous if they were separated by a gene duplication event: if a gene in an organism is duplicated to occupy two different positions in the same genome, then the two copies are paralogous. Paralogous genes often belong to the same species, but this is not necessary. For example, the hemoglobin gene of humans and the myoglobin gene of chimpanzees are paralogs. Paralogs can be split into in-paralogs (paralogous pairs that arose after a speciation event) and out-paralogs (paralogous pairs that arose before a speciation event). Between species out-paralogs are pairs of paralogs that exist between two organisms due to duplication before speciation. Within species out-paralogs are pairs of paralogs that exist in the same organism, but whose duplication event happened after speciation. Paralogs typically have the same or similar function, but sometimes do not. Due to lack of the original selective pressure upon one copy of the duplicated gene, this copy is free to mutate and acquire new functions. Paralogous sequences provide useful insight into the way genomes evolve. The genes encoding myoglobin and hemoglobin are considered to be ancient paralogs. Similarly, the four known classes of hemoglobins (hemoglobin A, hemoglobin A2, hemoglobin B, and hemoglobin F) are paralogs of each other. While each of these proteins serves the same basic function of oxygen transport, they have already diverged slightly in function: fetal hemoglobin (hemoglobin F) has a higher affinity for oxygen than adult hemoglobin. However, function is not always conserved. Human angiogenin diverged from ribonuclease, for example, and while the two paralogs remain similar in tertiary structure, their functions within the cell are now quite different.
Key Points
- A homologous gene (or homolog) is a gene inherited in two species from a common ancestor. While homologous genes can be similar in sequence, similar sequences are not necessarily homologous.
- Orthologous are homologous genes where a gene diverges after a speciation event, but the gene and its main function are conserved.
- If a gene is duplicated in a species, the resulting duplicated genes are paralogs of each other, even though over time they might become different in sequence composition and function.
Key Terms
- conserved : In biology, conserved sequences are similar or identical sequences that occur within nucleic acid sequences (such as RNA and DNA sequences), protein sequences, protein structures.
- selective pressure : Any cause that reduces reproductive success in a proportion of a population, potentially exerts evolutionary pressure or selection pressure.


9.1: Geography of Vegetation
Plants are main components of terrestrial ecosystems, they are primary producers, and almost all terrestrial life if based on plants. Consequently, plants will determine how a particular territory might look, which could be, for example, grassland, tundra, or forest. These types of vegetation (i.e., visually different plant communities) will have different occurrence on Earth. Below is the list of the most important types (they also called biomes ):
Tundra Small-sized plants adapted to the short season, wet soils and sometimes also permafrost
Taiga Conifer forests
Deciduous forest Broadleaved temperate forests. The other type of deciduous forests are dry forests of tropical climates.
Grassland Prairie (North America), steppe (Eurasia), savanna (Africa and Australia), llanos (north South America), pampas (south South America)
Shrubland Chaparral (North America), maquis (Mediterranean), fynbos (South Africa), bush (Australia)
Desert Different from shrubland by plants staying apart and soil surface visible
Tropical forest Selva, tropical rain forest: humid and warm environment, the peak of Earth biodiversity
Naturally, these biomes are directly related with the climate, mostly with the coldest temperatures and amount of precipitation. If the Earth would be one continent, then these vegetation types will be arranged from a pole to equator exactly in the order from the list above. However, the real picture is more complicated (Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\).)
Some smaller biomes, especially different kinds of wetlands (like sphagnum bogs or mangroves) are significantly dispersed, sometimes even intra-zonal (occur in different climatic zones).


5: Nonverbal Elements of Communication
In this chapter, we discuss what nonverbal communication is and its significance in interpersonal communication. After defining nonverbal communication, we describe the role of nonverbal communication and identify the wide range of types of nonverbal cues. Finally, we address how nonverbal communication may differ in various contexts.
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- 5.1: Introduction to Nonverbal Elements of Communication
- What personal experiences have you had when you did not understand what a person was “saying” with their gestures or facial expressions?  This beautiful theater, it's communicating to us.  The things that you attach to yourself - a purse, a pen, a fancy car - all these things are communicating. How you look at others communicates. And all day long, we are communicating nonverbally. All day long.
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- 5.3: The Roles of Nonverbal Communication in Interpersonal Communication
- Nonverbal communication is everywhere! It’s important for us to understand how nonverbal communication affects our behavior, perception, interpretations, and understanding. In this section we will take a look at some of the roles and functions of nonverbal communication in our daily lives.
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- 5.5: The Channels of Nonverbal Communication
- One reason that nonverbal communication is so rich with information is that humans use so many different aspects of behavior, appearance, and environment to convey meaning. These types of nonverbal communication can vary considerably across cultures. In this section we examine the several types of nonverbal communication.
Thumbnail: A group of retired men and friends, playing a game of cards in Sorrento by Nick Fewings on Unsplash.


9.4: Harmonic Function
9.4 Harmonic Function
- Tonic function (abbreviated “ton.”): The II chord has tonic function, which is a state of stability and rest. Tonic chords do not demand progression to other chords.
- Dominant function (abbreviated “dom.”): The VV and viivii∘ (chords containing the leading tone 7^ and supertonic 2^ ) tend to progress to tonic (II). Special note : The I5thI/5th chord has dominant function when it resolves to the VVchord, as in the third chord from the end of the “Star-Spangled Banner.”
- Pre-dominant function (abbreviated “pre-dom.”): The IVIV and iiii (chords containing the subdominant 4^ and submediant 6^ ) tend to progress to chords of dominant function.
- Tonic prolongation function (abbreviated “ton. prol.”): The vivi and iiiiii (chords that share two common tones with 1^ –3^ –5^ from the tonic triad) tend to occur after the tonic chord and progress to chords of pre-dominant function.
9.4.1 The Harmonic Flowchart
Remember that IVIV goes to II in the plagal cadence and VV goes to vivi in the deceptive cadence . When IVIV goes to II, label IVIV as having tonic prolongation function. The plagal cadence and deceptive cadence are exceptions to the harmonic flowchart . Here is the Harmonic Flowchart in minor. Note the addition of the subtonic VIIVIIchord, which has one function—to progress to IIIIII. The tonic chord II can progress directly to a chord of any other function and, in fact, many pieces begin with a II–VV–II progression, representing harmonic function of Tonic-Dominant-Tonic.9.4.2 Tonic-Dominant-Tonic Progression
This is the most elemental progression in music, often realized with II–VV–II. The principle of “Tonic-Dominant-Tonic” could also be represented with II–viivii∘–II. Even though we learned that “dominant” means “5^ ” (and also “VV”) in earlier sections , “dominant function ” in terms of harmony means “a chord that progresses to the tonic chord.” We will revisit this concept and other possibilities for “dominant function” later.9.4.3 Tonic-PreDominant-Dominant-Tonic Progression
This sequence of harmonic functions can be realized in four possible ways:- II–iiii–VV–II
- II–IVIV–VV–II
- II–IVIV–viivii∘–II
- II–iiii–viivii∘–II
9.4.4 The Tonic-Tonic Prolongation-PreDominant-Dominant Progression
<IP_ADDRESS> I–vi–IV–V
As mentioned earlier, the progression II–vivi–IVIV–VV was so prevalent in the 1950s that it is known as the “ '50s progression ” and the “'50s doo-wop progression.” Listen for this bass line in the following examples.- Hoagy Carmichael and Frank Loesser, “Heart and Soul” (in C major)
- Curtis Williams, Jesse Belvin, Gaynel Hodge, “Earth Angel” (in A-flat major) (1954)
- Dolly Parton, “I Will Always Love You” (in A major) (1974)
- Johnny Ramone, Dee Dee Ramone, Joey Ramone, “Rock ‘n’ Roll High School” (in C major)
- John Stephens and Toby Gad, “All of Me” (in A-flat major) (2013)


1.1: Chapter 1 – Introduction to Entrepreneurship
Whilst there is no universally accepted definition of entrepreneurship, it is fair to say that it is multi-dimensional. It involves analyzing people and their actions together with the ways in which they interact with their environments, be these social, economic, or political, and the institutional, policy, and legal frameworks that help define and legitimize human activities. – Blackburn (2011, p. xiii)
Entrepreneurship involves such a range of activities and levels of analysis that no single definition is definitive. – Lichtenstein (2011, p. 472)
It is complex, chaotic, and lacks any notion of linearity. As educators, we have the responsibility to develop our students’ discovery, reasoning, and implementation skills so they may excel in highly uncertain environments. – Neck and Greene (2011, p. 55)
Learning Objectives
Overview
This chapter provides you with an overview of entrepreneurship and of the language of entrepreneurship. The challenges associated with defining entrepreneur and entrepreneurship are explored, as is an overview of how entrepreneurship can be studied.
The objective is to enable you to apply current concepts in entrepreneurship to the evaluation of entrepreneurs, their ventures, and the venturing environment. You will develop skills, including the capability to add value in the new venture sector of the economy. You will acquire and practice evaluation skills useful in consulting, advising, and making new venture decisions.
Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship
Considerations Influencing Definitions of Entrepreneur and Entrepreneurship
It is necessary to be able to determine exactly who entrepreneurs are before we can, among other things, study them, count them, provide special loans for them, and calculate how and how much they contribute to our economy.
- Does someone need to start a business from scratch to be called an entrepreneur?
- Can we call someone an entrepreneur if they bought an ongoing business from someone else or took over the operations of a family business from their parents?
- If someone starts a small business and never needs to hire employees, can they be called an entrepreneur?
- If someone buys a business but hires professional managers to run it so they don’t have to be involved in the operations, are they an entrepreneur?
- Is someone an entrepreneur if they buy into a franchise so they can follow a well-established formula for running the operation?
- Is someone an entrepreneur because of what they do or because of how they think?
- Can someone be an entrepreneur without owning their own business?
- Can a person be an entrepreneur because of the nature of the work that they do within a large corporation?
It is also necessary to fully understand what we mean by entrepreneurship before we can study the concept.
Gartner (1990) identified 90 attributes that showed up in definitions of entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship provided by entrepreneurs and other experts in the field. The following are a few of these attributes:
- Innovation – Does a person need to be innovative to be considered an entrepreneur? Can an activity be considered to be entrepreneurial if it is not innovative?
- Activities – What activities does a person need to do to be considered an entrepreneur?
- Creation of a new business – Does someone need to start a new business to be considered to be an entrepreneur, or can someone who buys a business, buys into a franchise, or takes over an existing family business be considered an entrepreneur?
- Starts an innovative venture within an established organization – Can someone who works within an existing organization that they don’t own be considered an entrepreneur if they start an innovative venture for their organization?
- Creation of a not-for-profit business – Can a venture be considered to be entrepreneurial if it is a not-for-profit, or should only for-profit businesses be considered entrepreneurial?
After identifying the 90 attributes, Gartner (1990) went back to the entrepreneurs and other experts for help in clustering the attributes into themes that would help summarize what people concerned with entrepreneurship thought about the concept. He ended up with the following eight entrepreneurship themes:
1. The Entrepreneur – The entrepreneur theme is the idea that entrepreneurship involves individuals with unique personality characteristics and abilities (e.g., risk-taking, locus of control, autonomy, perseverance, commitment, vision, creativity). Almost 50% of the respondents rated these characteristics as not important to a definition of entrepreneurship (Gartner, 1990, p. 21, 24).
- “The question that needs to be addressed is: Does entrepreneurship involve entrepreneurs (individuals with unique characteristics)?” (Gartner, 1990, p. 25).
2. Innovation – The innovation theme is characterized as doing something new as an idea, product, service, market, or technology in a new or established organization. The innovation theme suggests that innovation is not limited to new ventures, but recognized as something which older and/or larger organizations may undertake as well (Gartner, 1990, p. 25). Some of the experts Gartner questioned believed that it was important to include innovation in definitions of entrepreneurship and others did not think it was as important.
- “Does entrepreneurship involve innovation?” (Gartner, 1990, p. 25).
3. Organization Creation – The organization creation theme describes the behaviors involved in creating organizations. This theme described acquiring and integrating resource attributes (e.g., Brings resources to bear, integrates opportunities with resources, mobilizes resources, gathers resources) and attributes that described creating organizations (new venture development and the creation of a business that adds value). (Gartner, 1990, p. 25)
- “Does entrepreneurship involve resource acquisition and integration (new venture creation activities)?” (Gartner, 1990, p. 25)
4. Creating Value – This theme articulated the idea that entrepreneurship creates value. The attributes in this factor indicated that value creation might be represented by transforming a business, creating a new business growing a business, creating wealth, or destroying the status quo.
- “Does entrepreneurship involve creating value?” (Gartner, 1990, p. 25).
5. Profit or Nonprofit
- “Does entrepreneurship involve profit-making organizations only” (Gartner, 1990, p. 25)?
6. Growth
- Should a focus on growth be a characteristic of entrepreneurship?
7. Uniqueness – This theme suggested that entrepreneurship must involve uniqueness. Uniqueness was characterized by attributes such as a special way of thinking, a vision of accomplishment, ability to see situations in terms of unmet needs, and creates a unique combination.
- “Does entrepreneurship involve uniqueness?” (Gartner, 1990, p. 26).
8. The Owner-Manager – Some of the respondents questioned by Gartner (1990) did not believe that small mom-and-pop types of businesses should be considered to be entrepreneurial. Some respondents felt that an important element of a definition of entrepreneurship was that a venture be owner-managed.
- To be entrepreneurial, does a venture need to be owner-managed?
Examples of Definitions of Entrepreneur
An entrepreneur can be described as “one who creates a new business in the face of risk and uncertainty for the purpose of achieving profit and growth by identifying significant opportunities and assembling the necessary resources to capitalize on them” (Zimmerer & Scarborough, 2008, p. 5).
An entrepreneur is “one who organizes, manages, and assumes the risks of a business or enterprise” (Entrepreneur, n.d.).
Examples of Definitions of Entrepreneurship
Entrepreneurship can be defined as a field of business that
seeks to understand how opportunities to create something new (e.g., new products or services, new markets, new production processes or raw materials, new ways of organizing existing technologies) arise and are discovered or created by specific persons, who then use various means to exploit or develop them, thus producing a wide range of effects (Baron, Shane, & Reuber, 2008, p. 4)
A concise definition of entrepreneurship “is that it is the process of pursuing opportunities without limitation by resources currently in hand” (Brooks, 2009, p. 3) and “the process of doing something new and something different for the purpose of creating wealth for the individual and adding value to society” (Kao, 1993, p. 70)
The Evolution of Entrepreneurship Thought
This section includes an overview of how entrepreneurship has evolved to the present day.
The following timeline shows some of the most influential entrepreneurship scholars and the schools of thought (French, English, American, German, and Austrian) their perspectives helped influence and from which their ideas evolved. Schools of thought are essentially groups of people who might or might not have personally known each other, but who shared common beliefs or philosophies.
Figure 1 – Historical and Evolutionary Entrepreneurship Thought (Illustration by Lee A. Swanson)
The Earliest Entrepreneurship
The function, if not the name, of the entrepreneur is probably as old as the institutions of barter and exchange. But only after economic markets became an intrusive element of society did the concept take on pivotal importance. Many economists have recognized the pivotal role of the entrepreneur in a market economy. Yet despite his central importance in economic activity, the entrepreneur has been a shadowy and elusive figure in the history of economic theory (Hebert & Link, 2009, p. 1).
Historically those who acted similarly to the ways we associate with modern day entrepreneurs – namely those who strategically assume risks to seek economic (or other) gains – were military leaders, royalty, or merchants. Military leaders planned their campaigns and battles while assuming significant risks, but by doing so they also stood to gain economic benefits if their strategies were successful. Merchants, like Marco Polo who sailed out of Venice in the late 1200s to search for a trade route to the Orient, also assumed substantial risks in the hope of becoming wealthy (Hebert & Link, 2009).
The entrepreneur, who was also called adventurer , projector , and undertaker during the eighteenth century, was not always viewed in a positive light (Hebert & Link, 2009).
Development of Entrepreneurship as a Concept
Risk and Uncertainty
Richard Cantillon (1680-1734) was born in France and belonged to the French School of thought although he was an Irish economist. He appears to be the person who introduced the term entrepreneur to the world. “According to Cantillon, the entrepreneur is a specialist in taking on risk, ‘insuring’ workers by buying their output for resale before consumers have indicated how much they are willing to pay for it” (Casson & Godley, 2005p. 26). The workers’ incomes are mostly stable, but the entrepreneur risks a loss if market prices fluctuate.
Cantillon distinguished entrepreneurs from two other classes of economic agents; landowners, who were financially independent, and hirelings (employees) who did not partake in the decision-making in exchange for relatively stable incomes through employment contracts. He was the first writer to provide a relatively refined meaning for the term entrepreneurship . Cantillon described entrepreneurs as individuals who generated profits through exchanges. In the face of uncertainty, particularly over future prices, they exercise business judgment. They purchase resources at one price and sell their product at a price that is uncertain, with the difference representing their profit (Chell, 2008; Hebert & Link, 2009).
Farmers were the most prominent entrepreneurs during Cantillon’s lifetime, and they interacted with “arbitrageurs” – or middlemen between farmers and the end consumers – who also faced uncertain incomes, and who were also, therefore, entrepreneurs. These intermediaries facilitated the movement of products from the farms to the cities where more than half of the farm output was consumed. Cantillon observed that consumers were willing to pay a higher price per unit to be able to purchase products in the smaller quantities they wanted, which created the opportunities for the intermediaries to make profits. Profits were the rewards for assuming the risks arising from uncertain conditions. The markets in which profits were earned were characterized by incomplete information (Chell, 2008; Hebert & Link, 2009).
Adolph Reidel (1809-1872), form the German School of thought, picked up on Cantillon’s notion of uncertainty and extended it to theorize that entrepreneurs take on uncertainty so others, namely income earners, do not have to be subject to the same uncertainty. Entrepreneurs provide a service to risk-averse income earners by assuming risk on their behalf. In exchange, entrepreneurs are rewarded when they can foresee the impacts of the uncertainty and sell their products at a price that exceeds their input costs (including the fixed costs of the wages they commit to paying) (Hebert & Link, 2009).
Frank Knight (1885-1972) founded the Chicago School of Economics and belonged to the American School of thought. He refined Cantillon’s perspective on entrepreneurs and risk by distinguishing insurable risk as something that is separate from uncertainty, which is not insurable. Some risks can be insurable because they have occurred enough times in the past that the expected loss from such risks can be calculated. Uncertainty, on the other hand, is not subject to probability calculations. According to Knight, entrepreneurs can’t share the risk of loss by insuring themselves against uncertain events, so they bear these kinds of risks themselves, and profit is the reward that entrepreneurs get from assuming uninsurable risks (Casson & Godley, 2005).
Distinction Between Entrepreneur and Manager
Jean-Baptiste Say (1767-1832), also from the French School, advanced Cantillon’s work, but added that entrepreneurship was essentially a form of management. Say “put the entrepreneur at the core of the entire process of production and distribution” (Hebert & Link, 2009, p. 17). Say’s work resulted in something similar to a general theory of entrepreneurship with three distinct functions; “scientific knowledge of the product; entrepreneurial industry – the application of knowledge to useful purpose; and productive industry – the manufacture of the item by manual labour” (Chell, 2008, p. 20).
Frank Knight made several contributions to entrepreneurship theory, but another of note is how he distinguished an entrepreneur from a manager. He suggested that a manager crosses the line to become an entrepreneur “when the exercise of his/her judgment is liable to error and s/he assumes the responsibility for its correctness” (Chell, 2008, p. 33). Knight said that entrepreneurs calculate the risks associated with uncertain business situations and make informed judgments and decisions with the expectation that – if they assessed the situation and made the correct decisions – they would be rewarded by earning a profit. Those who elect to avoid taking these risks choose the relative security of being employees (Chell, 2008).
Alfred Marshall (1842-1924), from the English School of thought, was one of the founders of neoclassical economics. His research involved distinguishing between the terms capitalist, entrepreneur, and manager. Marshall saw capitalists as individuals who “committed themselves to the capacity and honesty of others, when he by himself had incurred the risks for having contributed with the capital” (Zaratiegui & Rabade, 2005, p. 775). An entrepreneur took control of money provided by capitalists in an effort to leverage it to create more money; but would lose less if something went wrong then would the capitalists. An entrepreneur, however, risked his own reputation and the other gains he could have made by pursuing a different opportunity.
Let us suppose that two men are carrying on smaller businesses, the one working with his own, the other chiefly with borrowed capital. There is one set of risks which is common to both; which may be described as the trade risks of the particular business … But there is another set of risks, the burden of which has to be borne by the man working with borrowed capital, and not by the other; and we may call them personal risks (Marshall, 1961, p. 590; Zaratiegui & Rabade, 2005, p. 776).
Marshall recognized that the reward capitalists received for contributing capital was interest income and the reward entrepreneurs earned was profits. Managers received a salary and, according to Marshall, fulfilled a different function than either capitalists or entrepreneurs – although in some cases, particularly in smaller firms, one person might be both an entrepreneur and a manager. Managers “were more inclined to avoid challenges, innovations and what Schumpeter called the ‘perennial torment of creative destruction’ in favour of a more tranquil life” (Zaratiegui & Rabade, 2005, p. 781). The main risks they faced from firm failure were to their reputations or to their employment status. Managers had little incentive to strive to maximize profits (Zaratiegui & Rabade, 2005).
Amasa Walker (1799-1875) and his son Francis Walker (1840-1897) were from the American School of thought, and they helped shape an American perspective of entrepreneurship following the Civil War of 1861-1865. These scholars claimed that entrepreneurs created wealth, and thus played a different role than capitalists. They believed that entrepreneurs had the power of foresight and leadership qualities that enabled them to organize resources and inject energy into activities that create wealth (Chell, 2008).
Entrepreneurship versus Entrepreneur
Adam Smith (1723-1790), from the English School of thought, published An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations in 1776. In a departure from the previous thought into entrepreneurship and economics, Smith did not dwell on a particular class of individual. He was concerned with studying how all people fit into the economic system. Smith contended that the economy was driven by self-interest in the marketplace (Chell, 2008).
Also from the English School, David Ricardo (1772-1823) was influenced by Smith, Say, and others. His work focused on how the capitalist system worked. He explained how manufacturers must invest their capital in response to the demand for the products they produce. If demand decreases, manufacturers should borrow less and reduce their workforces. When demand is high, they should do the reverse (Chell, 2008).
Carl Menger (1840-1921), from the Austrian School of thought, ranked goods according to their causal connections to human satisfaction. Lower order goods include items like bread that directly satisfy a human want or need like hunger. Higher order goods are those more removed from satisfying a human need. A second order good is the flour that was used to make the bread. The grain used to make the flour is an even higher order good. Entrepreneurs coordinate these factors of production to turn higher order goods into lower order goods that more directly satisfy human wants and needs (Hebert & Link, 2009).
Menger (1950 [1871], p. 160) established that entrepreneurial activity includes: (a) obtaining information about the economic situation, (b) economic calculation – all the various computations that must be made if a production process is to be efficient, (c) the act of will by which goods of higher order are assigned to a particular production process, and (d) supervising the execution of the production plan so that it may be carried through as economically as possible (Hebert & Link, 2009, p. 43).
Entrepreneurship and Innovation
Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), from the English School of thought, considered entrepreneurs to be innovators. They “depart from routine, discover new markets, find new sources of supply, improve existing products and lower the costs of production” (Chell, 2008).
Joseph Schumpeter’s (1883-1950) parents were Austrian, he studied at the University of Vienna, conducted research at the University of Graz, served as Austria’s Minister of Finance, and was the president of a bank in the country. Because of the rise of Hitler in Europe, he went to the United States and conducted research at Harvard until he retired in 1949. Because of this, he is sometimes associated with the American School of thought on entrepreneurship (Chell, 2008).
Whereas Menger saw entrepreneurship as occurring because of economic progress, Schumpeter took the opposite stance. Schumpeter saw economic activity as leading to economic development (Hebert & Link, 2009). Entrepreneurs play a central role in Schumpeter’s theory of economic development, and economic development can occur when the factors of production are assembled in new combinations .
Schumpeter (1934) viewed innovation as arising from new combinations of materials and forces. He provided the following five cases of new combinations.
- The introduction of a new good – that is one with which consumers are not yet familiar – or of a new quality of good.
- The introduction of a new method of production, that is one not yet tested by experience in the branch of manufacture concerned, which need by no means be founded upon a discovery scientifically new, and can also exist in a new way of handling a commodity commercially.
- The opening of a new market, that is a market into which the particular branch of manufacture of the country in question has not previously entered, whether or not this market has existed before.
- The conquest of a new source of supply of raw materials or half-manufactured goods, again irrespective of whether this source already exists or whether it has first to be created.
- The carrying out of the new organisation of any industry, like the creation of a monopoly position … or the breaking up of a monopoly position (Schumpeter, 1934, p. 66).
Another concept popularized by Schumpeter – in addition to the notion of new combinations – was creative destruction . This was meant to indicate that the existing ways of doing things need to be dismantled – to be destroyed – to enable a transformation through innovation to a new way of doing things. Entrepreneurs use innovation to disrupt how things are done and to establish a better way of doing those things.
Basic Questions in Entrepreneurship Research
According to Baron (2004a), there are three basic questions of interest in the field of entrepreneurship:
- Why do some persons but not others choose to become entrepreneurs?
- Why do some persons but not others recognize opportunities for new products or services that can be profitably exploited?
- Why are some entrepreneurs so much more successful than others (Baron, 2004a, p. 221)?
To understand where these foundational research questions came from and what their relevance is today, it is useful to study what entrepreneurship research has uncovered so far.
Entrepreneurial Uniqueness
Efforts to teach entrepreneurship have included descriptions of entrepreneurial uniqueness based on personality, behavioural, and cognitive traits (Chell, 2008; Duening, 2010).
-
Personality characteristics
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Three personality characteristics of entrepreneurs that are often cited are:
- Need for achievement
- Internal locus of control (a belief by an individual that they are in control of their own destiny)
- Risk-taking propensity
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Three personality characteristics of entrepreneurs that are often cited are:
- Behavioural traits
- Cognitive skills of successful entrepreneurs
Past studies of personality characteristics and behavioural traits have not been overly successful at identifying entrepreneurial uniqueness.
As it turned out, years of painstaking research along this line has not borne significant fruit. It appears that there are simply not any personality characteristics that are either essential to, or defining of, entrepreneurs that differ systematically from non-entrepreneurs…. Again, investigators proposed a number of behavioural candidates as emblematic of entrepreneurs. Unfortunately, this line of research also resulted in a series of dead ends as examples of successful entrepreneurial behaviours had equal counterparts among samples of non-entrepreneurs. As with the personality characteristic school of thought before it, the behavioural trait school of thought became increasingly difficult to support (Duening, 2010, p. 4-5).
This shed doubt on the value of trying to change personality characteristics or implant new entrepreneurial behaviours through educational programs in an effort to promote entrepreneurship.
New research, however, has resurrected the idea that there might be some value in revisiting personality traits as a topic of study. Additionally, Duening (2010) and has suggested that an important approach to teaching and learning about entrepreneurship is to focus on the “cognitive skills that successful entrepreneurs seem uniquely to possess and deploy” (p. 2). In the next sections we consider the new research on entrepreneurial personality traits and on entrepreneurial cognitions.
Entrepreneurial Personality Traits
While acknowledging that research had yet to validate the value of considering personality and behaviour traits as ways to distinguish entrepreneurs from non-entrepreneurs or unsuccessful ones, Chell (2008) suggested that researchers turn their attention to new sets of traits including: “the proactive personality, entrepreneurial self-efficacy, perseverance and intuitive decision-making style. Other traits that require further work include social competence and the need for independence” (p. 140).
In more recent years scholars have considered how the Big Five personality traits – extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism (sometimes presented as emotional stability ), and openness to experience (sometimes referred to as intellect) – might be used to better understand entrepreneurs. It appears that the Big Five traits might be of some use in predicting entrepreneurial success. Research is ongoing in this area, but in one example, Caliendo, Fossen, and Kritikos (2014) studied whether personality constructs might “influence entrepreneurial decisions at different points in time” (p. 807), and found that “high values in three factors of the Big Five approach—openness to experience, extraversion, and emotional stability (the latter only when we do not control for further personality characteristics)—increase the probability of entry into self-employment” (p. 807). They also found “that some specific personality characteristics, namely risk tolerance, locus of control, and trust, have strong partial effects on the entry decision” (p. 807). They also found that people who scored higher on agreeableness were more likely to exit their businesses, possibly meaning that people with lower agreeableness scores might prevail longer as entrepreneurs. When it came to specific personality traits, their conclusions indicated that those with an external locus of control were more likely to stop being self-employed after they had run their businesses for a while. There are several implications for research like this, including the potential to better understand why some entrepreneurs behave as they do based upon their personality types and the chance to improve entrepreneurship education and support services.
Entrepreneurial Cognitions
It is only fairly recently that entrepreneurship scholars have focused on cognitive skills as a primary factor that differentiates successful entrepreneurs from non-entrepreneurs and less successful entrepreneurs. This approach deals with how entrepreneurs think differently than non-entrepreneurs (Duening, 2010; Mitchell et al., 2007).
Entrepreneurial cognitions are the knowledge structures that people use to make assessments, judgments or decisions involving opportunity evaluation and venture creation and growth. In other words, research in entrepreneurial cognition is about understanding how entrepreneurs use simplifying mental models to piece together previously unconnected information that helps them to identify and invent new products or services, and to assemble the necessary resources to start and grow businesses (Mitchell, Busenitz, et al., 2002, p. 97).
Mitchell, Smith, et al. (2002) provided the example of how the decision to create a new venture (dependent variable) was influenced by three sets of cognitions (independent variables). They described these cognitions as follows:
Arrangements cognitions are the mental maps about the contacts, relationships, resources, and assets necessary to engage in entrepreneurial activity; willingness cognitions are the mental maps that support commitment to venturing and receptivity to the idea of starting a venture; ability cognitions consist of the knowledge structures or scripts (Glaser, 1984) that individuals have to support the capabilities, skills, norms, and attitudes required to create a venture (Mitchell et al., 2000). These variables draw on the idea that cognitions are structured in the minds of individuals (Read, 1987), and that these knowledge structures act as “scripts” that are the antecedents of decision making (Leddo & Abelson, 1986, p. 121; Mitchell, Smith, et al., 2002, p. 10)
Cognitive Perspective to Understanding Entrepreneurship
According to Baron (2004a), by taking a cognitive perspective, we might better understand entrepreneurs and the role they play in the entrepreneurial process.
The cognitive perspective emphasizes the fact that everything we think, say, or do is influenced by mental processes—the cognitive mechanisms through which we acquire store, transform, and use information. It is suggested here that this perspective can be highly useful to the field of entrepreneurship. Specifically, it can assist the field in answering three basic questions it has long addressed: (1) Why do some persons but not others choose to become entrepreneurs? (2) Why do some persons but not others recognize opportunities for new products or services that can be profitably exploited? And (3) Why are some entrepreneurs so much more successful than others (Baron, 2004a, p. 221-222)?
Baron (2004a), illustrated how cognitive differences between people might explain why some people end up pursuing entrepreneurial pursuits and others do not. For example, prospect theory (Kahneman & Tversky, 1977) and other decision-making or behavioural theories might be useful in this regard. Research into cognitive biases might also help explain why some people become entrepreneurs.
Baron (2004a) also revealed ways in which cognitive concepts like signal detection theory, regulation theory, and entrepreneurial might help explain why some people are better at entrepreneurial opportunity recognition. He also illustrated how some cognitive models and theories – like risk perception, counterfactual thinking, processing style, and susceptibility to cognitive errors – might help explain why some entrepreneurs are more successful than others.
Cognitive Perspective and the Three Questions
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Why do some and not others choose to become entrepreneurs?
- Prospect Theory
- Cognitive Biases
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Why are some people better at recognizing entrepreneurial opportunities?
- Signal Detection Theory
- Regulation Theory
- Entrepreneurial Alertness
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Why are some people more successful at entrepreneurship than others?
- Risk Perception
- Counterfactual Thinking
- Processing Style
- Susceptibility to Cognitive Errors
Entrepreneurial Scripts
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Why do some people, or groups of people, achieve high performance economic results while others do not? Is there a relationship between the attainment of high performance economic results and transaction cognitions (a type of economic thought pattern)?
- “Cognition has emerged as an important theoretical perspective for understanding and explaining human behavior and action” (Dutta & Thornhill, 2008, p. 309).
- Cognitions are all processes by which sensory input is transformed, reduced, elaborated, stored, recovered, and used (Neisser, 1976).
- Cognitions lead to the acquisition of knowledge, and involve human information processing.
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Knowledge structure/script:
- Is a mental model, or information processing short-cut that can give information form and meaning, and enable subsequent interpretation and action.
- The subsequent interpretation and actions can result in expert performance … they can also result in thinking errors.
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Entrepreneurial scripting exercises are critical to giving learners an explicit understanding of:
- the processes that transfer expertise, and
- the actual expertise itself.
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The structure of scripts (based upon Mitchell (2000)
- Scripts are generally framed as a linear sequence of steps, usually with feedback loops, that can explain how to achieve a particular task – perhaps like developing a business plan.
- Sometimes scripts can be embedded within other scripts. For example, within a general venturing script that outlines the sequences of activities that can lead to a successful business launch, there will probably be sub-scripts describing how entrepreneurs can search for ideas, screen those ideas until one is selected, plan how to launch a sustainable business based upon that idea and including securing the needed financial resources, setting up the business, starting it, effectively managing its ongoing operations, and managing the venture such that that entrepreneur can extract the value that they desire from the enterprise at the times and in the ways they want it.
- The most effective scripts include an indication of the norms that outline performance standards and indicate how to determine when any step in the sequence has been properly completed.
General Venturing Script
Generally, entrepreneurship is considered to consist of the following elements, or subscripts (Brooks, 2009; Mitchell, 2000).
- Searching
- Idea Screening
- Planning and Financing
- Set-Up
- Start-Up
- Ongoing Operations
- Harvest
Searching (also called idea formulation or opportunity recognition)
- This script begins when a person decides they might be a potential entrepreneur (or when an existing entrepreneur decides they need more ideas in their idea pool ).
- This script ends when there are a sufficient number of ideas in the idea pool.
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The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps (including feedback loops, actions which must occur in sequence, and actions which can be implemented at the same time as other actions) designed to:
- overcome mental blockages to creativity which might hinder this person’s ability to identify viable ideas;
- implement steps to identify a sufficient number of ideas (most likely 5 or more) which the person is interested in investigating to determine whether they might be viable given general criteria such as this person’s personal interests and capabilities;
Idea Screening (also called concept development)
- This script begins when the person with the idea pool is no longer focusing on adding new ideas to it; but is instead taking steps to choose the best idea for them given a full range of specific criteria .
- This script ends when one idea is chosen from among those in the idea pool.
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The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps to assess the
current situation
and
the trends
in the following areas. The right tools must be used for each level of analysis.
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Do the current societal-level factors indicate that a particular idea should be considered for implementation? Do the trends in these societal-level factors indicate that the idea will be viable and sustainable into the future?
- Evaluate the political, economic, social, technological, environmental, and legal climates
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Do the current industry/market-level factors indicate an idea is viable? Are the trends in these factors supportive of the idea?
- Evaluate the degree of competitiveness in the industry, the threat of substitutes emerging, the threat of new entrants to the industry, the degree of bargaining power of buyers, and the degree of bargaining power of suppliers.
- Do a market profile analysis to assess the attractiveness of the position within the industry that the potential venture will occupy.
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Do the current firm-level factors support the pursuit of the idea?
- Formulate and evaluate potential strategies to leverage organizational strengths, overcome/minimize weaknesses, take advantage of opportunities, and overcome/minimize threats;
- Complete financial projections and analyze them to evaluate financial attractiveness;
- Assess the founder fit with the ideas;
- Evaluate the core competencies of the organization relative to the idea;
- Assess advice solicited from trusted advisers
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Do the current societal-level factors indicate that a particular idea should be considered for implementation? Do the trends in these societal-level factors indicate that the idea will be viable and sustainable into the future?
Planning and Financing (also called resource determination and acquisition)
- This script begins when the idea screening script ends and when the person begins making the plans to implement the single idea chosen from the idea pool, which is done in concert with securing financing to implement the venture idea.
- This script ends when sufficient business planning has been done and when adequate financing has been arranged.
- The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps to develop a business plan and secure adequate financing to start the business.
Set-Up (also called launch)
- This script begins when the planning and financing script ends and when the person begins implementing the plans needed to start the business.
- This script ends when the business is ready to start-up.
- The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps, including purchasing and installing equipment, securing the venture location and finishing all the needed renovations, recruiting and hiring any staff needed for start-up, and the many other steps needed to prepare for start-up.
- Start-Up (also called launch)
- This script begins when the set-up script ends and when the business opens and begins making sales.
- This script ends when the business has moved beyond the point where the entrepreneur must continually fight for the business’s survival and persistence. It ends when the entrepreneur can instead shift emphasis toward business growth or maintaining the venture’s stability.
- The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps needed to establish a new venture.
Ongoing Operations (also called venture growth)
- This script begins when the start-up script ends and when the business has established persistence and is implementing growth (or maintenance) strategies.
- This script ends when the entrepreneur chooses to harvest the value they generated with the venture.
- The scripting process involves a logical flow of steps needed to grow (or maintain) a venture.
Studying Entrepreneurship
The following quotations from two preeminent entrepreneurship and entrepreneurship education researchers indicate the growing interest in studies in this field.
Entrepreneurship has emerged over the last two decades as arguably the most potent economic force the world has ever experienced. With that expansion has come a similar increase in the field of entrepreneurship education. The recent growth and development in the curricula and programs devoted to entrepreneurship and new-venture creation have been remarkable. The number of colleges and universities that offer courses related to entrepreneurship has grown from a handful in the 1970s to over 1,600 in 2005 (Kuratko, 2005, p. 577).
Interest in entrepreneurship has heightened in recent years, especially in business schools. Much of this interest is driven by student demand for courses in entrepreneurship, either because of genuine interest in the subject, or because students see entrepreneurship education as a useful hedge given uncertain corporate careers (Venkataraman, 1997, p. 119).
Approaches to Studying Entrepreneurship
Entrepreneurship is a discipline, which means an individual can learn about it, and about how to be an effective entrepreneur. It is a myth that people are born entrepreneurs and that others cannot learn to become entrepreneurs (Drucker, 1985). Kuratko (2005) asserted that the belief previously held by some that entrepreneurship cannot be taught has been debunked, and the focus has shifted to what topics should be taught and how they should be covered.
Solomon (2007) summarized some of the research on what should be covered in entrepreneurship courses, and how it should be taught. While the initial focus was on actions like developing business plans and being exposed to real entrepreneurs, more recently this approach has been supplemented by an emphasis on technical, industry, and personal experience. “It requires critical thinking and ethical assessment and is based on the premise that successful entrepreneurial activities are a function of human, venture and environmental conditions” (p. 172). Another approach “calls for courses to be structured around a series of strategic development challenges including opportunity identification and feasibility analysis; new venture planning, financing and operating; new market development and expansion strategies; and institutionalizing innovation” (p. 172). This involves having students interact with entrepreneurs by interviewing them, having them act as mentors, and learning about their experiences and approaches through class discussions.
Sources of Information for Studying Entrepreneurship
According to Kuratko (2005), “three major sources of information supply the data related to the entrepreneurial process or perspective” (p. 579).
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Publications (both research-based and those written for the general public)
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Research-based publications:
- Academic journals like Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice , Journal of Business Venturing , and Journal of Small Business Management
- Proceedings of conferences like Proceedings of the Academy of Management and Proceedings of the Administrative Sciences Association of Canada
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Publications written for practitioners and the general public
- Textbooks on entrepreneurship
- Books about entrepreneurship
- Biographies or autobiographies of entrepreneurs
- News periodicals like Canadian Business and Profit
- Trade periodicals like Entrepreneur and Family Business
- Government publications available through sources like the Enterprise Saskatchewan and Canada-Saskatchewan Business Service Centre (CSBSC) websites and through various government resource centers
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Research-based publications:
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Direct observation and interaction with practicing entrepreneurs
- Data might be collected from entrepreneurs and about entrepreneurs through surveys, interviews, or other methods applied by researchers.
- Speeches and presentations by practicing entrepreneurs


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Symbols are used to denote the alleles, or genotype, of a locus.
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Phenotype depends on the alleles that are present, their dominance relationships, and sometimes also interactions with the environment and other factors.
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In a diploid organism, the alleles can be homozygous, heterozygous or hemizygous.
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Allelic interactions at a locus can be described as dominant vs. recessive, incomplete dominance, or co-dominance.
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Two different genes can be on the same chromosome (linked) or on different ones (unlinked)
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Steps:
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Can you identify the mutant? Name the gene after its phenotype
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If you cannot tell which allele is mutant, name the gene after the recessive allele
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Capitalize the first letter for the dominant allele; use lower-case for the recessive allele
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If genes are linked, write the gene symbols together on each side of the slash. If genes are unlinked, they appear on different sides of a semicolon


7.1: Introduction to the U.S. Court System
jurisdiction . As you read this chapter, pay attention to the context when you see the word “court” because it is used in a variety of ways. “Court” can mean a building—it is short for “courthouse” (for example, “he went to the court”); one judge (for example, “the trial court decided in his favor”); a group of judges (for example, “the Supreme Court unanimously upheld the conviction”), or an institution/process generally (for example, “courts hopefully resolve disputes in an even-handed manner”). Courts (the institution and processes) determine both the facts of a crime (did the defendant do the crime?) and also the legal sufficiency of the criminal charge (can the government prove it?). Courts ensure that criminal defendants are provided due process of law , or the procedures used to convict the defendant are fair. Courts are possibly more important in criminal cases than in civil cases because, in civil matters, the parties have the option of settling their disputes outside of the court system, but all criminal prosecutions must be funneled through the criminal courts.
dual court system, the structure of typical state court systems and the federal court system. This chapter explores the differences between a trial court and an appellate court, and you will learn how trial judges and juries decide (determine the outcome of) a case by applying the legal standards to the facts presented during trial and how appellate judges decide if the case was rightly decided after examining the trial record for legal error. Appellate courts make known their decisions known through their written opinions, and this chapter introduces the types of opinions and rulings of appellate courts.
courtroom workgroup. You will become familiar with who the players are during each of these steps of the process.


3.5: Parental Behavior towards Girls and Boys
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The strongest influence on a child’s gender development often occurs in the family, with parents or guardians passing on, both overtly and covertly, to their children, their own beliefs about gender. One study indicates that parents have differential expectations of sons and daughters as early as 24 hours after birth. 32 In addition, girls and boys are viewed and treated differently by their parents, particularly their fathers. Boys are thought to be stronger and are treated more roughly and played with more actively than girls as early as birth. As children get older, girls are typically protected more (physically and emotionally) and allowed less autonomy than boys, and girls are not expected to achieve as much in the areas of mathematics and careers as are boys. 33
Further, research has indicated that many parents attempt to define gender for their sons in a manner that distances the sons from femininity. Emily Kane, professor of Sociology and author of The Gender Trap , found “the parental boundary maintenance work evident for sons represents a crucial obstacle limiting boys’ options, separating boys from girls, devaluing activities marked as feminine for both boys and girls, and thus bolstering gender inequality and hetero-normativity.” 34 Parents provide messages regarding gender and what is acceptable for children’s gendered selves based on their sex category-- messages that are internalized by the developing child and translate into adolescence and adulthood. However, their sex role stereotypes will be well established early in their childhood. 35
Books
Many influences outside of the family affect gender-role socialization. Male and female roles are portrayed in ways that might be described as being “gender-stereotypic” in television and many children's books. For example, males are more likely than females to be portrayed as aggressive, competent, rational, and powerful in the workforce. Females are more likely than males to be portrayed as involved primarily in housework or caring for children.
Typical themes for books aimed at boys include robots, dinosaurs, astronauts, vehicles, football and pirates; while girls are more often allowed princesses, fairies, make-up, flowers, butterflies, fashion, and cute animals. There’s nothing wrong with these things, but it is wrong when they are repeatedly presented as only for one gender (really, only for one sex since we promote constructed gender normativity for specific sex categories). Girls can like pirates and adventure, and boys can like cute animals and dressing up. Why tell them otherwise? What do we have to gain from telling kids what their personal interests should be based on their sex category and subsequent prescribed gender? These points will also be discussed further in the chapter “Language and Media.”
Television
Former Federal Communications Commissioner Nicholas Johnson once said “All television is educational; the only question is: what is it teaching?” 36 Children start watching television from a very early age, about 18 months. 37 And television is perhaps the most influential form of media. 38 Since very young children often have difficulty telling fantasy from reality, they are particularly susceptible to the portrayals of gender types on television, especially cartoons, which make up the majority of children's television viewing between the ages of two and eleven. 39 Therefore, it can be assumed that children might use the portrayals of males and females in cartoon format as a model for performance of their own genders, in order to assimilate into the norms of their culture. Researchers coded and analyzed 175 episodes of 41 different cartoons, showing large discrepancies between prominence and portrayal of male and female characters. 40 They noted that, compared to female characters, males were given much more prominence, appeared more frequently, and talked significantly more.
“Traditional gender roles, wherein men are encouraged to be decisive and to show leadership qualities while women are encouraged to be deferential and dependent, do not benefit anyone, particularly women. Traditional gender roles discourage the full range of expression and accomplishment. Children should be allowed to develop a sense of self in a gender-fair environment that encourages everyone to fully feel a part of society.”
– Susan D. Witt is Assistant Professor, School of Family and Consumer Sciences, The University of Akron, Akron, Ohio.
Toys
Parents and guardians are who most often provide children with toys. Meaning, rarely do very small children have any autonomy in what’s purchased and brought into the home. How could they, right? However this also results in parents choosing gender-specific (and gender-differentiated) toys and rewarding play behavior that is gender stereotyped. 41 “A study of children's rooms has shown that girls' rooms have more pink, dolls, and manipulative toys; boys' rooms have more blue, sports equipment, tools, and vehicles.” 42
Females are less likely to be leading characters on television, and male characters are over-represented in children's books. We have seen some shifts to more equal gender role representation between the sexes in shows in recent years.
Peers, Gender Roles, and Self-Esteem
Peers also serve as a significant influence on a child’s gender-role socialization. For example, children are likely to react when other children violate expected gender-role behaviors. In addition, boys are more likely to receive negative sanctions from peers for acting out “gender-bending” behaviors than are females. Think for a moment: What do we often call a little girl who likes to wear boys’ clothes? That’s right, a “tomboy.” But what are some of the names given to little boys who feel more confortable wearing feminine-looking clothes? In Dude: You’re A Fag C. J. Pascoe argues the "specter of the fag" has become a disciplinary mechanism for regulating boys and how the "fag discourse" is even more focused on gender than to sexuality. 43 Reactions from peers, especially negative reactions, typically result in changes in behavior, particularly if the feedback is from a child of the same sex. This pattern of responsiveness reinforces traditional gender roles in children who might otherwise exercise more freedom in their gender expression.
Schools and Teachers
Teachers also treat girls and boys differently. Let’s make clear teachers are not bad people or people who should be blamed for reinforcing gender norms during the socialization process. Rather, they are just another piece to a huge puzzle! Due to the emphasis in school on typically feminine characteristics such as quietness, obedience, and passivity, girls tend to like school better and perform better than boys in the early grades. Even in preschool, boys receive more criticism from teachers, who often react to children in gender-stereotypic ways. The lack of public awareness of research findings, such as that in most areas of math, girls do as well as boys, may prevent parents and others from encouraging girls to excel in these areas. We will also be looking further into these points in the chapter “Gender and Schools.”
Western Tradition and Gender Roles
More often times than not, the “masculine” is treated as the default human experience by social norms. Masculine behaviors are typically rewarded over and above feminine ones. Because we often devalue qualities we construct and label as “feminine,” we see social reproductions such as men (in general) being paid better than women, enjoying more sexual and social freedom, and having other benefits that women do not by virtue of their socially prescribed gender. While there are variations across race, class, education, sexuality, religion, and other socio-economic measures, the human capabilities labeled as “masculine” still remain more valued than the human capabilities labeled as “feminine.”
In Western societies, gender power is held by White, highly educated, middle-class, able-bodied heterosexual men whose gender represents hegemonic masculinity – the ideal to which other masculinities must interact with, conform to, and challenge. It is not enforced through direct violence; instead, it exists as a cultural “script” that we’re taught throughout our socialization processes.
In his book Dude You’re a Fag: Masculinity and Sexuality in High School , sociologist C.J. Pascoe argues young working-class American boys enforce the masculine ideal by using jokes exemplified by the phrase, “Dude, you’re a fag.” Boys are called “fags” (a derogative and homophobic slur, at it’s best) not because they are homosexual, but when they engage in behavior considered to be “un-masculine”. This might include dancing, taking “too much” care with their appearance, being too expressive with their emotions, or being perceived as incompetent. So in this case, boys who are exhibiting behaviors labeled as “feminine” by Western culture become vulnerable to being harassed. This not only reinforces the ultra-constricting masculine ideal in boys, but it also reinforces the devaluing of anything labeled as “feminine” in the culture.
This leads us to another point: Because Western culture is largely indoctrinated with patriarchal ideals and traditions, femininity in Western culture is constructed to be inferior to masculinity. As a result, women often lack the same level of cultural, political, and economic power as men. However women are typically afforded more agency to resist their prescribed gender ideals than are men. Meaning, femininity and feminine roles have developed to include more variation in expression than has masculinity in recent decades. Men, then, typically endure harsher social punishments more often for exercising behaviors thought to be “feminine” by the culture than are women who exercise behaviors thought to be “masculine.” Women are also more socially permitted to actively challenge gender norms by refusing to let patriarchy define how they portray and reconstruct their femininity. However, this becomes a double-edged sword, because more often than not, some social problems will then be labeled as women’s problems . For example:
- Rejecting the double standard assigned to sexual behaviors for males and females
- Fighting rape culture
- Fighting sexual harassment
- Fighting for equal pay and permission to enter male-dominated fields
- Representation of women as sexual object in advertising and other forms of popular culture
- Bringing attention to the issue and combatting domestic violence
Gender Over the Life Span
Gender experiences will evolve over a person’s lifetime. Gender is therefore always in flux; it’s fluid. It changes as our likes/dislikes, morals, values, interpretations, and constructions change. We see this through generational and intergenerational changes within families, as social, legal, and technological changes influence social values on gender.
Suggested articles:
The Social Construction of Gender , Margaret L. Andersen and Dana Hysock, Thinking about Women , 2009
Suggested books:
Pascoe, C. J. (2012).  Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press
Vincent, Norah. 2009. Self Made Man: My Year Disguised as a Man. Penguin Publishing.
32
Rubin, J., Provenzano, F., & Luria, Z. (1974). The eye of the beholder: Parents' views on sex of newborns. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 44, 512-519.
33
Eccles, J. S., Jacobs, J. E., & Harold, R. D. (1990). Gender role stereotypes, expectancy effects, and parents' socialization of gender differences. Journal of Social Issues, 46, 186-201.
34
Spade, Joan. The Kaleidoscope of Gender. London: SAGE. pp. 177–184.
35
Arliss, L. P. (1991). Gender communication. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
36
Thompson, Teresa L. and Zebrinos, Eugenia. (1995). Gender Roles in Animated Cartoons: Has the Picture Changed In 20 Years?
Sex Roles: A Journal of Research
. 32: 651 - 674.
37
Thompson, Teresa L. and Zebrinos, Eugenia. (1997). Television Cartoons: Do Children
38
Lauer, R. H., & Lauer, J. C. (1994). Marriage and family: The quest for intimacy. Madison, WI: Brown & Benchmark.
39
Witt, Susan D. (1997) Parental Influence on Children's Socialization to Gender Roles.
40
Thompson, Teresa L. and Zebrinos, Eugenia. (1997). Television Cartoons: Do Children
41
Etaugh, C. & Liss, M. B. (1992). Home, school, and playroom: Training grounds for adult gender roles. Sex Roles, 26, 129-147.
42
Witt, Susan D. 1997. Parental Influence on Children's Socialization to Gender Roles. Adolescence.
43
Pascoe, C. J. (2012).  Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press.


14.11.2: Thought Questions
Thought Questions
What methods do scientists use to distinguish a meteorite from terrestrial material?
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Why do iron meteorites represent a much higher percentage of finds than of falls?
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Why is it more useful to classify meteorites according to whether they are primitive or differentiated rather than whether they are stones, irons, or stony-irons?
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Which meteorites are the most useful for defining the age of the solar system? Why?
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Suppose a new primitive meteorite is discovered (sometime after it falls in a field of soybeans) and analysis reveals that it contains a trace of amino acids, all of which show the same rotational symmetry (unlike the Murchison meteorite). What might you conclude from this finding?
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How do we know when the solar system formed? Usually we say that the solar system is 4.5 billion years old. To what does this age correspond?
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We have seen how Mars can support greater elevation differences than Earth or Venus. According to the same arguments, the Moon should have higher mountains than any of the other terrestrial planets, yet we know it does not. What is wrong with applying the same line of reasoning to the mountains on the Moon?
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Present theory suggests that giant planets cannot form without condensation of water ice, which becomes vapor at the high temperatures close to a star. So how can we explain the presence of jovian-sized exoplanets closer to their star than Mercury is to our Sun?
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Why are meteorites of primitive material considered more important than other meteorites? Why have most of them been found in Antarctica?