Te association of boxholders could also be involved (more or less, as the case may be) in relations with the impresario.81 At times it was the impresario himself who appealed to it for the payment of a sum of money owed.82 Alternatively, a troupe leader (*capocomico*),

78 "La sottoscritta quale proprietaria di un palco del teatro comunale di Spalato, essendo domiciliata a Graz autorizza il signor Dr. Gaetano F. Bulat a rappresentarla all'adunanza dei palchettisti che avrà luogo entro il mese corrente, ed a qualunque adunanza successiva con facoltà di votare per lei sopra qualunque oggetto che verrà portato a deliberazione."; Power of attorney of Carolina Mastrovich, Split, 22.11.1894, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

79 After the first four shares, only the ownership of another four shares gave one the right to a further vote, another eight to two votes, and so on; see *Statuto della Società del Teatro di Sebenico*, Tipografia S. Anich, Šibenik 1870.

80 See *Società del Teatro Nuovo di Zara*, session of 16 September 1884, HR-DAZD 562, folder 4.

81 Rispoli, *La vita pratica*, p. 37.

82 For example, Bruto Bocci, who was one of the most important impresarios of operetta, wrote as follows to the management of Zadar: "In consideration of the desperate state of the company, the undersigned begs the honourable management to have the gentlemen shareholders urgently confirm the authorisation

following a disastrous season, might appeal to the management, begging it not to have to resort "to public charity" (*alla pietà cittadina*) and asking for sufcient funds to enable him to leave the theatre without having failed in his obligations.83

What was decided at these meetings? A number of things, for example: changes to the charter (or *statuto*); measures to be taken concerning possible lawsuits brought against the theatre's members; maintenance work on the theatre building; management of the autumn, carnival, Lent and spring seasons. It would establish the endowment to be assigned to the impresario and/or the concession of certain boxes.84 It would choose the operas for the next season and even the impresarios who would run them. As a rule, it made a selection from a short list of impresarios.85 In cases where several candidates had accepted the terms and conditions set out in the tender specifcations, it was the impresario ofering the best guarantees that would prevail. Te proposals were accepted with a majority of two thirds of the vote. Te boxholders could also establish the price of admission to the theatre.86 Ongoing contacts with theatrical agencies could also be discussed.

It lay in the power of the shareholders to choose the type of spectacle to be given at the theatre. As they were paying, they had the right to express their preferences. Tey were not just a consortium of spectators; they were a group of people acting as genuine patrons. Decisions concerning the proposal of operas were made collegially and the operas were subjected to collective approval, though clearly, with as many as 48 shareholders (as there were at Zadar in the early 20th century), one can readily understand that decision-making and coming to an agreement was a long and arduous business.

Te membership fee (or *canone*) was also paid by the boxholders of the publicly subsidised theatres like that of Zadar. Here the fee at the start of the 20th century was fxed at 40 crowns: less than the 50 at Šibenik, most likely precisely because the theatre could also rely on the subsidy.87 From a receipt, for example, we learn that in 1909 a shareholder at the Teatro Mazzoleni

for the concession requested." ("In considerazione allo stato miserando della compagnia il sottoscritto prega Ess'Onorevole Direzione a voler ripetere d'urgenza dai signori azionisti l'autorizzazione per la richiesta concessione."); Letter from Bruto Bocci to the theatre management of Zadar, [n. p.], [1885?], HR-DAZD, folder 5.

83 See Letter from Gaetano Benini to the theatre management of Šibenik, Šibenik, 20. 2.1882, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 3. In this case the theatre management of Šibenik donated 25 florins to the troupe leader to cover the travel expenses of himself and his family to Trieste.

84 See for example the letter from Doimo Miagostovich to Enrico Viscardi, [Zadar, n.d.], which states that "the management grants the boxes of the third tier to the advantage of the company" ("La Direzione concede a vantaggio della compagnia i palchi di terza fila"); HR-DAŠI-103, folder 3.

85 On the evidence of the available archival documentation, we can say that the theatres of the coastal region plausibly had an average of up to seven candidates per season.

86 See Minutes of the meeting, Šibenik, 28. 7.1907, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 4.

87 In 1884 the presidency of the theatre had proposed an extra contribution of 10 florins per share to partially cover the expenses of restoring the theatre building.

paid the sum of 50 crowns "as a contribution to the expenses of maintenance and to the staging of a season, in accordance with the resolution taken at the general meeting of shareholders on 17 February of the current year".88 Indeed it turns out that at that same meeting a request was expressly made for an overall contribution of 1,400 crowns, to be divided among the 28 shares, meaning that each holder of a share would provide 50 crowns.89 Te management was then authorised to take out a three-month loan of 3,000 crowns to cover the preliminary expenses for the spring season. Te initial proposal was to approach the Banca Popolare Zaratina, but then the shareholder Francesco Inchiostri came forward and ofered to pay the required 3,000 crowns into the theatre's account at the same conditions given by the bank.90

Not always were the shareholders in agreement with what the presidency or management decided. Tere were those like Signora Natalia Dudan in Zadar, who voiced their opinions directly against their name on the circular letter convening the meeting, without waiting to speak at the meeting itself. She protested in no uncertain terms against the management for giving the then impresario an advance payment in cash.

Te undersigned doesn't believe the gentlemen presidents could be so stupid as to pay the impresa – without any advantage for itself – the instalment of the endowment before the due date established in the contract. But if that had really happened, there is no other remedy for so many ills and so many ridiculous meetings and circular letters than to have the money prematurely paid out by its presidents refunded, always assuming, that is, that a payment was indeed made. It would be high time for the presidency to stop making itself ridiculous, and along with it making the entire association ridiculous with further negotiations, circulars, meetings, etc. etc.91

88 "quale contributo per le spese di manutenzione e allestimento d'uno spettacolo d'opera, e ciò in base al deliberato preso nell'adunanza generale degli azionisti del teatro ch'ebbe luogo il giorno 17 febbraio a. c."; Receipt for a contribution to the organisational expenses of the opera season, issued by Antonio Raimondi – owner of a share in the theatre – signed by the treasurer director Ugo Fosco, [Šibenik], 30.3.1909, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 5. The expenditure for the maintenance of the theatre and that for the funding of opera constituted one item. At the meeting of the shareholders of the Teatro Mazzoleni the councillor Marco Inchiostri made the proposal that the two sums should be kept distinct, but his suggestion was not followed up. Any revenue from the opera productions would be used to cover the expenses of maintenance. See Minutes of the meeting, Šibenik, 17. 9.1909, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 4.

89 This contribution was regulated by articles 23 and 24 of the theatre's statute.

90 See Minutes of the meeting, Šibenik, 17. 9.1909, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 4.

91 "La sottoscritta non può ritenere i sig. presidenti tanto imbecilli da pagare all'impresa, senza un proprio vantaggio, la rata della dotazione prima della scadenza stabilita nel contratto. Ma quando per avvero[sic] ciò fosse avvenuto oltre[?] rimedio a tanti mali ed a tante ridicole sedute e circolari non restandone che far rifondere dai suoi presidenti il denaro da essi prematuramente esborsato, semprechè esborso sia avvenuto. Sarebbe già tempo che la presidenza cessasse dal rendersi ridicola, e rendere con sé ridicola la società intiera con ulteriori trattative, circolari, sedute, ecc ecc"; see Letter from Natalia Dudan to the presidency of the theatre of Zadar, Zadar, 25.10.1869, HR-DAZD, folder 3.

An alleged incompetence of the management was also expressed in *L'Eco dell'Adriatico*, which wrote that it "clings to the frst opera season ofered, without looking at the artistic side" (*tiene al primo spettacolo che le si ofre, senza guardare al lato artistico*). Te directors were accused of being endowed with anything but artistic taste, "each one more anti-musical than the next; who let themselves be swindled by crafty impresarios" (*una più antimusicale dell'altra; che si lasciano minchionare da astuti impresari*).92

If the opera season went badly, the box-owners complained. Some even tried to ask for their membership fee (*canone*) back, as in the case of Innocente Monass in Zadar:

Esteemed management! On behalf of my wife, as owner of the box of Tier I no. 10, some time ago I paid the fee of 40 crowns for the opera season of 1906. Seeing now that, following the failure of *Rigoletto* and the cancelled performance of *Lucia di Lammermoor*, the whole opera season was thus reduced just to the performance of *Mefstofele*, and confdent that the impresario was not given any subsidy, seeing that he had not fulflled his respective contractual obligations, I request that this esteemed management return the said fee, especially in consideration of the fact that I understand that other boxholders have, quite rightly and justly, also refused their contribution.93

In the event, however, Monass didn't get his money back, because it was pointed out that the assembly of shareholders had voted that the sum was to be spent "on the overall number of productions given, or to be given, during the year 1906".94

92 "The gentlemen boxholders", the article went on, "pay every year large fees that the Management imposes on them and they get the productions that they get: each of less artistic value than the one before. Let them go on paying, but at least let them not be forgetful of the glorious traditions of our forebears, who offered all that was finest that our Italian art could produce, with select artists, and made Zadar an artistic centre of excellence in the theatrical world." ("I signori palchettisti pagano ogni anno forti tasse che la Direzione loro impone ed hanno quegli spettacoli che hanno: uno meno artistico dell'altro.  A nome della mia consorte quale proprietaria del palco di I ordine n. 10 ebbi tempo fa a versare il canone di corone 40 per la stagione d'opera 1906. Visto ora che in seguito all'insuccesso del *Rigoletto* venne anche desistito dalla rappresentazione di *Lucia di Lammermoor*, e che quindi tutta la stagione d'opera si ridusse alla sola rappresentazione del *Mefistofele*, e certo che all'impresario sarà stata negata qualsiasi sovvenzione non avendo egli corrisposto ai relativi suoi obblighi contrattuali, prego Essa spettabile Direzione a volermi restituire il suddetto canone, ciò tanto più in quanto mi consta, avere anche altri palchettisti rifiutato con piena ragione e diritto il proprio contributo."; Letter from Innocente Monass to the theatre management of Zadar, Zadar, 17.11.1906, HR-DAZD, folder 22.

94 "per il complesso degli spettacoli dati e da farsi durante l'anno 1906"; Letter from the theatre management of Zadar to Innocente Monass, Zadar, 1906, HR-DAZD, folder 21.

At the Teatro Bonda of Dubrovnik the boxholders also played an active role in the choice of repertoire and companies, and they discussed the matter with the management, which again was made up of fve people.95 On the other hand, a place where boxholders had no say in the choice of the opera production was Rijeka. On this matter the newspaper *La Bilancia* also gave its own opinion by calling for a greater involvement, perhaps in the form of a committee that should include not only the boxholders but also the season-ticket holders of the parterre. For they too should have the right to examine the competing proposals and to express a defnite opinion to an already established delegation (*delegazione teatrale*), whose task it would be merely to verify the fnancial solidity of the participating impresarios and decide for or against. In other words, the body appointed to choose the operas and, later, to judge the productions at the dress rehearsals, should be exclusively this committee.96 Instead, with the move from the Teatro Adamich to the new Teatro Comunale, it was only members of the management that were allowed to take part in the assemblies, which were held in the theatre ofces (*cancelleria teatrale*).97 Tis explains why we do not fnd at Rijeka those printed forms used to convene the boxholders (with a list of names and a space for signatures), as instead we do at Zadar for example. For the meetings to elect the members of the management, on the other hand, both the boxholders and the season-ticket holders of the parterre were also invited to take part. Tose renting a whole box had the right to two votes; for half a box it was one vote; the season-ticket holders of the parterre also each had one vote. For the election to be valid, at least a third of those eligible to vote had to cast a ballot; and a candidate could be considered elected with at least a third of the number of votes cast.98

One might also expect a newspaper not known for its impartiality to ask the boxholders to vote for one or other candidate as director of the theatre. Indeed, in the elections for this position at Zadar, for example, the newspaper *La Bilancia* recommended voting for Lodovico de Adamich, Giovanni Prodam and Francesco Dall'Asta; as it turned out, they were all elected.99 Five years earlier, in *Il Giornale di Fiume*, there was a complaint that the boxes in Rijeka were rented at excessively low prices and that the management divided a box between three, four, even fve applicants. Te same paper asked for the rental of boxes to be put up for auction.100 Rather than having to see empty boxes, the management lowered their cost, which was in any case lower than that of theatres ofering productions of similar quality, such as that of Zagreb for example. At Rijeka the cost of a box ranged (depending

95 Miljenko Foretić, *Kazališni život u Dubrovniku od 1882–1914*, [n.n.], Dubrovnik 1965, p. 9.

96 "Teatro civico", *La Bilancia*, 3. 6.1875.

97 See Invitation, Rijeka, 2.10.1908, HR-DARI-557, folder 562/1.

98 See Notice no. 26, Rijeka, 15.3.1894, Maritime and Historical Museum of the Croatian Littoral, theatre collection.

99 Together with Achille Franchi and Ernesto Brelich; "Teatro civico", *La Bilancia*, 5.3.1870 and 19.3.1870.

100 "La questione teatrale", *Il Giornale di Fiume*, 8. 4.1865.

on the tier) from 120 to 300 forins, whereas in Zagreb it was from 188 to 413 forins. Moreover, at Zagreb the box-owners were obliged to purchase at least twelve tickets for each subscription, whereas the rental conditions at Rijeka did not tie the boxholders to a given number of seasons or performances. Tey could simply go to however many performances they wanted. Te newspaper pointed out these details in answer to the complaints of a reader who clearly considered the price of the boxes to be too high.101

#### 1.4 Census of the boxholders at the coastal theatres

Below we have attempted to collect all the names of those who occupied the boxes at the theatres of Istria, Rijeka and Dalmatia over the long period in question. Unfortunately this census, based on the documentation available at the archives consulted, is incomplete. In the cases of Pula, Rijeka and Split we have a list for only one of the two theatres present in those cities over the almost sixty years of this research: hence at Pula only for the theatre that preceded the Politeama Ciscutti; at Rijeka, for the Teatro Adamich, but not the Teatro Comunale; at Split, for the Teatro Nuovo, but not the previous Teatro Bajamonti. Having lists for both theatres in each city would have enabled us, for example, to verify whether or not we fnd the same boxholders in both theatres. We shall also refrain from making any considerations regarding the origin of the names cited, given the difculty, in many cases, of understanding whether we are dealing with Italian or Croatian families. It is worth pointing out, though, that many Italian surnames were modifed through the addition of letters such as "k" or sufxes like "ic" or "ch" by the priests who were recognised as civil status registrars under Austrian rule. Hence families such as the Karaman or Giljanović, which we fnd in the tables below, were actually Italian and not Croatian, in spite of appearances.

Nonetheless, incomplete though these lists may be, they help us to understand who was going to the theatre at the time and who, in various ways, had some sort of decision-making infuence in the organisation of the opera seasons.102

Census of the boxholders at the coastal theatres

101 "Teatro civico", *La Bilancia*, 14. 4.1876.

102 On the question of the surnames, see also the comment made by Giulio Menini: "The surnames are a sincere indication of this confusion of feelings and of the forced denaturalisation of the peoples, for while the various Krekic, Ghiglianovic, Gospodnetic and Karaman are very Italian, equally fervent Croatians are the Arneri, De Borelli, Tommaseo, Marchetti, Tartaglia, De Cambi and Alberti, all of the purest and surest Italian origin." ("I cognomi poi sono un indizio sincero di questa confusione di sentimenti e della forzata snaturalizzazione delle genti, poiché mentre sono italianissimi i Krekic, i Ghiglianovic, i Gospodnetic, i Karaman, sono altrettanto croati ferventi gli Arneri, i De Borelli, i Tommaseo, i Marchetti, i Tartaglia, i De Cambi, gli Alberti, tutti di purissima sicura origine italiana."); Giulio Menini, *Passione Adriatica: ricordi di Dalmazia, 1918–1920*, Zanichelli, Bologna 1925, pp. 9*–*10.

#### 1.4.1 The boxholders of the theatre of Pula 103

#### 1.4.2 The boxholders of the Teatro Adamich of Rijeka 104

103 The theatre in question is that founded in Pula in 1854 and functioning before the Politeama Ciscutti came into existence. The table is undated and drawn from Bogneri, *Il Politeama Ciscutti*, p. 70. The source from which these data are collected is not cited. We know that the Rizzi, Glezer, Vareton and Wasserman families, for example, had a box also in the new theatre inaugurated in 1881; see Frank Wiggermann, *Vom Kaiser zum Duce. Lodovico Rizzi (1859–1945). Eine österreichisch-italienische Karriere in Istrien,* Haymon Ebook, Innsbruck 2017, p.n. v., [accessed through Google Books].

104 These are the boxholders of the Teatro Adamich in the year 1867; see Sheet of paper listing the boxholders, Rijeka, 1867, Teatro civico zbiska spisa, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

#### 1.4.3 The boxholders of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar

105 The names are drawn from various documentation contained in the archival collection of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar; the material comes from various folders. The names with an asterisk appear after 1882.

#### 1.4.4 The boxholders of the Teatro Mazzoleni of Šibenik

Tese boxholders were registered at the date of the building of the theatre, according to the contract of 28 February 1864:106

Te following table, on the other hand, ofers a reconstruction of the boxholder-shareholders of the Teatro Mazzoleni of Šibenik and its directors from 1870 to 1917, for the years in which there are records. Where there are gaps in the columns "Box no." and "No. shares", this means that the relevant information has not been found.

 Counter-receipt, [Šibenik], 2.3.1864, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 2a. Appearing instead of Francesco Mazzoleni in the Counter-receipt, [Šibenik], 15. 4.1864 is the name of Paolina Sisgoreo (always in HR-DAŠI-103, folder 2a).

107 Possessing only one share pre-1896.

#### 72 Subsidising the opera seasons

In the early years Paolo Mazzoleni was the owner of just a single share, in spite of the fact that he belonged to the family of Francesco Mazzoleni, whom the theatre was named after.

> 109

#### © 2024 Böhlau Verlag | Brill Österreich GmbH https://doi.org/10.7767/9783205216537 | CC BY 4.0

#### 74 Subsidising the opera seasons

The information is drawn from HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

Census of the boxholders at the coastal theatres 77

© 2024 Böhlau Verlag | Brill Österreich GmbH https://doi.org/10.7767/9783205216537 | CC BY 4.0

## **2 The search for an impresario**

### 2.1 The rules of game: the tender specifcations

Once the endowment was secured, the theatre management – at the theatres that required the document – prepared and published the tender specifcations (*capitolato d'appalto* or just *capitolato*). Tis was the document that laid down the conditions that the contractor (*appaltatore*) would have to comply with. As such, it immediately preceded the tender contract (*contratto d'appalto*). It was in this way that the ofcial search for the impresario to run the season would start.

The search for an impresario

The rules of game: the tender specifications

Te tender specifcations could have an ofcial appearance and be printed and circulated in the daily newspapers or artistic journals. We have the example of how the *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano* in 1889 advertised a public call for tenders in Rijeka:

Te competition for the concession of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka for the three-year period from 1 January to 31 December 1892 is now open. On the basis of the detailed conditions listed in the respective tender specifcations, which can be consulted at [the ofce of] this Civil Magistrate, as well as at the editorial ofces of the newspapers *La Bilancia* of Rijeka, *Il Trovatore* and the *Gazzetta Musicale* of Milan, bids, provided with a (Hungarian) revenue stamp of 50 *soldi*, will be accepted up until 6 pm of 9 November prox.

Te same must be presented to the management of the Teatro Comunale, in writing and sealed, with the heading:

"*Oferta per l'appalto triennale del teatro Comunale di Fiume*" and must be accompanied by the bid deposit (*vadio*) of 250 forins (two hundred and ffty Austrian forins) in cash (corresponding to 500 Italian lire): the which *vadio* will be forfeited to the municipal treasury if the bidder to whom the impresa is assigned should not appear for the signing of the relative contract, or should, at that meeting, not make up the sum lacking to form the prescribed security deposit (*cauzione*).

Te decision that will follow, no later than the frst half of December prox., is the exclusive preserve of the municipal delegation.1

1 "È aperto il concorso per l'appalto del teatro Comunale di Fiume pel triennio dal 1° gennaio al 31 dicembre 1892. Sulla base delle condizioni di dettagli enumerate nel concernente Capitolato d'asta, ostensibile presso questo Magistrato Civico, nonché presso le redazioni dei giornali *La Bilancia* di

When not published in full, the newspaper might print the suggestion to contact the theatre management directly to obtain a copy of the *capitolato*, issuing a statement like the following: "For information on the endowment and on the tender specifcations, apply to the management of the theatre itself before the end of July".2 In Rijeka, for example, the document could be obtained from the secretary of the theatre management. It could also be consulted at the theatrical agencies. Alternatively, the *capitolato* could have a less ofcial appearance and take the form of a manuscript document, as for example in the "Conditions for the opera impresa in the Lent-spring season" of the theatre in Rijeka.3

Over the years the tender specifcations became increasingly detailed, as for that matter did the tender agreements and the artists' engagement contracts. In Rijeka, for example, the number of articles in the tender specifcations ranged from the 19 published in the year of the inauguration of the new Teatro Comunale (1885) to the 37 of 1909–1911. Te most comprehensive of all the tender specifcations hitherto discovered are those adopted in Rijeka for the three-year period 1909–1911, a model reused almost identically in the years 1912–1914 and 1915–1917. In this document each article was defned by a heading summarising the content. At Zadar, on the other hand, the various sections had no headings, but were simply numbered. Here again the size of the document was more or less the same: it had around 38 articles (from a previous, undated, version of 36 articles). In no case, however, do we fnd anything comparable to the tender specifcations of theatres of a diferent order, such as those for La Scala and the Teatro Canobbiana which consisted of 90 articles already in 1850.4

No tender specifcations have emerged for Pula, Šibenik and Split: none are preserved in the archival documentation investigated; nor is any mention made in the correspondence examined, or even in the periodical press. In this regard, we should remember that the

Fiume, *Il Trovatore* e la *Gazzetta Musicale* di Milano, si accetteranno relative offerte, munite di bollo (ungherese) di soldi 50, sino alle 6 pom. del giorno 9 novembre prossimo venturo. Le stesse sono da presentarsi alla Direzione del teatro Comunale, in iscritto e suggellate, colla soprascritta: '*Offerta per l'appalto triennale del teatro Comunale di Fiume'* e devono essere accompagnate del vadio di fiorini 250 (duecentocinquanta fiorini, valuta austriaca) in contanti (pari a lire italiane 500): il quale vadio decaderà in favore della Tesoreria Civica, qualora l'offerente cui verrà aggiudicata l'impresa non si presentasse alla firma del relativo contratto, ovvero anche non completasse in quell'incontro la somma mancante a formare la prescritta cauzione. La deliberazione, che seguirà, non più tardi della prima metà del dicembre prossimo, è riservata a beneplacito della Delegazione municipale."; Avviso di concorso [Call for tenders for the contract of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka], *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano*, anno XLIV, no. 43, 27.10.1889, p. 702.

2 "Per le informazioni sulla dote e sul capitolato d'appalto rivolgersi entro il mese di luglio alla Direzione del teatro stesso"; *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano*, no. 31, 2. 7.1876, p. 229.

3 See Conditions for the organisation of opera in the Lent and Spring season, Rijeka, 1862, 1863 and 1864, HR-DARI, DS 60, 4.

4 *L'Italia Musicale II*, no. 59, 21. 8.1850, p. 233. At the time certain *capitolati* could even have over a hundred articles.

theatre of Pula did not usually receive municipal subsidies. Moreover, the lack of a *capitolato* is easily explained if a theatre management should decide to manage the opera season by itself without resorting to an impresario: there would obviously be no need to publish one. Tis happened at Šibenik several times over the years, when the director Mazzoleni himself undertook the organisation of the opera. A similar thing happened also in Zadar in 1898, when one of the theatre's directors, Demetrio Medovich, proposed to act as impresario. During one of the shareholders' meetings he declared that if they had nothing against it and did not fnd the position incompatible, he was prepared to take on the impresa on the condition that operas owned by Ricordi were produced. Te members voted in favour, unanimously.5 Hence there was no need, at least for the immediate present, to issue any tender specifcations. In this particular case, however, the situation must have changed within a short space of time, for the same shareholders of Zadar subsequently made Medovich stand down from holding a dual position (as both director and impresario).6 After Medovich had renounced the new position, the contract for the theatre was then defnitively taken on by the impresario Giorgio Trauner.7

Rijeka and Zadar are therefore the only two theatres for which it has been possible to recover a number of tender specifcations. In Zadar the *capitolato* was subsequently attached to the actual contract with the designated impresario. Te management there had printed a single version of the document, to which it made handwritten changes depending on the impresario and the season concerned. In this way certain articles could be cut or further matters not contained in the original printed version added in pen.

What were the common elements and main diferences between the *capitolati*? Te documents difered greatly from theatre to theatre, but they could also vary at the same theatre in diferent years. Also extremely variable were the order of their contents and the number of articles included. A study of the diferent *capitolati* helps us to grasp the topics tackled

5 See Minutes for 1898, Zadar, 6. 2.1898, HR-DAZD, folder 24. By this time, compared to the past, a theatre management could assume a greater role in its relations with the impresario and, at the very least, appear as joint organiser of the opera season.

6 "I have heard that some of the gentlemen shareholders […]," Medovich wrote, "believe, and I myself am now also convinced of the fact, that the position of director is incompatible with the condition of impresario; and given that I value the former more than the latter, I declare that I renounce the contract of the theatre for the next spring season that was offered to me and that I accepted." ("Ho rilevato che alcuni signori azionisti […] trovano, ed ora me ne convinsi anche io, incompatibile la carica di direttore con la qualità di impresario, e tenendoci io più alla prima che non alla seconda, dichiaro di rinunziare all'appalto, offertomi e da me accettato, del teatro per la prossima stagione di primavera."); Letter from Demetrio Medovich to the theatre management of Zadar, Zadar, 6.1.1898, HR-DAZD, folder 6.

7 For various years Giorgio Trauner was in contact with the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar. Unfortunately, we know very little about his life except that he died in Milan at the age of 53; See *Ars et labor. Musica e musicisti*, vol. LXVI, Ricordi, Milano 1911, p. 803.

by these documents, and hence understand the instructions and needs of the theatres in the area vis-à-vis their impresarios.

#### Delivery of the theatre

It was customary for the *capitolato* to indicate the date on which the theatre would be handed over to the contracting impresario, perhaps with the formula "no later than" plus the indication of a specifc date. At Rijeka a clause was added, to the efect that the municipality would not be obliged to provide any objects or equipment other than those already there and included in the consignment.

#### Theatre spaces

Mention was made of the theatre spaces placed at the disposal of the impresario; this could also include a detailed description of all the rooms, also mentioning the furniture present. For example, in the *capitolato* issued in Rijeka in 1885 explicit reference is made to an inventory that would be delivered to the impresario at the moment the theatre was placed in his hands.8

Both at Zadar and at Rijeka the impresa had no right to run the theatre cafe or the cloakroom service, though this right was subsequently granted at Rijeka from 1909 onwards. Te spaces of the theatre could not be entrusted to third parties, and could only be used for the theatrical productions approved by the management. Naturally, in cases of damage or harm to the rooms or furniture, the impresario would have to take personal responsibility, just as he would have to pay for any alterations made to the stage or parts of the theatre for scenic or artistic reasons.

At the termination of the contract, the impresario would have to return to the theatre management the theatre's spaces, scenery, properties and various accessories in the condition in which they had been received, together with the inventories. Te exact day on which the theatre was to be returned was not specifed, at least not in the *capitolato* of Rijeka for 1885. Tis was a detail that could be specifed later, directly in the contract.

#### Duration of the contract

Te duration of a contract in the theatres of the coastal area was usually that of a season, which basically meant two or three months. More rarely it was triennial. Tis matches what

8 Tender specifications of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 1885, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

Rispoli asserted in 1903: "Ordinarily it happens that the duration of an *impresa* is of one season only (two or three months at most). Rarely of a whole year. Extraordinarily of more than one year".9 As with any artistic or musical organisation (even today), having annual or triennial funding changed the perspective. While a three-year funding period guaranteed the management a lower expenditure of energy in the search for an impresario, an annual or seasonal contract had the advantage, in the event that the wrong impresario had been engaged, of providing an opportunity to remedy the mistake in a relatively short space of time and call in someone else. Limiting the contract to a single season was also motivated by the uncertainty of the endowment. Given that the theatre could not guarantee long-term funding, it was obliged to restrict the duration of the impresario's tenure.

At both Zadar and Rijeka a contract was generally drawn up for each opera season. Exceptions at Zadar were the years 1888–1891, when the concession was given to the impresario Paolo Massimini, and 1904–1907, when it was given to Giorgio Trauner. Rijeka, on the other hand, had a greater number of three-year contracts, even if – owing to lack of documentation – it is impossible to say, in certain cases, if we are dealing with a single three-year contract or a series of renewals to the same impresario for several individual seasons (amounting to three years overall). Te presence of the same impresario is attested from 1876 to 1878, from 1888 to 1890, and from 1903 to 1908. Most certainly triennial were the tender specifcations of 1890–1892, 1909–1911, 1912–1914, and 1915–1917. We also have evidence of a three-year contract in Rijeka for the preceding years of 1846–1848. Te larger theatres, like the Teatro Comunale of Trieste, generally ofered triennial or multi-year contracts already from 1861 onwards. As regards the specifc duration of the season, the tender specifcations of Rijeka (1885) give precise dates, using the formula "*dal … al*", in addition to mentioning the season itself.

For the three-year contract in Rijeka the contractor had the right to withdraw after the frst or second year, provided that advance notice of six months was given. One impresario who cancelled a (three-year) contract was Cesare Trevisan, who withdrew in 1880 because the committee refused to grant him a month's deferment to make up his mind on whether or not to continue the impresa.10

Te annual contract, as specifed for example at Rijeka from 1901, comprised all the productions of carnival, Lent-spring and autumn, hence extended beyond the single season. At the time of the Teatro Adamich, balls were given during the carnival season, opera in

9 "D'ordinario accade che la durata d'una impresa è di una sola stagione (due o tre mesi tutt'al più). Raramente è di un anno intero. Straordinariamente di più anni."; Rispoli, *La vita pratica*, p. 15. In certain Italian theatres the contracts could even have a duration of five or six years, perhaps with the possibility of rescission every two years; see Marcello De Angelis, *Le carte dell'impresario. Melodramma e costume teatrale nell'Ottocento*, Sansoni, Firenze 1982, p. 25.

10 "Teatro Civico", *La Bilancia*, 1. 9.1880.

Lent-spring, and spoken theatre (*prosa*) in the autumn. Te impresario in question could, however, relinquish the running of all productions and outsource (for example) the balls, as indeed Cesare Trevisan did for the 1880 season.11

#### Domicile and presence of the impresario

It is in the early years of the 20th century that the tender specifcations began to introduce the obligation that the impresario should reside on the premises during the season and, if he should have to absent himself, must fnd a trusted person to stand in for him. Te *capitolato* of Rijeka in 1909 (and following years) stated that the impresario should establish his domicile in Rijeka, specifcally "in the ofce of the Teatre" (*nel gabinetto del Teatro*). In fact, there was a room in the theatre expressly reserved for the impresario. He, or his substitute, would also have to be present at the performances. Tis clause did not appear in the tender specifcations of Zadar, but in certain contracts with the impresario, at the top of the page, the 'place of stipulation' was indicated as "in the small chamber of the Teatro Nuovo" (*nel camerino del Teatro Nuovo*).12 Tough not formally specifed, it was a tacit convention that here too the impresario should have a room of his own inside the building.

At Rijeka the hope was expressed to engage a local impresario (or proxy), for the reason that locals ofered a greater guarantee that the contractual conditions would be observed and, moreover, would be satisfed with lower earnings, whereas an impresa from outside would demand higher pay in order to compensate for its expenses.13 On this matter Rijeka applied more conservative criteria than other theatres, not only in its choice of impresario, but also in that of the artists. Tey too should preferably be local.

#### Management of the productions and the prohibition to transfer the contract

In cases where the contract was taken on by more than one partner – of which there are a number of instances in the years covered by this research – the rule given in many tender specifcations is that only one of them must represent the impresa before the city author-

11 "Notizie teatrali", *La Bilancia*, 18.12.1879.

12 Contract between the presidency of the Teatro Nuovo and the impresario Carlo Vianello, Zadar, 22.3.1875, HR-DAZD, folder 4.

13 A similar notion was expressed in the newspapers: "We would like it that any impresa should be obliged to appoint a person from the city to act as his guarantor and proxy" ("Noi vorremmo che si imponesse l'obbligo a qualunque impresa di nominare persona del paese come suo garante e procuratore"); "Teatro Civico", *La Bilancia*, 3. 6.1875.

ities, though it remained understood that all would be responsible and guarantors of the contract. Te impresa would not be permitted to transfer the contract without the consent of the municipal authorities and the theatre management.

#### General obligations for the impresa and regulations of the management

Te impresa would have to answer for all infringements of the law, authors' rights, general regulations, municipal regulations and theatre rules. It would have to comply rigorously with the orders of the theatre management on everything concerning the theatre, its running, backstage discipline, the fulflment of the contract and the theatre's special regulations.

#### Rights of use belonging to the municipality during the period of the contract

In the case of Rijeka, the city council was entitled to carry out all the repairs, improvements and renovations in the theatre that it considered necessary, without the impresa having the right to claim recompense or compensation. It could make use of the theatre to organise charity events, political meetings or lectures, again without the contractor having the right to claim compensation. On the other hand, the *Comune* could not use the theatre on the nights already programmed for the productions of the impresa. Implicit, therefore, was a form of respect for the calendar of performances already agreed upon with the impresario.

#### Number and type of performance

Usually indicated among the obligations of the impresario were the overall number of performances and the number of "new" and "repertoire" operas to be guaranteed.14 At Rijeka no mention of new operas is made in the tender specifcations of 1885, but only of "no less than two operas from the great repertoire by famous composers" (*non meno di due opere del grande repertorio, di rinomati maestri*). Tose of 1901 refer to one opera from the great repertoire (preferably among those not yet performed) and another two "chosen from among the best of the repertoire" (*scelte tra le migliori del repertorio*) for the Lent-

14 As stated by Rosselli, repertoire opera had gained a foothold already in the 1840s; audiences were therefore abundantly accustomed to this distinction in the years under scrutiny; see Rosselli, *The Opera Industry*, p. 8.

spring season, with no less than 22 evenings of *opera seria*; for the autumn there would have to be no fewer than 20 performances of *opera seria*, *semiseria* or *bufa* or at least 30 performances of comic operetta or spoken theatre (*prosa*); all of which, it was specifed, with companies "of the frst rank" (*di rango primario*). In 1912 the indication for the Lentspring season was for 24 subscription performances of *opera seria*, *lirica* or *drammatica* (fewer, therefore than the 27 indicated in 1909) and as many non-subscription performances at a reduced price as there were operas in the general programme. Te overall number of performances was to be divided proportionately between each of the operas chosen. In the autumn season there were to be between 30 and 35 performances, which, at the discretion of the impresa, could be of opera, operetta or spoken theatre. Already in 1875 such quantities were considered adequate for a city like Rijeka. In addition to the mandatory performances, the impresa could give further performances, up to a maximum of 85. But if it staged more than 85 (without exceeding the absolute limit of a hundred), it would have to ask for the management's permission and pay all the expenses for lighting, heating and other related costs.

One directive was always that the opera productions should be in keeping with the standards of a frst-rank theatre, with costumes, properties and scenery that both fully corresponded to the period of the actions represented on stage and were also new for the mandatory operas (at least according to the tender specifcations for 1885 at Rijeka). Of particular interest was the clause specifying that the productions must be given exclusively in the Italian language. Initially, in the *capitolato* issued at Rijeka in 1901, this stipulation referred only to the mandatory operas; then, from at least 1909, it was extended to "all productions" (*tutti gli spettacoli*). At Zadar no mention was made of this, most likely because operas in other languages were not requested and it was implicit that operas were mainly sung in Italian.

At Zadar the impresario had to guarantee at least 20 performances per season and at least three diferent works: two that were new to the city, the third being a repertoire opera. Te third opera, the repertoire opera, could perhaps be omitted, provided that the other two were of "extraordinary importance and absolutely assured success".15 Te choice of operas had to be agreed upon jointly by theatre management and impresa (incidentally, the term "theatre management" (*direzione teatrale*) had replaced that of the "presidency" (*presidenza*) in the new tender specifcations of the theatre of Zadar).16 Deciding the right number of performances per season was an important matter, one that would directly afect the size of the audience attending each night. Te risk, with a higher number, was that attendance might drop.

15 "straordinaria importanza e di successo assolutamente stabilito"; Tender specifications of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, Zadar, [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

16 Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

#### Revenue of the impresa

Financially, what was the impresa entitled to? What income could it count on? While the impresa working in Rijeka in 1885 was very clearly guaranteed the revenue of the endowment (though the actual sum was left blank in the form), there was apparently no such clarity regarding the income from entrance tickets. What was written was just that the prices of the subscriptions and entrance tickets, the boxes available nightly and the stools (*scanni*) would be established in common accord with the theatre management. From 1900 onwards it was clearly written that the contractor would receive the takings from the entrance tickets and numbered seats and the income from the boxes, seats (*poltroncine*) and stools (*scanni*).17 Te *capitolato* of eight years later included the income from the parterre (*platea*), boxes and gallery (*galleria*), in addition to that from the season-ticket holders. Te rental of the refreshment bar (*bufet*) and cloakroom was included, as well as the endowment provided by the "municipal treasury" (*civico peculio*) of 8,000 crowns annually (7,000 if the contract were to last two years). Depending on the year of the *capitolato*, the payment of the endowment would be made either in four instalments or on the day of the last mandatory performance of the Lent-spring season.18 Electric lighting and heating were free of charge for the duration of the performances and rehearsals, up to a maximum of 85 performances.

Zadar, on the other hand, did not specify the size of the endowment in the tender specifcations. It merely referred to the "agreed endowment" (*dotazione convenuta*) to be paid in the usual four instalments. Here again, as at Rijeka, mention was made of revenue from the entrance tickets to the parterre, boxes and gallery (*loggione*), from the season-tickets (*abbonamenti di porta*), seats (*poltrone*) and stools (*scanni*), and from the rental of boxes (though only those of the third tier), seats (*poltrone*), stools (*scanni*) and chairs (*sedie*) in the parterre. Also included, in the modifed *capitolato* (probably post-1905), was a possible bonus for the impresa, paid by the theatre management at the end of the season, provided, of course, that the impresa had correctly fulflled all its commitments and justifed the trust placed in it.

17 See Call for tenders for the running of productions at the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 22.5.1900, Maritime and Historical Museum of the Croatian Littoral, theatre collection. At the time the Teatro di Rijeka had about 700 seats in the boxes and parterre (*platea*) and 500 in the gallery (*galleria*).

18 See Call for tenders for the running of productions at the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 22.5.1900, Maritime and Historical Museum of the Croatian Littoral, theatre collection; or Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1912 – 31 December 1914, HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 10.

#### Obligations of the impresa

As a rule, the section in the tender specifcations on the obligations (*oneri*) was much longer and much more detailed than that on the income. Among the impresario's expenses at Rijeka in 1885 were listed those for the surveillance and assistance of the fremen and guards; for the repair and cleaning of the rooms, furniture and other objects, all electric lighting appliances and "supplementary [lighting] with stearin candles"; and for smearing the sets with fre-resistant products (where prescribed). Also included were the ordinary and extraordinary evenings' expenses.19 Needing to be paid were the attendants, the machinist and assistants, the custodian, the wardrobe service, the printing (both prior and daily), and the box-ofce staf or "*bollettari*" (as they were called at the time).20 Also added were the costs of renting the music from the publishers, making copies or reductions, and transporting all the materials needed for the production. Curiously, only in the *capitolato* of Rijeka for 1885, and not in the later ones, was the need to pay copyright fees mentioned. From 1901, also added were the expenses for "special lighting efects" (*luce d'efetto*) on stage. Also included were the wages for the assistant electrician and those who turned on the safety lights (*lumi di sicurezza*) and heaters. From 1909, the "industrial tax" on theatrical productions was also charged to the impresario at Rijeka.21 As regards the scenery, the costs ranged from the mere smearing to the "assembling, disassembling, washing, priming and painting of the scenes, wing fats and borders (*arie*)" (*armizzo, disarmizzo, lavatura, imprimitura e pittura delle scene, quinte e arie*). Te list of the staf to be paid was now much longer than in the *capitolato* of 1885. Compared to those indicated previously, mention was also made of the doorman (*portiere*), the ushers (*maschere*) for stalls and gallery, the *scannisti* (stool providers) for stalls and gallery, the *palchinaie* (box ushers), the stage doorman and an electrician (and

19 These expenses usually included the (already mentioned) lighting as well as the heating of the theatre, hence the provision of fuel for both electric lighting and heating.

20 According to Rispoli's text, in certain parts of Italy the *bollettaro* or *bollettinaio* or even *bigliettinaio* was not, however, part of the staff paid by the owner of the theatre and the impresario. He was often a "speculator" who in turn depended on the "speculation" of the impresario. According to Rispoli, the theatre staff consisted of: "the custodian, a person held in the highest trust by the [theatre] owner, attendants, ushers for the boxes, caretakers of the seats, parterre and latrines, machinists, scene-shifters and men at the gridding." ("*custode*, persona di massima fiducia del proprietario, *inservienti*, *palchettai*, *guardiani* delle poltrone, della platea, delle latrine, *macchinisti*, *tirascene*, *uomini di soffitta*."); Rispoli, *La vita pratica*, p. 27. The *bollettinaio* checked and collected the entrance tickets at the theatre and stood guard at the entrances to make sure spectators did not illicitly make their way to the galleries and boxes.

21 In the case of Rijeka, the amount of this tax was not indicated in the tender specifications. We do know, however, that in Split in 1895 the government tax ranged from 20 to 30 florins and depended on the income that was presented by the impresa over a specific number of performances. See Letter from the theatre management of Split to Antonio Lana, Split, [n.d.].3.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

no longer, therefore, just an "assistant"). Also itemised now are the inspecting physician, the police commissioner, the inspector of the guards with four public security guards, and two police ofcers (*agenti*).22 Te nightly fees for opera performances were the same as for spoken theatre or operetta, but lower (by about half) than those for balls. Te *capitolato* of 1909 detailed, for the frst time, the exact fees for each category of worker. In addition, the impresarios would also have to pay for all the expenses of the contract: in other words, the notary's fees, stamps and various taxes. Tis applied at both Rijeka and Zadar.

At Zadar, the expenses the impresario faced were also innumerable: as well as those mentioned at Rijeka, he had to include the costs of staf members such as the poster distributor, the stagehands and the callboy (*avvisatore*),23 as well as that of contributing to the sickness fund (expenses never mentioned at Rijeka). In neither of the two theatres, however, was any mention made of the theatre inspector, the person hired to keep an eye on the artistic staf during rehearsals, and who, in cases of absenteeism, could also impose fnes.24 At the formal conclusion of the contract all the staf involved would have to be indicated in a special list; or at very least, the overall costs would need to be specifed. Strangely, this last clause was eliminated in the later surviving contract for Zadar.

Tese expenses could, however, be renegotiated. In 1876 we learn from a shareholders' meeting in Zadar that the presidency was authorised to waive the nightly expenses, in the event that the impresario was not satisfed with the takings from admissions, stools (*scanni*), and third-tier boxes excluding the large boxes (*palconi*).25 In 1884, again at Zadar, when negotiating with the impresario Alberto Vernier, the theatre management even ofered to take care of the expenses of routine lighting, the charity taxes, the cost of the police, fremen, and attendants at the door and at the gridding (*servizio di porta e softto*); furthermore, the

22 The tender specifications for the three-year period 1909–1911 made a distinction between the sections indicating the theatre staff by introducing a separate section, entitled "Service staff" (*personale di servizio*), which explicitly listed the following as people to be remunerated: a chief machinist (*capo macchinista*), head of the grid crew (*capo soffitta*) and other stagehands skilled in operating the machinery and backstage area, a stage manager (*buttafuori*), a callboy (*avvisatore teatrale*), no fewer than four stagehands (*servi di scena*), specifying that they were to be "dressed in livery" (*vestiti in livrea*; in the preceding *capitolato* of 1885 the number of stagehands was not indicated), a doorman (*guardaportone*), an adequate number of ushers (*maschere*) at the entrance to the stalls, stools (*scanni*), gallery (*loggione*) and stage (*palcoscenico*), dressed in a manner approved by the theatre management, and four attendants for the boxholders (*palchettisti*); Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

23 The *avvisatore* was an employee of the theatre who brought the singers and actors their correspondence and gave notice that the show was about to begin.

24 The Teatro Comunale of Trieste, for example, has preserved the reports of the theatre inspector who regularly watched over the artists.

25 See Meeting of the shareholders of the Teatro Nuovo, session of 5. 4.1876, HR-DAZD, folder 4.

impresa would be allowed "as many beneft nights as it liked".26 Compared to the other theatres, it was the presidency of Zadar that shouldered the most expenses, subtracting them from those charged to the impresario. No mention was made of the costs of renting the theatre, either at Rijeka or Zadar.27 Only at Split (and then only for 1895) is there any mention of a rental of 30 forins per evening.28

Naturally it was assumed that the impresario would also pay for the singers of the company, the chorus, orchestra, dancers and walk-on parts. As a rule, a separate section was dedicated to each of these categories in the *capitolati*.

#### The singing artists

Te principals (*artisti di canto*) were to be compatible "with the requirements and dignity of a frst-rank theatre"29 and with the part they had to play, thereby ensuring the success of the productions. Tey would have to gain the approval of the theatre management and, at Rijeka (according to the tender specifcations of 1909), also that of the conductor. Te approval also of the music publishers that owned the score, in addition to that of the *maestro concertatore* and conductor, is mentioned only in the *capitolati* of Zadar.30 At neither Zadar nor Rijeka is any mention made of which voices the impresario was to provide. On this matter, other *capitolati*, like those for the Teatro Comunale of Trieste for the 1861–1864 seasons, were much more precise. For example, they specifed the voice types (*prima donna soprano*, *mezzo soprano*, *basso profondo*, etc.) and added that these artists should have already achieved success in the leading theatres (*principali teatri*), which at the time meant at the carnival seasons of the San Carlo of Naples, La Scala of Milan, La Fenice of Venice, the Apollo of Rome and the Regio of Turin and at the theatres of Italian opera in Vienna, Paris, London and St Petersburg.31

26 "quante beneficiate fosse per piacere all'impresa"; Letter from the theatre management of Zadar to Alberto Vernier, Zadar, 8. 8.1884, HR-DAZD, folder 6.

27 For Rijeka an exception is the rent of 3,000 crowns that the impresario Carlo Polgar had to pay in cash to the municipal treasury in 1917; see Register of documents for the civil magistrate of Rijeka (*Protocollo assunto presso il magistrato civico di Fiume*), Rijeka, 11. 4.1917, HR-DARI-557, folder 562/1.

28 See Letter from the theatre management of Split to Antonio Lana, Split, [n.d.].3.1895 HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/kut. I–XII.

29 "alle esigenze e al decoro di un teatro di I° ordine"; Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

30 See Art. 7, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

31 See Tender specifications for the three-year period 1861–1864, Trieste, [1860], I-TSmt, folder 104.

#### Orchestra

Te impresa would have to provide at its own expense a *maestro concertatore* and conductor, as well as a stage director (*direttore di scena*), whose duty it was to make sure nobody was absent on stage and to direct the mis-en-scène of the musical productions.32 Te orchestra, consisting of a number of players appropriate for the type of score, would also have to be paid for. Tere were cases, however, where – in the end – the theatre management shouldered this cost, so on this matter the document that really counted was the contract with the impresario. As always, the tender specifcations represented the theatre management's wishes, whereas in actual practice many of the issues dealt with, including those concerning the orchestra, were subject to revision.

Regarding the orchestral players, the tender specifcations of Rijeka for 1885 indicated precisely which orchestral instruments were needed, but left their actual number to the discretion of whoever flled in the *capitolato*. Tat of Zadar, on the other hand, merely gave a total number, without going into the specifcs of how many per instrument category. At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of players required was 40 (only slightly more than the 38 previously indicated), then went up to 42. At Rijeka the number required was already 40 in 1876, increasing to 50 in 1901; and in 1909 the forces were expected to have no fewer than 60 players, including – as far as the strings were concerned – 12 frst violins, 10 second violins, 4 violas, 4 cellos and 4 double basses.33 Te precise numbers were indicated only for the string section. In the course of a thirty-year period, therefore, the orchestra had increased by twenty players. If any productions happened to require even larger forces, the impresa would naturally have to deal with the additional requirements at its own expense.

Te impresario would also have to pay for the *banda* or stage band, for all those operas in which the composer introduced it.34 Moreover, if special instruments were indicated in the score, they were to be provided and could not be replaced with other instruments:35 a

32 It was the stage director (*direttore di scena*), together with the scene designer (*scenografo*) and the conductor himself, who took care of the staging of the productions; see the description of his duties in the chapter of Gerardo Guccini, "Direzione scenica e regia", in *Storia dell'opera italiana*, edited by Lorenzo Bianconi and Giorgio Pestelli, vol. V, EDT, Torino 1987, p. 153.

33 Art. 15, Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

34 On the stage band, the connections between the various bands and their ties with the theatre, see Antonio Carlini, "Le bande musicali nell'Italia dell'Ottocento: il modello militare, i rapporti con il teatro e la cultura dell'orchestra negli organici strumentali", *Rivista Italiana di Musicologia*, XXX/1 (1995), pp. 85–133 and Jürgen Maehder, "'Banda sul palco'. Variable Besetzungen in der Bühnenmusik der italienischen Oper des 19. Jahrunderts als Relikte alter Besetzungstraditionen?"*,* in *Alte Musik als äesthetische Gegenwart, Kongressbericht Stuttgart 1985*, vol. II, Bärenreiter, Kassel-Basel 1987, pp. 293*–*310.

35 Tender specifications of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 1885, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

clause that aimed to guarantee respect for the score and the instrumental forces specifed by the composer. Zadar also mentioned the impresa's obligation to provide pianos, accordions, organs, bells and other instruments that might be required for the productions, other than those already possessed by the theatre.

It is in the tender specifcations of Zadar that we fnd, for the frst time in the theatres concerned, a mention not only of the "new normal pitch" (*nuovo diapason normale*) to which the instruments must be tuned, but also of the orchestra's clothing. Te players would have to wear suits of a "dark colour" (*colore oscuro*), preferably black, while the *maestro concertatore* and conductor would wear a black tailcoat (*abito nero di gala*) and white tie.36 Te other *capitolati* more loosely mentioned that the players would have to dress "in a decorous manner" (*in modo decoroso*).

At Rijeka the tender specifcations mention a preference, all things being equal, for engaging players who lived stably in the city;37 the same clause also applied to the players of the civic band. When engaging or replacing them, preference should be given to citizens of Rijeka "and among these, to the more senior" (*e tra questi al più anziano*).38 We must bear in mind that Rijeka had no complete orchestral group. Te clause aimed both to guarantee the use of a local workforce and also to keep the costs down.

#### The chorus singers

Also referred to as the *massa* ('mass'). As with the orchestra there was an evident increase in the chorus numbers over the years. At Zadar, in the course of time, the chorus increased from 32 to 36 singers, made up of 24 men and 12 women. At Rijeka, on the other hand, it amounted to around 30 singers (18 men, 12 women) already in 1876, becoming 50 in 1901, and 60 in the following years, though without specifying how many men and women. As a rule, there were more men than women. It was understood that if, for any reason, more singers were needed, the cost would always have to be borne by the impresario. In addition to the singers, the chorus master (*maestro dei cori*) was also a cost charged to the impresario. Clearly, both the orchestra and the chorus had become larger, following the contemporary developments in the repertoire.

36 See Art. 10, Tender specifications of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, Zadar, [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

37 The tender specifications of Rijeka in 1885 mention not only orchestral players, but also chorus singers, painters, machinists, property-men and others who should be "stably resident in the city" (*stabilmente dimoranti a Fiume*); see Art. VI, Tender specifications of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 1885, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

38 See Art. 17, *Convenzione tra il Comune di Fiume ed i 30 filarmonici firmanti nell'atto diretto alla Rappresentanza civica de pres. 10 Aprile 1878 nro. 2077*, p. 12, Rijeka, 1878, HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 3.

#### Corps de ballet

Even the corps de ballet, along with the orchestra and chorus, increased in size over the years. Often the phrase used in the tender specifcations was that the corps de ballet would have to be "of a number corresponding to the importance of the opera" (*in numero corrispondente all'importanza dello spettacolo*), but nonetheless we do fnd more precise indications here and there. For example, at Rijeka, according to the tender specifcations of 1876, 12 ballerinas were required for the opera *Il Guarany*. Subsequently, judging from those of 1909, there would have to be 30. Artists under the age of 15 would not be allowed on stage for the ballets; for the opera, on the other hand, it was permitted, pending the approval of the theatre management.39 Zadar instead, called for 12 "skilled chorus ballerinas" (*ballerine distinte di fla*), again at the impresario's expense. Tis number remained unchanged, at least in the surviving tender specifcations.

#### Extras

As was always written, the number of extras or walk-on parts had to be sufcient for the needs of the season. For Rijeka this was specifed as being no fewer than 30;40 for Zadar a precise number was not given. Te extras had to have a leader, who was responsible for keeping discipline and reporting poor behaviour or absences to the theatre management.

#### Wardrobe and wigs; scenery and costumes

Te impresa would also have to provide a sufcient number of wardrobe and wig masters for the theatre's regular nightly duties. Regarding the scenery and costumes, the indication here was usually generic. In other words, the costumes, properties, footwear, scenery and stage machinery (*meccanismi*) of the operas and ballets had to be suited to the importance of the theatre or "in excellent condition" (*in ottimo stato*). At Zadar the mise-en-scène was to be "worthy of the decorum and propriety required by a city of culture and provincial capital".41

39 See Art. 17, Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale for the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6. The same rule was given in the *capitolato* for the following three-year period.

40 See Art. 18, Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale for the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

41 "degna al decoro ed alla decenza richiesta da una colta città, capoluogo di provincia"; Art. 14, Tender specifications of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, Zadar, [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

#### The programme for the season

Te proposed programme (or *cartellone*) of the impresario would have to include a summary list of the productions that would be staged during the season (or over the three-year period in the case of a triennial contract). For the three-year period beginning in 1909 the impresa at Rijeka was obliged to give at least two operas from the great operatic repertoire annually, one from the customary repertoire, and one that had not yet been staged at Rijeka, but had been successfully received in other important theatres. Alternatively, instead of the 'new opera', it would have to stage two operas in addition to the other three indicated: one from the great repertoire and one from the customary repertoire. Hence, four or fve operas overall. Te choice of the programme lay with the theatre management on the basis of the list contained in the proposal.

As regards the deadline schedule, the impresario had to present the theatre management with the complete programme, including the list of the whole company engaged for the productions, no later than 15 January of the same year in which the season was to take place. Once the programme had been approved by the management, it had to be made public no later than a month before the day fxed for the frst performance.42 At Zadar the timing was much tighter. Here the season's programme had to be presented for the approval of the theatre management just 15 days before the frst performance of the season, though this became 20 days in the modifed tender specifcations. To us, who consider the time needed to plan an opera season today, such a schedule for programming might seem almost implausible. However, it is worth bearing in mind that a 15-day deadline was also specifed in the *Regolamento precettivo per li impresari e attori teatrali* (Mandatory rules for impresarios and actors of the theatre) in 1851. Indeed, according to this *Regolamento*, the impresario was obliged to submit to the government authorities a list of the productions due to be staged (undersigned by the *capocomico* or troupe leader) 15 days before the theatre opened.43

Even here at Zadar, naturally, the posters had to have the approval of the theatre management. Moreover, it was the theatre management that established not only the

42 See Art. 23, Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale for the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6. On these deadlines, see also Radmila Matejčić, "Organizacija Općinskog kazališta", in *Narodno kazalište Ivan Zaic*, edited by Radmila Matejčić and Ljubomir Stefanović, Narodno kazalište "Ivan Zaijc" i Izdavački centar Rijeka, Rijeka 1981, p. 28.

43 The productions would then, as was customary, have to be approved by the censorship and the local authority before being presented on stage. In the *Regolamento* mention is made of the "government authority" (*autorità governativa*) and not "municipal authority" (*autorità municipale*), given that, at the time of its publication*,* the management of the theatres in various areas of Italy was the preserve of the government. See Salucci, *Manuale della giurisprudenza*, p. 14.

order of the productions, but also the day the season opened, the dates for each single opera, and the starting time for the performances. Although these decisions were initially taken by mutual agreement, the phrase "in agreement with the impresa" (*d'accordo con l'impresa*) was subsequently removed from the modifed *capitolato*. 44 On this matter the management retained much more independence of choice. Again at Zadar it was also specifed that there were to be not more than four performances per week, except in exceptional cases.

#### Listing of the staf

A matter of fundamental importance was the listing of the staf that the impresario was required to provide. It would indicate the supporting and secondary parts (*comprimari*), the number of choristers and dancers, the extras, the stagehands, the stage director, the *maestro concertatore* and conductor, the scene designers, wardrobe masters, choreographers and the whole of the theatre staf. At Zadar this list was to be submitted no later than 40 days before the frst performance of the season, thereby giving the management time to reject anyone, if necessary. Initially the deadline had been 30 days; subsequently it was extended.45 If the contractor should not make any of the replacements ordered by the theatre management, there could be a reduction in the size of the endowment.

As a comparison, it is worth citing the situation at a theatre like the Teatro Comunale of Trieste, where the list of the leading singers had to be presented six or four months earlier. So the deadline of 40 days required at Zadar was much tighter. Even tighter was the state of afairs at Rijeka where, according to the tender specifcations of 1909, the impresa was asked to submit the list of all the staf making up the company assembled for the season no later than eight days before the frst performance.46

One clause added over the years was that approval of the *maestro concertatore* and conductor as well as the principal singers was needed from the publishers that owned the music due to be performed. Increasingly the publishers were gaining in power and becoming principal actors in the production and organisation of opera.47

44 See Art. 4, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

45 See Art. 8, Tender specifications of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, Zadar, [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

46 In the surviving tender specifications before 1909 there is no mention of when the list of staff had to be submitted.

47 On the role of the publishers, and particularly Ricordi, see Stefano Baia Curioni, "Imprenditorialità privata e trasformazione dell'Opera italiana nell'Ottocento", *Sinergie*, LXXXII (2010), pp. 75*–*93.

#### Communication through notices and posters

As already mentioned, the impresa would have to submit to the theatre management copies of the posters and notices prior to their publication. Moreover, every morning the impresa would have to notify the management of the daily rehearsals. Indeed, we know that this actually happened at Rijeka, at least from 1888 to 1910, from the evidence of a notebook (preserved in the archival collection of the Teatro Comunale) listing the rehearsals for the management.48 Notifcation of the dress rehearsals had to be made with at least 24 hours' prior warning.

#### Rehearsals

At Rijeka the dress rehearsal was to be given with full sets and lighting, exactly as if it were a premiere, and could be attended not only by the people "on duty" (*di servizio*), but also by those indicated in the theatre's general regulations. In exceptional cases, according to the tender specifcations of 1909, the theatre management could exempt the impresa from giving a dress rehearsal. If the production should be found by the management to be unft to be presented to the public, it could even be suspended. Te impresa would have to comply with any changes or improvements requested by the management.

On this matter the tender specifcations of Zadar were more detailed than the others. Tey expected all the principal singers to sing "in full voice" (*a voce spiegata*) both before and during the dress rehearsal, precisely so that the theatre's presidency could get a true impression of the singers' abilities and their suitability to perform the parts given to them.49 In this way the presidency played an active role also in the choice of voices.

#### Contested artists and fnes

Te management could dismiss (*protestare*) an artist both in the course of rehearsals and during the season itself, no matter whether the disapproval was expressed by the audience or by members of the management itself. If this happened, the impresa would have to pro-

48 In actual fact the notification was not strictly carried out on a daily basis, though we do find clear indications of the beginning of rehearsals, including timetables; see HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 4. Again, this provision is not found in the *capitolati* prior to 1909; see Art. 24 of the Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

49 See Art. 5, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

vide a replacement at its own expense, regardless of the agreements made with the artist concerned and without any right to compensation.50 Other fgures could also be dismissed, including the conductor and *maestro concertatore*, the chorus master, the choreographer, the stage director and even the prompter.

It was the impresario's task to deduct from the artists' wages any fnes imposed by the theatre management. At Rijeka, according to the tender specifcations of 1885, the amount of the fne was split equally between theatre management and impresario.

#### Contested productions

If for any reason the public voiced its disapproval of a production, the theatre management was authorised to terminate it and withhold the payment of the endowment in proportion to the performances still to be given. On such matters the management could also withhold the impresario's deposit. Te impresa would have no right to compensation or damages and would be obliged to make changes or improvements to the production as soon as possible. It was only at Rijeka in 1909 that this subject began to be included in the tender specifcations; at Zadar this clause was not mentioned.

#### Changes to the productions and stand-ins

In cases of sickness on the part of any of the leading roles or of any changes to the production, in both cities (Rijeka and Zadar) the impresa was expected to inform the management and the public by putting up notices where the tickets were sold, in the theatre foyer, in the galleries and outside the door to the theatre itself. Nor could the impresa have anyone stand in for the principal singers except in situations of force majeure, both during a performance and in the course of the season. Te singer called in as a replacement would have to be "of corresponding merit and ability and chosen from the best available";51 and naturally, he or she would have to be approved by the theatre management. Te substitution could be extended in time solely in a case of force majeure.

50 Similar rules applied to the supply of scenery, costumes, properties, footwear, jewellery, wigs, etc. and everything else concerning the staging. By "artists", the tender specifications of Zadar post-1901, at article 6, meant the "artists of song, dance and sound" (*artisti di canto, di ballo e di suono*), the conductor and *maestro concertatore*, the chorus master, the choreographers, the stage director and the prompter.

51 "di merito e capacità corrispondenti e scelto fra i migliori disponibili"; Art. 29, Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale for the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

#### Nightly admission prices and cut-price performances

Te tender specifcations of Rijeka of 1885 and those of Zadar did not defne the prices of admission to the performances in any detail. Tey simply stated that they would be decided by the theatre management and the impresario in common accord. From 1909 onwards, on the other hand, those of Rijeka give detailed indications of the prices not only for the operas of the spring and autumn seasons, for spoken theatre and dances, but also for the 'popular' (i.e. cut-price) performances, for which admission was half the price of a normal evening. Te prices given were those for entrance to the parterre and boxes, entrance to the gallery, parterre seats (*poltroncine di platea*), stools (*scanni*), gallery seats (*poltroncine di galleria*), gallery stools (*scanni di galleria*), ground-foor boxes, mezzanine boxes, and 1st- and 2nd-tier boxes. For the autumn opera season the impresa was authorised to increase only the entrance price to the parterre and boxes. At Rijeka, for the non-mandatory performances the impresario fxed the admission price at his own discretion.52

Te theatre of Zadar specifed that these prices would have to be made known on both the general programme and the posters for each performance. Tis requirement was also respected at Šibenik, even if no tender specifcations to back it up have survived. For here the printed posters gave precise indications of the prices for the parterre and boxes, namely: the better seats (*poltroncine*) in the parterre and chairs (*sedie*), stools (*scanni*), gallery (*loggione*), and boxes of the 2nd and 3rd tiers. Also indicated were the reductions for children, students and non-commissioned ofcers (*sottoufciali*).

Te public had the right to return a purchased ticket and ask for a refund if the impresario had made changes to the production; and could do so right up until the same day as the performance.53

Special performances and galas, public festivities

In the case of performances featuring an artist of world renown, the impresa could, with the theatre management's consent, charge prices that were higher than usual. Tis could also happen in the event of a visit to the theatre of sovereigns and princes. At both Rijeka and Zadar the management could reserve for itself a specifc number of seats, on payment to the impresa of the established price. On feast days and public holidays in both cities the use of the theatre was to be granted free of charge (artists and staf included). At Rijeka, at least certainly from the year 1885, the impresario also had to donate the income from a regular non-subscription performance to a children's charity (the Pio Asilo di Carità per

52 "La questione teatrale", *La Bilancia*, 13. 9.1875.

53 Rispoli, *La vita pratica*, p. 46.

l'Infanzia). In this way part of the proceeds of the opera season would be given to a worthy cause. At Zadar it was the theatre management that indicated which of the current season's performances was to be devoted to this purpose.

#### 'Veglioni' and Balls

Only the tender specifcations of Rijeka mention that during the carnival season the impresa could use the theatre for *veglioni* (masked carnival balls) and other ballroom events. Te latter could be prohibited by the management if they were judged to be incompatible with the importance and decorum of the theatre. Moreover, only the management could give consent for the theatre to be hired out to third-party companies. Once consent had been given, the impresario would be responsible for covering all heating and lighting costs and paying for any damages to the building or its furnishings.54

#### Beneft nights

Mention of beneft nights for the artists is made only in the tender specifcations of Zadar, which state that it was the theatre management's responsibility to choose which among the artists engaged should deserve to give a beneft night. Te management would also decide the date or dates of such performances in the course of the season.

#### Free admission to performances

Te tender specifcations could also specify who was entitled to free entry to performances. While the *capitolati* for Rijeka of 1885 mention only the theatre's doctors-surgeons or, more elusively, those who possessed "free tickets" (*biglietti franchi*), in later years they would also specify the mayor (*podestà*), members of the theatre management and the staf on duty designated by the authorities.55

54 See "Disposizioni circa l'uso del Teatro Comunale in Carnevale"; Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale for the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

55 In addition, at the beginning of the season five stools (*scanni*) in the parterre were reserved for the use of officials delegated by the authorities (as from the *capitolato* of 1909). It is in the article on free admission to the theatre, and then only at Rijeka (1901), that we find the clause obliging the impresario to deliver to the theatre management the libretto of each opera to be staged.

In the press there was much discussion on whether or not it was right to give free tickets to journalists. In 1871 *La Bilancia* of Rijeka had been the recipient of a ticket for a stool (*scanno*) and free entrance to the opera season from the theatre management, but the paper declined it in order to preserve its independence of judgement. Te newspaper made it public that it had sent the ticket back.56 On the question of free tickets for the press, the debate went on for years: was it right and proper for the press to accept free access to the theatres? In France and Italy some newspapers would side against the practice, but then nothing would be done to change the situation until the subject was once again raised at the frst skirmish between critics and impresarios. At the theatres that received an endowment from the government or municipality, it was claimed that free admission for journalists would neither prejudice their reputation nor constrain their independence, because the invitation was made not by the impresa but directly by one of the two above authorities. It was a diferent matter if free entry was granted by the impresa. In such cases, it was thought, the reports in the newspapers could be distorted, for the press would not remain indiferent to the kindness received and would feel duty-bound to return the favour by praising everything about the production.57

At Zadar the list of those given free admission was more detailed than at Rijeka. As well as, naturally, the staf on duty and at the theatre door, and the members of the management, it also included the theatre's electrical engineer (*ingegnere elettrotecnico*), the directors and theatre reporters of the local newspapers, the chief inspector of the fre brigade and, as was routinely included, the theatre's doctor. In fact the doctor was not only obliged to be present at both the dress rehearsals and performances, but also, on the management's instructions, expected to visit any singers or players who had called of sick (making a house call if necessary). In such cases, however, he wouldn't have to take any responsibility for their treatment, but just give his opinion on their state of health.58 In addition to free admission, the doctor was also assigned a parterre seat (*poltrona*) in the theatre, as was the engineer, the

56 "La giunta teatrale", *La Bilancia*, 15. 4.1871.

57 "[…] however much a writer on art may feel the delicacy of his duties," the *Teatro Illustrato* wrote, "he cannot, deep down, be at all insensitive to the courteous – though interested – gestures of an impresa, which, on its part, in such cases has the right to be treated politely by those he invites, just as a gracious lady doing the honours at her home has the right, if nothing else, to a compliment from the polite guest." ("[…] per quanto uno scrittore d'arte senta la delicatezza del proprio ufficio, non può essere in fondo a se stesso affatto insensibile alle cortesi – sebbene interessate – dimostrazioni di un'impresa, la quale, dal canto suo, in tal caso ha diritto di essere trattata ammodo dai suoi invitati, come gentile signora che fa gli onori di casa ha diritto, se non altro, a un complimento dall'ospite ben educato."). Even the editors of *Il Teatro illustrato* declared publicly that it no longer wished to accept free tickets to the theatres, so as to preserve its impartiality and independence; see *"*L'ingresso gratuito della stampa nei teatri", *Il Teatro Illustrato*, anno III, no. 34, 1883, p. 156.

58 See Art. 17, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

newspaper directors and the commanding ofcer on duty. A stool (*scanno*), on the other hand, was reserved for the journalists and the police ofcers on duty.

#### Cases of force majeure

It was a general rule that in the event of the opening of the theatre being delayed for reasons of force majeure (which were usually identifed as: fre, repairs to the theatre, failure of the electric lighting, public disasters and epidemics; all measures relating to public order, safety and hygiene; wars and revolutions; and the death or sickness of sovereigns and princes), or of a suspension of performances or a defnitive closure of the theatre, the impresario could claim neither damages nor compensation from the management. It would be relieved of all responsibility, but at the same time would get no payment. From 1909 the tender specifcations of Rijeka added that the endowment would be paid in proportion to the number of performances given, thereby ensuring remuneration just for what had already been done. Te only form of compensation that the impresario could claim, at least for the year 1901 at Rijeka, was the payment of 400 crowns for every missed performance if the electric lighting should fail.59

#### Employment agreements of the artists

A clause that was normally added asked the impresa to introduce into their contracts with the artists, *maestri concertatori* and conductors, orchestral players, dancers, chorus singers and other staf, a condition obliging them to abide by the rules given in the tender specifcations and any other regulations in force at the theatre or prescribed by the management.

#### Termination of the contract

In the tender specifcations of Zadar there was an article stating that if the contract were to be terminated prior to the agreed expiry date, for any reason at all, the theatre management would not be obliged to uphold any partial agreements that the impresa had concluded with singers, dancers, orchestral players, etc., with the season-ticket holders and renters of seats (*poltrone*), chairs (*sedie*) and boxes, or with the suppliers of theatrical services.60

59 See Art 7, Call for tenders to run the productions of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 22.5.1900, Maritime and Historical Museum of the Croatian Littoral, theatre collection.

60 See, for example, Art. 31, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

#### Rescission and measures in case of death

A clause not found at Zadar, but included at Rijeka at the beginning of the 20th century, concerns the measures to be taken in the event of the impresario dying. Te municipality of Rijeka would have the authority to immediately appoint an administrator for the current or following season, who would perform his duties at the heirs' expense and without any liability. Te law specifed that the heirs that accepted the inheritance would be obliged to pay of all debts existing at the time of the impresario's death (loans and artists' wages included).61

#### Measures to be taken in case the management should discontinue its activities

Again, it is only at Rijeka that we fnd a clause which specifed that, in the event of the theatre management ceasing to perform its functions, the impresario would have to acknowledge that the management's rights and responsibilities would be taken over by the municipal delegation or the person the delegation appointed to take charge of the administration.62

#### Amount of the endowment and payment of the instalments

Not all the tender specifcations specifed the precise amount of the endowment. One was more likely to fnd an indication of when the various instalments had to be paid. At Rijeka in 1885, for example, a frst instalment was paid at the arrival of all the artistic staf at the *piazza*; the second after the ffth performance; the third after half the obligatory performances; and the fnal one after the end of all the performances. Zadar also adopted a system of four instalments, though the actual times of the second and third payments were diferent and depended on the number of performances.63 On the payment of the instalments the tender specifcations of Zadar were stricter than those of Rijeka, for they obliged the impresa to prove to the presidency, at the due date for each instalment, that it had paid of the artists, orchestral players, dancers and choristers. If it should fail to produce the required documentation, the presidency could take it upon itself to make those payments up to the amount of the instalment in question. And if the money should not be enough,

61 See Prospero Ascoli, *Della giurisprudenza teatrale: studj*, Pellas, Firenze 1871, p. 119.

62 This was the final clause of the Tender specifications for 1909–1911 and 1912–1914 at Rijeka.

63 At Split, on the other hand, in 1895 the first quarter was paid at the arrival of the baggage, the second after the second performance, the third half way through the season, and the last at the end of the season; see Letter from the theatre management of Split to Antonio Lana, Split, [n.d.].3.1895 HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

the remainder could be collected from the box-ofce receipts, evening after evening. At Zadar the actual size of the endowment was not specifed in the *capitolato*, for here we are dealing with a printed form that needed to be flled in. Rijeka, on the other hand, specifed the sum of 8,000 crowns in that of 1909.64

Also written into the tender specifcations was the provision that the management would neither advance to the impresario any sum of money, in any form whatsoever, nor grant any further subsidy if requested. Tis clause was not always respected, as transpired when the presidency at Zadar was accused of advancing the impresario money in 1869.65

#### The security deposit and penalties

Tere came a time when the contractor had to leave a security deposit as a guarantee for the fulflment of his obligations. A sum of money was to be paid into the theatre's treasury at the signing of the contract (this needed to be done shortly after notifcation of the concession).66 If the impresario failed, even only in part, in the obligations set out in the contract (in turn based on the tender specifcations), he would lose every right to his deposit. Te municipality of Rijeka could then freely make use of this sum and treat it as a fne, while the contract itself would become null and void. Te tender specifcations of Rijeka for 1885 left a space in which to write the amount of the penalty owed to the management. Te security deposit could also serve to pay the orchestra and chorus should the impresario fail to do so within the specifed deadlines. It would be returned only after the impresario had fulflled all his obligations, "including the proof that he has fully satisfed all the *masse* [i.e. orchestra and chorus]".67

Te actual amount of the security deposit varied considerably in the years under consideration. At Rijeka in 1861 – and in general throughout the 1860s – it was fxed at 1,000 forins,68 at a time when the endowment amounted to 6,000 forins; it remained the same

64 This sum had probably already been stable for some years, for a letter from the impresario Raffaele Sforza to the theatre management of Rijeka tells us that he received 8,000 crowns for the year 1904 and another 8,000 for 1905; Letter from Raffaele Sforza to the theatre management of Rijeka, Rijeka, 27. 4.1904, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6; and ditto for 6.5.1905.

65 See the Message written by Natalia Dudan to the presidency of the theatre on the circular message of 25.10.1869, HR-DAZD, folder 3. On that occasion the presidency infuriated certain boxholders by granting the impresario an advance on the endowment.

66 At Zadar, for example, the signing had to take place within eight days of the receipt of notification; see Art. 20, Tender specifications of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi of Zadar, Zadar, [post 1901], HR-DAZD, folder 29.

67 "compresa la prova di aver pienamente soddisfatto tutte le masse"; Art. XVII, Tender specifications of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, Rijeka, 1885, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

68 See Letter from the theatre secretary Politei to the theatre management of Rijeka, Venezia, 21.1.1861, HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

in the years immediately following, with the only diference that the endowment was now 7,000 instead of 6,000 forins.69 Over 25 years later, however, the deposit was increased by 600%, to as much as 6,000 forins (on the evidence of that made by the agent Rossegger in 1887). In the early years of the new century it remained stable at 6,000 crowns (note the change of currency). Te impresario would frst have to pay into the municipal treasury 2,000 crowns, either in cash or in "valuables" (*efetti di valore*), as a bid deposit (the *vadio*); and then complete the sum by transferring a further 4,000 crowns at the signing of the contract. Te theatre management could even demand a deposit of more than 6,000 crowns if this was considered necessary.70 While the deposit at Rijeka, from 1901 onwards, remained stable at 6,000 crowns, the endowment came to 8,000 crowns (in the case of an annual contract) or 7,000 crowns (for a two-year contract). At Zadar and Split, on the other hand, the deposit in the early years of the 20th century was fxed at 1,000 or 1,500 Italian lire (while the endowment continued to be paid in crowns).71 Bearing in mind an exchange rate of 1 Italian lira = 2,5 crowns (still valid at the time of the First World War), the sum in question corresponded to about 2,500 or 3,750 crowns respectively, hence lower than at Rijeka.

Observing the increase or decrease of the deposit over the years is not particularly signifcant unless it is compared to the size of the endowment. It is the relationship between the two fgures that conveys how much more difcult things had become for the impresario aspiring to run an opera season. Te situation had changed greatly since the time when Giuseppe Rossi-Gallieno, in his book on the economics of the theatre (written back in the frst half of the 19th century), could write that "the deposits that the theatrical entrepreneurs usually ofer when the contract is drawn up are negligible in size compared to the endowments".72 Particularly eloquent is the situation at Rijeka in 1923. Here those competing for

69 See Contract between the theatre deputation of Rijeka and the impresario Cesare Trevisan, [1865], HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 4. As a term of comparison for a larger theatre, it is worth bearing in mind that in 1861 the impresario Tommasi took on the running of the theatre of Trieste for a three-year period with a deposit of 10,000 florins against an endowment of 54,000: the deposit was therefore ten times higher; see Carlo Bottura, *Storia aneddotica documentata del Teatro Comunale di Trieste: dalla sua inaugurazione nel 1801 al restauro del 1884 con accenni al Teatro Vecchio dal 1705 al 1800*, Balestra, Trieste 1885, p. 414; or directly, Tender specifications for the three-year period 1861–1864, I-TSmt, folder 104.

70 See the section "Deposito cauzionale", Tender specifications for the running of the Teatro Comunale in the three-year period 1 January 1909 – 31 December 1911, Rijeka, [1908], HR-DARI, RO-24, folder 6.

71 Inserted in the printed form of the tender specifications of Zadar post-1901 is the handwritten figure of 1,000 Italian lire. However, on the evidence of a Letter from Gustavo Argenti to Giorgio De Nakic d'Osliak [a name given in the documents in variant spellings: Giorgio De Nakich, Giorgio De Nakich d'Osliak, Giorgio Nachich d'Osliak]; Milano, 6.2.1899, HR-DAZD, folder 6, the figure given is 1,500 lire.

72 "le cauzioni che solitamente offrono gli intraprenditori di teatro all'atto della stipulazione del contratto d'appalto sono pressoché nulle per entità rispetto alle dotazioni"; Giuseppe Rossi-Gallieno, *Saggio di economia teatrale: dedicato alle melodrammatiche scene italiane*, Rusconi, Milano 1839*,* p. 44.

the contract would have to pay into the municipal treasury a bid deposit (*vadio*) of 5,000 lire, a sum that was then increased to form an overall deposit of 20,000 lire at the signing of the contract; in return, the impresa was assigned an endowment of lire 30,000.73 In other words, the deposit corresponded to two thirds of the endowment. Evidently, in the course of time, the size of the deposit had increased in relation to the endowment. Tis in turn meant that any impresario wishing to run an opera season would fnd increasing difculties unless he was supported by adequate fnancial liquidity.74

#### Liability of the contractor and competent jurisdiction

Te contractor would be personally liable to pay all damages to the theatre management or the municipality resulting from breaches of the contract, regardless of the cause. For the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, the disputes were submitted to the judicial authorities of Rijeka. Likewise, the last article of the *capitolato* of Zadar indicated Zadar as the competent court in any disputes between theatre management and impresa. (A similar clause is still found today at the end of many calls for tender in the artistic, theatrical and musical felds, along with the acceptance of the clauses of the call itself). As stated in the tender specifcations of Zadar, the commitments and conditions expressed in the *capitolato* were declared to be corresponding to, and forming an integral part of, the contract.

Also expressed was the general need to enforce the prescriptions of the political and municipal authorities, the disciplinary norms of the theatre regulations, and the laws and ordinances of the police. If the impresa should fail to fulfl the obligations included in the tender specifcations, it would naturally be considered as disqualifed.

Usually at the end of these tender specifcations we fnd no direct reference to any possible attachments (for example, those listing the theatre's employees or the nightly expenses for the orchestra according to type of spectacle), such as we fnd in the *capitolati* of other theatres.

Like all calls for tenders, the *capitolato* had a deadline, so it indicated the date by which the impresario (or his representative) was to present the proposal. As for the response of the theatre management conveying its decision, that was given within a variable time-frame. A deadline was not always specifed. For lack of documentation, we have no way of knowing if there was always a time-limit for the responses.

73 Call for tenders, Rijeka, 19.1.1923, HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 10.

74 As an extreme case (from the theatre management's point of view), already back in 1839 Rossi-Gallieno cited the theatre of Saluzzo, where the endowment of 1,500 francs was surpassed by a deposit of 2,000 francs; see Rossi-Gallieno, *Saggio,* p. 45. Clearly this went completely against the interests of the impresario.

How strictly was the impresario's proposal of an opera season supposed to follow the exact terms of the tender specifcations? Tere were even cases when the theatre management itself suggested that competing impresarios could make proposals that deviated from the specifcations, or even make fresh proposals.75 One possible instance could be when there was competition between diferent theatres in the same city. As indeed happened at Rijeka in 1914, when the Teatro Comunale faced the competition of a new theatre, the Teatro Fenice, which also intended to produce opera. Naturally it was impossible to anticipate how damaging the competition might be, but it was expected that there would be signifcant diferences between the two theatres in both their prices of admission and running costs, all to the disadvantage of the Teatro Comunale. And so, unless changes were made in the tender specifcations, it was foreseeable that the suitable competitors would either decline to come forward or propose conditions that were unacceptable. Te risk was that, with the inevitable bureaucratic delays (which were routine then as today), the Teatro Comunale would have no time to draw up an advantageous contract. Hence a more 'fexible' clause was inserted in the document, leaving the competing impresarios the opportunity to suggest conditions other than those indicated. Interestingly, a few years earlier, in 1911, the former impresa of the Teatro Comunale, Alpron-Battaglia, had already alerted the theatre management to this very problem: "We are also confdent", he wrote, "that in the event of a competing theatre making an appearance during the new three-year period, this Honourable Committee will wish to come to an agreement with the undersigned impresa to make any changes that may be made necessary".76 Under certain conditions, therefore, the *capitolato* was not necessarily a document in which all of its clauses were binding.

In the case of Rijeka the written proposals of the impresarios, duly provided with a taxstamp (or *bollo*),77 had to be delivered to the registrar's ofce (*protocollo*) of the civil magistrate. Te tenderers had to declare explicitly that they were fully aware of the terms of the *capitolato* and that they intended to comply with them in the event of the contract being assigned to them.78 Proposals made by telegraph, presented after the deadline, or lacking the

75 See Letters from the *podestà* to the theatre management of Rijeka, Rijeka, 12. 6.1914 and 11. 7.1914, HR-DARI-557, folder 562/1.

76 "Siamo pure fiduciosi che nel caso durante il nuovo triennio dovesse sorgere un Teatro di concorrenza, codest'Onorevole Commissione vorrà mettersi d'accordo colla sottoscritta Impresa per prendere quei eventuali cambiamenti che si rendessero necessari"; Letter from the Alpron-Battaglia impresa to the civil magistrate of Rijeka, Rijeka, 31. 7.1911, HR-DARI-557, folder 562/1.

77 For the three-year contract of 1915–1917 of the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka, for example, a one-crown stamp was required. In 1923 stamped paper (*carta bollata*) of 1 lira was needed. The proposal had to be delivered to the secretary of the theatre commission of Rijeka in a closed and fire-sealed envelope.

78 Nonetheless, as in the case referred to above, proposals would also be accepted that diverged from the terms of the *capitolato* or perhaps included new proposals, provided that they did not exceed the limits established in the document as regards both the number and quality of the productions and the contribution of the Comune.

prescribed bid deposit (*vadio*) would not be taken into consideration. In fact the proposal also had to be accompanied by a receipt from the municipal treasury confrming that the *vadio* had been deposited.79 Te decision on the proposals was left to the discretion of the municipal delegation. If, however, any proposal should call for important changes to the tender specifcations, a further decision would be needed, this time by the municipality.80 Even the *podestà* in person could make observations on the call for tenders.

As regards the selection processes, there is little information about how they were carried out and it is hard to say how much objectivity went into appointing the impresario. At times the theatre managements were accused of seeming to favour certain impresarios over others (for example, by allowing a discount on the security deposit) or even of having a joint interest in the impresa. Also subject to criticism was the amount of time given (too little) to present a project. Tender specifcations published ffteen or twenty days before the deadline clearly gave one insufcient advance notice to put together a strong project or make plans with the better singers. Another point commented on was that all of the proposals were to be delivered "under seal" (*sotto suggello*) and opened by the theatre management at one sitting, without the possibility of considering any possibly better ofers that might arrive after the deadline.81 Lack of documentation on these matters, however, prevents us from knowing whether or not these rules were always followed.

But now let us turn our attention to identifying the interested parties that responded to these calls and consider the proposals they made in their bid to secure the contract for an opera season.

#### 2.2 Provenance and identity of the impresarios

Te people who had a primary interest and need to understand the theatre's requirements (and to whom the tender specifcations were indeed addressed) were the impresarios and agents working in the area, whether or not they themselves could be considered as 'locals'. Even though, to quote John Rosselli, it is true that to be an opera impresario was becoming less a profession than a disease,82 there were still a number of impresarios and agents engaged in the business of organising opera seasons. In the area under scrutiny, it has been possible to unearth the names of 287 people working in that feld. And Provenance and identity of the impresarios

79 The reference is to the tender specifications of 1915–1917. Here the *vadio* amounted to 2,000 crowns, as in the previous years. The deposit could be made either in cash or in valuables admitted by law as a deposit.

80 See Call for tenders, Rijeka, 13. 7.1914, HR-DARI-557, folder 562/1.

81 See "Sul concorso d'appalto al Teatro Comunale", *L'Arte*, anno III, no. 12, 20. 4.1872, pp. 45*–*46.

82 Rosselli, *The Opera Industry*, p. 37.

surely this is not the complete number of those who were active in the second half of the 19th century and early 20th, for the calculation is based on the available archival material. At Šibenik the names of these impresarios and agents can be gleaned not only from the letters exchanged with the theatre management, but also from the lists of small expenses for correspondence and stationary that the management (in this case most likely Paolo Mazzoleni himself) drew up meticulously. In this way we have a fair idea of the contacts between impresarios and theatre, at least for the 1880s and 1890s. At Zadar, on the other hand, a well-ordered register was kept, giving, for each letter in arrival, the name of the correspondent, the date, the provenance, and even a concise summary of the contents. On the right-hand side of the register the same information about the response was inserted: here again with the content of the reply and the date. Unfortunately, however, the register is incomplete and survives only for the years 1879, 1884 and 1885. At Rijeka we come across various names in the register of documents called the *Protocollo degli esibiti (1885–1910)*. 83 For the other cities, where there are no such registers, the names are drawn solely either from the correspondence found in the local archives or from the newspapers.

Te only available list of impresarios working in the Italian area, that drawn up some years ago by John Rosselli,84 only marginally helps us to identify the people working in Istria and Dalmatia, both for chronological reasons (the historical period covered here extends right up to the end of the First World War) and because of the diferent sources used here to get the material. Te same can be said for the meticulous *Dizionario bio-bibliografco degli agenti teatrali attivi a Milano nell'Ottocento* by Livia Cavaglieri*.* 85 For most of the names listed in our study it is impossible today to recover any biographical data. Tey are fgures about whom there is no literature. If information has survived, it will be found solely in the primary sources.

Who, therefore, were the impresarios working in the area? Where did they come from? Did they have any specifc training to do their job? It is well known that the impresario often came from practical experience in the theatre, and those working in this particular geographical area were no exception. Being an impresario would be either an end-of-career job or an occupation that could be undertaken alongside a practical profession in music. Some of their names appear in the lists of singers sent to the theatre managements advertising the cast for an opera season, thereby reminding us that impresarios often performed as tenors, baritones or basses within the same company that they promoted. Examples are the baritones Ernesto Maurizi Enrici and Felice Brandini who wrote to Zadar from Bologna and Trieste respectively, or the bass Pietro Dussich [Dusich], also active at Zadar. Te name

83 See Register of documents (1885–1910) (*Protocollo degli esibiti (1885–1910)*), HR-DARI, DS 60, folder 10.

84 John Rosselli, *Elenco provvisorio.*

85 Livia Cavaglieri, *Tra arte e mercato. Agenti e agenzie teatrali nel XIX secolo*, Bulzoni, Roma 2006, p. 303.

of the impresario Rafaello Faini, who ofered his services at Šibenik, like that of Giustino Azzarelli, appeared in the list of tenors of the very same cast they were recommending.

Some were also instrumentalists, like Federico Monari Rocca or Nazzareno Perazzini. Carlo Mirco was frst clarinet at the Teatro Regio in Turin and La Fenice in Venice, yet he repeatedly ofered his services as impresario at Pula, Zadar and Šibenik, like his partner Giani, who also worked in the orchestra at La Fenice.86 In the same way we fnd *maestri concertatori* and conductors such as Luigi Bernardi at Pula or Guido Farinelli at Rijeka; dancers or choreographers like Francesco Razzani and actors of spoken theatre; not to mention lawyers, journalists and even shopkeepers like Luigi Dessanti. Tey could also have been born into families of impresarios or, like the more famous Alessandro Lanari, be married to singers and engage their wives in the cast: Giuseppe Castagnoli and Antonio Lana were good examples.87

Te standard of education of the various impresarios difered and the linguistic competence displayed in the surviving correspondence is fairly variable. For the letters in which the handwriting of the signature difers from that of the rest of the letter, we can assume that the impresario had a secretary, or at least someone who could be called upon to write a letter when needed. Some of the *borderò* (registers of the evening's takings) surviving at Šibenik show very plainly how scant the knowledge of Italian could be. Te person flling in the *borderò* for the performances organised by Ernesta Ferrara, a female impresario who came to Šibenik with the Becherini company in 1882, made blunders such as that of referring to the operas *Crispino e la Comare* as "Grespin e Lacomare", *Il barbiere di Siviglia* as "Barbiere Sivilia", *L'elisir d'amore* as "L'Elesin di Amore", *Pipelé* (or *Pipelet*) as "Pipele" and *La sonnambula* as "Sononbola" or "Sonambola", and even mentioning a certain "Il baccio al Diavolo".88

Many of these impresarios only dealt in opera; others also included spoken theatre and, towards the end of the century, operetta and variety shows (*varietà*). With the advent of the new century, cinema could also be added. Te agencies they founded could thus be said to be 'multi-specialised'. Te theatrical agencies always had to be authorised by the *Luogotenenza* or provincial government. One such multi-specialised impresario was

86 Carlo Mirco was also a composer. His proposal (or his presence) is also documented at the Teatro Bonda of Dubrovnik in 1886 or 1887. His two brothers were also instrument players. See *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano*, XLVII, no. 44, 30.10.1892, p. 710.

87 When Lana engaged his wife – the prima donna and *contralto assoluto* Barberina Rossi-Lana – for the opera season, *La Voce Dalmatica* was not slow to point out, with a touch of irony, that in actual fact she had not been genuinely engaged, "given that there was a legal document relating to her and the Signor Impresario in a certain book at their parish that makes any other one useless" ("essendovi una scritta relativa ad essa e al signor impresario, in un certo libro della loro parrocchia, che ne rende inutile ogni altra"); *La Voce Dalmatica*, vol. I, 1.12.1860, p. 220.

88 *Borderò* for the Compagnia Becherini, Šibenik, July 1882, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 3.

Eugenio De Monari, who was fairly active at Zadar and whose letterhead read "Eugenio De Monari & C. / Lirica – Operette – Prosa – Varietà – Cinematografa / Milano". Similar situations were found of impresarios who turned into agents that now ran opera, operetta and spoken theatre.

In certain cases the terms "impresario" and "agent" are used interchangeably in the documents: an aspect that complicates the job of analysing their work, making it not always possible to defne their activities with any precision. By defnition, as a rule, the agent negotiated on behalf of impresarios and singers, whereas the impresario merely managed a company of artists.89 Te two activities were not mutually exclusive and indeed could overlap at times. For example, the rubber stamp used by Ettore Bonturini, an impresario and theatrical agent who worked at Zadar between 1884 and 1892, specifed both qualifcations: "Ettore Bonturini / impresario / ed agente teatrale / Venezia". Likewise, the headed notepaper of Josip Karaman of Split: "agente ed impresario teatrale"; subsequently the text was supplemented with the further addition of "concessionata impresa pubblicità" (licensed advertising company), and later still "Cinema Elektra". In fact he also traded in photographic equipment, most certainly as a way of keeping up to date, at a time when opera was giving way to new forms of entertainment. His letterhead was in both Croatian and Italian.90

Karaman, who was from Split, was an example of a local impresario. In fact some impresarios could be natives of the Istrian or Dalmatian region and work in the area, whereas many others, the majority, came from outside. Enrico Viscardi, who was engaged to run the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, was, for example, among those who operated within a tighter radius, as also Giovanni Maraspin working in Rijeka.91 But we also have the case of local impresarios like Olimpio Lovrich, from Zadar, who went on to work in Trieste and only returned to Zadar (professionally speaking) to organise a single opera season.92 Similar was the situation of Antonio Lana of Zadar, who worked as an impresario abroad, above all in Spain, but who was repeatedly in contact with the theatre management of Split from 1893 onwards. Among the 'locals' from Pula and Rijeka we encounter the names of Alberto

89 On the role of the theatrical agents, see John Rosselli, "Agenti teatrali nel mondo dell'opera lirica dell'Ottocento", *Rivista Italiana di Musicologia*, I/17 (1982), pp. 134–154. On the difference between the *impresario*, *capocomico* and *agente*, see also Franco Ferrari, *Intorno al palcoscenico. Storie e cronache dell'organizzatore teatrale*, Franco Angeli, Milano 2012, p. 19.

90 Today in fact Karaman is principally remembered as a film director and photographer, best known for filming the coronation of Tsar Nicholas I of Montenegro; see Gian Piero Brunetta, *Storia del cinema mondiale*, Einaudi, Torino 2003, p. 1331.

91 See "Origine del cognome Maraspin", in *LussinO*, Foglio della Comunità di Lussinpiccolo, 28, December 2008, p. 51.

92 After the First World War, Olimpio Lovrich was engaged to run the 1923 season at the Politeama Ciscutti of Pula, but is not mentioned in the area in the previous seasons; see Bogneri*, Il Politeama Ciscutti*, p. 306.

Vernier, a theatrical artist who looked after the interests of Pietro Ciscutti, later becoming his secretary and administrator (with power of attorney) and subsequently, from 1894, the director of the Politeama of Pula, and was to be found almost continuously in the coastal region;93 that of Giuseppe Bini;94 and also that of Giuseppe Corbetta, impresario of the Politeama in 1901. We have no certainty, however, that Bini and Corbetta were really Istrian or Dalmatian. Te fact that their letters were addressed from one of the coastal cities does not necessarily mean that they came from the area. Indeed this was no guarantee even if the letters were numerous. A case in point is that of Natale Fidora, who was also known as a stage director and scene designer, and whose letters place him with a certain frequency in four diferent coastal theatres, but actually came from Adria in mainland Italy.95

Some impresarios came from important cities like Trieste, then probably the foremost centre for the coastal area, having taken over that role from Venice (which by this time boasted only about a dozen contacts with Istria and Dalmatia, most of which without lasting prospects). Te surnames of Triestine origin that emerge from the archives mostly point to families of Jewish origin: Curiel, Pesaro, Gentilli, Ullmann or Lattad, just to mention a few.96 Tere were also impresarios who wrote, and negotiated, from cities such as Bari or Ancona: cities that were seemingly distant, but now brought closer by the steamship. Examples are

93 Vernier also owned his own theatre company. He handled various theatrical genres, from *opera semiseria* to vaudeville. In actual fact Vernier was not the only one to work on behalf of Ciscutti. The documents also give us the name of Francesco Lucerna, who was employed in the same capacity at the Politeama of Pula. For a period Vernier had also been secretary of the theatre of Rijeka in the early months of its reopening (1885), as well as impresario of the Anfiteatro Fenice and secretary of the Politeama of Pula (he is mentioned as such in 1888); see Bogneri*, Il Politeama Ciscutti*, p. 35 and "Alberto Vernier e Teatro Ciscutti", *L'Eco di Pola*, 28. 7.1894. Vernier ended his career in 1900 and retired to Cagliari; see "Il ritiro di un impresario teatrale", *Il Giornaletto di Pola*, 12. 9.1900. At the time of Vernier's management, however, Girolamo Andrioli was indicated as owner of the theatre; see Bogneri*, Il Politeama Ciscutti*, p. 40. The owner's name appeared on the envelopes used for correspondence, which were then inscribed as follows: "Politeama Ciscutti – Pola / Proprietario: Girolamo Andrioli". Andrioli, who was a building contractor and timber merchant, was in possession of the Politeama from the year 1897; see Raul Marsetič, *Il cimitero civico di Monte Ghiro a Pola simbolo dell'identità cittadina e luogo di memoria (1846–1947)*, Unione Italiana Fiume, Università Popolare di Trieste, Rovigo 2013, p. 230.

94 We encounter Bini at Pula. A man called Giuseppe Bini was also active as a choreographer in the same years. It is not known if this was the same person or just someone with the same name.

95 Fidora was also impresario at the Teatro Comunale of Trieste in 1897. The *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano* of 1901 mentions him as the impresario at a concert at the Liceo Benedetto Marcello in Venice for which he offered his services free of charge as a stage director, also producing artists, scenery and costumes; *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano*, 1, 1901, p. 161.

96 The name Raimondo Lattad is associated with that of a 19th-century actor. Again, we do not know if this was someone who happened to have the same name as the impresario Lattad or whether, most likely, it was the same person.

Nicola Guida or Antonio Quaranta for Bari and Ezio Carelli for Ancona, who negotiated with Šibenik through their theatrical agencies from 1919 onwards. As we can imagine, most of the journeys from Italy were made by sea, for obvious geographical reasons.

As an alternative to the sea route, one could also reach the coast from the hinterland. And indeed there were some Croatian impresarios who made contact from the theatres of Osijek and Zagreb, but they constituted a minority and rarely proposed productions of Italian opera. Zagreb and its theatre, which was hardly ever mentioned in the correspondences, seemed to remain extraneous to these circuits. Te same could be said of Ljubljana. Also very rare was the presence of impresarios from another important operatic centre, that of Vienna. If we except the tenuous presence of Ignaz Kugel,97 for opera we have no other references. More substantial, if anything, was their involvement in the world of operetta.

In terms of percentage, most of the impresarios were from Milan, or at least had their ofces in Milan at the time when they corresponded with the theatres of the Istrian and Dalmatian region. Tis should come as no surprise, because Milan was after all the heart and fulcrum of opera in Italy. If we look at the censuses of the city's population from 1861 to 1901, we see an exponential increase in the number of impresarios and theatrical agents, from just 14 registered in 1861 to 151 in 1901. In that same year of 1901 there were 691 throughout the whole of Italy. And of that number, as one can readily imagine, the women were a distinct minority, with only 9 registered as impresarios.98

#### 2.2.1 Women impresarios on the Adriatic coast

Among the legions of male impresarios, the women were indeed a rarity at the time. But there were a few sporadic cases. Apart from Ernesta Ferrara, whose role is not yet clear (we do not know if she really worked as an impresario, given that absolutely nothing is known

97 At the time Kugel was based at Lindengasse 11 in Vienna, advertising in the press as follows: "The Ignaz Kugel theatre and concert agency at Lindengasse 11, Wien VII, is recommended for the procurement of engagements, as well as for the organisation of guest performances of outstanding artists, in the fields of spoken theatre and opera, as well as that of the Singspiel (Operetta); even for the completion – and respective reorganisation – of the stage personnel in general […]" ("Das Theater- und Concert-Bureau Ignaz Kugel Wien VII, Lindengasse 11, empfiehlt sich zur Vermittlung von Engagements, sowie zum Abschluss von Gastspielen hervorragender Künstler, sowohl auf dem Gebiete des recitirenden Dramas, der Oper, wie auch auf dem des Singpeles (Operette); überhaupt zur eventuellen Completierung – respective Reorganisation – des Bühnenpersonales im Allgemeinen […]"; *Neue Theater-Almanach für das Jahr 1895*, vol. VI, p. 62.

98 See *Censimento della popolazione del Regno d'Italia al 10 febbraio 1901*, as quoted in Livia Cavaglieri, *Tra arte e mercato*, p. 245.

about her except that she signed a contract with the theatre management of Šibenik for the season of 1882),99 we have four cases of women connected with the running of opera. Associated with the Teatro Mazzoleni of Šibenik we fnd a certain Lucia Gazzone, who signed engagement agreements, and was also *maestro concertatore* and conductor, which was extremely rare for the period:100 in the area in question it was unheard of for a woman to combine these professional qualifcations. In the context of mainland Italy the case of Emma Carelli, an impresario at the Teatro Costanzi in Rome in 1912 (and before that a soprano), has already been studied,101 but that of Gazzone is not only diferent, but also earlier and probably even more singular.

Teresa Raineri Vaschetti, who was perhaps the wife of the impresario Antonio Vaschetti (who had been proposed to Zadar in 1897 by the agency of De Born & Anguissola), cited her experience as an impresario at the theatre of Ascoli Piceno when she proposed *Tosca*  and *Faust* to the theatre management of Split in 1906.102

At Pula in September 1892 Signora Giovanna Fischer, part-heir of the Politeama Ciscutti, also became impresario to the theatre for a three-year period.103 She was referred to as the "direttrice" and was remembered for having organised an opera season (staged after the theatre hadn't seen opera productions for eight years) that was apparently superior to that of the previous impresa.104

99 In the newspaper *La Lanterna*, from Pisa, we read that "a new company of singers, run by Signora Ernesta Ferrara (Romana) and conducted by the distinguished Maestro Luigi Becherini has arrived unexpectedly, but much appreciated and without any publicity. The repertoire of the operas is attractive. It includes: Pipelè, Educande di Sorrento, Elisir d'amore, Barbiere di Siviglia, and Sonnambula"; *La Lanterna*, 1881, p. 5.