The exact origin of this account is unclear. Likewise, the toponym *Myaṭāl* (*Mīṭālaṭ* in L) is not immediately recognizable. Since the narrator reports that he heard this story from a certain Christian clergyman Qūryāqōs, a citizen of Mosul and merchant, it is possible that it originated and/or circulated as a part of the folklore of Muslim traders and seamen of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. Perhaps, the mysterious 'old man' could be related to the figure of the 'old man of the sea' (Arab. *šayḫ al-baḥr*), a malevolent protagonist who plays a major role in the fifth voyage of Sindbad the Sailor, included in the *One Thousand and One*

140 Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:12, 451).

141 Smirnova (1993, 477).

142 Le Strange (1919, 274–75).

143 See Potts (2004).

144 See Kauz (2006).

*Nights*. 145 Moreover, Muslim paradoxographical and geographical works contain a number of accounts about seafarers meeting people in the middle of the ocean.146

#### **I.42 (= II.32) the tree of Waqwaq**

The legendary island or archipelago of Waqwaq, located sometimes in the sea of China and sometimes in the Indian Ocean, was one of the most popular topoi of the Muslim paradoxographical imagination.147 A number of accounts, dealing with this island, feature descriptions of a miraculous tree bearing fruits that resemble human or animal shapes, or are actual living beings (often women).148 While the exact origin of the account in our unit is difficult to establish, one can cite as a relatively early parallel the following report from *ʿAǧāʾib al-hind* of Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār:

145 On the complicated textual tradition of the cycle of Sindbad and influence of *ʿaǧāʾib* literature on this work, see Bellino (2015).

146 Cf. Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh, *Kitāb al-masālik*; ed. de Goeje (1889, 65); the anonymous *Kitāb ġarāʾib al-funūn wa-mulaḥ al-ʿuyūn*; ed. Rapoport & Savage-Smith (2014, 512); the anonymous Persian *ʿAǧāʾib al-dunyā*; ed. Smirnova (1993, 441–42).

147 For references and discussion, see Ferrand et al. (2002); Toorawa (2000).

148 See articles in Bacqué-Grammont et al. (2007). To the sources discussed in this volume one might also add accounts from the anonymous *Kitāb ġarāʾib al-funūn wa-mulaḥ al-ʿuyūn*; ed. Rapoport & Savage-Smith (2014, 519), and the anonymous Persian *ʿAǧāʾib al-dunyā*; ed. Smirnova (1993, 342).

Muhammad b. Babishad told me that, according to what he had learnt from men who had been to the Waqwaq country, there is a large tree there, with round leaves, or sometimes oblong, which bears a fruit like a marrow, only larger, and looking somewhat like a human being. When the wind blows, a voice comes out of it. The inside is full of air, like the fruit of the *ushar*. If one picks it, the air escapes at once, and it is nothing but skin. When he saw this fruit, a sailor was pleased by it, and cut one off to take it away. It burst immediately, and all that remained in the man's hands was like a dead crow. 149

#### **I.43 the woman pregnant for two years**

While the exact origin of this tradition is difficult to establish, mention of the cities of Baghdad and Tus points to a Muslim milieu. Moreover, its content is in line with discussions of the extraordinary cases of long periods of gestation found in the works of some Muslim physicians.150 For a close parallel, cf. ʿArīb ibn Saʿīd al-Qurṭubī (10th c.), *Kitāb ḫalq al-ǧanīn*: 'a tradition reports that al-Ḍaḥḥāk ibn Muzāḥim stayed sixteen months in the womb and that at birth he had teeth'.151 As for the length of the pregnancy in our account, it evokes the views held by some Muslim writers who claimed that gestation could last as long as two years.152

149 Trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981, 39).

150 For references and discussion, see Kueny (2013, 189–90).

151 Ed. Jahier & Noureddine (1956, 33).

152 For references and discussion, see Verskin (2020, 72–73).

#### **I.44 (= II.33) the woman who gave birth to sixty children**

The story finds parallels among expressions of the general interest in extraordinary cases of multiple pregnancies exhibited by some Muslim physicians.153 For a very close parallel, see the following account by ʿAlī al-Ṭabarī (9th c.), *Firdaws al-ḥikma*:

More than one woman told me that in our times a certain black woman gave birth to sixty children. And they used to say that she gave birth to a *kor* of children because one *kor* is equal to sixty *qafīz*. And this was in thirty-five pregnancies or more, and she produced more twins than that. And she would miscarry once or twice in a year. 154

Of the two measures of capacity that are mentioned in this account, i.e., *kōr* and *qpīzā*, 155 the latter (spelt, in its plural form, as *qpīsē* in V and L, and as *qpīzē* in B1) is a unit of weight equivalent to about 64 lbs., and has an Iranian etymology.156 It is well attested both in Classical Arabic and New Persian as *qafīz* (or *kafīz*).

#### **I.45 (= II.34) the woman who gave birth to twenty children**

This tradition probably belongs to the same source as the previous unit. For close parallels in Muslim sources, see the recurring mentions of the case of a woman giving birth to twenty children, as in the following passage from *Firdaws al-ḥikma* of ʿAlī al-

153 For references and discussion, see Kueny (2013, 187).

154 Ed. Siddiqi (1928, 37).

155 See Sokoloff (2009, 612, 1391).

156 See Ciancaglini (2008, 250).

Ṭabarī: 'another woman gave birth to twenty children in four pregnancies, five children in every pregnancy, and they (all) lived'.157 For similar accounts, see also ʿArīb ibn Saʿīd al-Qurṭubī, *Kitāb ḫalq al-ğanīn*; 158 Ibn Qayyīm al-Ǧawzīyyah (14th c.), *Tibyān fī aqsām al-Qurʾān*. 159 This tradition ultimately goes back to Aristotle, who, in one of his works, mentions 'a certain woman who had twenty children at four births; each time she had five, and most of them grew up'.160

#### **I.46 (= II.35) the woman pregnant with seven children**

While the immediate source of this account is unclear, the compiler of the *Marvels* likely derived it from the same source as the three previous units. The mention of the 'Frankish man' (*Prangāyā*) as a protagonist points at its origins during the Crusades or post-Crusader period.

#### **I.47 the child suckled by the dead woman**

The primary aim of this grotesque account is to promote the notion of Syriac as the primeval language, an important expression of Syriac Christian identity, roots of which can be traced back to the pre-Islamic period.161 While it seems to be implied already in

157 Ed. Siddiqi (1928, 37).

158 Ed. Jahier & Noureddine (1956, 27).

159 Ed. al-Ḥarastānī & al-Zaġlī (1994, 305).

160 *Hist. anim.* 7.4; trans. Thompson (1910, sect. 584b).

161 On development of this notion in Late Antiquity, see Rubin (1998); Moss (2010).

the discussion of biblical names based on Syriac etymologies by Theodoret of Cyrus (5th c.), this idea finds fully articulated expression only in Pseudo-Ephrem's *Cave of Treasures* (ca. 6th c.), whose author claims that before the destruction of the tower of Babel all people spoke Syriac and that all languages in the world are derived from Syriac.162 These and some additional expressions of Syriac primacy continued to circulate among Syriac Christians during the medieval period.

With this story, the compiler of the *Marvels* introduces what seems to be a unique and novel argument in favour of the primacy of Syriac. Its line of argumentation is akin to the one found in an account from Herodotus' *Histories* that describes a linguistic experiment, supposedly conducted in ancient Egypt during the reign of Psammetichus.163 Driven by the desire to establish what nation is oldest in the world, this king ordered that a couple of new-born children should be brought up without a person speaking with them. When the children grew up, the first sound they had uttered was 'bekos' (βεκός), which was interpreted by the king's counsellors as the Phrygian word for 'bread'. According to Herodotus, it is as a result of this experiment that the Egyptians conceded the honour of being the oldest nation to the Phrygians.

As for its possible antecedents, I have as yet been unable to discover any close analogues of this story in Muslim or other sources from the medieval Islamicate world. There are, however, several literary works that share with our account the motif of

162 *Cave* 24.9–11; see also Minov (2013, 165–75).

163 *Hist*. 2.2; ed. Godley (1926–1930, 1:274–77. For an analysis of this story, see Gera (2003, 68–111).

breastfeeding corpse, which, apparently, originated in the Muslim literary *imaginaire* before the time of the composition of the *Marvels*. One such example of miraculous nursing is found in the Judeo-Arabic version of the popular medieval Arabic frontier epic *Sīrat Dhāt al-Himma*. There, the recently-born hero Junduba is found in the desert by his adoptive father prince Dārim, suckling the breast of his murdered mother: 'He (i.e., Dārim) saw the princess Arbāb, left behind and slain, and this newborn was suckling from her. The milk was pouring out in excess, by the power of the Possessor of Power […], and his mother was nursing him, though she was dead at his side'.164

Another narrative that bears witness to this motif is the story of Meyyitzâde from the *Seyahatname* of the famous Ottoman traveller Evliya Çelebi (17th c.).165 It appears as an etiological account in the context of the description of the tomb, located in the Kasımpaşa neighbourhood of Istambul, which was named after this person, i.e., *Kabr-i Meyyitzâde*. 166 According to Çelebi, the father of Meyyitzâde left his pregnant wife at home when he set out on a military campaign with Sultan Mehmed Khan III in the year 1595–96. When upon his return, he learned that his wife had died, he ordered her grave to be opened, at which point they found inside the child alive, suckling the right breast of his dead mother, whose body had not rotten (*vâlidesinin sağ memesin emer,*

164 Trans. from Schine (2019, 182).

165 Ed. Dankoff et al. (1996, 198). I thank Aslı Niyazioğlu for drawing my attention to this parallel.

166 On this monument, see Crane (2000, 367).

*aslâ çürümemiș*). In the aftermath of this miraculous event, the boy was given the name Meyyitzâde 'the son of the corpse'.

#### **I.48 the martyrdom of the ape's son**

This unit provides us with the only instance when the compiler of the *Marvels* explicitly mentions his written source. The reference to 'the book of Mār Basil' most likely points to the erotapocritic composition known as the *Questions of Basil and Gregory*, which is attested both in Syriac and Arabic.167 And indeed, an account almost identical to that of our unit is found in some textual witnesses of the Arabic version of the *Questions*. Since the only existing edition of this work by Ǧirǧis Bey Yaʿqūb is a rare book in Western libraries, I offer below the complete Arabic text and English translation of the story, based on one of the earliest textual witnesses of the *Questions*, i.e., ms. Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai, Ar. 481 (1091), fols. 307v–308r.168

167 On the Syriac version, which is still unpublished, see Baumstark (1922, 79–80), who gives a list of its manuscripts in n. 1. The full text of the Arabic version was published from an unspecified manuscript by Bey Yaʿqūb (1920, 94–155). I thank Barbara Roggema for providing me with a copy of this rare edition. For a recent discussion of the Arabic version that includes an inventory of its manuscripts, see Roggema (2019).

168 I am most grateful to Alice Croq, who is currently preparing an edition of the Arabic version of the *Questions*, for letting me publish here the Arabic text and English translation of this passage prepared by her. Except for a few minor variants, this text is identical with that of Question 70 in Bey Yaʿqūb (1920, 126–27).

مسله احد وسبعين قال غريغوريوس ما تقول في مولود ولد له وجهان واربع ارجل وفيه شبه من الحيوان يجب ان يعمد ام ��؟

ّتي يا مسيح وكبريت وحين طرحوه فيه صرخ وقال هذا السفل يكون معمودي الله فبعد موته قال تيطوس ا��سقف بالحقيقه ان جسده يقوم يوم القيامه.

*Question seventy-one.* Gregory said: 'What do you say about someone who was born with two faces or four legs and has something similar to an animal, — should he be baptized or not?'

Basil answered: 'It is not right to baptize him, but he should be allowed to live for the glorification of God. Know that in the city of Callinicum, there was an ape who had slept with a Christian woman. The apostle Paul had baptized her, and from this ape, she gave birth to a male child whose appearance was like that of a human and an ape: from his chest to his feet he was an ape, and his neck and face were human. He spoke like a human being, and he went to the church and listened to the Holy Scriptures and learned. When he reached the age of twenty, he asked and strove to be baptized. A synod, that is to say, a council, was gathered on his account, and it was presided over by Timothy, the disciple of Paul. They disagreed on this matter: some of them were saying "yes" and others "no". And Dionysius, the bishop of Athens, got up and said, "As for me, I am not going to let impure animal limbs enter the waters of holy baptism!" And the assembly agreed with his opinion, and this synod laid down a rule that no human being of a different appearance should be baptized. And when the infidel king Ṭarabiyūs came to the city of Callinicum, he requested from them to sacrifice to pagan idols. This one (i.e., the boy) came quickly and stood in front of the king and said to him, "As for me, I am a Christian". And this king had him suffer several kinds of punishments, but he did not deny his faith, and moreover, as he was tortured, he shouted and said, "I am Christian!" The king, then, ordered that he should be thrown into a reservoir171 filled with pitch and brimstone. When they threw him into it, he shouted and said, "May this reservoir be my baptism, O Christ God!" After his death, Titus the bishop said, "Truly, his body will rise up at the resurrection"'.

As one can see, except for minor differences, the two versions of this story, that of the *Marvels* and that of the *Questions*, present basically the same narrative. The absence in the text of the former of such details as the mention of Paul baptising the woman, of Paul's disciple Timothy presiding over the council, and of the bishop Titus in the concluding sentence, brings us to the conclusion that the narrative of the *Marvels* is a slightly abbreviated version of the more extensive original version of the *Questions*. Unfortunately, given the absence of a critical edition of either version of the *Questions*, i.e., Syriac and Arabic, it is difficult to say anything certain as to when precisely and in which milieu this story originated, nor whether the compiler of the *Marvels* relied on Syriac or Arabic text in this specific case.

171 سفل in the manuscript, but it is better to adopt the reading of Bey Yaʿqūb's edition, i.e., اناء.

In what concerns the message of the story, it resorts to grotesque imagery in order to tackle important issues related to the problem of communal identity by stressing the paramount significance of baptism as the primary marker of belonging to the Christian community. The notion of baptism of blood is crucial for unpacking the meaning of this narrative. Rooted in the deep symbolic connection between the sacrament of baptism and martyrdom, the understanding of martyrdom as the second baptism, or even as a last-resort substitute for proper baptism, had developed among Christians already during Late Antiquity.172 In the Syriac milieu, this notion is attested in some hagiographic works, such as the *Martyrdom of Āzād*, whose author describes the martyrs as 'baptized in a second baptism' (ܕܬܪܬܝܢ ܒܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܐ ܝܕܝ ̈ *F*,*172*)ܥܡ 173 as well as in canonical compositions, such as the *Canons of Hippolytus* and the *Testament of Our Lord*, claiming that if a catechumen is martyred before having been baptized, he or she should nevertheless be regarded as having successfully accomplished this sacrament with his/her blood.*173F* 174

#### **I.49 the child raised by a dog**

The story presented in this unit is, most likely, one of the later variants of a very similar account of the curious event, also said to have taken place in the city of Basra in the aftermath of a

172 See Jeanes (1993).

173 Ed. Bedjan (1890–1897, 2:251).

174 See Bradshaw et al. (2002, 103).

plague, which was included by al-Jāḥiẓ (9th c.) into his *Kitāb alḥayawān*:

The learned men of Basra claimed, and Abū ʿUbayda al-Naḥwī, Abū l-Yaqẓān Suḥaym b. Ḥafṣ, Abū l-Ḥasan al-Madāʾinī mentioned, (who knew it) from Muḥammad b. Ḥafṣ, (who knew it from) from Maslama b. Muḥārib: A certain house having been ravaged by the plague, the neighbours were convinced that there was no one left alive in it. Now there was a baby in that house, not yet weaned nor able to stand upright: it crawled on all fours.  Some months later, one of the family's heirs came to the house; he opened the door and went inside into the courtyard, and was amazed to find a baby playing with the puppies of a bitch that had belonged to the owners of the house. He was dumbfounded.  The baby, left alone and forgotten in the house, must have felt hungry, and seeing the puppies being suckled by their mother, have crawled over to the bitch, which obligingly placed herself so as to allow it to suck. Having once given it suck, she continued in the same way, and the baby likewise. 175

Al-Jāḥiẓ brings this story as confirmation of the 'divine direction' that guides all created beings by instilling in them 'innate knowledge' for the best course of action.

175 Ed. Hārūn (1965–1969, 2:155–56); trans. (augmented) Pellat (1969, 143).

#### **I.50 the plague in Basra**

While the exact origin of this tradition is difficult to establish, the mention of the city of Basra points to a Muslim milieu. Tracing its origins is made difficult by the fact that there were quite a few outbreaks of epidemics that afflicted the city during the medieval period. Thus, in addition to the obvious case of the Black Death (1346–1353), one comes across references to plagues that devastated Basra during the years 688–689, 955, and 1436.176

#### **I.51 the buffalos of Serendib**

The toponym *Serendib* (spelled in V as *Sarnādīb*), referring to the modern island of Sri Lanka, is attested in the works of some medieval Syriac authors, such as Bar ʿEbroyo (13th c.).177 The island is also mentioned in unit I.33. The plural noun ܫܐ ̈ buffalo 'ܓܡ bulls', vocalized in V as *gamešē*, should probably be understood not as a misspelt form of the Classical Syriac *gāmūšē*,*17F* 178 but rather as a variant spelling of its Neo-Aramaic cognate *gāmīšē*.*178F* 179

For a very close parallel, cf. the following passage from the description of the island of Rāmī in Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb almasālik*: 'After Serendib, there is the island of Rāmī. … And on it,

176 See Ashtor (1976, 87, 170, 278).

177 See *Candelabrum of the Sanctuary*; ed. Bakoš (1930–1933, 2:310, 314).

178 See Payne Smith (1879–1901, 1:741–42); Ciancaglini (2008, 137).

179 See Maclean (1901, 52), who lists the alternative spelling ܡܫܸ ܵ ܓ on p. 53.

there are buffaloes without tails (اذناب �� جواميس'(.*179F* 180 This tradition is also attested in al-Qazwīnī's *ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt*, although without mention of Serendib.*180F* 181

#### **I.52 the mountain of snakes**

It is possible that this report is derived from the following description from one of the offshoots of the Syriac *Alexander Romance* known as the *Exploits of Alexander*:

and beyond the nation of the Mnīnē there are no human beings but only terrible mountains and hills and valleys and plains and horrible caves, in which are serpents and adders and vipers, so that men cannot go thither without being immediately devoured by the serpents, for the lands are waste, and there is nothing there save desolation. 182

#### **I.53 the wolf and leopard**

This report is almost certainly derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7): 'and we

180 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 61). For a discussion of various locations of this island, sometimes identified with Sumatra, in the works of Arab geographers, see Carboni (2015, 354, n. 52).

181 Ed. Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:108).

̈ܡܬܐ 182 ̈ܝܠܐ. ܘܖ ̈ܐ ܕܚ ̈ܝܢܫܐ ܐܠܐ ܐܢ ܛܘܖ ̈ܝܢܐ ܠܝܬ ܒܢ ̈ ܘܢ ܝܢܫܐ ̈ܘܠܓܘ ܡܢ ܥܡܐ ܕܡܢ ̈ܕܢܐ. ܕܒܢ ̈ ܘܬܐ ܘܐܘܫܦ ܘܐܟ ̈ܝܠܐ. ܕܐܝܬ ܒܗܘܢ ܚܘ ̈ܠܠܐ ܕܚ ̈ܥܬܐ ܘܚ ܚܠܐ ܘܦܩ ̈ܒܐ ̈ ܘܬܐ ܚܖ ̈ ܘܬܐ. ܡܛܠ ܕܐܬܖ ܠܬܡܢ ܠܐ ܐܙܠܝܢ. ܕܠܐ ܡܚܕܐ ܐܟܠܝܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܚܘ ,[.Syr [66–265 1889, (Budge .ed; ܐܢܘܢ. ܘܡܕܡ ܠܝܬ ܬܡܢ. ܐܠܐ ܐܢ ܚܘܪܒܐ. 152 [trans.]).

saw too wolves and leopards and panthers and beasts with scorpions' tails'.183

#### **I.54 (= II.54) the sea turtles**

Similarly to unit I.10, this narrative features an inner-textual gloss that explains the Classical Syriac noun *gālē* 'turtles' with the Neo-Aramaic *qrāyē*. 184

A close parallel is provided by the following account from the description of the inhabitants of the part of the 'Great Eastern Sea' close to the port of Aden in Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb al-masālik*: 'And there are in it (i.e., the sea) turtles (*salāḥif*). One such turtle is twenty cubits in circumference, and it has about a thousand eggs in its belly. And their shell makes a good shield'.185 This passage also appears in al-Qazwīnī's *ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt*186 in a form closer to that of our unit, that is, without the last sentence.

#### **I.55 (= II.55) the camel-fish**

This unit most likely comes from the same source as the previous one. For a very close parallel, cf. the following passage from the description of the inhabitants of the 'Great Eastern Sea' in Ibn

̈ܒܐ. 183 ̈ ܢܒܝ ܥܩܖ ̈ ܬܐ ܕܕܘ ̈ܐ ܘܦܢܬܘܪ ܘܚܝܘ ̈ܐ ܘܢܡܖ 1889,) Budge .ed; ܘܚܙܝܢ ܕܐܒ 174 [Syr.], 98 [trans.]).

184 See Maclean (1901, 284), under ܐ ܵ .(3:54 2016,) Khan; ܩܪ

185 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 61).

186 Ed. Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:109).

Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb al-masālik*: 'There is also a fish that looks like *F*.*186*)'سمك على خلقة الجمل) camel a 187

#### **I.56 the islands of life and death**

The exact origin of this account is unclear.

#### **I.57 (= II.56) the island of prayers for rain**

The exact origin of this account is unclear.

#### **I.58 (= II.49) the giant fish and sailors**

The hydronym 'the sea of Qūlzam' (also mentioned in unit II.53) is a calque from the Arabic *baḥr al-Qulzum* of Muslim sources, which was applied sometimes to the Red Sea as a whole and sometimes only to the Gulf of Suez because the port known as Qulzum (from Greek Κλύσμα) was located on its western banks.188 An alternative Syriac name for the Read Sea, i.e. ܣܘܡܩܐ ܝܡܐ, is found in works of medieval authors, such as Bar ʿEbroyo.*18F* 189

Two main elements of this description are found in an account by Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār (10th c.), who relates how Ahmad b. Hilal, a ruler of Oman, came across a whale 'more than 200 cubits long' that was stranded ashore, while supplementing it with the following information: 'Ismailawayh the shipmaster told me that this fish abounds in the Sea of Zanj and in the Great Sea

187 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 61).

188 See Becker & Beckingham (1986).

189 See *Candelabrum of the Sanctuary*; ed. Bakoš (1930–1933, 2:309–10).

of Samarqand. It is called a *Wal*. It likes wrecking ships. If it attacks a ship, [the sailors] strike pieces of wood against one another, and shout and beat drums'.190

#### **I.59 (= II.50) the big fish with smaller fish inside**

Compare a very similar description of a whale from Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī's *Aḫbār al-ṣīn wa-l-hind*:

In this sea there is also a kind of fish that reaches twenty cubits in length. We caught one of these and split open its belly. Inside it was another fish of the same genus. We took this second fish out then split its belly open too-and there inside it was yet another fish of the same type! All of them were alive and flapping about, and they all resembled each other in form. 191

Cf. also the description of different kinds of fish by Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh.192

190 *ʿAǧāʾib al-hind* 9; trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981, 9–10). This description might, in its turn, be based on a similar account of Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, *Aḫbār al-ṣīn wa-l-hind* I.1.1; ed. Mackintosh-Smith & Montgomery (2014, 34–35), beginning of which is lost. This tradition is found in many later geographical and zoological works. Cf. also Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh, *Kitāb al-masālik*; ed. de Goeje (1889, 61); Ḥamdāllah al-Mustawfī al-Qazwīnī, *Nuzhat al-qulūb*; trans. Stephenson (1928, 58).

191 Ed. Mackintosh-Smith & Montgomery (2014, 22–23). Cf. also Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār, *ʿAǧāʾib al-hind* 11; trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981, 11); Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh, *Kitāb al-masālik*; ed. de Goeje (1889, 61).

192 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 61).

#### **I.60 (= II.51) the bull-fish**

This unit most likely comes from the same source as units I.54 and I.55. For a very close parallel, cf. the following passage from the description of the inhabitants of the 'Great Eastern Sea' in Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb al-masālik*: 'There is (also) a fish that looks like cattle (*al-baqar*), which gives birth and suckles. And they make shields from its skin'.193

#### **I.61 (= II.39) Alexander and the two talking birds**

This account is most likely derived from the following episode from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7), which takes place when Alexander and his troops arrive at a place called Obarkia:

And on the seventh day we saw two birds, the bodies of which were very large, and their faces were like the face of a man; and suddenly one of them said in the Greek language, "O Alexander, thou art treading the land of the gods;" and again it said to me in the same language, "Alexander, the victory over Darius and the subjection of king Porus are enough for thee."194

193 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 61).

̈ܨܘܦܝܗܝܢ 194 ̈ ܫܡܝܗܝܢ ܣܓܝ. ܘܦܖ ̈ܢ ܒܓܘ ̈ܚܢ. ܕܥܫܝܢ ̈ܬܝܢ ܦܖ ܘܒܝܘܡܐ ܕܫܒܥܐ ܚܙܝܢ ܬܖ ܐܝܟ ܦܪܨܘܦ ܒܪܢܫܐ. ܘܡܢ ܫܠܝܐ ܚܕܐ ܡܢܗܝܢ ܒܠܫܢܐ ܝܘܢܝܐ ܐܡܪܐ ܗܘܬ. ̈ ܐ ܕܐܫ ܐܢܬ. ܘܬܘܒ ܒܗ ܒܠܫܢܐ ܐܡܪܬ ܠܝ. ܐܠܟܣܢܕܪܘܤ ܐܠܟܣܢܕܪܐ. ܐܪܥܐ ܕܐܠܗ 180 1889,) Budge .ed; ܟܕܘ ܠܟ ܙܟܘܬܐ ܕܡܢ ܕܪܝܘܫ ܘܫܘܥܒܕܗ ܕܦܘܪ ܡܠܟܐ. [Syr.], 101 [trans.]).

#### **I.62 (= II.40) Alexander and the two growing trees**

See commentary on unit II.40 below.

#### **I.63 (= II.42) Alexander and the two talking trees**

It is most likely that this unit presents in a very abbreviated and somewhat reworked form the extended account from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7), in which the king during his journey through India comes across the sacred garden with the two trees, the male tree of the sun and the female tree of the moon, which can talk; when Alexander asks them about his future, both trees inform him (one of them in the Greek language) that he will die at Babylon.195

It should be noted that the version of unit II.42 adds in the concluding sentence that Alexander died 'in Babylon', which, perhaps, reflects better the original version of the *Marvels*. Babylon as the place of Alexander's death is mentioned in some other Syriac sources.196

#### **I.64 (= II.58) the island of the Antichrist**

This account reflects the belief, widespread among Muslims, that al-Daǧǧāl, the False Messiah of Islamic apocalypticism, is restrained by being chained to a mountain on an island, from which he eventually shall emerge at the time of eschatological consummation.197 A close parallel is provided by the following

195 Ed. Budge (1889, 185–89 [Syr.], 104–106 [trans.]).

196 Cf. the short *Life of Alexander*; ed. de Lagarde (1858, 207).

197 See Cook (2002, 117–20).

account from Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb al-masālik*: 'And the king of Zābaǧ is called Maharāǧ. And in his kingdom, there is an island called Barṭāīl (برطايل(, from where the sound (of musical instruments) and drum beating are heard every night. And mariners say that the Deceiver (الدجال (is there'.*197F* 198 A very similar description of the island of al-Daǧǧāl appears in al-Qazwīnī's *ʿAǧāʾib almaḫlūqāt*,*198F* 199 as well as in the works of several other Muslim writers.*19F* 200 It has been suggested by Minorsky that this island might be identified with Bali.*20F* 201

#### **I.65 (= II.40) Alexander and the two growing trees**

See commentary on II.40.

#### **II.29 the people with lions' heads and scaly tales**

This account is most likely derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7): 'We set out again from thence and came to another place where there were men with lion's heads and scaly tails'.202

201 Minorsky (1942, 152).

198 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 68).

199 Ed. Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:111).

200 Cf. *Kitāb ġarāʾib al-funūn wa-mulaḥ al-ʿuyūn*; ed. Rapoport & Savage-Smith (2014, 480); Šaraf al-Zamān Ṭāhir al-Marwazī, *Ṭabāʾiʿ al-ḥayawān*; ed. Minorsky (1942, 38\* [Arab.], 50 [trans.]).

̈ܫܝ 202 ̈ܝܢܫܐ ܕܖ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܬܘܒ ܐܫܩܠܢ ܘܠܐܚܪܬܐ ܕܘܟܬܐ ܐܬܝܢ. ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܢ ̈ ܢܒܝ ܙܠܦܬܐ. ܘܕܘ ܐܪܝܐ ;ed. Budge (1889, 178 [Syr.], 100 [trans.]).

#### **II.36 the woman giving birth to the lizard-like child**

The toponym *Bēt Sasē* does not seem to be attested in any other Syriac sources. While the immediate origin of this story is unclear, it finds parallels among the expressions of general interest in extraordinary cases of congenital disorders exhibited by some Syriac Christian writers, as well as by Muslim paradoxographers. Thus, a somewhat similar account is found in the excerpt from a West Syrian chronicle, preserved in ms. Berlin, Sachau 315 (Berlin Syr. 167), fol. 65r, which opens with the following report: 'In the year 1344 of the Greeks, which is the year 423 of the Arabs, a certain woman in the city of Bagdad gave birth to a likeness of a snake of short stature that had a head, mouth, and neck like those of a human being, but no arms and legs'.203

As for Muslim writers, in the part of the introduction to al-Qazwīnī's *ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt* that elucidates the category of 'strange', the author notes among other examples such a group of natural phenomena as 'the birth of animals of strange appearance (الشكل يب غر حيوان تولد'(, within which he lists several cases of birth defects among humans, including that of a woman from the region of Balkh who gave birth to a child that looked like a *nasnās*.*203F* 204

̈ܝܐ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܒܓܕܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ 203 ̈ ܢܝܐ ܕܗܝ ܫܢܬ ܬܟܓ ܕܛܝ ܒܫܢܬ ܐܫܡܕ ܕܝܘ ܝܠܕܬ ܕܡܘܬܐ ܕܚܘܝܐ. ܟܪܐ ܩܘܡܬܐ. ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ ܪܝܫܐ ܕܒܪܢܫܐ ܘܦܘܡܐ ܘܩܕܠܐ. ܕܠܐ ̈ܓܠܐ. ̈ ܝܕܝܐ ܘܕܠܐ ܖ .(2:525 1899,) Sachau; ܐ

204 Ed. Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:12). On *nasnās*, see the commentary to unit I.30 above. For a discussion of Muslim views regarding the causes of birth defects, see Kueny (2013, 181–82).

#### **II.37 the horned serpents**

This unit is most likely derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7): 'And in the midst of the phalanx there sprang up snakes with horns on their heads, some red and some white, and they bit and killed a number of the men'.205

#### **II.38 the animal bigger than an elephant**

It is most likely that this report is an abbreviated form of the following account from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7):

After the moon had set and it was dark, an animal which was bigger in its body than an elephant and which they call *Mašqlat* in the language of the country, came into the ditch and wished to spring upon us, but I straightway called out to my troops to take courage and stand ready. Now the longing and desire of the animal was to enter the ditch and to kill men, and suddenly it rushed into the ditch and killed twenty-six men, and amid loud noises and struggles it too perished by the hands of my troops; and after it was dead, we with three hundred men dragged it with great toil from the ditch and lifted it out. 206

̈ܝܢ. ܡܢ 205 ̈ ܡܩܝܢ. ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܚܘܖ ̈ܫܝܗܘܢ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܣܘ ̈ܢܬܐ ܒܖ ̈ܬܐ ܘܩܖ ܐܦ ܚܘܘ ̈ܝܢܫܐ ܡܚܘ ܗܘܘ ܘܩܛܠܘ. Budge .ed; ܡܨܥܬ ܦܠܓܐ ܣܠܩܘ ܗܘܘ. ܘܠܣܘܓܐܐ ܕܒܢ (1889, 174 [Syr.], 97 [trans.]).

̇ ܡܢ ܦܝܠܐ 206 ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܣܗܪܐ ܥܪܒ ܘܥܡܛܢܐ ܗܘܐ. ܚܝܘܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܒܦܓܪܗ ̇ . ܠܓܘ ܚܐܪܝܬܐ ܐܬܬ ܘܨܒܬ ̇ ܘ ܩܪܝܢ ܠܗ ܥܫܝܢܐ ܗܘܬ. ܡܫܩܠܬ ܒܠܫܢܗ ܕܐܬܪܐ ܗ ̈ ̣ ܬܝ ܩܥܝܬ. ܕܐܬܠܒܒܘ ܘܡܥܬܕܐܝܬ ܠܡܩܡܘ. ܗܝ ܕܝܢ ܕܥܠܝܢ ܬܫܘܪ. ܘܒܗ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܠܚܝܠܘ ̇ ܗܢܐ ܗܘܐ. ܕܠܚܐܪܝܬܐ ܬܐܬܐ. ܘܠܐܢܫܐ ܬܩܛܘܠ ܪܓܬܗ . ܘܡܢ ܫܠܝܐ ܠܓܘ ̇ ܘܨܒܝܢܗ

#### **II.40 (= I.62 and I.65) Alexander and the growing trees**

It is most likely that this story is a somewhat modified form of the following account from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7):

And upon the bank of the river there was a tree, which grew and increased from dawn until the sixth hour, and from the sixth hour until evening it diminished in height until there was nothing to be seen of it. Its smell was very pleasant, and I gave orders to gather some of its leaves and fruit, when suddenly an evil wind burst forth upon my troops and distressed them pitilessly; and we heard the sound of violent blows, and swellings and weals appeared upon the back of my troops; and after this we heard a voice from heaven like the sound of thunder which spake thus: "Let no man cut ought from this tree, neither let him approach it, for if ye approach it, all your troops will die."207

It should be noted that this unit also appears in Recension I, although in a very reduced form, in two almost identical units, I.62

̈ ܫܐ ܐܦ ̈ ܝܢܐ ܘܒܬܟܬܘ ̈ܠܐ ܚܣ ̈ܝܢ ܩܛܠܬ. ܘܒܩ ܚܐܪܝܬܐ ܪܗܛܬ. ܘܥܣܪܝܢ ܘܫܬܐ ܓܒܖ ̈ ܬܝ ܐܒܕܬ. ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܡܝܬܬ ܒܥܡܠܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܒܬܠܬܡܐܐ ̈ ܝܕܝ ܚܝܠܘ ̣ܗܝ ܡܢ ܐ ̇ ܡܢ ܚܐܪܝܬܐ ܓܪܢ ܘܐܣܩܢ. ̈ܝܢ ܦܓܪܗ ܓܒܖ ;ed. Budge (1889, 175 [Syr.], 98 [trans.]).

̈ܝܢ 207 ̇ ܘ ܐܝܠܢܐ ܚܕ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ. ܘܡܢ ܨܦܪܐ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܫܬ ܫܥ ܘܥܠ ܣܦܪ ܢܗܪܐ ܗ ̈ܝܢ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܪܡܫܐ ܡܢ ܪܘܡܗ ܒܨܪ ܗܘܐ. ܥܕܡܐ ܡܪܒܐ ܪܒܐ ܗܘܐ. ܘܡܢ ܫܬ ܫܥ ̈ܦܘܗܝ ܘܡܢ ܕܡܕܡ ܡܢܗ ܠܐ ܡܬܚܙܐ ܗܘܐ. ܘܪܝܚܗ ܣܓܝ ܒܣܝܡ ܗܘܐ. ܘܡܢ ܛܖ ̈ܬܝ ܛܪܬ. ܘܕܠܐ ܚܘܣܢ ̈ܘܗܝ ܦܩܕܬ ܠܡܩܛܦ. ܘܡܢ ܫܠܝܐ ܪܘܚܐ ܒܝܫܬܐ ܒܚܝܠܘ ̈ ܦܐܖ ̈ ܝܢܐ ܫܡܥܢ. ܘܥܒ ̈ܬܐ ܚܣ ̈ ܐܠܨܬ ܐܢܘܢ. ܘܩ ܬܝ ̈ܠܐ ܕܡܚܘ ̈ ܡܬܐ ܥܠ ܚܨ ܚܝܠܘ ܝܐ ܘܫܘ ܡܬܚܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ. ܘܒܬܪܟܢ ܩܠܐ ܡܢ ܫܡܝܐ ܫܡܥܢ. ܐܝܟ ܩܠܐ ܕܪܥܡܐ ܘܗܟܢܐ ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ. ܕܐܢܫ ܡܢ ܐܝܠܢܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܐ ܢܦܣܘܩ. ܐܦܠܐ ܕܢܬܩܪܒ ܠܗ. ܡܛܠ ܕܐܢ ܩܪܒܝܬܘܢ ̈ܬܟܘܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܝܬܝܢ. ܚܝܠܘ ܠܗ ;ed. Budge (1889, 178 [Syr.], 100 [trans.]).

and I.65. One should perhaps take it as an indication that Recension II better preserves the part of the original version of the *Marvels* that was derived from the *Alexander Romance*.

#### **II.41 the partridge-looking bird**

This unit is most likely derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7), which follows the preceding account of the trees: 'And there were birds too which were like partridges'.208

#### **II.43 the half-human animal attacking Alexander's troops**

It is most likely that this report is an abbreviated form of the following account from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7):

At the ninth hour of the day, behold a creature half beast half man, which in its body was (like) a wild boar reared upright; and it was not at all afraid of us. I commanded my troops to catch it, and when they drew near to it, it was not at all afraid and did not run away from them. Then I ordered a naked woman to go towards it, that we might easily seize it; but when the woman went up to it, the beast took hold of the woman and rent her, and began to devour her. When we saw this, we went against it at full speed, and smote it and killed it. 209

̈ ܠܐ. 208 ̈ ܝܢ ܗܘܝ ܠܚܓ ̈ܚܬܐ ܕܕܡ 79–178 1889,) Budge .ed; ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܬܘܒ ܦܖ [Syr.], 100 [trans.]).

̇ ܐܝܟ ܚܙܝܪ ܒܪܐ 209 ̈ܝܢ ܕܐܝܡܡܐ. ܗܐ ܚܝܘܬ ܒܪܢܫ ܚܕܐ. ܕܒܦܓܪܗ ܘܒܥܕܢ ܬܫܥ ܫܥ ̈ܬܝ ̇ . ܘܟܕ ܚܝܠܘ ̈ܬܝ ܕܢܐܚܕܘܢܗ ܙܩܝܦ ܗܘܐ. ܘܡܢܢ ܒܡܕܡ ܠܐ ܐܬܬܙܝܥܬ. ܘܦܩܕܬ ܠܚܝܠܘ

#### **II.44 the great animals attacking Alexander's troops**

This unit is most likely derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7):

Then we set out from thence and came to a place amid groves of trees which were large, and in these woods there were wild beasts like the wild asses of our own country. Each of them was fifteen cubits in length, and as they were not dangerous, my troops killed a number of them and ate them. 210

#### **II.45 the threatening bats**

This report is almost certainly derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7): 'and we saw bats which were as big as vultures, and their teeth were like those of men'.211

̇ ܐܬܩܪܒܘ. ܒܡܕܡ ܠܐ ܐܬܬܙܝܥܬ. ܘܡܢ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ ܠܐ ܥܪܩܬ. ܘܗܝܕܝܢ ܦܩܕܬ ܠܘܬܗ ̇ ܕܐ ̇ . ܘܟܕ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ ̇ ܬܐܬܐ. ܘܕܠܝܠܐܝܬ ܢܠܒܟܘܢܗ ܢܬܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܥܪܛܠܝܬܐ ܥܠܝܗ ̇ . ܘܟܕ ܚܙܝܢ ̇ . ܘܫܪܝܬ ܠܡܐܟܠ ܡܢܗ ̇ ܘܨܪܬܗ ̇ ܝ ܠܐܢܬܬܐ ܐܚܕܬܗ ܐܙܠܬ. ܚܝܘܬܐ ܗ . ̇ ̇ ܘܩܛܠܢܗ ̇ ܐܙܠܢܢ. ܘܡܚܝܢܗ ܥܠܝܗ ܒܪܗܛܐ ;ed. Budge (1889, 177 [Syr.], 99 [trans.]).

̈ܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ 210 ̈ܐ ܕܣܓܝ ܪܘܖ ̈ܐ ܕܐܝܠܢ ܬܘܒ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܐܫܩܠܢ ܘܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܒܝܬ ܥܒ ̈ܝܐ ܕܒܐܬܪܐ ܕܝܠܢ. ̈ܕܐ ܒܥܪܝܖ ̈ ܝ. ܐܝܟ ܥܖ ̈ ܬܐ ܐܝܬ ܗܘ ̇ ܘ ܥܒܐ ܚܝܘ ܐܬܝܢ. ܘܒܓܘ ܗ ̈ ܝ. ̈ ܠܬܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ ܗܘ ̈ ܝܢ. ܘܠܘ ܚܒ ̈ܐ ܐܡ ܘܐܘܪܟܐ ܕܚܕܐ ܚܕܐ ܡܢܗܝܢ ܚܡܫܥܣܖ ̈ ܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܩܛܠܘ ܡܢܗܝܢ ܣܘܓܐܐ ܘܐܟܠܘ. ܚܝܠܘ ;ed. Budge (1889, 180 [Syr.], 101 [trans.]).

̈ܝܢܫܐ. 211 ̈ܝܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܒܢ ̈ܐ. ܘܫܢ ̈ܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܟܘܕܖ ̈ܚܕܘܕܐ ܕܥܫܝܢ Budge .ed; ܘܚܙܝܢ ܦܖ (1889, 176 [Syr.], 98 [trans. (modified)]).

#### **II.46 the bird on a tree-top**

This unit is most likely derived from the following passage from the Syriac version of the *Alexander Romance* (III.7):

And from thence we set out and came to a certain place which was waste; and in the midst of that place there was a bird sitting upon a tree without leaves and without fruit, and it had upon its head something like the rays of the sun, and they called the bird the 'palm bird' (phoenix). 212

#### **II.47 the dog-like animal on the island**

The exact origin of this account is unclear. Since the narrator reports that he heard this story from a certain Christian clergyman called Emmanuel, who in his turn had heard it from a certain merchant from Egypt, it is possible that it originated and/or circulated as a part of the folklore of Muslim traders and seamen of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.

#### **II.48 the rhinoceros**

The text refers to the rhinoceros using the noun *karkdānā*, which is derived from the usual Arabic term for this animal, i.e., *karkadan*, in its own turn a loan from the New Persian *kargadan*. 213 In the following inner-textual gloss, the compiler of the *Marvels*

̇ ܝ 212 ̇ ܝ ܚܪܒܐ ܗܘܬ. ܘܒܓܘ ܗ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܐܫܩܠܢ ܘܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܐܬܝܢ. ܘܕܘܟܬܐ ܗ ̈ܦܐ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܝܬܒܐ ̈ܐ ܘܠܐ ܛܖ ܕܘܟܬܐ ܦܪܚܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܥܠ ܐܝܠܢܐ ܚܕ. ܕܠܐ ܦܐܖ ̈ܐ ܕܫܡܫܐ ܐܝܬ ܗ ̈ ܗܘܬ. ܘܥܠ ܪܫܗ ܐ ܩܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇ ܒܕܡܘܬ ܙܠܝܩ ܘܐ. ܘܦܪܚܬܐ ܕܬܡܖ . ̇ ܠܗ ;ed. Budge (1889, 180 [Syr.], 101 [trans.]).

213 See Sokoloff (2009, 654); Ciancaglini (2008, 198).

also identifies this animal as *raymā*. The noun *raymā* is attested already in the Peshitta version of the Old Testament, where it is used to render the Hebrew ם ֵא ְר' wild ox' (cf. Deut. 33.17; Ps. 29.6; 92.11; Job 39.9). As one can infer from such phrases as ̈ܢܬܐ ܕܪܝܡܐ ̈ܢܬܝ ܐܝܟ ܕܪܝܡܐ and) 33.17 .Deut (ܩܖ ,(92.11 .Ps (ܩܖ during this early period speakers of Syriac regarded this animal as having more than one horn. At some point, however, the noun came to be used to refer to an animal that had only one horn, often assumed to be the unicorn of Greco-Roman sources, but sometimes also the rhinoceros.214 One observes this semantic shift in the entry on ܪܝܡܐ in the *Dictionary* of Bar Bahlūl, who quotes the description of this animal by Ḥnanīšōʿ bar Sarošway (9th c.): 'In its body, it looks like a big and strong deer. And it has one horn in the middle of its head. And it is very tall and powerful'.215 In this entry, Bar Bahlūl also quotes Moses ibn Ḥunayn, who provides several Arabic synonyms of *raymā*, such as الحريش, الريم, and, notably, الكركدن' rhinoceros'.

As for the source-critical evaluation of the description of the rhinoceros presented in this unit, its two main elements are well attested in the Muslim tradition of zoological and geographical writing. Thus, already al-Jāḥiẓ in his *Kitāb al-ḥayawān* refers,

214 This semantic shift might have taken place due to the influence of the Septuagint tradition, where Hebrew ם ֵא ְר is consistently rendered as μονόκερως. Cf. also the chapter on *raymā* in the Syriac *Book of Natural Beings*; ed. Ahrens (1892, 14–15 [Syr.]), which is derived from the description of μονοκέρωτος 'unicorn' in the Greek version of *Physiologus*; cf. ed. Sbordone (1936, 78–82).

215 Ed. Duval (1888–1901, 2:1898–99).

although with some reservations, to a belief held by Indians that the young of the rhinoceros can graze upon the surrounding vegetation by putting their heads out of their mothers' wombs. 216 One comes across several later Arab writers, who also find this tradition problematic.217

The other detail, that is, the report that the horn of rhinoceros is used to make exquisite and expensive belts, is likewise well represented in Muslim sources. The closest to the text of this unit among them is perhaps the following passage from the description of the country of Qāmirūn, situated between India and China, in Ibn Ḫordāḏbeh's *Kitāb al-masālik*:

And there are rhinoceros (الكركدن (here, who have on their forehead a horn, one elbow (ذراع (long and two handfuls (قبضتان (thick. This horn is covered with images from beginning to end. And if it is cut, you can see images, white on jet-like black, of humans or an animal, or a fish, or a peacock, or some other bird. And the inhabitants of China make from them belts that cost from three hundred dinars up to three or even four thousand dinars.*217F* 218

216 Ed. Hārūn (1965–1969, 7:123–24).

217 Cf. polemic against the report of al-Jāḥiẓ in al-Masʾūdī's *Murūǧ alḏahab*; ed. de Meynard et al. (1966–1979, 1:215), or Abū Ḥāmid al-Ġarnāṭī, *Tuḥfat al-albāb*; ed. Ferrand (1925, 109–110). For a discussion, see Ettinghausen (1950, 15–16).

218 Ed. de Goeje (1889, 67–68).

Similar accounts of the use of rhinoceros' horn can be found, with some variations, in the works of many other Arab and Persian writers.219

#### **II.52 the bridge and vestibule made from the rib of a fish**

While the exact origin of this tradition is not clear, the mention of the city of Basra (see also units I.49, I.50) points to a Muslim milieu. For a close parallel, cf. Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār's *ʿAǧāʾib alhind*:

Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b.  He had cut a piece that measured five cubits on the side where the bone is thick; and then put it over a brook like a bridge, by the gate of a garden that we had in an island. The remaining portion was about twenty cubits long. 220

Similar accounts are found in works by later Muslim authors.221

219 Cf. Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, *Aḫbār al-ṣīn wa-l-hind*; ed. Mackintosh-Smith & Montgomery (2014, 40–43); Muḥammad al-Idrīsī (12th c.), *Nuzhat al-muštāq fī iḫtirāq al-āfāq*; trans. Ahmad (1960, 30); Ḥamdāllah al-Mustawfī al-Qazwīnī, *Nuzhat al-qulūb*; trans. Stephenson (1928, 28). For a discussion, see Ettinghausen (1950, 53–55, 101–104).

220 Trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981, 21).

221 Cf. al-Qazwīnī, *ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt*; ed. Wüstenfeld (1848–1849, 1:141); Ḥamdāllah al-Mustawfī al-Qazwīnī, *Nuzhat al-qulūb*, on *Qusṭā* fish; trans. Stephenson (1928, 57).

#### **II.53 the fish called 'sea-locust'**

The reference is most likely to the flying fish (Exocoetidae family). Compare the following passage from Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī's *Aḫbār al-ṣīn wa-l-hind*: 'They have also reported that in a certain part of the sea there are small flying fish that fly over the surface of the water, called 'water locusts' (الماء جراد'(.*21F* 222

#### **II.57 the whale stranded ashore**

The toponym *Kīš* is well known and refers to the island located in the lower Persian Gulf.223 Similarly to the story in unit I.40/II.31 that also mentions this island, this account might have originated and/or circulated as a part of the folklore of Muslim traders and seamen of the Persian Gulf. A similar story is found in *ʿAǧāʾib al-hind* by Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār, who relates how Ahmad b. Hilal, a ruler of Oman, came across a whale stranded ashore, and had 'the fat from its eyes' extracted. 224 One comes across mentions of 'oil' (ܡܫܚܐ (being extracted from whale eyes in some medieval Syriac works, such as the *Book of Natural Beings24F* 225 and the *Dictionary* of Bar Bahlūl.*25F* 226

222 Ed. Mackintosh-Smith & Montgomery (2014, 34–35).

223 For references, see the commentary to unit I.40 above.

224 Trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981, 9). Cf. also Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, *Aḫbār al-ṣīn wa-l-hind* II.16.1; ed. Mackintosh-Smith & Montgomery (2014, 126–27).

225 Ed. Ahrens (1892, 53 [Syr.]).

226 See the entry ܩܐܛܘܤ ;ed. Duval (1888–1901, 2:1691).

## **4. INDEXES**

#### **4.1. Index of toponyms**

#### **4.2. Index of ethnonyms, demonyms, and personal names**

**5. BIBLIOGRAPHY**

166 *Indexes*

**4.2. Index of ethnonyms, demonyms, and personal names**

Alexander (the Great) I.1, I.31/II.22,

Anās I.40/II.31 Arabs I.30/II.21

Frankish I.46/II.35

Jews I.3/II.3 Latin I.63

Quryāqos, priest of Mosul I.41, I.47 Romans I.21/II.16

Syriac I.47 Tiberius, king I.48

Greek I.12 (lit. 'Roman'),

Aramaic I.47 Basil (the Great) I.48 Dionysios, bishop of Athens I.48 Emmanuel, Rabban II.47

I.34/II.24,

I.63

I.37/II.27, I.53, I.61/II.39, I.62,

I.63/II.42, I.65, II.37

ʿAbdīšōʿ of Elam I.12 Adam I.47

#### **Primary sources**

*abî Jakûb ibn Wâdhih al-Kâtib al-Jakûbî*. Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 7. Leiden: Brill.

de Lagarde, Paul A. 1858. *Analecta syriaca*. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner.

#### **Secondary literature**

Cook, David. 2002. *Studies in Muslim Apocalyptic*. Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 21. Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press.

Cooperson, Michael. 2010. 'Al-Maʾmūn, the Pyramids and the Hieroglyphs'. In *ʿAbbasid Studies II: Occasional Papers of the School of ʿAbbasid Studies, Leuven, 28 June*—*1 July 2004*, edited by John Nawas, 165–90. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 177. Leuven: Peeters.

'Wāḳwāḳ'. In *The Encyclopaedia of Islam: New Edition*, 11: 103–109. Leiden: Brill.

UCLA Armenian History and Culture Series: Historic Armenian Cities and Provinces 2. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers.

Thomas J. Samuelian and Michael E. Stone, 250–61. University of Pennsylvania Armenian Texts and Studies 6. Chico, CA: Scholars Press.

———. 2001. 'The Armenians and the Kurdish Emirs of Bitlis under the Kara Koyunlu'. In *Armenian Baghesh/Bitlis and Taron/Mush*, edited by Richard G. Hovannisian, 155–74. UCLA Armenian History and Culture Series: Historic Armenian Cities and Provinces 2. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers.

*Sprache, Geschichte, Theologie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen (V. Deutsche Syrologentagung), Berlin 14.–15. Juli 2006*, edited by Rainer M. Voigt, 299–304. Semitica et Semitohamitica Berolinensia 9. Aachen: Shaker Verlag.

### **6. APPENDIX: MANUSCRIPT FACSIMILES**

188 *Bibliography*

Tradition 29. Leiden: Brill.

Munich.

*Sprache, Geschichte, Theologie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen (V. Deutsche Syrologentagung), Berlin 14.–15. Juli 2006*, edited by Rainer M. Voigt, 299–304. Semitica et

Semitohamitica Berolinensia 9. Aachen: Shaker Verlag. Zoroufi, Mohammad. 1968. *Die Resāle des Moheb ʿAlī Hān Nāzim*

Zuwiyya, Zachary D., ed. 2011. *A Companion to Alexander Litera-*

*ture in the Middle Ages*. Brill's Companions to the Christian

*Al-Mulk über die osmanisch-iranische Grenze (um 1850)*. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doctorwürde der philosophischen Fakultät. Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, B1 fol. 68v

B1 fol. 69r

B1 fol. 70r

B1 fol. 70v

B1 fol. 71r

B1 fol. 72r

B1 fol. 72v

B2 fol. 8r

# **Cambridge Semitic Languages and Cultures**

## **General Editor Geoffrey Khan**

### **About the series**

This series is published by Open Book Publishers in collaboration with the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies of the University of Cambridge. The aim of the series is to publish in open-access form monographs in the fi eld of Semitic languages and the cultures associated with speakers of Semitic languages. It is hoped that this will help disseminate research in this fi eld to academic researchers around the world and also open up this research to the communities whose languages and cultures the volumes concern. This series includes philological and linguistic studies of Semitic languages and editions of Semitic texts. Titles in the series will cover all periods, traditions and methodological approaches to the fi eld. The editorial board comprises Geoffrey Khan, Aaron Hornkohl, and Esther-Miriam Wagner.

This is the fi rst Open Access book series in the fi eld; it combines the high peer-review and editorial standards with the fair Open Access model offered by OBP. Open Access (that is, making texts free to read and reuse) helps spread research results and other educational materials to everyone everywhere, not just to those who can afford it or have access to well-endowed university libraries.

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#### **Other titles in the series**

 *Studies in the Grammar and Lexicon of Neo-Aramaic* Geoffrey Khan and Paul M. Noorlander (eds) doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0209

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## The Marvels Found in the Great Cities and in the Seas and on the Islands

Cambridge Semitic Languages and Cultures

**The Marvels Found in the Great Cities**

**and in the Seas and on the Islands**

**Aǧ***a***ʾib**

**SERGEY MINOV**

**A Representative of ʿ**

A Representative of ʿ*A*ǧ*a*ʾ*ib* Literature in Syriac **-**

Sergey Minov, HSE University, Moscow

 **Literature in Syriac -** This volume presents the original text, accompanied by an English transla� on and commentary, of a hitherto unpublished Syriac composi� on, en� tled *The Marvels Found in the Great Citi es and in the Seas and on the Islands*. Produced by an unknown East Syrian Chris� an author during the late medieval or early modern period, this work off ers a loosely organized catalogue of marvellous events, phenomena, and objects, natural as well as human-made, found throughout the world. *The Marvels* is a unique composi� on in that it bears witness to the crea� ve adop� on by Syriac Chris� ans of the paradoxographical literary genre that was very popular among Arab and Persian Muslim writers. The East Syrian author blends together inherited Chris� an, borrowed Muslim, and local oral tradi� ons, providing his audience with a fascina� ng panorama of imaginary geography.

As with all Open Book publica� ons, this en� re book is available to read for free on the publisher's website. Printed and digital edi� ons, together with supplementary digital material, can also be found here: www. openbookpublishers.com

Cover image: An image from the manuscript of Zakarīyā al-Qazwīnī's *Kitāb 'Aǧā'ib al-maḫlūqāt wa-ġarā'ib al-mauǧūdāt (*1750–1770); Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. arab. 463, fol. 78r. Courtesy of Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München.

Cover design: Anna Ga�

**Marvels Found Sergey Minov**

**6**

**OBP**


*2.5. Morphometric Analysis*

As many liver lobules as possible were photographed in two Sirius Red/Fast Green-stained sections of each mouse (magnification 200×, blinded for groups). Images suitable for analysis were identified following predefined exclusions criteria and the red stained area was quantified using the color threshold tool in ImageJ, version 1.51 [45]. To quantify the stained area in CD45 immunohistochemical sections, as many non-overlapping high-power fields as possible were photographed using a Biozero BZ-8000 microscope (magnification 200×, Keyence, Osaka, Japan). Suitable images were converted to 8-bit grey scale and the threshold tool in ImageJ was used to quantify the stained area.