# Wrist-bound Guanxi, Jiazu, and Kuolie: Unpacking Chinese Adolescent
Smartwatch-Mediated Socialization

Lanjing Liu<EMAIL_ADDRESS>0000-0003-2723-722X Virginia TechBlacksburg,
VirginiaUSA ,  Chao Zhang<EMAIL_ADDRESS>0000-0003-4286-8468 Cornell
UniversityIthaca, NYUSA and  Zhicong Lu<EMAIL_ADDRESS>0000-0002-7761-6351 City University of Hong KongHong Kong SARChina

(2024)

###### Abstract.

Adolescent peer relationships, essential for their development, are
increasingly mediated by digital technologies. As this trend continues,
wearable devices, especially smartwatches tailored for adolescents, is
reshaping their socialization. In China, smartwatches like XTC have gained
wide popularity, introducing unique features such as “Bump-to-Connect” and
exclusive social platforms. Nonetheless, how these devices influence
adolescents’ peer experience remains unknown. Addressing this, we interviewed
18 Chinese adolescents (age: 11—16), discovering a smartwatch-mediated social
ecosystem. Our findings highlight the ice-breaking role of smartwatches in
friendship initiation and their use for secret messaging with local peers.
Within the online smartwatch community, peer status is determined by likes and
visibility, leading to diverse pursuit activities (i.e., chu guanxi, jiazu,
kuolie) and negative social dynamics. We discuss the core affordances of
smartwatches and Chinese cultural factors that influence adolescent social
behavior, and offer implications for designing future wearables that
responsibly and safely support adolescent socialization.

Smartwatches, peer relations, social behaviors, social networking, social
interaction, computer-mediated communication, adolescents

††journalyear: 2024††copyright: acmlicensed††conference: Proceedings of the
CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems; May 11–16, 2024;
Honolulu, HI, USA††booktitle: Proceedings of the CHI Conference on Human
Factors in Computing Systems (CHI ’24), May 11–16, 2024, Honolulu, HI,
USA††doi: 10.1145/3613904.3642044††isbn: 979-8-4007-0330-0/24/05††ccs: Social
and professional topics Adolescents††ccs: Human-centered computing Empirical
studies in HCI

##  1\. Introduction

“Are you my buddy?” seems to be one of the most important questions among
adolescents, underlining the significance of forming and nurturing peer
relationships during these formative years (Hay et al., 2004; Rubin et al.,
2011). In the modern era, the ubiquitous presence of personal devices, coupled
with the ease of online connectivity, has transformed the ways in which
adolescents initiate and maintain friendships (Ledbetter, 2017; Punamäki et
al., 2009; Shyam and Bhoria, 2011). Over the years, Human-Computer Interaction
(HCI) researchers have revealed that devices such as smartphones, in
conjunction with platforms like Facebook and Instagram, have been integrated
into the fabric of adolescent social experiences, providing fresh pathways for
connections (Nesi et al., 2018a, b; Sun et al., 2020; Yarosh et al., 2016a).

In the digital era, smartwatches, especially those tailored for the younger
demographic, are gaining traction. The market value for child-oriented
wearables is expected to rise from $0.8 billion in 2023 to $2.2 billion by
2030 (DATAINTELO, 2023; https://www.marketresearchfuture.com, 2023). Notably,
smartwatches like “小天才 (XTC111XTC stands for Xiaotiancai, the pinyin for
“小天才”.) (广东小天才科技有限公司, 2023)” are popular among Chinese adolescents due to
tailored social features. Despite a screen under two inches, these watches
have a dedicated social network, accessible only to adolescent users of the
same brand, ensuring a closely-knit community by excluding potential threats
and even parents.

Being worn on the wrist, this smartwatch offers adolescents instant and
continuous access to their digital world and allows them to stay connected
with their peers “anytime and anywhere (Barfield and Caudell, 2001)”, unlike
smartphones that might be pocketed or taken away by caregivers (Pizza et al.,
2016; Cecchinato et al., 2017). Furthermore, the inherent values of
collectivism and interconnectedness rooted in the Eastern cultures (Chu and
Choi, 2010; Yang et al., 2011) may nuance how Chinese adolescents engage with
and utilize their smartwatches for social purposes. However, most existing
research is either centered on adult smartwatch use (Hänsel et al., 2018; Liu
et al., 2019), or focuses on the online social behaviors of Western
adolescents (Nesi et al., 2018a, b). This leaves a significant gap in
understanding the role of smartwatches in adolescent socializing, the impact
on their peer relationships, and the cultural dimensions that nuance these
interactions. Investigating this area can enrich our comprehension of
adolescents’ social needs concerning smartwatches and complement the Western-
centered perspective in earlier works by integrating a Chinese cultural lens.
Such knowledge can also be instrumental in shaping the design of next-
generation wearables and their social functionalities to foster adolescent
social development. Hence, we are motivated to explore the subsequent research
questions:

  * RQ1:

How do Chinese adolescents use smartwatches to communicate and socialize with
their peers?

  * RQ2:

How do cultural factors influence the ways Chinese adolescents engage in
smartwatch-mediated socialization?

  * RQ3:

What are the perceived benefits and challenges of smartwatch-mediated
socialization for Chinese adolescents?

To address these research questions, we conducted in-depth semi-structured
interviews with 18 Chinese adolescents (aged 11-16 years) who have diverse
experiences using smartwatches to socialize with their peers. We uncovered a
comprehensive social ecosystem mediated by smartwatches, which encompasses
initiating friendships and communicating with local peers, understanding group
dynamics and social interactions with online peers, recognizing emerging
negative social dynamics, and transitioning in and out of the smartwatch
platforms. We also found that the constant presence of smartwatches on the
wrist serves as an icebreaker when initiating friendships with local peers.
After making friends, adolescents use smartwatches for secret messaging, such
as sharing homework answers. In the online community within smartwatches, peer
status is influenced by the number of likes and the extent of visibility.
Chinese adolescents seek such status by building virtual relationships,
establishing or joining peer groups, and expanding their circle of active
friends. Concurrently, negative social dynamics such as discrimination, drama,
cyberbullying, and flame war have emerged. Drawing on our findings, we discuss
three core affordances (i.e., physicality, locality, exclusivity) of
smartwatches and Chinese cultural factors that influence adolescent social
behavior.

In conclusion, this work contributes to HCI and CSCW by: (i) uncovering a
holistic social ecosystem mediated by smartwatches, elucidating the dynamics
of forming friendships, understanding group dynamics, and recognizing both
positive and negative social interactions, thereby offering insights into the
nuanced role of wearables in adolescent socialization; (ii) delving into the
nuances of how Eastern cultural values of collectivism and interconnectedness
shape and influence the ways Chinese adolescents engage with and utilize their
smartwatches for socialization; and (iii) offering design implications, aiming
to guide the creation of future wearables that responsibly and safely support
adolescent peer socialization.

##  2\. Related Work

We situated our study within previous research related to (1) peer relations
in adolescence, (2) adolescent online social behavior, (3) smartwatch use
among children and adolescents, and (4) online social interactions in Chinese
contexts.

###  2.1. Peer Relations in Adolescence

Adolescence represents an essential developmental phase marked by a pronounced
dependence on peer socialization, exerting a profound influence on personal
development and psychological welfare (Almquist, 2009; Almquist and Östberg,
2013; Menting et al., 2016; Modin et al., 2011). Past research has
investigated peer relations among adolescents (Choukas-Bradley and Prinstein,
2014; Furman and Rose, 2015; Prinstein and Giletta, 2016; Rubin et al., 2015),
with a focus on three domains: peer victimization, peer status, and peer
influence (Choukas-Bradley and Prinstein, 2014; Furman and Rose, 2015;
Prinstein and Giletta, 2016).

Adolescents’ socialization is shaped by their peer status, including peer
acceptance, peer rejection, and peer popularity (Choukas-Bradley and
Prinstein, 2014; Prinstein and Giletta, 2016; Nesi et al., 2018b). Peer
popularity, denoting prominence and dominance within the peer hierarchy,
represents a distinctive manifestation of social status, signifying
leadership, influence, and esteem (Cillessen and Rose, 2005). During
adolescence, the significance of peer popularity becomes particularly
pronounced, which aligns with the heightened receptivity of adolescents to
peer feedback and their considerations of social status (Salmivalli, 2010). To
attain peer status, adolescents employ various strategies, including bullying
behaviors (Caravita and Cillessen, 2012; Volk et al., 2015), social
comparison, and soliciting feedback from peers (Borelli and Prinstein, 2006;
Butzer and Kuiper, 2006). The pursuit of peer status transitions to the
digital landscape. Online platforms magnify the essence of peer status through
quantifiable metrics such as followers, comments, and likes (Nesi et al.,
2018b), provide an avenue for any adolescent to achieve a semblance of
“celebrity” status (Marwick and boyd, 2014).

Peer victimization involves both attacking others and being attacked (Juvonen
and Graham, 2001) and occurs in widespread contexts, such as in and out of
school, online platforms (Troop-Gordon, 2017). Some adolescents derive
enjoyment from peer victimization (Smith et al., 2008), some gain membership
within a clique (Farmer and Xie, 2007; Troop-Gordon, 2017). Online peer
victimization, also known as “cyberbullying”, is an extension of traditional
forms, often involving verbal aggression, social exclusion, and rumor
dissemination (Wang et al., 2012). Online platforms, with features like
availability, visuality, publicness, permanence, and quantifiability, amplify
cyberbullying’s impact on adolescents compared to offline victimization. For
example, availability enables harm from anywhere, reaching large audiences
easily, and publicness and anonymity affect the perceived severity of bullying
(Sticca and Perren, 2013).

Peer influence is notably significant at the adolescent stage (Brechwald and
Prinstein, 2011), because of increased identity exploration and expanded
unsupervised peer interactions (Prinstein and Giletta, 2016). Peer influence
covers risk-taking behavior (Somerville et al., 2019; Loke and Mak, 2013),
prosocial behavior (Choukas-Bradley et al., 2015), decision-making (Choukas-
Bradley and Prinstein, 2014), social acceptance (Veenstra and Laninga-Wijnen,
2023), and academic performance (Temitope and Christy, 2015). Online platforms
have magnified peer influence from speed, volume, and scope (Nesi et al.,
2018b) by facilitating adolescents’ access to a wider range of peers’
personalities, opinions, and behaviors (Courtois et al., 2012).

Adolescents’ peer victimization, peer status, and peer influence exhibit
intricate interrelations (Dijkstra et al., 2008; Cillessen and Lansu, 2015;
Cook et al., 2010; Troop-Gordon, 2017). Past research has shown that peer
victimization, peer status, and peer influence among adolescents persist in
computer-based and smartwatch-based socialization. Digital platforms have
strengthened these relationships in terms of frequency, duration, scope, and
influence. In comparison to computers and smartphones, smartwatches not only
enrich adolescents’ online interactions but also intertwine with their offline
social engagements. However, there exists a research need in exploring the
influence of smartwatches on these peer relationships. Therefore, this paper
focuses on the influence of smartwatches on peer relationships among
adolescents, and compares and contrasts this with computer-based interactions.

###  2.2. Adolescent Online Social Behavior

Online environment has influenced adolescents’ socialization (Nesi et al.,
2018b), extended their communication with friends (Valkenburg and Peter, 2001)
by nearly constant opportunities for interaction (Spies Shapiro and Margolin,
2014). Adolescences transpose conventional offline social norms and behaviors
into their online interactions (Subrahmanyam et al., 2006), grape with issues
and challenges across both spheres (Olweus, 2012), and develop broader social
competence compared to offline interactions (Reich, 2017). Additionally,
adolescents tend to shape their offline actions based on their online
performances, becoming increasingly conscious of how their offline experiences
of friendships will be projected to peers through social media posts,
pictures, and comments (Nesi et al., 2018b).

Throughout socialization online, adolescents initiate their socialization from
a personal standpoint, such as identity exploration (Ok and Kang, 2021), self-
presentation (McRoberts et al., 2016; Yarosh et al., 2016b), and emotional
disclosure. The potential for quantifiable, immediate responses from peers
makes teens more actively engaged in these social activities online (Nesi et
al., 2018a). Then adolescents nurture existing connections (Reich et al.,
2012; Scott et al., 2021), make new friends (Fields et al., 2015), establish
social group or cliques (Li et al., 2023; Desjarlais and Joseph, 2017). Online
platforms empower adolescents in their socialization by granting control and
autonomy (Valkenburg and Peter, 2007b; Young and Lo, 2012), access to like-
minded peers (Subrahmanyam and Smahel, 2011; Love et al., 2012; Stewart et
al., 2011). Also, the digital landscape introduces new social behavior such as
“drama,” characterized by performative conflicts on social media platforms
(Marwick and boyd, 2014). Consequently, adolescents’ perception is one of a
broader and more profound range of communication topics when interacting
online (Peter and Valkenburg, 2006; Schouten et al., 2007; Valkenburg and
Peter, 2007a, b). Adolescents’ social behaviors also contain some negative
ones, including bullying (Ojanen and Kiefer, 2013; Troop-Gordon, 2017),
harassment (Ali et al., 2022), and relational aggression (Wang et al., 2012).
Additionally, the digital environment makes aggressive and harassing messages
easy for adolescents, which is often underreported due to adolescents’ lower
readiness for defense compared to adults (Agatston et al., 2007; Smith et al.,
2008; Draucker and Martsolf, 2010).

HCI community has explored adolescent online social interactions extensively
(Ashktorab and Vitak, 2016). Building on this, efforts have been made to
enhance online social environments for adolescents. For instance, providing a
safe online socializing environment for kids and teens through physical
restrictions (Cheok et al., 2009), fostering positive online behavior and
mitigating cyberbullying (Fan et al., 2016). These endeavors also aim to aid
adolescents in reflecting upon their use of social media platforms (Davis et
al., 2023). Online platforms are crucial for adolescent socialization,
providing increased social opportunities and experiences. While past studies
primarily examined social behavior on traditional platforms through computers
or phones, today’s adolescents are increasingly using smartwatches for social
interactions. However, the specifics of adolescent social interactions on
smartwatches remain largely unexplored. Compared to computers or phones,
smartwatches feature smaller screens and offer more discreet and limited
social interactions. This paper investigates how adolescents engage in social
interactions using smartwatches and proposes design implementations.

###  2.3. Smartwatch Use among Children and Adolescents

Smartwatches, as described by Barfield and Caudell (Barfield and Caudell,
2001), are “fully functional, self-powered, self-contained computers worn on
the body, offering access to, and interaction with, information anytime and
anywhere”. Their persistent presence on the wrist makes them “context-
insensitive,” requiring only a familiar gesture for activation (Pizza et al.,
2016). Given concerns over smartphones, many parents view smartwatches as a
preferable alternative (Shannon, 2023). These wearables offer essential
communication and locational features, allowing parents to maintain contact
with their children and ensuring their safety. In China, this preference is
even more evident, partly because of the strict “minor model222The “minor
mode” regulations proposed by the Chinese government prevent internet
addiction by limiting children younger than 8 to 40 minutes of smartphone time
a day. The time limit would increase with age, reaching two hours daily for
those ages 16 to 18.” policy. Currently, about one-third of Chinese children
own a smartwatch (China Report Hall, 2022; China Industrial Research Network,
2022). The most popular smartwatch is XTC (广东小天才科技有限公司, 2023). It offers
distinctive social features beyond the essentials, like instant massaging and
social networks (discussed in Section 3).

Studies on smartwatch usage among children began with Williams et al.’s work
(Williams et al., 2003) in 2003, which involved co-designing soundscape
wearable applications with children. Then, numerous scholars have examined
children’s adoption of smartwatches for fitness monitoring (Ankrah et al.,
2023), activity tracking (Oygür et al., 2021), and self-regulation (Cibrian et
al., 2019; Silva et al., 2023), mostly focusing on health informatics (Amiri
et al., 2017; Capodieci et al., 2018; Jeong et al., 2017; Pizza et al., 2016;
Shih et al., 2015; Vaizman et al., 2017). Additionally, there is a distinct
strand of research centered on the implementation of smartwatches in
educational contexts (Bower and Sturman, 2015; de Arriba-Pérez et al., 2017;
Savvides, 2002; Scholl et al., 2015), such as scientific learning (Chu et al.,
2019; Chu and Garcia, 2017; Garcia et al., 2018) and fostering creativity
(Vishkaie, 2018; Kazemitabaar et al., 2017).

Despite the increasing popularity of smartwatches among children and the
introduction of built-in social features, there is a significant research gap
in empirically understanding children’s social behavior with respect to these
devices. While the always-accessible nature of smartwatches offers potential
benefits, such as enabling children to maintain connections with peers during
transitions (e.g., moving from home to school or outdoors) (Cecchinato et al.,
2017; Pizza et al., 2016), only a handful of studies have delved into adults’
use of smartwatches for lightweight social connection (Liu et al., 2019) and
social interaction monitoring (Hänsel et al., 2018). Even though these studies
were not specifically tailored for children, their outcomes underscore the
potential of smartwatches in mediating children’s social interactions and
experiences with peers. For example, much of communication online via
smartwatches contains non-textual cues like emojis and biosignals (Hänsel et
al., 2018). Even “one-click communication,” such as “liking” online social
media posts, can provide diverse cues (e.g., support, agreement) (Scissors et
al., 2016). To fill this gap, this paper investigates how Chinese adolescents
use XTC, the most popular children’s smartwatch in China, to engage in social
interactions with their peers and understand the nuances of their social
behaviors.

###  2.4. Online Social Interactions in Chinese Contexts

The behavior of adolescents, especially in the realm of social interactions,
is significantly shaped by the cultural milieu they inhabit (Brizio et al.,
2015; Liebkind et al., 2022). Delving deep into the inter-cultural dynamics
reveals profound differences in social orientations between the West and East.
Central to inter-cultural sociology and cultural psychology, Western societies
predominantly exhibit values rooted in independence, individualism, autonomy,
and self-achievement (Hofstede, 1984), seeing the self as distinct and
separate from others. Conversely, East Asian cultures prioritize principles of
interdependence, harmony, relatedness, and connection (Hofstede, 1983;
Singelis, 1994; Triandis, 2018). These societies, being inherently
interdependent-oriented, view the self not as an isolated entity but as an
integral component of a broader network of meaningful social relationships
(Markus and Kitayama, 2014). This foundational understanding of the self in
Asian contexts is emblematic of their emphasis on belonging. Here, individuals
are often tasked with fulfilling a myriad of obligations and responsibilities
towards others, which form the bedrock of their societal interactions (Heine
et al., 1999).

Focusing specifically on the Chinese scenario, the profound influence of the
collectivistic culture, deeply ingrained in Confucianism, becomes evident.
Chinese social media users harness their memberships and relationships as
facets to forge their identities (Wang et al., 2023). This not only allows
them to anchor their position within online spheres but also imparts an
enhanced sense of belonging (Chu and Choi, 2010). Another element that colors
the fabric of social interactions in China is the practice of “关系 (guanxi)”.
Guanxi, a uniquely Chinese form of social exchange, plays a crucial role in
online communities (Yang et al., 2011). At its core, guanxi pertains to the
relational ties established between an individual and others (Jacobs, 1982),
often nurtured through a continuous exchange of favors with the intent to
foster harmonious relations (Pye and Pye, 1982). Interestingly, while the
nuances of guanxi in general Chinese online communities are well-documented,
its specific manifestations among Chinese adolescents remain unexplored. Given
the pervasiveness of this cultural norm, it is reasonable to infer that their
online social behaviors may also be influenced by guanxi.

Addressing the Western-centric bias, a growing body of HCI research has
ventured into understanding the specific cultural nuances that characterize
technology-mediated communication in China (Lu et al., 2018; He et al., 2023;
Lu et al., 2019; Tang et al., 2022; Lu and Lu, 2019; Chen et al., 2023; Cao et
al., 2021). However, the current body of research on children’s technology-
mediated socialization is heavily skewed towards Western contexts. While such
a focus has undeniably enriched the literature with invaluable insights, it
may overlook the multifaceted social behaviors exhibited by children in non-
Western settings like China. Our paper seeks to address this by revealing the
intricate interplay between cultural norms and smartwatch-mediated
socialization among Chinese adolescents.

##  3\. Research Context: Smartwatches for Chinese Youth

Figure 1. The main interface, features, and appearance of smartwatches. A.
Personal Profile, including profile picture, nickname, real name, account
information, bios, points, level, and badge wall. B. Dashboard for likes,
featuring ’today’s likes,’ ’total likes,’ and ’who likes me today.’ C. Friend
List within MiniChat, displaying friends’ profile pictures and nicknames. D.
Friend Chat functionality allowing users to input text via voice and send
’points’ red packets, among other features. E. Friend Circle, a platform for
users to post content and receive likes and comments. F. Bump-To-Connect
feature interface and user gestures.

The main interface, features, and appearance of smartwatches. A. Personal
Profile, including profile picture, nickname, real name, account information,
bios, points, level, and badge wall. B. Dashboard for likes, featuring
’today’s likes,’ ’total likes,’ and ’who likes me today.’ C. Friend List
within MiniChat, displaying friends’ profile pictures and nicknames. D. Friend
Chat functionality allowing users to input text via voice and send ’points’
red packets, among other features. E. Friend Circle, a platform for users to
post content and receive likes and comments. F. Bump-To-Connect feature
interface and user gestures.

In this paper, we chose XTC as our research context, aligning with a prevalent
approach seen in many HCI interview-based papers that focus on popular
platforms (Razi et al., 2023; Zhang et al., 2023; Shen et al., 2021). This
research approach deepens our understanding of emerging and unexplored
phenomena or domains.

The children’s smartwatch industry in China began in the mid-2010s, initially
focusing on tracking a child’s location for safety. In 2015, “小天才 (XTC)”,
launched their first generation of smartwatches. Beyond location tracking, it
offered phone calling, instant messaging, and the innovative “碰一碰 (Bump-to-
Connect)” feature (Figure 1F). It allowed children to touch their watches
together, adding each other to their contact lists, transforming the watch
from a mere safety device to a social tool. This shift contributed to its
surge in popularity, resulting in about 30% market penetration among Chinese
youth (China Report Hall, 2022; China Industrial Research Network, 2022).

As of now, XTC stands as the most popular smartwatch brand in China, as the
first with 35% share and more than twice as much as the second place (Lim,
2023). XTC tailored for adolescents with various social features. One of its
notable functions is the social networking platform “微聊 (MiniChat)”(Figure
1C). Within MiniChat, each child is provided with a unique profile displaying
their avatar, username, real name, gender, birthday, astrological sign, and
bio, all of which can be customized (Figure 1A). Profiles also exhibit a
“Like” counter, user levels, and badges. Users’ ability to give Likes to
another profile is tiered based on their levels333Those between levels 1–10
can offer up to 5 Likes, levels 11–20 can give up to 10, and only those above
level 20 can give a maximum of 20 Likes.. User levels advance through daily
rewards and purchases using points. These points, which act as the platform’s
virtual currency, are earned through active participation and can be used to
buy virtual items or even be gifted between friends. In addition, users can
also view the number of likes received today, the total number of likes
received, and the list of users who liked today in the dashboard (Figure 1B).

Regarding connectivity, MiniChat allows users to add up to 150 friends via
methods like Bump-to-Connect or phone number searches. Once friends, children
can send messages (Figure 1D), share media (Figure 1E), or make calls. The
platform also permits users to create 2 or join 5 group chats, with a capacity
of 11 members each. Group chats further streamline friend additions by
enabling profile checks of other participants. Additionally, MiniChat boasts a
feature called “好友圈 (Friend Circle)”, akin to social media platforms like
Facebook or Instagram, where users can post updates, photos, and videos for
their friends to view, like, and comment on (Figure 1E). It is worth noting
that both MiniChat and Friend Circle are exclusive, permitting access only to
fellow users of the XTC smartwatches, creating a closely-knit community of
young users, while intentionally excluding potential threats such as
predators, as well as parents.

Furthermore, XTC offers a mobile app for parents, allowing them to communicate
with their child, monitor social activities, set usage limits, and track the
child’s location and health data. Importantly, parents cannot access the
content of their child’s conversations or posts in the Friend Circle on the
watch. While this parent app is part of the XTC ecosystem, our paper primarily
focuses on children’s use of smartwatches for socialization.

##  4\. Methods

To comprehend smartwatch-mediated socialization among Chinese adolescents and
their corresponding experiences and perceptions, we conducted a semi-
structured interview study. Our interview involved 18 participants from June
to August 2023, surpassing 12, the most common sample size in interview-based
studies of CHI (Caine, 2016). In HCI community, self-reporting interview has
also been successfully, widely applied in many prior studies of child-computer
interaction (Freed et al., 2023; Sun et al., 2021b; Xiao et al., 2022; Pitt et
al., 2021). Compared to quantitative research, qualitative research is
flexible in emerging issues and emphasizes a deep and “thick” understanding of
the diversity and complexity of personal experiences and feelings, and social
behaviors (Carpendale et al., 2017).

###  4.1. Participants

Table 1. Basic information summary of participants interviewed. Location: Cities ranked as per the Chinese city tier system (Wikipedia, 2023) (All cities in China are categorized from Tier 1 (highest) to Tier 4 (lowest), following the same classification system of prior HCI studies in Chinese contexts (He et al., 2023). It is noted that we reported the city tier based on the participants’ location of the city; in fact, five participants were from towns or rural areas affiliated with the city). # Contacts: Number of contacts the participant has on their smartwatch at the time of interview. The upper limit is 150. # Likes: Number of profile likes the participant had received up to the interview date. Have Phone?: Indicates if the participant owns a phone. If affirmative, it further specifies if they always have access to it or only during vacations. Biaoquan?: Denotes if the participant is involved in biaoquan, actively seeking profile likes and visibility. If yes, it notes whether they are a dalao, characterized by having over 200k profile likes and a notable visibility in biaoquan. These concepts are displayed in Table 2 and elaborated in Section 5.2. Male participants reported an average weekly usage of 6.28 hours, whereas female participants reported a higher usage of 16.5 hours. These findings align with prior research results (Shah et al., 2023; Lake Yimer, 2023; Mohd Reffal and Tugiman, 2022). ID | Gender | Age | Location | Wkly Use | Yrs Use | # Contacts | # Likes | Have Phones? | Biaoquan?
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---
C01 | Male | 13 | Tier 4 | 2 hours | 5 years | 4 |  $<$100 | Yes (vacation) | No
C02 | Female | 11 | Tier 4 | 10 hours | 1 year | 7 |  $<$100 | Yes (always) | No
C03 | Female | 15 | Tier 4 (rural) | 15 hours | 7 years | 79 | 30k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | Yes
C04 | Male | 11 | Tier 2 | 7 hours | 1 year | 36 |  $<$100 | No | No
C05 | Male | 13 | Tier 4 (rural) | 12 hours | 6 years | 101 | 6k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | No
C06 | Male | 13 | Tier 3 (rural) | 10 hours | 6 years | 40 | 50k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes
C07 | Female | 15 | Tier 1 | 28 hours | 5 years | 142 | 270k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes (dalao)
C08 | Female | 13 | Tier 2 | 11 hours | 7 years | 91 | 10k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | No
C09 | Male | 14 | Tier 4 | 3 hours | 7 years | 122 | 8k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | No
C10 | Female | 16 | Tier 1 | 14 hours | 6 years | 23 | 120k$+$ | No | Yes
C11 | Female | 14 | New Tier 1 | 7 hours | 5 years | 145 | 800k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes (dalao)
C12 | Female | 14 | New Tier 1 | 30 hours | 4 years | 103 | 70k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | Yes
C13 | Male | 15 | New Tier 1 | 5 hours | 3 years | 44 | 280k$+$ | Yes (vacation) | Yes (dalao)
C14 | Female | 14 | Tier 2 (rural) | 7 hours | 1 year | 143 | 460k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes (dalao)
C15 | Female | 13 | New Tier 1 | 14 hours | 5 years | 68 | 270k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes (dalao)
C16 | Male | 11 | Tier 2 (rural) | 5 hours | 4 years | 130 | 100k$+$ | No | Yes
C17 | Female | 12 | Tier 3 | 35 hours | 6 years | 84 | 60k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes
C18 | Female | 12 | Tier 4 | 10 hours | 6 years | 112 | 40k$+$ | Yes (always) | Yes

We defined our participant criteria as follows: 1) aged between 11 and 16
years; 2) current ownership and use a smartwatch for over three months; and 3)
active engagement, meaning that they chat, post, collect and give likes via
their smartwatch on a daily basis. Our focus on ages 11 to 16 stems from: 1)
adolescents at this age begin to learn and emulate adult-world interpersonal
relationships and social order (Kohlberg, 1984); and 2) the pivotal role of
adolescent socialization in future achievements and well-being. We employed
various recruitment methods, including posting on social media platforms,
direct messaging to the users, as well as snowball sampling. The participants’
information is shown in Table 1.

The 18 participants aged 11 to 16 ($M=13.28,SD=1.45$), consisting of 7 males
and 11 females. They represented diverse urban contexts, encompassing tier 1
to tier 4 cities. Their use of smartwatches and participation in smartwatch-
based socialization varies. Weekly smartwatch usage spanned 2 to 35 hours,
with usage duration ranging from 1 to 7 years. Friend counts ranged from 4 to
145 and received likes from under 100 to 800,000. Notably, C07 suffers from
the Asperger Syndrome. Although we reached theoretical saturation after 15
adolescent smartwatch users, we extended our study to include 18 participants
to ensure solid foundation of results.

###  4.2. Data Collection

####  4.2.1. Semi-structured interviews

Our semi-structured interviews were conducted in Mandarin, and encompassed the
following sections: The first section involves obtaining a fundamental
understanding and overview of interviewee’s smartwatch usage. This section
primarily covers motivation to buy a smartwatch, frequently utilized features,
and interviewee’s overall perceptions of smartwatch usage, such as “Why did
you buy this smartwatch at the time?” and “What do you normally use a
smartwatch for?”. The second section proceeds to delve into adolescents’
online socialization on smartwatches, exploring their engagement in online
activities, experiences, and sentiments related to smartwatch-mediated social
interactions. We ask questions like, “Can you share an experience of making
friends with someone on your smartwatch?”and “What do you think the likes are
good for?”. The third section focuses on the impact of smartwatches on
adolescents’ offline social interactions, including potential effects on pre-
existing friendships in the offline realm. We ask questions like, “Do you
think smartwatches have affected your real-life friendships?”. Lastly, we
inquire about interviewee’ comparative viewpoints regarding smartwatches and
other smart devices (e.g., smartphones, tablets). Building upon this
foundation, speculative design considerations are introduced, such as “If you
were the smartwatch designer, what kind of features would you like to
design?”. The full list of interview questions is provided in A.

The interviews were remotely conducted using video or audio calls. The
interviews commenced by confirming interviewee’ assent and their consent for
recording. Next, we proceeded with the interview questions and followed up as
needed. The interviews were conducted collaboratively by the first two
authors: one interviewer primarily asked the questions while the other focused
on note-taking. The interview duration ranged from 38 to 90 minutes with an
average length of 74. In appreciation for their involvement, each participant
was compensated with a 100 CNY (approximately 15 USD) honorarium.

####  4.2.2. Smartwatch Content

Furthermore, we augmented our insights by directly gathering supplementary
data from participants. During interview, 12 participants showcased various
smartwatch content, including its basic functions, personal profiles, and
Friend Circle. 9 participants provided more detailed content, including
screenshots of features like personal profiles and chat records, as well as
posters originating from smartwatch socialization and content directly related
to smartwatch interactions on other platforms (e.g., Wechat444Wechat is a
Chinese instant messaging, social media, and mobile payment app,
Xiaohongshu555Xiaohongshu is a Chinese social media and e-commerce platform.
It sometimes referred to as “Chinese Instagram”, and Douyin666Douyin is a
Chinese counterpart of TikTok). These data uniquely provide us with unfiltered
glimpses into organic interactions, unaffected by researcher presence.

###  4.3. Data Analysis

We collected comprehensive data for our analysis, consisting of 22-hour
interview transcripts with detailed notes and smartwatch content from our
participants. We adopted an open coding method (Corbin and Strauss, 2015) to
analyze both transcripts and the supplementary data. Two Chinese-speaking
authors first coded 20% of data independently and met to reach a consensus on
the initial codes such as “online activities within group chats” and “criteria
for adding peers to the friend list”. Two authors read the interview
transcripts several times and coded a sample of the data collaboratively to
code-book. Using the initial code-book, authors coded the rest of the data
individually. Two authors constantly compared and discussed their codes and
resolved any disagreements as they coded, then updated the code-book as
needed. Upon completion of the coding, two authors cross-checked each other’s
coding again to ensure full agreement. Then, all authors examined and
discussed the code-book, and grouped the codes into higher-level themes. The
analysis was discussion-based, with no necessity for calculating inter-rater
reliability (McDonald et al., 2019). After open coding, we used affinity
diagramming (Muller, 2014) to uncover main themes like “Socializing with
Online Peers” and sub-themes like “Social Activity: Collect Like and Improve
Visibility”. All researchers cross-referenced the original data, the code-
book, and the themes, to make final adjustments. After multiple iterations,
our analysis resulted in 4 themes and 20 sub-themes. Rigorous discussions
within the research team and reflective notes ensured the validation of our
interpretations.

###  4.4. Ethical Considerations

Our study was approved by the last author’s institute IRB. All parents
provided informed consent while children gave their assent prior to the
interview. Our method involved conducting semi-structured interviews with
adolescents, which is similar to previous works (Sun et al., 2021a; Jin et
al., 2022). In addition, we took several measures to ensure the
confidentiality of participants’ sensitive personal information: (1) before
the interview, we extensively explained the research objectives, scope,
participants’ rights, and measures for ensuring privacy to both the
participants and their guardians; (2) during the interview, we refrained from
directly or indirectly revealing the real identities of participants and any
individuals they mentioned. Regarding sensitive issues, such as family
matters, we avoided probing deeply to prevent emotional distress or
discomfort; (3) all data is securely stored, accessible exclusively to
authorized researchers; (4) during the analysis and reporting of data, we
merged or omitted details that might expose participants’ identities,
subjecting the materials provided by participants to de-identification
processes; and (5) all images presented in this paper have been redrawn, had
sensitive information obscured, or had their resolution reduced to protect the
privacy of our participants. To address potential social desirability bias in
self-report, we employed careful word and preface questions during interviews
(Latkin et al., 2017). Additionally, we engaged in selective self-disclosure
to prompt a reciprocal exchange of information from interviewees, as suggested
by prior research (Orne, 1962). These methods increased the depth and
authenticity of the responses and fostered an open and frank conversation.

###  4.5. Positionality Statement

The authors conducting interviews and data analysis were born and raised in
China. They bring a wealth of experience in interacting with Chinese
adolescents at this age and possess a deep familiarity with various social
patterns exhibited by Chinese adolescents.

##  5\. Findings

We described four major themes that captured how Chinese teens use
smartwatches to socialize. We first describe smartwatch-based offline and
online socialization activities in Section 5.1 and Section 5.2. In Section
5.3, we unpacked negative social dynamics within smartwatches. Finally, we
showed the perceived benefits and challenges of smartwatch-based socialization
in Section 5.4.

Figure 2. The social ecosystem of Smartwatch-Mediated Socialization,
encompassing socialization with local peers, socialization with online peers,
and negative social dynamics.

The social ecosystem of Smartwatch-Mediated Socialization, encompassing
socialization with local peers, socialization with online peers, and negative
social dynamics.

###  5.1. Socializing with Local Peers via Smartwatches

The inherent presence of smartwatches on the wrist (Pizza et al., 2016),
combined with the emerging Bump-to-Connect interaction, underscores the
potential of smartwatches to foster connections between local peers. In our
study, we found that the driving factor behind the widespread adoption of
smartwatches among Chinese adolescents is rooted in their desire for enhanced
offline social interactions. C06 states, “Almost everyone in my class has a
XTC smartwatch. Some bought it just for making friends because many people use
it.” C02 even persuaded their friends to buy the watch so they could chat
without using their parents’ phones. The device fosters “better and faster
relationships with friends” (e.g., C04), offering convenience in staying
connected (e.g., C05, C11) through social features and practicality (e.g.,
C12, C14).

Furthermore, we discerned two predominant patterns of smartwatch-mediated
socialization with local peers, as depicted in Figure 2: smartwatch-
facilitated friendship initiation and smartwatch-mediated peer communication.
Both of these cater to distinct social needs within real-life peer
interactions.

####  5.1.1. Smartwatch-Facilitated Friendship Initiation

Our study reveals that the initiation of friendships is facilitated by the
physical presence and the Bump-to-Connect feature of XTC smartwatches. These
devices not only act as conversation starters due to their tangibility but
also provide an efficient and straightforward mechanism for adolescents to
connect, turning everyday moments into opportunities for developing new
friendships.

The physical presence of smartwatches on the wrist serves as ice-breakers in
initiating interpersonal interactions among Chinese adolescents. Participants
often highlighted that the mere sight of a smartwatch on one’s wrist often
becomes a conversation starter. For instance, C04 mentioned how a simple
observation about their watch led to a budding friendship, “When they saw it,
they said, ‘Hey, you have a watch?’ Then the two of us connected.” Similarly,
C01 and C06 emphasized the communal and serendipitous nature of such
interactions by noting, “Once I met a young guy on the basketball court in my
neighborhood. He played basketball well. After the game, as he was leaving, he
took out his watch, and I said ‘You also have a XTC watch!’. Then, we added
each other as friends.” (C06). Such experiences underscore the catalyst role
of smartwatches in initiating interpersonal interactions and facilitating
casual social interactions.

The Bump-to-Connect feature embedded in these smartwatches appears to be a
favorite among teenagers for establishing connections in offline scenarios.
Many participants, like C01 and C04, expressed their preference for this
feature, praising its straightforwardness and efficiency in connecting with
others. As C04 pointed out, “I prefer Bump-to-Connect because it’s relatively
faster. It’s quicker, and you can connect on the spot,” emphasizing the
immediacy of the method. Additionally, the physicality of this interaction
offers a layer of authenticity and trust, contrasting it with online
interactions that might be more ambiguous, with C09 noting, “When you Bump-to-
Connect offline, you know what kind of person is on the other side, which is a
bit safer.” As such, smartwatches, through their physical presence and
features like Bump-to-Connect, provide Chinese adolescents with versatile
avenues for initiating friendships in varied offline contexts.

####  5.1.2. Smartwatch-Mediated Peer Communication

After initiating friendships, smartwatches provide Chinese adolescents with a
novel avenue for peer communication. They communicate with their friends
through voice input or typed input. Same as the smartphone, the smartwatch
serves as a bridge, fostering friendships and facilitating conversations that
might not occur in face-to-face settings. C03 highlighted the case of a close
friend who is typically reticent in person but becomes talkative on the
smartwatch, illustrating how the device can empower quieter individuals to
open up. C01 echoed this sentiment, emphasizing how smartwatches have
“strengthened friendships,” allowing for more frequent and convenient
communication, even over long distances. Interestingly, many of the
participants emphasized the covert nature of smartwatch-mediated
communication, with one participant noting how it allows for “secret
messaging” that escapes the notice of parents or teachers. For instance, C02
mentioned, “In school, we avoid discussing certain topics like copying
homework, fearing someone might overhear and report to the teacher. Instead,
we use our smartwatches to discreetly discuss these matters.” Such clandestine
conversations often revolve around academic help, with C02 pointing out that a
specific chat group on their smartwatch, cheekily dubbed the “Homework Help
Squad,” was dedicated to sharing answers. Compared to smartphones,
smartwatches are less visible because of the smaller appearance and closer to
the body. The smartwatch’s secretive nature makes it a preferred choice over
phones, as C02 further added, “Phones have passwords, but parents often know
them. On checking, they would find our chat filled with homework answers,
which is why we mostly use the smartwatch for such discussions.” This secrecy
extends beyond academic discussions. C18 described how her friend and her
boyfriend contacted each other through their smartwatches after an argument at
school underscoring the device’s role in navigating the complexities of
teenage relationships. C02 also mentioned that in school, open conversations
with a bullied classmate would typically be avoided, but on the smartwatch,
their interactions were frequent. These instances illuminate that the
smartwatch is not just a communication tool; it offers adolescents a new, more
private space for socialization, aiding them in navigating intricate social
terrains.

###  5.2. Socializing with Online Peers via Smartwatches

Beyond interacting with local peers, many adolescents actively connect with
online peers using their smartwatches, leveraging the device’s built-in social
features (Section 3). Within this context, smartwatches have given rise to a
distinctive online phenomenon known as the “表圈 (biaoquan)”. This virtual realm
transcends the traditional messaging or notification capabilities of
smartwatches and evolves into a vibrant social ecosystem (Figure 2). Here,
adolescents are not only seeking friendships but also chasing popularity and
peer status.

As shown in Table 2777In this paper, we use pinyin to refer the key concepts
such as “表圈 (biaoquan)” and “处关系(chu guanxi)” (Yang et al., 2011) as there is
no appropriate English phrase to convey their specific meaning in Chinese
culture context. Instead, we use likes and visibility to refer “赞” and “热度” to
help readers connect to previous relevant work (Scissors et al., 2016; Nesi et
al., 2018a, b)., Biaoquan refers to the social community within the smartwatch
platform, where users, commonly referred to as “圈内人 (quanneiren)”, actively
seek likes and visibility which signify peer status. Notably, a user with over
200k likes and a high level of visibility is recognized as the “大佬 (dalao)”.
Adolescents in biaoquan actively engage in “处关系(chu guanxi)”, establish or
join “家族 (jiazu)”, and work on “扩列 (kuolie)”, not just within the smartwatch
ecosystem but also beyond, all in a bid to enhance their peer status (Figure
2). Remarkably, as users elevate their social status to become dalao, they in
turn enjoy enhanced privileges in those activities. This dynamic establishes a
feedback loop, reinforcing their prominence and creating a closed circle
within biaoquan ecosystem. In this section, we begin by introducing the social
capital and activities within biaoquan. Next, we discuss the privileges of
dalao and the nature of friendship in this online community.

####  5.2.1. Social Capital: Likes and Visibility as Peer Status

Within biaoquan, likes and visibility serve as social capital, signifying peer
status. Likes and visibility are the foundation of biaoquan, serving as the
threshold for various social activities. “Likes are the universal currency
within biaoquan. Likes can buy you praise, admiration, great popularity, and
even thers give you a lot. (C07)” Visibility is another metric in biaoquan,
introduced as the excessive number of likes by many quanneiren.

Table 2. Concepts related to the smartwatch mediated socialization referred by our participants. Term | Literal Meaning |  Free Translation
---|---|---
碰一碰 pengyipeng | Bump-to-Connect |  a feature of XTC smartwatches which allows adolescents to add each other to their friend lists by simply touching their watches together.
微聊 weiliao | MiniChat |  the instant messaging App on XTC smartwatches.
好友圈 haoyouquan | Friend Circle |  the social media platform on XTC smartwatches where users can post updates and photos for their friends to view, like, and comment on.
表圈 biaoquan | watch circle |  the social community based on XTC smartwatches, where users pursue likes and visibility.
赞 zan | likes |  likes given to an individual’s profile, with a daily limit of 20 likes per user to gift.
热度 redu | visibility |  the degree to which a user is known or recognized within the watch circle.
圈内人 quanneiren | circle members |  the recognized users within the watch circle, who are actively seeking likes and visibility.
大佬 dalao | big shot |  a user with over 200k likes and a high level of visibility within watch circle, indicating a high peer status.
双互 shuanghu | mutual liking |  the daily practice of reciprocally giving likes to each other.
处关系 chu guanxi | build relationships |  the act of establishing virtual relationships between one adolescent and others, through the exchanges of favor and responsibilities.
家族 jiazu | house |  a social group comprised of quanneiren within watch circle, identified by a unified prefix in the members’ usernames.
扩列 kuolie | friend list expansion |  the act of seeking, making, and adding more friends to the contact lists of the built-in social networking platform MiniChat.
网通 wangtong | online wanted |  the act of exposing someone’s misconduct to a broader audience through posters on smartwatch platforms with the intent to ruin someone’s reputation.

#####  Likes.

Quanneiren seek likes as “essential as daily sustenance, engaging with them
each day (C14).” Several interviewees emphasized that the “pursuit of likes
equates to self-pleasing and a sense of accomplishment (C17)”, and the
publicness of likes on the profile akin to a “luxury handbag with a
transparent price tag (C08).”

In biaoquan, likes are the most important measure of a person. As C15
explained, “If you have many likes on your profile, it means you have many
friends. Many people are willing to like your posts, which implies you might
be of better manners. So many people want to add you as a friend.”
Consequently, the quantity of likes became a qualification for many social
activities in biaoquan. C14 said, “Without likes, no one cares about you, no
one likes you, no one chats with you. I want to have more friends, so I have
to collect likes.” The number of likes is a determinant of peer status in
biaoquan, and those with more likes are recognized as having higher status,
i.e., dalao.

To increase their likes, quanneiren employed various tactics such as promises,
harassment, coercion, and hacking. The practice where adolescents committed to
liking each other’s posts daily is termed shuanghu. As C12 mentioned, “Adding
friends is just for shuanghu.” If promises fail to garner enough likes, some
adolescents harassed their friends for them. For example, C02 and C16
confessed to sending many messages urging friends to like their profiles. C05
spoke of a friend who made over 30 calls seeking likes, and C14 was inundated
with early morning messages demanding the same. A few even threatened to
unfriend those who did not like their profiles (e.g., C03). Additionally, a
few have cleverly exploited system bugs to amass likes quickly without any
social engagement.

#####  Visibility.

When likes are high for everyone by accumulation, quanneiren introduced
visibility as a new social capital. Unlike likes, smartwatches do not provide
a follower function, rendering visibility invisible. It depends on how many
quanneiren know the user.

Getting hundreds of thousands of likes was the first step to visibility (e.g.,
C13). Then, adolescents adopted several strategies within smartwatch. Some
adolescents used photos and captions found online to impersonate themselves
(e.g., C10, C13, C14, C15). Another method was to reciprocate actions, such as
forming virtual relationships (chu guanxi, Section 5.2.2), and mentioning each
other frequently in Friend Circle (e.g., C10, C13, C14, C15). Forming jiazu
was a key method to enhance visibility (Section 5.2.3). Boosting visibility by
these ways demands time and persistence (e.g., C10). So, some adolescents
amplified their visibility swiftly through controversies, including sparking
societal debates or criticizing celebrities (e.g., C11, C15) and dalao (e.g.,
C11, C12, C13, C14). Beyond smartwatches, adolescents increased their biaoquan
visibility on other social platforms like Xiaohongshu and Douyin, by creating
personal tags, sharing content of smartwatch, and forming fan groups. Overall,
after gaining enough likes, teens gained more visibility in biaoquan by
crafting personas, reciprocating, creating controversies, sharing content,
etc. inside and outside the smartwatch.

Many participants said they invested more time in social interactions on
smartwatches compared to other social media platforms such as Xiaohongshu and
Douyin (e.g., C07, C08, C12, C14, C15, C17, C18) cause smartwatches are always
with them while smartphones as well as these mobile applications are limited
by parental oversight. In addition, C18 shared that, on those mobile
platforms, she consistently struggled to garner likes, as her content lacks of
richness and visual presentation compared to adults. However, on smartwatch
platforms, she could accumulate more likes through socializing with other
peers (described in Section 5.2.2, Section 5.2.3, and Section 5.2.4).
Reversely, the number of ‘likes’ and the extent of visibility, as a form of
social capital, signify the peer status and privilege (described in Section
5.2.5) in participating smartwatch-based social activities (e.g., chuguanxi,
establishing or joining jiazu, and kuolie). Such privilege stimulates the
vanity of adolescents, prompting them to continue to engage in these
activities to accumulate more social capital, creating a closed loop.
Smartwatches, with their easy-accessible, exclusive, peer-based social
ecosystem, serve as the common ground for such closed-loop socialization.
Therefore, the intricate relationship between social caption, social
activities, and peer status in smartwatch-based socialization isolates likes
and visibility from the ones on mobile platforms where likes typically
represent superficial content popularity and the number of followers. The
following sections detail the social activities and the representation of peer
status and privilege.

####  5.2.2. Social Activity: Chu Guanxi and Virtual Relationships

Within biaoquan, adolescents formed virtual relationships that mirror real-
life interpersonal and familial connections, such as lovers, besties, mentors,
disciples, and even parents and children, for the sake of improving peer
status. This process usually unfolded in four stages. First, initiators
expressed interest in forming relationships, often using compliments and
sometimes virtual points as gestures. For instance, C17 spent 30 points to
make a best friend, while C18’s admirer requested mentorship due to C18’s
popular posts. Once there was mutual agreement, participants made an “official
announcement” on platforms like Friend Circles (Figure 3B) and their profile
bios (Figure 3A). C18 observed an announcement where a girl introduced another
user as her ‘son’, with the latter acknowledging her as ‘mom’. These
relationships came with responsibilities. Authority figures, such as mentors
or virtual parents, provided guidance and support to their subordinates in how
to better live in biaoquan like collecting likes and building more
relationships. For example, C16 taught his apprentice hacking techniques for
more likes, and a virtual mother sought friends for her virtual son. However,
these relationships are often short-lived. C16’s apprentice ended their
mentorship after surpassing C16 in likes, and C17’s point-bought friend was
soon lost amidst numerous other friends. In conclusion, the formation of
virtual relationships among adolescents in biaoquan followed a sequence of
initiation, mutual agreement, public declaration, and evolving
responsibilities. These relationships were transient in nature but often
involve social capital flows between different peer status.

Figure 3. Examples of how adolescents engage in social activities on
smartwatches. A. Indicating Guanxi with others in their bios. B. Posting
Guanxi established with others in their Friend Circle. C. Seeking Kuolie
within the Friend Circle. D. Displaying their Jiazu and their positions within
the family on their profiles. E. Posters recruiting for Jiazu, including
information about the Jiazu and recruitment requirements. F. Engaging in
Kuolie activities on other social platforms. To safeguard the participants’
privacy, we have redrawn Figures A-E based on the supplementary materials
provided by them, using fictitious names and modified content.

Examples of how adolescents engage in social activities on smartwatches. A.
Indicating Guanxi with others in their bios. B. Posting Guanxi established
with others in their Friend Circle. C. Seeking Kuolie within the Friend
Circle. D. Displaying their Jiazu and their positions within the family on
their profiles. E. Posters recruiting for Jiazu, including information about
the Jiazu and recruitment requirements. F. Engaging in Kuolie activities on
other social platforms. To safeguard the participants’ privacy, we have
redrawn Figures A-E based on the supplementary materials provided by them,
using fictitious names and modified content.

####  5.2.3. Social Activity: Establishing or Joining in Jiazu

Jiazu is similar to “house” in biaoquan. Most adolescents established or
joined jiazu for more friends, likes and visibility by interacting with other
members within the jiazu. There were structured hierarchies in biaoquan
888Ranging from high to low, these positions include Founder (i.e., patriarch,
1 person), Secondary Founders (2-3 people), Senior Administrators and
Evaluators (more than 3 people), Administrators, Evaluators, Promoters (more
than 3 people), and Regular Members.. Higher position meant greater exposure.
For example, “founder” were prominently featured on promotional posters, which
were widely circulated by fellow members.

Most activities within jiazu happened in group chats, including playing text-
based games (e.g., C07), sharing daily life (e.g., C08, C15, C16) with peer
support (e.g., C05, C07). For instance, C07’s friend shared personal issues
such as parents’ divorce or lack of parental attention, obtaining comfort from
other members. In addition, jiazu served as a “backer” (e.g., C07, C12, C05,
C10, C08), providing support and advice on negotiation or counteractions when
its members are in conflict with users outside the jiazu. As described by C05,
“if someone offends them, the jiazu members unite to criticize them together.”
In jiazu, adolescents forged distant friendships, engaged in constructing and
simulating social hierarchies, shaping collective identities and
responsibilities while seeking collective refuge. In general, jiazu exhibited
four characteristics.

#####  Networking.

The development of jiazu members was centered on the patriarch’s social circle
and spreads outward. This was evident from C03’s description of how they built
a jiazu: “At first, I invited a close friend of mine, and then we invited
those we have good relationships with, and they, in turn, brought in their own
well-connected friends.”

#####  Membership.

Joining a jiazu required meeting certain conditions. These ranged from hard
conditions, like accumulating a significant number of likes, to softer
criteria, such as having a good personality and avoiding disputes (Figure 3E).
Once inducted, members added a unified prefix, often the jiazu name, to their
usernames to signify their membership (e.g., C03, C07，C16). For example, the
name “TK F. Anne” combined a jiazu name (“TK”), the position in jiazu
(Founder) and a personal name (“Anne”) (Figure 3D). This served as a badge of
honor and association. Therefore, users with lower status often seeked to join
well-known jiazu to improve their visibility and peer status.

#####  Spontaneity.

In fact, smartwatches do not feature any specific functionalities related to
jiazu. Teenage users have extensively repurposed existing features, such as
group chats and username, to fulfill various activities of jiazu. This
adaptability posed significant challenges in terms of jiazu management and
upkeep. For instance, as explained by C07, group chats on smartwatches were
limited to 11 participants. Due to this limitation, jiazu often became quiet:
“in the first few days, everyone had something to share, but later, there was
nothing left to discuss. (C07)” The group chat was only for chatting, and the
lack of other features also makes jiazu very difficult to manage (e.g., C05,
C08), C05 said “actually, I couldn’t do anything and I couldn’t ban anyone, so
I finally had to disband the group.” Beyond disbanding jiazu, they lack
effective measures like muting or other moderation actions (e.g., C08, C10,
C15).

#####  Ephemerality.

As noted by C07 and C11, most jiazu lasted only a few days or a few weeks,
with the longest survival being around two months. Jiazu dissolved for reasons
ranging from inactivity (e.g., C07, C11, C15), managerial complexity and
conflict (e.g., C07, C11). Adolescents initially established or join jiazu
primarily to meet new people. Upon joining, they swiftly engaged in sharing
interesting topics, forming private connections, and expanding their networks
within a few days. Subsequently, these jiazu either became quiet or riddled
with repetitive conflicts. As C07 remarked, “Jiazu tended to quiet quickly,
then many people left the jiazu because there was no one chatting in the
group.” C03 mentioned that a prior reason for leaving a jiazu was constant,
tedious arguments. Following the dissolution of a jiazu, adolescents proceed
to establish or join new families to once again expand their social circles.
Also some found these jiazu uninteresting and choose not to participate
further. Moreover, defeating after flame war with competitors was an important
reason of jiazu dissolution (e.g., C03, C12), as discussed in Section 5.3.4.

####  5.2.4. Social Activity: Kuolie to Expand Social Circles

Adolescents engaged in kuolie, which involves actively seeking and adding
friends, to increase their chances of receiving likes and enhancing their
visibility. They expanded their friend list through various channels, such as
group chats, jiazu (Section 5.2.3), and other social platforms like
Xiaohongshu. In particular, adolescents “cast a wide net” by post their
details and criteria on these platforms, awaiting contacts (Figure 3F). These
criteria included both “hard” ones like user levels (typically set at 20 for
20 daily likes) and likes count (indicates one’s biaoquan activity). “Soft”
criteria included shared interests (e.g., C16, C17) and good manners, with a
preference against friends who show off, cheat, swear, or spread negativity
(e.g., C12, C13, C16). Beyond these direct efforts, some adolescents also
utilized intermediaries to conduct kuolie. As mentioned by C17, these
intermediaries introduced the individual on Friend Circle by showcasing
specific criteria that the seeking individual desires in potential friends
(Figure 3C).

####  5.2.5. Social Prestige: Being a Dalao

As previously mentioned, likes and visibility constituted the peer status
within biaoquan, with adolescents possessing this peer status being referred
to as dalao. Quanneiren were proud to be friends with dalao when expanding
their friend lists. Therefore, dalao enjoyed privileges across various social
activities within biaoquan. Dalao reaped the benefits without effort when
improving likes and increasing. As noted by C07, “Many people actively and
voluntarily give likes to dalao.” When establishing virtual relationships,
quanneiren were flocking to dalao, as described by C12, “Many people want to
have relationship with dalao; whether it happens or not depends on dalao’s
mood.” C12 explained that someone she knew who had the dalao title was highly
sought after: “Everyone wants to add him.” These privileges of dalao extended
to the jiazu they create. jiazu founded by dalao received more attention than
other jiazu, and many individuals wished to join jiazu created by dalao to
ride dalao’s popularity (e.g., C07, C14). Consequently, joining jiazu created
by dalao came with higher criteria (e.g., C10). However, the title of dalao in
biaoquan was a double-edged sword due to more attention and higher
expectations than the average user. For instance, C15 said, “I can’t just
delete my friends. Otherwise, they might say I’m showing off, which could
impact my reputation.”

####  5.2.6. Friendships within Biaoquan

In biaoquan, the majority of friendships evolved rapidly and endure only
briefly. As expressed by C11, “You can meet someone one minute, become close
friends in three, have endless conversations in five, and then stop talking
after ten.” Due to the limitations of smartwatches on the number of friends,
most adolescents swiftly deleted friends who fail to meet their expectations,
such as liking their posts or engaging in active chats (e.g., C13, C14, C15,
C17). This pattern of swift development and dissolution led adolescents to
perceive most biaoquan friendships as fragile and insincere. As C13 said,
“Around 80% of these friends are fake… I don’t want to keep these friends
because they are too insincere… Those fake friends are only here to follow
trends and boost their own visibility…” C15 added, “Some people pretend to be
friends with you for the sake of your visibility. Some genuinely want to be
real friends. But in a short time, it’s hard to tell whether they are fake or
real.” Nonetheless, a few adolescents did gain genuine friendships within
biaoquan. As C15 pointed out, “I’ve made some good friends through smartwatch.
I can share life’s pressures with them and discuss things I can’t talk about
in real life. We vent together and also share interesting things.” When they
aspired to transform biaoquan friendships into enduring, stable relationships,
adolescents often sought to establish connections on other social platforms
such as QQ and WeChat, as shown in Figure 2. This allowed them to distinguish
these bonds from the predominantly superficial and transient friendships
within biaoquan (e.g., C09, C10, C15, C18).

###  5.3. Negative Social Dynamics within Smartwatches

In smartwatches, negative social activities folloedw established procedures,
such as drama, wangtong, and flame war. These activities were driven by
concerns about personal reputation and collective honor than by material
interests.

####  5.3.1. Discrimination in and outside the biaoquan

Discrimination happened in both offline and online settings. For example,
C06’s experience underscored a tangible discrimination based on the brand and
authenticity of watches, revealing that some teenagers face ridicule because
they may have bought “a kind of fake smartwatch” and when peers tried to
connect with them, they found out they “can’t add them, and then they mock
them.” Moreover, the likes on smartwatches have emerged as a new source of
online social discrimination. Some participants expressed the reality where
those with more likes might criticize others, stating that there is a bias
against those with fewer likes on their profile, and some even think, “How can
they join biaoquan with so few (likes)?” (e.g., C11, C14) or more directly,
“those with more likes discriminate against those with fewer likes” (e.g.,
C06, C08). Moreover, most quanneiren had a sense of superiority, leading to a
stark division between insiders and outsiders, with C11 indicating that if you
do not join, you might be perceived as “not keeping up with the times or
trends, and then they will inexplicably scold you.”

####  5.3.2. Drama to catch eyes

Within the smartwatch social ecosystem, adolescents often sought visibility
through drama. Many befriended prolifically, seeking immediate recognition,
only to subsequently cut ties; some even lashed out without discernible
reason, only to later play the reformed character. Such behaviors deliberately
incited conflicts, within which certained teenagers adopt a performative
victimhood stance to dodge accountability and seeking sympathy for their
actions. C05 detailed tactics of playing such victim: sharing selective
screenshots, manipulating narratives, and gaining sympathy. As described by
C05, “Some use a very pitiful tone… post a screenshot, but only the one where
someone is scolding them…” By spotlighting only the accusations they face,
they intentionally bypassed their potential provocations, curating a skewed
representation for eliciting sympathy. Alarmingly, as C12 and C15 pointed out,
there were those who feign mental distress to further their visibility,
leading peers to unknowingly support their ruse. Additionally, C11 pointed out
the inflation of trivial squabbles, “… he’d ask his friends to share the
matter, turning a minor issue into something everyone talks about…” Such
instances amplified insignificant disagreements, roping in a larger audience,
only to see the main actors reconcile, leaving onlookers baffled while
increasing their visibility.

####  5.3.3. Wangtong to ruin someone’s reputation by Online Wanted

Within biaoquan, wangtong is a unique form of cyberbullying, which translates
to “online wanted.” Distinct from conventional online wanted posters, wangtong
in biaoquan tended to focus on publicizing an individual’s alleged wrongdoings
to a wider audience, tarnishing their reputation, leading to unfriending, and
preventing further social connections within biaoquan (e.g., C13, C5), rather
than locating the individual. The genesis of wangtong typically arised from
conflicts between two quanneiren, such as verbal insults or offensive remarks
towards one another or even the nation. The general process of wangtong
unfolded as follows: following a conflict, teens create simple posters on
their smartwatches to showcase the alleged wrongdoings of the other party
(e.g., C12). Subsequently, they and their friends shared these posters on
their Friend Circleand encouraged others to repost (e.g., C15). Several
factors contributed to the emergence of wangtong. Firstly, biaoquan had a
relatively small user base and a fairly uniform user demographic, enabling
such public condemnation to attain high visibility. Secondly, one’s social
standing and reputation were integral aspects of visibility within biaoquan.
Public shaming, as observed in wangtong, served as a form of deterrence.
However, it is worth noting that wangtong often increasing the target’s
visibility. Many adolescents intentionally subjected themselves to wangtong to
garner attention.

####  5.3.4. Flame War for the honor of jiazu

Flame War refers to conflicts within jiazu in biaoquan. Unlike traditional
online hostility and verbal abuse, flame wars typically involved multiple
members from two or more jiazu who engaged in these conflicts not for personal
reasons but on behalf of their respective jiazu (e.g., C10, C12). The origins
of a flame war between jiazu usually stemmed from instances where a member of
one jiazu experienced insults or mistreatment. In such cases, the victim
gathered evidence and presented it within their jiazu (e.g., C12).
Subsequently, other members of that jiazu rallied to support the victim by
resorting to heated arguments and demanding apologies (e.g., C05, C08, C12).
Because the reliance provided by jiazu was a very important reason why people
choose to join jiazu, if they could not help the members to get justice, then
the members would push out jiazu and the reputation of jiazu and its founder
would deteriorate rapidly (e.g., C10). If this approach failed to resolve the
issue, the founder of the jiazu escalated the conflict into a full-fledged war
involving both the victim’s jiazu and the aggressor’s jiazu (e.g., C10). These
wars often involved members from at least two jiazu, and sometimes even a
third jiazu if they had a bond relations with either of the two conflicting
jiazu (e.g., C10). The disputes in these wars no longer revolved around
specific issues but were driven by a sense of jiazu pride and honor. Because
the losing jiazu face ridicule from the victors and others, causing a loss of
cohesion and leading to the dissolution of jiazu (e.g., C03).

###  5.4. Perceived Benefits and Challenges of Smartwatch-based Socialization

Smartwatches rely on their physical affordances and always-on-wrist presence,
providing adolescents a convenient communication channel. Also, the
exclusivity of the built-in social platforms fostered a safe environment to
build connections. Nonetheless, current design remained immature and even
contained some manipulated features and lacked effective moderation in peer-
to-peer communications. In this section, we reported the perceived benefits
and challenges of smartwatch-mediated socialization, providing insight into
future design.

####  5.4.1. Benefits

We identified three perceived benefits of smartwatch-based socialization,
including:

  * •

Portability and Convenience of Smartwatches. Participants often highlighted
the portability and convenience of smartwatches. The voice input feature
enabled users to communicate effortlessly, free from the constraints of
typing. As C04 stated, I really enjoy chatting with my friends, but typing can
be cumbersome. With the smartwatch, I can simply speak directly.” Furthermore,
the physical attributes, such as their lightweight design and compact size,
made smartwatches unobtrusive. Their always-on-wrist presence ensured they are
always within reach” (C06). C05 remarked, I often prefer not to take out my
phone because it’s somewhat heavy. Thus, I engage in chats more frequently on
the smartwatch.” Additionally, the integration of intuitive gestures, like
swipes or taps, provided quick and effortless access to connect with peers.
C06 noted, “With this watch, you swipe up, left, or right, and you can access
MiniChat and view the messages.” As a result, the majority of adolescents
expressed an increased willingness to chat, share, and engage on the built-in
social platforms of smartwatches.

  * •

Exclusion of Predators in a Closed-type Social Environment. Smartwatches
operated in a “closed system” (C07), offering a safer and more enclosed
environment compared to other popular online platforms in China like QQ and
WeChat. The limited exposure to the vast internet populace potentially reduced
encounters with ill-intentioned individuals. In addition, the social platform
within smartwatches was primarily populated by their peers, which allowed
adolescents to share content freely without the fear of judgment or
misinterpretation from older users. C10 likened it to a “miniaturized
society,” but one that was more harmonious since the majority of users are
elementary or middle school students. C08 shared that this exclusivity nature
reassures their parents about the safety of their online interactions as it
offered a “closed-type social environment.”

  * •

Smartwatches as Personal Sanctuaries Shielded from Parental Oversight. Many
participants saw smartwatches as personal sanctuaries, affording them a unique
space that is less exposed to parental oversight compared to smartphones. For
example, parents were less inclined to scrutinize smartwatches, with C02
noting “Parents generally don’t check smartwatches.” This reduced scrutiny
aligned with a broader sentiment that smartwatches were viewed as intimate
devices, evoking a strong sense of autonomy and individual ownership, as C11
recounted, “My parents used to like looking at the chat history on my phone…
but now they feel that the smartwatch is my personal item, and I don’t really
like sharing it with them.”

####  5.4.2. Challenges

We uncovered three representative challenges that bothered adolescents in
socialization, including:

  * •

Manipulative Design of Social features. Manipulative design, a.k.a., dark
patterns (Gray et al., 2018), in the smartwatch platform appeared to have a
negative impact on the social behaviors of teenagers. C04 noted, “I delete
them and then add them back so that I can get points.” Such behaviors revealed
how genuine social interaction is being overshadowed by the lure of rewards.
C10 added, “If you didn’t ’like’ my profile today, I might delete you tomorrow
because I don’t have enough friend slots”, highlighting the design constraints
can lead to impulsive decisions. Furthermore, certain social features were
reserved for more advanced or newer models, creating a hierarchy and hindering
peers to communicate as C03 mentioned, “Even if they have Friend Circle, they
can’t see my post. It’s disappointing cause they didn’t know what I was
talking about at all.”

  * •

Non-Interoperability Between Brands. We also found the frustrations arising
from non-interoperability between different smartwatch brands. Users felt
constrained, unable to connect with peers who had a different brand, as C01
said, “Two people with different watch brands can’t become friends, which is
disgusting.” This limited their social circle and led to feelings of
exclusion. C05 expressed a desire for smartwatches to function like mobile
phones where different brands can easily connect, “Chatting apps or third-
party apps, like WeChat or QQ. Not everyone uses the same brand.” The
prevalence of one brand over another in certain social circles also pushed
individuals towards purchasing decisions based on peer pressure rather than
personal preference.

  * •

Lack of Moderation in Communication. Many participants reported experiencing
verbal victimization, including verbal abuse and harassment. Despite the
presence of official text content regulation, it seemed to have limited
effectiveness. Some victims often found other means to bypass these
restrictions, such as resorting to abbreviations and images. Additionally,
while users could report uncomfortable content they see in Friend Circle,
reporting could be abusive. As C14 said, “One of the most annoying things is
that no matter what content I post, one person will just always report me and
then I get banned or something like that.”

##  6\. Discussion

This study is the first to investigate into a comprehensive smartwatch-
mediated social ecosystem for adolescents. Smartwatches have enhanced offline
socialization among adolescents and spawned a variety of online social
activities such as kuolie, jiazu, and chuguanxi In this section, we reflect on
our findings and situate them within existing literature on adolescent online
socialization. We then discuss how the unique affordances and Chinese culture
influence adolescents use smartwatch for socialization, and explore how these
insights can inform future research and design within the HCI and CSCW
community.

###  6.1. Smartwatch as a Social Platform for Adolescents

Our research delves into Chinese adolescents’ smartwatch-mediated offline and
online social activities, expanding on prior studies centered on computers or
smartphones (Nesi et al., 2018b; Buhler et al., 2013; Rusak, 2014; Ali et al.,
2022). Overall, our findings align with the existing literature on adolescent
online socialization. Many social activities within smartwatches align with
those depicted in prior literature, such as present themselves (Yarosh et al.,
2016b), make more friends (Zywica and Danowski, 2008), and compensate for
social phobias in real life (Wang et al., 2011) through online socialization.
Quantifiable metrics also regulate adolescents’ smartwatch-mediated
socialization (Chua and Chang, 2016), with likes serving as a primary driver
of engagement in biaoquan. Many adolescents aspire to connect with dalao,
aligning with prior research indicating that they enhance popularity by
showcasing associations with high-status peers (Marwick and boyd, 2011).
Smartwatches also make adolescents feel “tethered” (Fox and Moreland, 2015),
particularly evident among dalao in biaoquan. The negative impacts of online
socialization on adolescents, as documented in prior research, are also
apparent in smartwatch-based interactions, including cyberbullying such as
sexting (Razi et al., 2020; Hartikainen et al., 2021), harassment (Alsoubai et
al., 2022), and drama (Marwick and boyd, 2014). Meanwhile, some findings
complement prior research, reflected in the unique affordances of smartwatches
and possibly cultural differences among Chinese users, which will be further
discussed in Section 6.2 and Section 6.3.

###  6.2. Physicality, Locality, and Exclusivity: Leveraging Smartwatch
Affordances in Peer Socialization

Smartwatch enhances adolescents’ convenience and privacy through their
physicality. It starts their socialization from offline interactions, and
creating an exclusive space for teenagers, distinguishing smartwatch from
traditional online socialization via computers and smartphones.

####  6.2.1. Physicality

It is crucial to acknowledge the impact of the physical presence of
smartwatches, constantly worn on the wrist, on adolescent social behavior. The
“always on” nature of these devices introduces a unique dimension to their
social interactions, blurring the lines between online and offline engagement.
The physicality of smartwatches fosters a sense of immediacy and
accessibility, allowing adolescents to engage with their peers in a more
spontaneous and continuous manner (Cecchinato et al., 2017). They act as
catalysts for face-to-face encounters, reflected in the Bump-to-Connect
feature, simplifying friend additions and promoting spontaneous interactions.
Furthermore, smartwatches’ physicality enhances adolescents’ sense of
ownership and privacy. Worn constantly, they become personal items. Many
interviewees noted their parents paid little attention to their smartwatch
use, granting them autonomy in online interactions. This heightened sense of
ownership and privacy influences adolescents’ social behaviors and comfort
with these devices.

####  6.2.2. Locality

In our study, we observed that smartwatch-based socialization is motivated by
and rooted in the local context. Smartwatches enable communication with
offline friends, bridging distance and time to reinforce local social ties.
Teens use Bump-to-Connect to transition friendships from offline to online.
Many participants use smartwatches for private discussions, particularly on
school-sensitive topics like class gossip or sharing homework answers.
Typically, their smartwatch interactions begin with close offline contacts,
such as classmates, during activities like kuolie or jiazu. These findings
underscore the intricate relationship between smartwatch-mediated
socialization and the local context, revealing the motivations, practices, and
complexities that adolescents navigate in managing their digital and physical
social realms.

####  6.2.3. Exclusivity

Access to the social ecosystem within smartwatches is contingent on owning a
smartwatch. This enclosed environment provides adolescents with a sense of
security by excluding potential threats (i.e., adult predators without one kid
smartwatch). For example, several participants expressed feeling more
comfortable posting content on smartwatches than on other adult-dominant
social platforms, like Xiaohongshu and Douyin, because smartwatches primarily
host peers. This insular environment often shields adolescents’ social
activities from adult oversight, but also leads to unchecked peer
victimization. Unless teens report incidents, adults remain unaware of the
harm.

Exclusivity is also reflected in the dominant user age group of 12 to 15-year-
olds. Before 12, adolescents primarily use smartwatches to communicate with
offline friends. As they age, their focus shifts to online interactions,
investing more in these relationships (Hay et al., 2004; Rubin et al., 2011).
This shift drives them to seek more online connections and diversify their
relationships. Since most Chinese teenagers have restricted access to
smartphones or computers, they rely on smartwatches for socialization, leading
to diverse social activities within the smartwatch ecosystem. However, by age
16, academic and high school responsibilities reduce their interest in
smartwatch-based social activities, which many view as immature. This trend
mirrors that of other social media platforms (Arjan et al., 2008; Rusak, 2014;
Schoenebeck et al., 2016).

###  6.3. Cultural Practices: Shaping Adolescent Smartwatch-based
Socialization in Chinese Contexts

In this paper, we explore how the social behaviors of Chinese adolescents on
smartwatch platforms are influenced by (1) the Chinese concept of guanxi and
(2) collectivist cultural values.

First, research has shown that in China, Internet users exchange virtual gifts
or currency to enhance guanxi, denoting interpersonal influence and
connectedness (Yang et al., 2011; Wang and Mainwaring, 2008). Such exchanges
manifest in adolescents’ “shuanghu” behavior within biaoquan, whereby they
commit to reciprocally giving profile likes. Beyond just exchanging likes,
they deepen connections through chu guanxi, forming virtual relationships such
as lovers, mentors, or even parental figures. In these virtual spaces,
teenagers can explore and experiment with different social roles without the
societal pressures they face offline. This mirrors their experimentation with
roles like marriage in gaming (Freeman et al., 2015). Meanwhile, such virtual
relationships entail responsibilities for both parties, encapsulating a unique
dynamic of obligation and indebtedness (Yang, 2016; Hwang, 1987)
characteristic of the guanxi practice in Chinese society.

Second, influenced by the collectivistic culture grounded in Confucianism,
Chinese social media users frequently seek belongingness and shape their
identities through memberships and relationships (Wang et al., 2023). This
inclination is evident in the adolescents’ jiazu phenomenon. Members of a
jiazu adopt the same username prefix, symbolizing membership and fostering a
sense of belonging. In China, the jiazu concept surpasses mere familial ties,
extending to a broader spectrum of social and virtual communities. Within
these communities, individuals consistently uphold various obligations and
responsibilities towards others, establishing the foundation of their societal
interactions (Heine et al., 1999). Such intimate connections not only
encourage mutual support within the jiazu but also spark flame wars to defend
their jiazu’s honor.

In conclusion, this paper accentuates the deep-rooted influence of Chinese
cultural aspects on adolescent social behaviors within smartwatch platforms.
As technology continually intertwines with culture, it becomes paramount to
comprehend the cultural subtleties steering behaviors in emerging digital
domains. Future endeavors should further dissect how cultural norms mold
behaviors across diverse digital platforms and various cultural contexts.

###  6.4. Design Implications

####  6.4.1. Design for Intentional Smartwatch Use

In Section 5.4.2, we highlighted the presence of dark patterns (Gray et al.,
2018) in smartwatches. Compared to other social media platforms, dark patterns
in XTC also aim to engage users for extended periods and encourage social
networking (Mildner et al., 2023). Additionally, XTC’s dark pattern pushes
users to buy the latest version of the smartwatch by introducing enticing new
features. These designs negatively influence teenage social behaviors,
encouraging inauthentic interactions for rewards, impulsive decisions due to
design constraints, and creating communication hierarchies based on device
models. Therefore, we advocate for ethical design, which includes reducing
dark patterns, especially those that induce social anxiety in adolescents.
It’s essential to provide users with customizable control options, allowing
them to manage their social experiences autonomously. Additionally, we
recommend offering features that monitor and remind users of their screen
time. This will help them maintain a balance between their virtual and real
lives, encompassing tools for time management and rest reminders (Hiniker et
al., 2017, 2018).

####  6.4.2. Design for Enhanced Social Connection

Currently, XTC smartwatch users cannot connect with users of other smartwatch
brands, hindering both offline and online social interactions for many
teenagers. A significant number of participants have expressed a desire for
cross-brand connectivity. We urge brands to collaborate and break down these
barriers, fostering a more connective ecosystem for adolescent smartwatch
users. Additionally, the use of smartwatches by teenagers comes with several
restrictions: restricted character counts for posts in Friend Circle,
mandatory watermarks on screenshots, limited app choices, and constrained
connectivity with other social media platforms and devices, which limit
adolescent expression. Moreover, we advocate that future researchers can
provide adolescents with more expression and communication channels based on
smartwatches, such as using biosignal to enhance social connections (Liu et
al., 2019).

####  6.4.3. Design for Secure Social Ecosystem

In Section 5.4.2, we highlighted that users often bypass smartwatch text
regulations using abbreviations and images, leading to the spread of offensive
language. This contributes significantly to cyberbullying within biaoquan. To
counter this, smartwatches have introduced sensitive reporting systems that
suspend reported accounts swiftly. Yet, the misuse of these mechanisms has
exacerbated cyberbullying. We suggest developers to build machine learning
models for content moderation to detect harmful language and malicious
reports, even in the form of abbreviations, aiming to foster a responsible
social environment. Also, while pursuing kuolie, many teenagers publicly share
personal details, including phone numbers and birth dates, on social media.
Future designers could use persuasive design (Fogg, 2009) to educate
adolescents about online privacy risks and ways to safeguard their personal
data during online interactions.

###  6.5. Limitations and Future Work

This work has the following limitations: (1) All participants are users of XTC
smartwatches, as this brand is the most popular in China and we chose this
representative platform as a case study for the topic. However, it is worth
noting that there are several other smartwatch brands in China, such as
HUAWEI, XIAOMI, and OPPO. Users of these alternative platforms might
experience social exclusion by the mainstream users of XTC, as suggested by
the interviewees in this paper; (2) Although our research primarily focused on
adolescents, parents can also play a significant role in smartwatch-mediated
socialization. While parents may not oversee the specific content of
communications on the smartwatch, XTC does offer parental features in their
companion mobile applications, such as screen time oversight and app usage
control; (3) Like many interview-based studies, our research lacks a large-
scale quantitative analysis. Qualitative analysis could provide a deeper
understanding of smartwatch-mediated socialization, such as uncovering
correlations between self-presentation/disclosure features and social status.

For future work, we suggest incorporating the perspectives of other
stakeholders (e.g., users of different platforms, parents, teachers, and
manufacturers). After gaining insights into this unexplored phenomenon through
interview-based qualitative research, it would be highly advantageous to
employ quantitative analyses. Quantitative research can explore gender-based
or age-based patterns in smartwatch usage, such as usage time, social
behaviors, features engagement, as well as perspectives and influences among
adolescents. It would also offer potential disparities to consider regional
differences. Ethical issues, including data privacy and security, and possible
psychological impacts on participants, should be carefully noted. These
quantitative inquiries aiming to a comprehension of usage behaviors could
contribute to the refinement of smartwatch designs tailored to the unique
social needs of adolescents. We also suggest future research aimed at modeling
socialization dynamics, present proof-of-concept interfaces for comprehensive
design implication evaluations, explore various moderation strategies to
curtail negative social activities, and develop more smartwatch-based social
tools that help adolescents navigate peer experiences responsibly and safely.

##  7\. Conclusion

We interviewed 18 Chinese adolescents (aged 11-16) to explore their smartwatch
usage for both offline and online social interactions. Our findings revealed a
comprehensive smartwatch-mediated social ecosystem. These devices foster
offline social bonds, enhancing private communication and easing initial
interactions. Online, various social activities on smartwatches are driven by
likes and visibility, giving rise to diverse pursuits like jiazu, kuolie,
chuguanxi, and negative social dynamics. The unique affordances of
smartwatches—physicality, locality, and exclusivity—set their social
activities apart from other online socializing on computers or smartphones.
Eastern cultural values like guanxi and collectivism further shaped these
interactions, as adolescents navigated societal norms. Our findings inform
design implications for future wearables for younger populations, emphasizing
safe and positive adolescent interactions.

###### Acknowledgements.

This research was partially supported by the 2021 CCF-TencentRhino-Bird
Research Fund and the Research Matching Grant Scheme(RMGS, Project
No.9229095). We thank Tencent, China Computer Federation (CCF), and Research
Grants Council of Hong Kong fortheir support and guidance. We thank the
teenagers who participated in our study.

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