MARTINVS WALDSEEMVLLER ILACOMILVS LECTORI FELICITATEM OPTAT INCOLVMEM NE TIBI LECTOR ingenue videremur confusionis admirationem ingessisse, vel cuiusvis dubitationis sive erroris praebere spetiem, que credamur a nobis ipse dissentire, aut certe discordiarum sementaria in hac nostra terre marisque descriptione praebuisse, paucis placuit (& his quidem nullo rethorico fuco depictis) mentem nostram hoc proloquio declarare. Namque non solent veritatis inquisitores ornati sermonis stilo colorare verba, dicendi maiestatem exornare lepore, sed veneranda quedam simplicitatis affluentia, auream veritatem humili tectam orationis palliolo prouestigare. Generalem igitur totius orbis typum, quem ante annos paucos absolutum, non sine grandi labore, ex Ptolomei traditione, auctore profecto prae nimia vetustate vix nostris temporibus cognito, in lucem edideramus, & in mille exemplaria exprimi curauimus multo studio sic elicuimus vt illos dumtaxat terrarum et regionum situs mortaliumque ritus ac conditiones, Civitatum, gentium, montium eas solum contineret ac in se haberet consuetudines & naturas quas sub Ptolomei temporibus et etatate [for etate] constat floruisse, ac viguisse. Additis non paucis quae per marcum civem venetum tempore Clementis .4. & Gregorii.x. maximorum pontificum et Cristoforum Columbum & Americum vesputium capitaneos Portugallenses lustrata fuere simul et experientia testificante adinventa. Verum enim quia vt solet temporum interlapsus et malitia inuertere singula atque mutare vniuer[s]a, sic totius orbis machina constat a Ptolomei temporibus immutata vt de viginti vix vnam reperire licet ciuitatem vel regionem que prime retinuerit vetustatis nuncupationem, cuius non sit vel inuersum vocabulum aut nouis extructis opidis noua illis post hec Ptolomei tempora indita nominatio, quod in nostris regionibus perspicere claret. nulla inde difficultas exoriri potest id quidem in remotissimis equo modo aut magis se habere. Nec difficilis hac in re nobis tam in propinquis quam in remotissimis regionibus et ciuitatibus adesse potest exemplificatio. Vbi sunt inquam iuxta Rhenum flumen nuncupata aut quis ostendere potest Gannodurum Augustam Rauricum Elcebum Berbetomagum aut apud exteros maritimas ciuitates has Bizantium Aphrodisium Chartaginem Niniuem quarum nobis a Ptolomeo nomina tradita sunt quam exactissime. Quis populos Sequanos, Heduos, Heluetios, Leucos, Vangiones, Hagones, Mediomatrices sic quondam nominatos hac nostra potest tempestate dinoscere, & his nominibus habunde notificare. Non est certissimo fateor que galliam Celticam et Belgicam Austrasiam Noricum, Pannoniam, Sarmatiam, scythiam, Thauricam et auream chersonesos, sinum, Canticolphum, sinum Gengeticum, & insulam nominatissimam Taprobanam vetustis queat nominibus atque vocabulis prouestigare, cognoscere, inuenire, tantum valet in his mortalium rebus innouare vetustas et temporibus permutare decursus. Id expertum habuit recensiorum [for recentiorum] lustratorum experientia, id longa perquisiuit mortalium hominum terrarum laboriosa peragratio, que non solum in terrarum ac regionum appellatione sic immutata, sed & in celesti quoque plaga ad equatoris considerationem neglienter sint obseruata, quod tamen in oris Ethiopie seu in insulis quidem fortunatis nunc canariis appellatis liquet que magis Septentrionales, et oris indie sicut Cumari promontorium quod magis Meridionale esse perhibetur quam a Ptolomeo traditum est. Quod tamen non audeam Ptolomeo tan diligenti rerum indagatori adscribere nec absurde crediderim id lustratorum potius negligentie tribuendum esse quum met ipse lamentetur contestans plura sibi minus diligenter tradita fuisse ob idque irrefragabiliter suadeat nouos potius quam antiquos imitandos esse cosmographos, ne tanta rerum permutatio in incerto & incognita permaneat, Quibus ipse permotus communi eruditorum vtilitati studens hunc secundarium totius orbis typum primo adieci, vt sicut illic veterum constetit auctorum totius orbis terra marique descriptio, sic reluceat hic non noua solum ac presens totius orbis facies, sed cum hoc mediorum temporum indita rebus mortalibus consueta et naturalis permutatio pateat vt vnico habeas (si ita dici iubet) contuitu quid, quales, quomodo res caduce nunc fiunt, qualesque priscis fuerint temporibus et quales aliquin future a nobis nullatenus dubitari possint. Hanc igitur iuxta Neotericorum traditionem totius orbis spetiem & descriptionem Chartam placuit appellare marinam, eo que in maris descriptionibus vulgarem fuerimus & approbatissimam nauticarum tabularum notificationes insequuti, sumus insuper in mediterranea Asie atque Aphrice descriptione Ne[o]tericorum itinerarios, particulares tabulas, chorographias, & quorundam recensiorum [read recentiorum] lustratorum relationes plerumque imitati, fratris videlicit Ascelini qui sub Innocento pontifice maximo in humanis rebus non pauca prelustravit, fratris Odorici de foro Iulii de parca Leonis, Petri de Aliaco, Fratris Ioannis de Plano Carpio, Maffii et Marci Civium venetorum Casparis iudei indici cuius itinerarii liber regi Portugallie mandatus est atque descriptus, Francisci de Albiecheta Iosephi de India Aloysi de Cadamosco, Petri aliaris, Christophori Colubmi Ianuensis Ludo[v]ici Vatomanni Bononiensis. Quorum omnium lustrationes, experientias, & terreni situs orbis descriptiones, a plerisque huius rei fautoribus & amatoribus nobis communicatas, In hanc quam cernis marine chartae formam redegimus. Non curavimus singula nostre descriptionis vocabula exornandi stilo fucare aut quauis ordinationis festiuitate exornare, humili nanque dicendi genere veritatem professi quare animo beniuolo nos prosequere te oramus. Vale.

Martin Waldseemüller (Ilacomilus) wishes the reader unblemished happiness.

Lest I should seem, noble reader, to be trying to dazzle you with confusion, or to give the appearance of any kind of doubt or error, in which I might seem to disagree with myself, or to supply the grounds for disagreements in this map of the land and sea, it seemed a good idea to declare my mind in this introduction, in a few words free of rhetorical coloring. For those who seek the truth do not adorn their words with stylistic flourishes, or embellish the dignity of their speech with a superficial charm, but use a venerable abundance of simplicity to cover the golden truth with a little cloak of speech. And so: a few years ago I finished a general map of the whole world, not without great labor, according to the tradition of Ptolemy, an author barely known today because of his great antiquity. I published it, and had a thousand copies printed with great care. I made it so that it would contain only those lands and regions, those religions and conditions of people, and those customs and natures of cities, peoples, and mountains—that it would only have in it those customs and characteristics that are known to have been extant or in use in Ptolemy's time. Many things were added that were discovered and confirmed through the testimony of experience by the Venetian citizen Marco during the papacies of Clement IV and Gregory X, and by the Portuguese captains Christopher Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci. For indeed, as the passage of time is accustomed to overturn a specific bad thing and to change wickedness as a whole, so it is well known that the whole machine of the world has changed since Ptolomey's time, so that out of twenty cities or regions hardly one can be found that retains its old name–whose name has not been changed, or new names given to new cities built after Ptolemy's time. This can even be seen in our own regions, but any difficulty in this regard would certainly be equal or greater in distant regions. And it is not difficult for me to provide examples of this, both in nearby cities and regions and in very distant ones. Where are those cities that were said to be by the Rhine, or who can point out Gannodurum [Konstanz], Augusta Rauricum [Augst, Aargau, Switzerland], Elcebus [Ell, near Strasbourg], and Berbetomagum [Worms], or among foreign maritime cities, Byzantium, Aphrodisias, Carthage, Ninive, whose names have been handed down to us by Ptolemy with great precision? The people once known as the Sequani, the Hedui, the Helvetians, the Leuci, the Vangioni, the Hagoni, the Mediomatrices—who can recognize them today, and who can easily make them known to us by these names? I acknowledge that one might not be able to locate, find, or recognize according to their ancient names Celtic Gaul and Belgian Gaul, Austrasia, Noricum, Pannonia, Sarmatia, Scythia, Thaurica, the Golden Chersonese, the Bay of Canticolphus, the Bay of the Ganges, and the very well-known island of Taprobane: so much does it prevail in these human things to alter ancient practices and to change course with the times. This is confirmed by the experience of recent explorers, and was found out by the long and laborious reconnaissance of the world: not only those things which in the naming of lands and regions have been thus altered, but even those which in the celestial regions and the study of the equatorial regions have been inaccurately recorded, so that it is clear that the shores of Ethiopia and the Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries, should be more to the north, and in the shores of India, the Promontory of Cumari [Cape Comorin] is held to be further to the south than Ptolemy said. Which errors however I would not dare to ascribe to Ptolemy, so diligent an investigator, nor would I absurdly believe that the errors are to be attributed instead to the negligence of explorers, when he himself complains, asserting that many things were inaccurately passed down to him, and because of this, indiputably persuades us to follow the recent rather than the ancient cosmographers, lest so great a change in things remain uncertain or unknown. Moved by these considerations, and in the interest of the common utility of scholars, I have added this second image of the world to my first, so that just as in the first the image of the whold world, land and sea, agreed with that of the ancient authors, so in this one, not only may the new and present face of the world shine forth, but together with that, the customary and natural change introduced into worldly affairs in the intervening times, so that you can see (if I may say so) at a single glance why, of what kind, and how transitory things have come to be now, what they were like in former times, and how they will be in the future, without a doubt. Therefore, it seemed good to call this image and description of the whole world, made in accordance with the tradition of modern authors, a Carta marina, and for that reason, as far as the depiction of the oceans, I have followed the commonly used and the most approved nautical charts and their indications, while in the depiction of the Mediterranean, Asia and Africa I have made ample use of recent authors' travel narratives, regional maps, descriptions of countries, and the accounts of some recent explorers, such as that of Ascelinus the monk, who during the papacy of Innocent made extensive explorations in human affairs; of friar Odorico of Pordenone in Friuli, Pierre d'Ailly, friar John of Plano Carpini; Matteo and Marco [Polo], citizens of Venice; Caspar the Jew of India, whose travel narrative was inscribed and sent to the King of Portugal; those by Francesco [de Almeida], Joseph the Indian, Alvise de Cadamosto; Pedro Alvares [Cabral]; the Genoese Christopher Columbus, and the Bolognese Ludovico de Varthema. All of whose voyages, experiences, and descriptions (or maps) of the world, which were sent to me by many who promote and love this type of work, I have reduced into the form of the marine chart that you now see. I was not concerned with embellishing each word of my description with ornate style or placing them in a striking order, for I prefer a plain style to express the truth. For that reason I beg you to follow me with a well-disposed spirit. Farewell.

The first and last thirds of this legend were transcribed and translated by M. T. di Palma320; the latter part where Waldseemüller discusses his sources has been translated by Baldacci321; and the whole legend was translated by John Hessler.322 The transcription and translation here are my own. It has been questioned whether Waldseemüller's reference to an earlier world map in the early part of the legend is in fact about his 1507 map, but it is not at all clear to what other map Waldseemüller might be referring. Doubt has also been cast on the cartographer's claim that 1000 copies of the 1507 map were printed, particularly as only one copy of the map survives. While there is no way to be certain in this matter, it is worth keeping in mind that the 1507 map was a very ambitious project, and thus an ample print-run would be expected. Although there is little data regarding print runs for books in the early sixteenth century, and none for maps, there are some indications that a print run of 1000 books would not have been unusual.323 With regard to the fact that only one copy of the 1507 map (and of the Carta marina for that matter) survives, that is not at all unusual: in the Incunabula Short-Title Catalogue (ISTC), there are thousands of editions of books for which only one copy survives.324 Maps printed on large sheets are prima facie much more perishable than books, as they lack the built-in protection of a book's covers, and it is very easy to find examples of sixteenth-century maps that survive in only one or two exemplars.325

As mentioned briefly in the introduction above, the section of this legend on the Carta marina that addresses changes in place names is very similar to a passage in the introduction to the second part of Waldseemüller's 1513 edition of Ptolemy, and in fact some of the place names he uses as examples are the same in the two passages. Here is the passage from the 1513 Ptolemy326:

Verum quia temporis lapsus multa quidem labilitate quoque sua indies mutat: plaerisque visus est auctor notabilius a modernioribus deuiasse. Id quod cernere licet in utraque Pannonia, quae nunc Hungaria & Austria vocatur. Et quae regio dum floruit unica appellatione Sarmatia, siue Sauromatia dicebatur: nunc diuisim Poloniam, Russiam, Prussiam, Moscouiam & Lituaniam nominamus. Populorum denique usui placuit transmutatio vocabulorum. Quos enim vetustas Eluetios & Sequanos, nunc vulgo Burgundiones Suitensesque vocamus. Quaedam & ciuitates primitiuis nominibus orbati sunt. Quis enim iuxta Rhenum Flauium, Canodurum, Augustam rauricum, Elcebum & Berthomagum urbes a Ptolaemo commemoratas digito mostrabit?

But since the course of time changes many things from day to day as it passes, it has become generally evident that the author deviates notably from those more modern, as may be seen in the two Pannonias, which are now called Hungary and Austria; and the region which was called while it flourished, by the sole appellation of Sarmatia or Sauromatia, we now name in its divisions, Poland, Russia, Prussia, Muscovy and Lithuania. Change in the names of nations has also come into use. For those whom the ancients called Helvetii and Sequani, we now commonly call Burgundians and Swiss. Certain cities, too, have lost their primitive names, for who with his finger will point out on the River Rhine the cities Canodorum, Augusta Rauricum, Elcebus and Berthomagus mentioned by Ptolemy?

320See Gaetano Ferro et al., Columbian Iconography (see note 108 in Chap. 1 above), p. 496. 321Baldacci, Columbian Atlas of the Great Discovery (see note 194), p. 121. 322See http://www.kislakfoundation.org/download/Hessler-Sheet\_9\_of\_1516\_Carta\_Marina\_Translation.pdf. 323For indications that a print run of 1000 was not unusual in Italy in the early sixteenth century see Berta Maracchi Biagiarelli, "Il privilegio di stampatore ducale nella Firenze Medicea," Archivio storico italiano 123 (1965), pp. 304–370, at 348; Uwe Neddermeyer suggests that a print run of about a thousand was normal around the turn of the sixteenth century in "Möglichkeiten und Grenzen einer quantitativen Bestimmung der Buchproduktion im Spätmittelalter," Gazette du livre médiéval 28 (1996), pp. 23–32, but this claim is disputed by Joseph A. Dane, "Twenty Million Incunables Can't Be Wrong," in Joseph A. Dane, ed., The Myth of Print Culture: Essays on Evidence, Textuality, and Bibliographical Method (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 32–56 and 198–203, at 43–44. 324Jonathan Green, Frank McIntyre, and Paul Needham, "The Shape of Incunable Survival and Statistical Estimation of Lost Editions," Papers of

the Bibliographical Society of America 105.2 (2011), pp. 141–175. 325See the list of examples on pp. 44–45 above. 326This passage is translated into English by Henry N. Stevens, The First Delineation of the New World and the First Use of the Name America on

a Printed Map (London: H. Stevens, Son & Stiles, 1928), p. 40, and part is quoted in Robert W. Karrow Jr., "Intellectual Foundations of the Cartographic Revolution," Ph.D. Dissertation, Loyola University of Chicago, 1999, p. 185.

Waldseemüller mentions using some local maps (particulares tabulas, chorographias) in the composition of the Carta marina, and though we do not have any direct evidence about which local maps they might have been, R. A. Skelton has listed some of the works, including maps, that Waldseemüller used in making his 1513 Ptolemy.327 It is worth pointing out that Waldseemüller's list of the sources he used is certainly not complete, though we would not really expect it to be so. Just to mention two examples, in the introduction above it was shown that Waldseemüller was using as a source for his depictions of the lands a large and elaborately decorated nautical chart, similar in nature to the Catalan Atlas of 1375, Mecia de Viladestes's chart of 1413, or the Catalan-Estense map of c. 1460, but he only mentions using nautical charts for his depiction of the ocean; and in the commentary on Legend 3.27 we saw that Waldseemüller was using the brief thirteenth-century account of a journey to the Holy Land by one Thetmar or Theitmar.

327R. A. Skelton, "Bibliographical Note," in Ptolemy, Geographia, Strassburg, 1513 (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1966), p. xvii.

#### 2.11 Sheet 10. Southern South America and the South Atlantic (Plate 2.10)

The coastal place names in South America come from Caverio's nautical chart of c. 1503; Caverio has a Portuguese flag at the southern end of the continent, but Waldseemüller replaced this with a Spanish flag. The name "America," which Waldseemüller so famously debuted in South America on his 1507 map, does not appear on the Carta marina. At the bottom of this sheet is a scale of Italian miles for measuring distances on the map: compare this with the scale of German miles on sheet 2. As Waldseemüller specifies in the Cosmographiae introductio, the German mile was four times as long as the Italian mile.328

10.1

BRASILLA SIVE TERRA PAPAGALLI Antropophagorum genus hic est

Brazil or the Land of Parrots. The people here are man-eaters.

The name Brazil (in one of its many variant spellings) seems first to have been applied to the New World in print in 1504; a "R. de Brasil" appears on the Ruysch map of 1508, and there is a "rio de brazil" and an "y de brassil" on the Tabula Terre Nove in the 1513 Ptolemy, but the first map on which the name is used for a region in South America is Gregor Reisch's world map in the 1513 edition of his Margarita philosophica. 329 It is interesting that Reisch's map is largely based on those in the 1513 Ptolemy: he evidently took the idea that the name Brazil applied to the whole region from another source. Incidentally Fries discusses Brazil in Chap. 82 of the Uslegung. 330

The first cartographic appearance of New World parrots is on the Cantino chart of c. 1502; they also appear on the Caverio chart, and one of the few artistic decorations on Waldseemüller's 1507 map is a parrot in South America that is perched on a banner that reads Rubei psitaci, i.e. red parrots.331 Given that the Carta marina is iconographically richer than both the Caverio chart and his own 1507 map, it is interesting that Waldseemüller chose to use the name Terra Papagalli, but not to represent the birds. This choice seems to reflect the cartographer's greater interest in Asia than in the New World: both legends and decorations in the New World are quite sparse compared to those in Asia. We cannot be certain where Waldseemüller obtained the name Terra Papagalli, but it does appear in the Paesi, Chap. 125, in a letter from Giovanni Matteo Cretico dated June 27, 1501.332

For discussion of the long tradition of reports of cannibals in the New World, see the commentary on Legend 5.5 above.

10.2

PASSIM INCOLITVR HEC REGIO QVE PLERISQVE ALTER TERRARVM ORBIS EXISTIMATVR. FEMINE AC MARES VEL NVDI PRORSVS VEL INTEXTIS RADICIBVS AVIVM PENNIS VARII COLORIS ORNATI LABIISQVE PERFORATIS INCEDVNT. APVD MVLTOS VIVITVR IN COMMVNI. NVLLA RELIGIONE. BELLA FREQVENTISSIME GERVNT, HVMANA CAPTIVORVM CARNE VESCVNTVR. AERE ADEO CLEMENTI VTVNTVR VT SVPRA ANNVM 150. PLVRES VIVANT. RARO ERGOTANT ET SI SE PERTVRBATVROS SENSERINT RADICIBVS HERBARVM CITO CVRANTVR.

328See Fischer and von Wieser, The 'Cosmographiae introductio' of Martin Waldseemüller (see note 7 in Chap. 1 above), pp. xxxvi (Latin, towards the end of Chap. 9) and 77 (English).

329See "Beschreibung der Meerfahrt von Lissabon nach Calacutt, vom Jahre 1504," Jahresbericht des Historischen Kreisvereins im Regierungsbezirke von Schwaben und Neuburg 26 (1860), pp. 160–162, at 161; and Walter B. Scaife, "Brazil, as a Geographical Appellation," Modern Language Notes 5.4 (1890), pp. 105–107. On Reich's map see Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World

Maps 1472–1700 (London: Holland Press, 1983), pp. 40–42. 330Fries's passage on Brazil is translated into modern German by Petrzilka, Die Karten des Laurent Fries (see note 202 in Chap. 1 above), p. 150. 331For discussion of images of New World parrots on maps see Gaetano Ferro et al., Columbian Iconography (see note 108 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 528–535; and Renate Pieper, "Amerikanische Papageien als Symbol der Neuen Welt," in her Die Vermittlung einer neuen Welt: Amerika im Nachrichtennetz des Habsburgischen Imperiums 1493–1598 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 2000), pp. 245–271; a shorter version of her study was published in Spanish as "Papagayos americanos, mediadores culturales entre dos mundos," in Eddy Stols, Werner Thomas, and Johan Verberckmoes, eds., Naturalia, mirabilia & monstrosa en los imperios Ibéricos (siglos xv–xix) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2005), pp. 123– 134.

332The passage in the Paesi, Chap. 125, that includes the name "Land of the Parrots" runs: di sopra dal capo di Bonasperanza uerso garbin hanno scoperto una terra nova. la chiamano de li Papaga: per essergene di longeza di brazo .i. & mezo di uarii colori: de li quali ne hauemo uisto doi: iudicando questa terra esser terra ferma perche scorseno per costa piu di do.M. miglia ne mai trouono fine…; "Above the Cape of Good Hope to the west they have discovered a new land. They call it that of the parrots, because some are found there which are an arm and a half in length, of various colours. We saw two of these. They judged that this was mainland because they ran along the coast more than two thousand miles but did not find the end." The letter of Cretico is translated into English by Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral (see note 70 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 119–123, with this passage on p. 120.

Plate 2.10 Sheet 10 of the Carta marina: Southern South America and the South Atlantic. Courtesy of the Library of Congress

HIC LEONES SERPENTES ET ALIE FEDE BELVE GIGNVNTVR. HIC SILVE DENSISSIME ARBORVM ODORIFERARVM, CASSIE, CEDRI, VIRZINI ET THEDARVM DIVERSI GENERIS. HIC MARGARITARVM ET AVRI MAXIMA COPIA. HEC PER HISPANOS ET PORTOGALENSES FREQ-VENTATIS NAVIGATIONIBVS INVENTA CIRCA ANNOS DOMINI 1492 QVORVM CAPITANEI FVERE CRISTOFERVS COLVMBVS IANVENSIS PRIMVS, PETRVS ALIARES SECVNDVS, ALBERICVSQVE VESPVTIVS TERTIVS. MEDITERRANEA ADHVC NEMO EST PERSCRVTATVS, REFERVNT TAMEN MARITIME ACCOLE INGENTEM FREQVENTIAM ESSE HOMINVM.

This land, which many believe to be a whole other world, is inhabited throughout. The women and men walk around either completely naked or decorated with roots interwoven with feathers of various colors, and they have their lips perforated. Many of them live communally, and have no religion. They wage war very frequently, and they eat the flesh of their prisoners. The climate is so mild that many of them live beyond 150 years of age. They seldom fall ill, and if they perceive they are about to become unwell, they are quickly cured by the roots of herbs. Lions, snakes and other wild beasts live here, and there are very dense forests of odiferous trees, such as cassia, cedar, brazilwood, and pines of various types. There are great quantities of pearls and gold. This was discovered in about 1492 through numerous voyages by the Spaniards and Portuguese, under the following captains: first Christopher Columbus, then Pedro Álvares [Cabral], and third, Alberico [Amerigo] Vespucci. So far no one has explored the hinterland, but the inhabitants of the coasts say that it is enormous and full of people.

This legend has been translated by Baldacci,333 but the translation here is mine. More than half of the legend seems to have been inspired (like Legend 5.3 above) by a legend on Ruysch's world map of 1507–08334:

Passim incolitur haec regio, quae a plerisque alter terrarum orbis existimatur. Feminae maresque vel nudi prorsus vel intextis radicibus aviumque pennis varii coloris ornati incedunt. Vivitur multis in commune nulla religione, nullo rege. Bella inter se continenter gerunt, humanaque captivorum carne vescuntur. Aero adeo clementi utuntur ut supra annum 150 vivant. Raro aegrotant, tunque radicibus tantum curantur herbarum. Leones hic giguntyr, serpentesque et aliae foedae belluae sylvae. Insunt montes fluminaque. Margaritarum atque auri maxima copia. Avehuntur hinc a Lusitanis ligna brasi alias verzini et cassiae.

This region is everywhere inhabited; it is considered another world by most people. Women and men go either completely naked or dressed in woven fibres and birds' feathers of various colors. Many live together with no religion and no king. They constantly wage war amongst themselves. They feed on the human flesh of captives.  They are rarely ill, and when they are, they are healed simply by the roots of herbs. Lions live here and snakes and other dreadful beasts of the forest. There are mountains and rivers. There is a great quantity of pearls and gold. Timber of brasil [used for red dye], also called "verzin," and cassia are exported from here by the Portuguese.

As with Legend 5.3 I do not think that Waldseemüller's reliance on Ruysch here has been noted previously. The substances of both Ruysch's and Waldseemüller's legends come from the account of Vespucci's third voyage in the Paesi or Itinerarium: the idea that the newly discovered lands are a new world, from Chap. 114; the fact that the people are nude, live communally, have no king, eat the flesh of their prisoners, live to be 150, heal themselves with roots, and that there are lions and serpents, from Chap. 117; and the reference to dense forests, gold, and pearls from Chap. 118. I do not find the list of trees in the Paesi or Itinerarium, but a couple of them come from Ruysch. It is worth remarking that while the latter part of the legend proclaims Columbus's precedence as discoverer over Vespucci, and in general the Carta marina recognizes Columbus's precedence (in contrast to the 1507 map), most of the legend in fact comes from Vespucci.

The phrase at the beginning of the legend to the effect that most people consider it another world recalls a phrase in Pomponius Mela 3.70 about the island of Taprobana: Taprobane aut grandis admodum insula, aut prima pars orbis alterius… dicitur, "Taprobana is said to be either a very large island, or the first part of another world." 335 This similarity shows that the difficulty of determining the nature of distant lands was a problem that explorers had faced for centuries.

Johann Schöner copies this legend almost verbatim on his manuscript globe of 1520, where it straddles the Tropic of Capricorn in the interior of the South American continent. However, Schöner takes the last sentence of the legend and places it north of the equator at an angle, even though he had room to write it at the end of the legend. This change was perhaps motivated by a desire to have the sentence about the interior of the continent closer to its center.

333See Baldacci, Columbian Atlas of the Great Discovery (see note 194), p. 124. 334The transcription and translation of Ruysch's legend are from John Thorley, Documents in Medieval Latin (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), pp. 134 and 196; the legend is also transcribed by Mauro Bini et al., Alla scoperta del mondo: l'arte della cartografia da Tolomeo a Mercatore (Modena: Il bulino, 2001), p. 173. For references on the Ruysch map see note 172. 335See Veit Rosenberger, "Taprobane: Trauminsel oder der Beginn einer neuen Welt?" Laverna 7 (1996), pp. 1–16. Also see Pliny 6.81:

Taprobanen alterum orbem terrarum esse diu existimatum est Antichthonum appellatione.

#### 2.12 Sheet 11. Southern Africa and the Southwestern Indian Ocean (Plate 2.11)

At the top of the sheet in Africa are the Montes Lune or Mountains of the Moon, the source of the Nile according to Ptolemy, whose tributaries we see flowing northward. The southern part of the continent is labeled NOVE COGNITE AFRICE PARTIS EXTENSIO—"extension of the newly discovered part of Africa"—meaning the part that was unknown to Ptolemy. South of the southern tip of the continent is a large image of King Manuel of Portugal riding a sea monster to express his nation's mastery of the oceans, particularly of the sea route around the southern tip of Africa to Asia. Curiously, the alternative name given for the island of Madagascar is the Island of St. George, rather than the Island of St. Laurence, as it usually is.

#### 11.1

Sub istis montibus sunt basilisci Merguli [for et reguli] serpentes ita ut totum istud latus sit quasi desertum propter eos.

Beneath these mountains are basilisks and serpents called reguli, so that this whole area is all but deserted because of them.

As indicated in the transcription, "Merguli" must be an error for "et reguli": the mergulus is the bird called the diver in English, which does not live under mountains and would not cause an area to be deserted, but the regulus and basilicus do make sense together, as Isidore, Etymologiae 12.4.6–9 and Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum 18.15 say that they are the same creature.336 I am not familiar with a text that says that these serpents live under mountains; nor have I found a convincing source for Waldseemüller's illustrations of the serpents.

#### 11.2 CRISTIANISSIMI EMANUELIS REGIS PORTOGALIE VICTORIA

The victory of Emanuel, the very Christian King of Portugal

The victory of King Manuel is Portugal's mastery of the sea route to India around the Cape of Good Hope, pioneered by Vasco da Gama, which is symbolized here by an image of Manuel riding a sea monster near the southern tip of Africa: his control of the sea monster expresses Portugal's confidence in navigating the ocean. In the introduction I discussed this image of Manuel as an expression of the title Senhor da conquista e da navegação e comércio de Etiópia, Arábia, Pérsia e da Índia, "Lord of the conquest, and navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India"—the adoption of which title is reported in the Paesi and Itinerarium, Chap. 62.337 I also suggested that the image was inspired by that of Neptune riding a sea monster on Jacopo de' Barbari's view of Venice. Waldseemüller's image should be considered in relation to Portuguese imagery of Manuel: the armillary sphere and a grouping of spheres around the earth, both expressing world control, were one of his most common symbols.338 Also, the image of Manuel riding a sea monster may be compared with that of Manuel at the beginning of Book 2 of the Ordenações Manuelinas, that is, Liuro primeiro [-quinto] das Ordenações. Nouame[n]te corrigido na segu[n]da e[m]pressam (Lisbon: Ioham Pedro Bonhomini, 1514): in the foreground, the image shows Manuel's power through his close relationship with the clergy, and in the background there is a chorographic image of the world showing the economic activities and trade over which Manuel presides, and which support his power.339

336The passage in Isidore is translated into English in The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Stephen A. Barney et al. (Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 255. For descriptions of the basilisk and the regulus in so-called Second Family bestiaries, where their chapters are adjacent, see Willene B. Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts: The Second-Family Bestiary: Commentary, Art, Text and

Translation (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), p. 195. 337The passage about Manuel's title appears in the so-called Second Letter of Girolamo Sernigi, and is translated into English in Ravenstein, A Journal of the First Voyage (see note 57 in Chap. 1 above), p. 141. 338See Ana Maria Alves, Iconologia do poder real no período manuelino: à procura de uma linguagem perdida (Lisbon: Impr. Nacional-Casa da

Moeda, 1985), pp. 117–139, with many examples illustrated in Figs. 1–12, 14, 25–67, and 72–74. 339The image is reproduced in António Alberto Banha de Andrade, Mundos novos do mundo: panorama da difusão, pela Europa, de notícias dos

descobrimentos geográficos portugueses (Lisbon: Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, 1972), between pp. 224 and 225, and my interpretation of the scene is paraphrased from his. Also the Ordenações are available in PDF from the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal at http://purl.pt/index/geral/ PT/index.html. For discussion of the development of Manuel's court see Susannah Charlton Humble, "From Royal Household to Royal Court: A Comparison of the Development of the Courts of Henry VII of England and D. Manuel of Portugal," Ph.D. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 2003.

Plate 2.11 Sheet 11 of the Carta marina: Southern Africa and the Southwestern Indian Ocean. Courtesy of the Library of Congress

#### 11.3

INS. S. GEORII SIVE MADAGAS Hec insula habet in circuitu ferme .4. milia miliarium dives est multum habet eciam copiam leonum elephantum camelorum Leopardorum et ceterorum animalium incole huius sunt Machometiste

The island of St. George or Madagascar. This island is about 4000 miles in circumference, and is very rich. It has an abundance of lions, elephants, camels, leopards and all other animals. The inhabitants of this island are followers of Mohammed.

Madagascar was described by Marco Polo, and curiously although the legends on both the 1507 map and the Carta marina derive from Marco Polo, they are different: the legend on the 1507, which falls into two parts, is longer and follows Polo a bit more closely,340 except in the matter of the circumference of the island, where the 1507 map indicates 2000 miles, while Polo and the 1516 map give 4000 miles.341 Evidently Waldseemüller could not find a more recent source that gave a

340The two legends on Madagascar on the 1507 map run: Silua sandali Hec est maior Et ditior insula totius mundi continet.n. ambitus eius in circuitu miliaria 2000 habitatores sunt Saracen[ni] macometiste non habentes regem, "Forests of sandalwood. This is the largest and richest island in the whole world. Its circumference is 2000 miles, and its inhabitants are Islamic Saracens who do not have a king"; and Habet haec insula nemora sandalorum & omnia genera specierum etiam elephantes leones linces leopardos ccruos [sic, for ceruos] damos et aues multarum specierum, "This island has groves of sandalwood and all types of spices, as well as elephants, lions, lynxes, leopards, deer, bucks, and many

species of birds." 341See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 54), pp. 184–185; and The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 54), Book 3, Chap. 33, vol. 2, pp. 345–354.

detailed description of the island; Varthema, for example, just mentions it briefly.342 It is puzzling that Waldseemüller refers to Madagascar as the island of St. George, which is a mistake for St. Laurence, the name by which it was known following its rediscovery, if we may use that term, by the Portuguese early in the sixteenth century.343 For a description of trade on Madagascar a bit more than a hundred years after the making of the Carta marina see Roberts, The Merchants Mappe (1638), Chap. 35, p. 111: he says that the inhabitants would not let traders land on the island.

11.4

HIC TRAMONTANA VIDERI NON POTEST

Here the North Star cannot be seen.

A few of the authors that Waldseemüller consulted mention not being able to see the North Star from areas of the Indian Ocean: Marco Polo says this of Java Minor,344 Odoric says it of Sumatra,345 and Varthema of the island of Monoch, probably the Moluccas, and also of the sea near Java,346 but I do not know of any source that Waldseemüller used that mentions this near Madagascar. The legend is at almost the same latitude (just above the Tropic of Capricorn) as Legend 12.1, which talks about the northern stars not being visible near Taprobana, whose southern tip is just to the north of that legend. So perhaps this legend (11.4) is simply the result of Waldseemüller copying information westward from that legend (12.1)—westward to a point that would be relevant to ships journeying between Europe and Asia by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Another possibility is that the legend is to be connected with Legend 6.3 about the compass needle turning south: both legends may come from a source describing a voyage around Africa, but if so, I do not know which voyage.

#### 11.5

INDICUM HOC PELAGUS OMNE CUM SUIS SINUBUS PTHOLOMEUS UNDIQUE A TERRA CLAUDI RETULIT. PORTOGALENSIUM NAVIGATIO SECUS OSTENDIT NOSTRA TEMPESTATE

Ptolemy said that this Indian sea with all its bays was totally enclosed by land, but recent Portuguese voyages demonstrate otherwise.

This legend is transcribed and translated by Baldacci, but I give a somewhat different translation here.347 Waldseemüller's legend is very similar to one on Ruysch's map348:

Indicum hoc pelagus quod omne cum suis sinubus undique claudi a terra ptolemeus retulit: partem oceani esse lusitanorum navigationes ostenderunt hoc tempore.

Ptolemy said that this Indian sea with all its bays was totally enclosed by land, but recent Portuguese voyages have demonstrated that it is part of the ocean.

It is clear that Waldseemüller took his legend from Ruysch (as he did with Legends 5.3 and 10.2), or else the two cartographers were working from the same source. As in the cases of Legends 5.3 and 10.2, to my knowledge the connection here between Waldseemüller's legend and Ruysch's has not been pointed out before.

342See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), p. 296. 343On the discovery of Madagascar by the Portuguese and historical cartography of the island see Albert Kammerer, "La découverte de Madagascar par les Portugais et la cartographie de l'île (1500–1667)," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa 67.9–10 (1949), pp. 517–632; and also Gabriel Gravier, La cartographie de Madagascar (Rouen: E. Cagniard, and Paris: A. Challamel, 1896). 344See Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 54), pp. 160 and 162; and The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 54), Book 3,

Chap. 9, vol. 2, p. 284; and Book 3, Chap. 10, vol. 2, p. 292.

345Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither (see note 61), vol. 2, pp. 146–147 (English), 299 (Latin), and 344 (Italian). 346See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 246 and 249. 347See Baldacci, Columbian Atlas of the Great Discovery (see note 194), p. 124. 348Unfortunately this legend is not discussed by John Boyd Thacher, The Continent of America (see note 172), in his chapter on the legends on the Ruysch map, pp. 212–215. For references on the Ruysch map see note 172.

Fra Mauro on his mappamundi of c. 1455 has a legend pointing out that Ptolemy was incorrect about the Indian Ocean being enclosed by land,349 and in Gregor Reisch's Margarita philosophica, first published in 1503, there is a Ptolemaic world map with the usual Ptolemaic land bridge joining southern Africa to southern Asia, but across that land bridge is written Hic non terra sed mare est; in quo mire magnitudinis Insulae sed Ptolomeo fuerunt incognite, "Here is not land but sea, in which there are islands of remarkable size unknown to Ptolemy." 350

11.6

iona in ista insula reperiuntur panni de serico et porcelana

Java. In this island are found silk cloth and porcelain.

This is one of the relatively few legends on the Carta marina that is similar to one on the 1507 map, where the legend reads Iona In ista insula reperiuntur panni de serico texti et porcellana vel bombex, "Java. In this island are found silk cloth and porcelain or shells." These legends on both of Waldseemüller's maps derive from that on Caverio's map: Y. Iana. Em ista inssulla a multo benioim et seda et porcelanas, "The island of Java. In this island there is much benzoin resin and silk and porcelain." 351

349See Falchetta, Fra Mauro's World Map (see note 143 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 192–193, \*53: "Some authors write that the Sea of India is enclosed like a pond and does not communicate with the ocean. However, Solinus claims that it is itself part of the ocean and that it is navigable in the southern and south-western parts. And I myself say that some ships have sailed it along that route. This is confirmed by Pliny when he says that in his day two ships loaded with spices coming from the Sea of Arabia sailed around these regions to Spain and unloaded their cargo at Gibraltar (he gives the reason for this choice of route, but I omit it here). Fazio [degli Uberti] says the same; and those who have taken this route, men of great prudence, agree with these writers." 350Gregor Reisch, Margarita philosophica (Freiburg: J. Schott, 1503), with the map between signatures oviiv and oviiir

. For discussion of the legend on the map see Francesc Relaño, The Shaping of Africa: Cosmographic Discourse and Cartographic Science in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, England, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002), pp. 189–190; and for discussion of the Ptolemaic land bridge generally see Wilcomb E. Washburn, "A Proposed Explanation of the Closed Indian Ocean on Some Ptolemaic maps of the 12th–15th Centuries," Revista da Universidade de Coimbra 32 (1986), pp. 431–441. 351The legend on the Caverio chart is transcribed, but with some errors, by Armando Cortesão, Cartografia e cartógrafos portugueses dos séculos

XV e XVI (Lisbon: Seara Nova, 1935), vol. 1, p. 155.

#### 2.13 Sheet 12. The Southern Indian Ocean (Plate 2.12)

This is one of the parts of the Carta marina that is the most different with respect to the 1507 map. Gone are the islands that come from Ptolemy; instead, Waldseemüller offers descriptions of the islands' inhabitants and natural riches based on the latest sources available to him, such as the travel narrative of Ludovico di Varthema, who journeyed in the East from 1502 to 1508. This sheet is dominated by a long legend on the spice trade in Calicut (now Kozhikode), India: the legend indicates the system of weights and the currency used in Calicut, and lists the sources and prices of many different spices, woods, and precious stones in that market.

#### 12.1

Taprobanam insulam sub equatoris circulo constitutam Ptolomeus directe retulit. Solinus autem secus ostendit, ubi septentriones nequaquam conspici et virgilie nunquam apparere illic posse. Lunamque ab octava in sextam decimam tantum supra terram videri, quod ac etiam Portugaliensium nauigatio hac positione clarissime aprobat.

Ptolemy unambiguously indicates that Taprobana is located on the equator. But Solinus shows otherwise, as the northern stars cannot be seen there, and the Pleiades can never appear there. The moon is only above the horizon there from the eighth to the sixteenth day of the month, and the Portuguese voyages in this area unambiguously confirm this.

Ptolemy locates Taprobana on the equator in his Geography 7.4, and the passage from Solinus is in Polyhistor 53.352 As discussed in the introduction, on the Carta marina Waldseemüller uses many fewer ancient authorities generally, and much less of Ptolemy in particular, whom he had so eagerly embraced on the 1507 map, and this legend is a good example of his turn against Ptolemy—though on the other hand he is citing another ancient authority, Strabo. This legend seems to have been composed by Waldseemüller rather than being a summary of something in one of his sources. For more on Waldseemüller's thoughts about Taprobana see Legend 8.10.

We can get a good idea of the difficulty cartographers faced in trying to assimilate conflicting sources in a statement by Robert Hues in his Tractatus de globis et eorum usu of 1594, who contradicts the statement by Solinus referred to by Waldseemüller, and implicitly the confirmatory Portuguese sources that Waldseemüller mentioned: "These Stars are reported by Pliny and Solinus to be never seene at all in the Isle Taprobana; but this is ridiculous, and fit to bee reported by none but such as Pliny and Solinus. For those that inhabite that Isle have them almost over their heads." 353

#### 12.2

Juxta samotram et iauam sunt insularum (uti fertur) numero .8000. quarum alique habitate et alique deserte

Near Sumatra and Java it is said that there are 8,000 islands, some inhabited and others not.

This legend comes from Varthema: "The captain of the ship said that around the island of Giava, and around the island of Sumatra, there were more than eight thousand islands." 354 This legend on the Carta marina in effect replaces a legend from Ptolemy 7.4 on the 1507 map that runs: Ante taprobanam chortes sunt insularum quas dicunt esse .1378. numero quarum tamen traduntur haec sunt, "Near Taprobana there are many islands—they say there are 1,378; these are the ones whose names are known." Thus, this legend about the 8,000 islands is another part of Waldseemüller's effort to replace information from Ptolemy with more recent data. At the same time, it is interesting to note some of the more modern sources that

352Solinus, Polyhistor 53: nulla in navigando siderum observatio: utpote ubi septemtriones nequaquam videntur vergiliaeque nunquam apparent. lunam ab octava in sextam decimam tantum supra terram vident, "Observations are not taken of the stars in navigating: for the northern stars cannot be seen, and the Pleiades never appear. They see the moon above the earth only from the eighth day to the sixteenth day." 353Robert Hues, Tractatus de globis et eorum usu: A Treatise Descriptive of the Globes Constructed by Emery Molyneux and Published in 1592

(i.e. 1594) (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1889), Chap. 4, p. 56. 354See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), p. 259.

Plate 2.12 Sheet 12 of the Carta marina: The Southern Indian Ocean. Courtesy of the Library of Congress

Waldseemüller did not use for the number of islands in the Indian Ocean. In particular, he did not use Marco Polo's figure of 12,700, with which he was probably familiar,355 or the figure of 7,743 on Ruysch's map, which he also certainly knew.356 His decision not to follow Polo should be taken as additional evidence of his lack of confidence in that author.

#### 12.3 Hic Antropophagorum genus

Here is a race of man-eaters.

The anthropophagy on Java is mentioned by Varthema, and it is worth noting that Marco Polo does not mention anthropophagy on Java Major.357 As I remarked in the introduction, the scene of cannibalistic butchery here is copied by the maker of the Vallard Atlas of c. 1547: the scene on Fries's edition of the Carta marina is different, and it is clear that the maker of the Vallard Atlas was copying from Waldseemüller's map rather than Fries's in this instance, so this is good evidence for the diffusion of Waldseemüller's Carta marina.

355For Marco Polo's indication that there are 12,700 islands in the Indian Ocean see Marco Polo, Marka Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 54), p. 188; and The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 54), Book 3, Chap. 34, vol. 2, p. 424. Fra Mauro on his mappamundi of c. 1455 indicates that there are 12,600, no doubt a slip for Marco Polo's number: see Falchetta, Fra Mauro's World Map (see note 143 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 190–191, \*51. For a survey of the number of islands thought to be in the Indian Ocean by various medieval authors see Christine Gadrat, Une image de l'Orient au XIV siècle les 'Mirabilia descripta' de Jordan Catala de Sévérac (Paris: École des Chartes, 2005), p. 137. 356The legend on Ruysch's map is translated by Thacher, The Continent of America (see note 172), p. 215. 357See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 255–256; for the account of Java in Marco Polo see Marco Polo, Marka

Pavlova z Benátek, Milion (see note 54), p. 159; and The Book of Ser Marco Polo (see note 54), Book 3, Chap. 6, vol. 2, pp. 272–275.

#### 12.4

Giaua seu iaua insula maxima habet multas gentes varie religionis et ritus nam aliqui sunt ydolatre caffrani, aliqui ydolatre antropophagi crudelissimi tali modo cum ipsi aliquos infirmitate perturbatos senserint mox incantatores accedunt inquirendi gratia vtrum infirmus pristine sanitati restituatur vel non. si ipsum moriturum dictauerit mox illum interemunt ut commestioni saporosior evadat, pari modo filii cum parentes senio grauatos ad operationes humanas non valere viderint, tunc illos in publico venundant et mactationi tradunt. Gignit enim hec [insula] Smaragdos Cuprum et Aurum.

Giava or Java is a very large island that has many different races of different religions and rites. For some are Caffrani idolaters, while others are man-eating idolaters, extremely cruel, so that when one of them feels himself falling ill, the enchanters come and ask whether or not the sick person can be restored to good health. If he says that he is going to die, they quickly kill him so that he will be tastier when he is eaten, and similarly when sons see that their parents are so weakened with age that they cannot perform basic tasks, they sell them in public, and give them over to slaughter. This island produces emeralds, copper, and gold.

This legend comes from Varthema.358 The legends on the island on the 1507 map are less sensationalistic, focusing on the spices the island produces and the religion of the people.359 The legends on the island on the 1507 map come from Marco Polo, so this legend on the Carta marina is another case where Waldseemüller preferred the more recent information in Varthema to that in Marco Polo.360

#### 12.5

Auream Chersonesum Malacham acole nunc appellant urbs mire magnitudinis utque. xxv. milia larium acque tocius Indie aut potius mundi maximum et celebratissimum est emporium ubi non modo varia aromata sed auri argentique margaritarum ac pretiosorum lapidum sericique copia affluit. Rex tributarius est regi de Cini, nunc subactus dictioni portugallensium, Anno domini .1512. Gentes sunt Macometani, habentque mineralia stagni

The Golden Chersonese, which the inhabitants now call Malacca. The city is very large, with 25,000 houses, and it is the largest and most famous emporium in India or indeed the world, where not only various spices but also gold, silver, pearls, precious stones, and silk flow in abundance. The king pays tribute to the king of China, but now, in the year 1512, has been brought under the dominion of the Portuguese. The people are followers of Mohammed, and they mine tin.

Much of this legend comes from a source that Waldseemüller does not name in the long text block on sheet 9, namely a letter from King Manuel to Pope Leo X dated June 1513, in which the king informs the pontiff about Afonso de Albuquerque's conquest of Malacca in July of 1511.361 The passage in the letter from which Waldseemüller was drawing runs as follows362:

–Aiir of the pamphlet, and is transcribed by Roscoe, The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, pp. 521–522.

358See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), p. 251 on the various religions on Java, p. 252 on the emeralds; p. 253 on the gold and copper; and pp. 255–256 on the killing and eating of people. 359The legends on Java on Waldseemüller's 1507 map, which derive from Marco Polo (see note 357) read: Silua nucum muscatum; Omnes

habitatorre[s] sunt ydolatre istius insule; Hec inueniuntur hic piperis nucum muscatorum spici galange garioffali ceterorum aroma[tor]m copia; silva piper; Hec insula in circuitu suo habet mensuram miliariorum trium milium; rex insule nemini tributarius; "Forest of nutmeg; All of the inhabitants of this island are idolaters; These things are found here: pepper, nutmeg, spikenard, galingale, cloves, and an abundance of other kinds of spices; Forest of pepper; This island is three thousand miles in circumference; The king of the island pays tribute to no one.". 360Incidentally there is discussion of Java in Fries's Uslegung, Chap. 64, which is translated into modern German by Petrzilka, Die Karten des

Laurent Fries (see note 202 in Chap. 1 above), p. 143. For a description of trade at Java about a bit more than a century later see Roberts, The Merchants Mappe (see note 275), Chap. 104, pp. 203–204. 361The letter was published in several editions, the first being Epistola potentissimi ac inuictissimi Emanuelis Regis Portugaliae & Algarbiorum

&c. De victoriis habitis in India & Malacha: ad S. in Christo Patrem & D[omi]n[u]m nostrum D[omi]n[u]m Leonem X. Pont. Maximum (Rome: Impressa per Iacobum Mazochium, 1513). The copy in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek is available in PDF via www.digital-collections.de; the text was also printed in the collection of travel narratives Nouus orbis regionum ac insularum ueteribus incognitarum (Basel: Apud Io. Heruagium, 1532), pp. 184–187; the text of the letter is transcribed in William Roscoe, The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, revised by Thomas Roscoe (London: Chatto and Windus, 1876), vol. 1, pp. 521–524; the text is also supplied by Salvatore de Cutiis, Une ambassade portugaise à Rome au XVIe siècle: Mémoire lu au IVe Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques à Fribourg (1897) (Naples: Michèle d'Auria, 1899), pp. 4–8. For discussion of the letter see Banha de Andrade, Mundos novos do mundo (see note 339), vol. 2, pp. 652–660; Luís de Matos, L'expansion portugaise dans la littérature latine de la Renaissance (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Serviço de Educação, 1991), pp. 345–354; and Jean Aubin and Luis Filipe F. R. Thomaz, "Un opuscule latin sur la prise de Malacca par les Portugais, imprimé en Italie en 1514," Archipel 74 (2007), pp. 107–138, with an English abstract on p. 268. 362This passage is on signatures Aiv

…Alphonsus de Albicherque protho-capitaneus noster, ut jacturam, quam superioribus annis nostri fecerent, injuriamque ulcisceretur, auream Chersonesum, Malacham accolae appellant, contendit, ea est inter Sinum magnum et Gangeticum sita, Urbs mirae magnitudinis, utque vigintiquinque millium et amplius larium censeatur, terra ipsa fecundissima, ac nobilissimarum quas fert India mertium feracissima, celebratissimum ob id Emporium, ubi non modo varia aromata et omnigeni odores, sed Auri quoque, argenti, margaritarum ac preciosorum lapillorum magna copia affluit. Hanc Rex Maurus gubernabat, eatenus vires suas Maumetica Secta protendente caetera Gentiles tenent.

…Afonso de Albuquerque, our high captain, in order to avenge the loss and injury that our men sustained in the previous years, set his sights on the Golden Chersonesus, which the inhabitants call Malacca. This is located between the Great Bay and the Ganges Bay, a city of remarkable size, with 25,000 or more houses, and very fertile soil, that abundantly produces the excellent goods that India generates. Because of this, the city is a famous emporium, where not only various spices and all sorts of scents, but also gold, silver, pearls and precious stones flow in great abundance. The city was governed by a Moorish King, the Muslim sect extending its strength thus far, while pagans hold the rest.

Waldseemüller gives the year of the conquest of Malacca as 1512 rather than 1511, but the pamphlet is not very clear about the date. Two of the details in Waldseemüller's legend, namely the indication that the king of Malacca used to pay tribute to the king of China, and the reference to the production of tin, come from Varthema.363 Although Waldseemüller says in his legend that Malacca was the largest and most famous emporium in India,364 other texts on his map, particularly Legends 7.18 and 12.11, point to Calicut.

#### 12.6

In regno jamay sunt argenti minere, fert etiam hec regio Aurum Sericum et mustum, que quidem super terram ad Malacham hins [for hinc] portantur

In the kingdom of Jamay there are mines of silver, and in fact this region produces gold, silk, and musk, which are carried from here overland to Malacca.

Jamay is a province in Laos, but the place name does not appear in any of the sources that Waldseemüller lists on sheet 9 of the Carta marina. I have not been able to determine the source of this legend. It probably comes from the same source as the following legend about the island of Timor.

#### 12.7

TIMOR Hic nascitur Sandalum utriusque

Timor. Here there grows sandalwood of both [types].

I have not been able to determine the source of this legend, though it is tempting to think that it comes from the same source as Legend 12.6 on Jamay. Thomas Suárez suggests that it comes from some excerpts from Tomé Pires's Suma Oriental of 1515 that somehow reached Waldseemüller.365 Pires describes the Timor islands in this work, but

363See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 224–225. 364On the trade in Malacca see Laurence Noonan, "The Portuguese in Malacca: A Study of the First Major European Impact on East Asia," Studia 23 (1968), pp. 33–104; Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz, "Malaca e as suas comunidades mercantis na viragem do século XVI," in his De Ceuta a Timor (Linda a Velha, Portugal: DIFEL, 1994), pp. 513–535; on the later fortunes of Malacca as a trading center see Roberts, The Merchants Mappe (see note 275), Chap. 97, pp. 199–201. 365Thomas Suárez, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia (Singapore: Periplus, 1999), p. 113.

Waldseemüller's depiction does not agree well with Pires's text, which says that there are two islands called Timor from which sandalwood comes.366 Another remotely possible source is a map from the atlas of Francisco Rodrigues, who traveled in the Indian Ocean in 1511–1512, and made his atlas of maps of the region c. 1513.367 The map on f. 37 of this atlas shows Timor, with the legend A Jlha de timor homde naçe o ssamdollo, "The Island of Timor where the sandalwood grows," which is quite similar to Waldseemüller's legend.368 It is not at all clear, though, how Waldseemüller could have obtained a map from Rodrigues's atlas. Duarte Barbosa mentions that sandalwood comes from Timor, but as his book was not completed until 1516, it seems very unlikely that Waldseemüller could have used it.369 The idea that Waldseemüller might somehow have used Barbosa's book is perhaps rendered still less likely by the fact that Barbosa says nothing about Jamay. None of the literature on Timor, its sandalwood trade, or the Portuguese presence there sheds light on Waldseemüller's likely source.370

#### 12.8

Bandam insula girans in circuitu. c. miliaria. Sola hec nucis muscati et macis ferax. Incole sunt indomiti inculti et rurales. nulla sub lege ac rege viuentes. omnia preter domos exiles sunt apud eos quoniam induti camisiis suntque ydolatre caffrani Arbor muscati non plantatur sed campestris est

The island of Banda, which has a circumference of 100 miles. Only this island produces nutmeg and mace. The inhabitants are ungoverned, wild, and rustic; they have no law and no king. Everything among them, except their

366Tomé Pires, The Suma oriental of Tomé Pires, an Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515, ed. Armando Cortesão (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944), vol. 1, pp. 203–204: "Between the islands of Bima and Solor there is a wide channel along which they go to the sandalwood islands. All the islands from Java onwards are called Timor, for timor means 'east' in the language of the country, as if they were saying the islands of the east. As they are the most important, these two from which the sandalwood comes are called the islands of Timor. The islands of Timor have heathen kings. There is a great deal of white sandalwood in these two. It is very cheap because there is no other wood in the forests. The Malay merchants say that God made Timor for sandalwood and Banda for mace and the Moluccas for cloves, and that this merchandise is not known anywhere else in the world except in these places; and I asked and enquired very diligently whether they had this merchandise anywhere else and they said not….". 367Rodrigues's atlas is in Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée Nationale, MS 1248; for discussion see Heinrich Winter, "Francisco Rodrigues' Atlas

of ca. 1513," Imago Mundi 6 (1949), pp. 20–26; Armando Cortesão and Avelino Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica (Lisbon, 1960–62), vol. 1, pp. 79–84 and plates 34–36. The text of the atlas has been edited in Tomé Pires and Francisco Rodrigues, The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, an Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515, and The Book of Francisco Rodrigues, Rutter of a Voyage in the Red Sea, Nautical Rules, Almanack and Maps, Written and Drawn in the East before 1515, translated from the Portuguese MS in the Bibliothèque de la Chambre des Députés, Paris, and edited by Armando Cortesão (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944). The atlas has been reproduced in facsimile as Francisco Rodrigues, O livro de Francisco Rodrigues: o primeiro atlas do mundo moderno, ed. José Manuel Garcia (Porto: Editora da Universidade do Porto, 2008). 368This map is reproduced in Manuel Francisco de Barros e Sousa Santarém, Atlas composé de mappemondes (Paris: E. Thunot, 1849), as map no.

20 in the set of maps from Rodrigues; in the reprint edition, Atlas de Santarém: Facsimile of the Final Edition, with Explanatory Texts by Helen Wallis and A. H. Sijmons (Amsterdam: Rudolf Muller, 1985), it is reproduced in plate 70, no 20. The map is also reproduced in Tomé Pires and Francisco Rodrigues, The Suma oriental of Tomé Pires (see note 595), in plate 27, between pp. 208 and 209, with the legend transcribed on p. 203, and a brief description of the map in Appendix 2, p. 523; in Cortesão and Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica (Lisbon, 1960– 62), vol. 1, plate 35, no. 10; and in the facsimile edition, Francisco Rodrigues, O livro de Francisco Rodrigues (see note 367), with commentary on pp. 98–99. 369See Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (London: Printed for the

Hakluyt society, 1866), p. 199. On the transmission of the book see José Manuel Herrero Massari, "La transmisión textual del 'Libro de Duarte Barbosa'," Revista de filología románica 11–12 (1994–1995), pp. 391–402, who notes (p. 391) that in the prologue to the first edition of Barbosa's text, in vol. 1 of Giovanni Battista Ramusio's Delle navigationi et viaggi (Venice, 1550), Barbosa writes: nel presente anno 1516 io diedi fine a scrivere il presente libro. 370For discussion of Timor and the sandalwood trade see John Villiers, "As derradeiras do mundo: The Dominican Mission and the Sandalwood

Trade in the Lesser Sunda Islands in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," in Luís de Albuquerque and Inácio Guerreiro, eds., II Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa: Actas (Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, Centro de Estudos de História e Cartografia Antiga, 1985), pp. 572–600; also printed in his East of Malacca: Three Essays on the Portuguese in the Indonesian Archipelago in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries (Bangkok: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1985); Rui Manuel Loureiro, "Os portugueses em Timor: relance histórico," in Rui Manuel Loureiro, ed., Onde nasce o sândalo: os portugueses em Timor nos séculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon: Grupo de Trabalho do Ministério da Educação para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1995), pp. 27–44, esp. 31–34, "Primeiras notícias de Timor"; Roderich Ptak, "Some References to Timor in Old Chinese Records," Ming Studies 17 (1983), pp. 37–48; reprinted in his China's Seaborne Trade with South and Southeast Asia, 1200–1750 (Aldershot and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1999), article 1; and Roderich Ptak, "The Transportation of Sandalwood from Timor to China and Macao, ca. 1350–1600," Revista de Cultura 1 (1987), pp. 36–45; reprinted in Roderich Ptak, ed., Portuguese Asia: Aspects in History and Economic History (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1989), pp. 89–109.

houses, is very poor, for they are clad in [nothing but] shirts. They are Caffrani idolaters. The nutmeg tree is not cultivated but grows wild.

This legend comes from Varthema.371 If Waldseemüller took his information about Timor and Jamay from a map by Rodrigues, it is strange that this map seems not to have influenced other nearby parts of the Carta marina as well.

12.9

Monoch insula hec sola cum adiacentibus insulis Gariofanum arborem profert. Habitatores sunt homines grossi simplices rurales sine lege bestialiter viuentes. Arbor gariofanus non plantatur sed campestris est. Et hinc portatur ad Malacham deinde ad partes occidentales transfertur.

The Moluccas. This island, together with those nearby, are the only ones that produce the clove tree. The inhabitants are fat, simple, and rustic, living like beasts without any law. The clove tree is not cultivated, but grows wild. From here it is carried to Malacca and from there to the West.

Some of this legend comes from Varthema, but not all of it: Varthema does not say that cloves grow only on these islands, nor does he say that the clove tree grows wild, nor that cloves are taken from the Moluccas to Malacca.372 The chapters about the spices in Calicut in the Paesi and Itinerarium (chapters 82 and 83, see Legend 12.11) say that cloves come from Meluza (the Moluccas) to Calicut, not to Malacca. I have not been able to determine Waldseemüller's source for these pieces of information. Duarte Barbosa says that cloves were brought from the Moluccas to Malacca, and also that the clove trees grow wild, but Barbosa did not finish writing his book until 1516, which would mean it would not have been possible for Waldseemüller to have used his book for the Carta marina. 373 None of the literature on the Moluccas or the Portuguese presence there sheds light on Waldseemüller's likely source.374

#### 12.10

Incole Borney insule sunt discreti et honesti racione et lege viuentes. Nascitur apud eos Camphora. Hic stella tramontana videre non potest.

The inhabitants of Borneo are prudent and honest, living according to laws and reason. Camphor grows there. Here the North Star cannot be seen.

This legend comes from Varthema375; the detail about the North Star not being visible is from the chapter on Monoch, i.e. the Moluccas, which immediately precedes his chapter on Borney (Borneo).376 Waldseemüller also mentions the North Star being invisible in Legends 11.4 and 12.1.

371See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 243–244. For discussion of the sixteenth-century trade involving the Banda islands see John Villiers, "Trade and Society in the Banda Islands in the Sixteenth Century," Modern Asian Studies 15.4 (1981), pp. 723– 750; revised version published as John Villiers, "Da verde noz tomando seu tributo: The Portuguese in the Banda Islands in the Sixteenth Century," in his East of Malacca: Three Essays on the Portuguese in the Indonesian Archipelago in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries (Bangkok: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1985), pp. 1–30. 372See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 245–246. 373See Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (London: Printed for the

Hakluyt society, 1866), pp. 201–202. On the date of the book see note 369. 374See E. C. Abendanon and E. Heawood, "Missing Links in the Development of the Ancient Portuguese Cartography of the Netherlands East Indian Archipelago," The Geographical Journal 54.6 (1919), pp. 347–355; and Armando Cortesão, "As mais antigas cartografia e descrição das Moluccas," in A. Teixeira da Mota, ed., A viagem de Fernão de Magalhães e a questão das Moluccas: Actas do II Colóquio luso-espanhol de história ultramarina (Lisbon: Junta de Investigações científicas do Ultramar, 1975), pp. 49–75—but Cortesão's claim that Asia on the Carta marina is "riddled with reminiscences of Ptolemy" (p. 64) is false, and betrays a very superficial study of the map. Also see António da Silva Rego, "As Molucas em princípios do século XVI," in the same volume, pp. 75–89. On the history of cloves see R. A. Donkin, "Byzantium and the Asiatic Antecedents of caryophyllon," in his Between East and West: The Moluccas and the Traffic in Spices up to the Arrival of Europeans (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 2003), pp. 111–116; and C. R. de Silva, "The Portuguese and the Trade in Cloves in Asia during the Sixteenth Century," in M. A. Hassan and N. H. S. N. Abd Rahman, eds., The Eighth Conference: International Association of Historians of Asia. Selected Papers (Bangi, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia: Organising Committee, Eighth International Conference IAHA, and History Dept., University Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1988), pp. 251–260; reprinted in M. N. Pearson, ed., Spices in the Indian Ocean World (Aldershot, Hampshire, UK; Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1996), pp. 259–268. 375See Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema (see note 103), pp. 246–248. 376Manuel Teixeira, "Early Portuguese & Spanish Contacts with Borneo," in Chang Kuei-yung et al., eds., International Association of Historians

of Asia: Second Biennial Conference Proceedings (Taipei: s.n., 1962), pp. 485–526; reprinted in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa 82 (1964), pp. 299–335, and excerpts in John Bastin and Robin W. Winks, eds., Malaysia: Selected Historical Readings (Nendeln, Liechtenstein: KTO Press, 1979), pp. 44–48.

#### 12.11

Loca insigniora de quibus portantur aromata ad Calicutium emporium omnium celebratissimum. hec sunt Piper licet penes Calicutium nascatur, attamen magna copia de Caycolon et Coruncol377 illuc aportatur distans a Callicutio .50. miliar. Germanicis austrum versus.378

Canella siue Cinamomun de insula Zayloni mittitur distans a Callicutio .260. miliar.

Gariofanum de Melacha distans a Callicutio. 740. miliaris Theutonicis.

Zinciber de Cananor distans .12. miliariis.

Muscatum et Macia de Malacha.379

Muscus de pego prouincia fertur distans .50. miliar.380

Margarite veniunt de insula Ormus distans .700. miliar.

Spicanardi et Mirabolanum de Cambeia distans a Callicut .600. miliarium.381

Thus portatur de Seer distans .800. miliariis.

Mirra nascitur in farico distans .700. miliar. a Call.382

Lignum Aloes Ruibarbarum Camphora portantur de regione Cini distans a Calli .2000. miliariis versus ortum.383 Cardimomum maius de Cananor.384

Piper longus de insula Samotra distans .400. mili.385

Benzui de Zana distans .700. miliariis a Callicutio386

Lacca de Samotra.387

Brasilicum de Tarnaseri distans .700. miliaris a Callicutio.388

Opium portatur de Aden distans .700. miliar. a Callicutio.

Hec et alia quam plura de diuersis mundi partibus ad hanc nominatissimam ciuitatem emporialem confluunt. De pondere obseruato in callicutio.

Maius pondus Baccara vocatur equiualens quintallo veneto, continet enim Baccara .4. Cantharas et Canthara .5. faracolas. Faracola autem continet.xxiiii.Aratolas.389

Monete que in Callicutio versantur sunt fauos quorum xx. constituunt ducatum. sunt et alie que dicuntur parante et chare.

Taxa aromatum in Calicutio

Quintallus siue Bacaara [sic] Muscati valet. 450 fauos

Item i. quintallus Canelle valet. 390. fauos.

Item i. faracola Zinziberis valet 6. fauos

Item i. faracola Zinzibris conditi valet .xxviii. fauos

Item i. quintal. Tamarindi valet .xxx. fauos.

377Caycolon is perhaps to be understood as an alternative for Coruncol. The Paesi novamente ritrovati gives Chorunchel, which Greenlee suggests represents Cranganore: see Greenlee, "The Anonymous Narrative" (see note 67 in Chap. 1 above), p. 93. The Itinerarium does not give either of these place names, and this is excellent evidence that Waldseemüller was not using the Itinerarium here. 378The Paesi indicates the unit of measure for all of the distances in this list as leghe, or leagues. 379The Paesi indicates that nutmeg and mace come from melucha, which Greenlee, "The Anonymous Narrative" (see note 67 in Chap. 1 above),

p. 93, correctly interprets as Molucca, but Waldseemüller interprets it as Malacca. Waldseemüller omits the distance of "Malacha" (i.e. melucha) from Calicut, which is supplied in the Paesi. 380The Paesi gives 500, and the Trevisan manuscript gives 600—for the latter number see Eric Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of

Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), p. 60. 381Waldseemüller omits what is the next line in the Paesi, which says that cassia-fistula grows in Calicut. 382On the trade in myrrh see Bradley Z. Hull, "Frankincense, Myrrh, and Spices: The Oldest Global Supply Chain?" Journal of Macromarketing 28.3 (2008), pp. 275–288. 383Waldseemüller omits the next line of the Paesi, which says that zeromba or zerumbet grows in Calicut. 384Waldseemüller omits the Paesi's indication that Cananor is twelve leagues beyond Calicut. 385Waldseemüller has added the detail that Sumatra is 400 miles beyond Calicut from a few lines lower down in the Paesi. 386Waldseemüller omits the next two lines in the Paesi, which say that tamarind and zedoary grow in Calicut. 387Waldseemüller omits the Paesi's indication that Sumatra is 400 leagues beyond Calicut, no doubt because he included this information two lines

above.

388The Paesi indicates the distance as 500 leagues (which would be 500 miles according to the conversion factor Waldseemüller is using). 389Waldseemüller's explanation of the system of weights is very different than it is in the Paesi and the Itinerarium. The Paesi has baar, or bacar,

or bacaro where Waldseemüller has baccara, and the Itinerarium gives bacar. Also, neither of the two printed texts says that the baar or bacar is equivalent to the Venetian quintal, as Waldseemüller does, and Waldseemüller fails to indicate that the aratola is a Portuguese weight, which is specified in the Paesi and the Itinerarium, but the Trevisan manuscript does indicate that "A baar is 640 lb according to Venetian usage"—see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery in Venice" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), p. 61.

Item i. quintallus Zerombe valet .40. fauos. item i. quintallus Macis valet .430. fauos. Item i. quintal Zeduarie valet .30. fauos. Item i. quintal Lacca valet .240. fauos390 Item i. quintallus. Piperis valet .360. fauos. Item i. quintallus. Piperis longi valet .400. fauos. Item i. quintallus. Mirabolanorum conditorum Rebuli valet .560 fauos. Item i. quintal. Sandali rubei valet .80. fauos. Item i. quintal. Brasilici valet .160. fauos. Item i. quintal. Gariofani valet .600. fauos.391 Item i. quintal. Sandali albi valet .700. fauos Item i. faracola Canphori valet .160. fauos Item i. faracola Thuris valet .5. fauos. Item i. faracola Bentzui valet .vi. fauos. Item i. faracola Cassie fistule valet .2. fauos. Item i. faracola ligni Aloe valet .400. fauos. Item i. faracola Opii valet .400. fauos. Item i. faracola Reubarbari valet .400. fauos. Item i. farac. de Spica valet .820. fauos392 Item.i mitricale Ambre valet .ii. fauos.393 Item i. faracola Cupri valet .45. fauos394 Item i. farac. Plumbi valet .18. fauos Item i. farac. Argenti valet .54. fauos Item i. farac. aluminis valet .20. fauos Item.i. farac. Corali albi valet .1000. fauos Item i. farac Coralli rubei valet .700. fauos.

The more important places from which spices are brought to Calicut, the most famous market city of all. These include pepper, which grows at Calicut, but nonetheless a great quantity is brought from Caycolon and Coruncol [Cranganore]395 to Calicut, a distance of 50 German miles396 to the south [from Calicut]. Canella or cinnamon is sent from the island of Ceylon, which is 260 miles distant from Calicut.

Cloves come from Molucca, 740 German miles from Calicut.

Ginger comes from Cananor, which is 12 miles from Calicut.

Nutmeg and mace come from Molucca.397

Musk comes from a province called Pegu, 50 miles from Calicut.398

Pearls come from Hormuz, 700 miles from Calicut.

Spikenard and myrobalans come from Combaia, 600 miles from Calicut.399

390The Paesi gives 260, as does the Trevisan manuscript—see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), p. 59. Also, Waldseemüller omits the next line in the Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript; in the Paesi, it reads "Item uno bacar di macis ual.ccccxxx. fauos," "A bacar of mace is worth 430 favos.". 391The order of the items now differs somewhat from the order in the Paesi and the Itinerarium. 392The Paesi gives 800, as does the Trevisan manuscript—for the latter see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54

in Chap. 1 above), p. 60. 393The Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript give the same price for a mitricale of amber, so it seems that Waldseemüller's pen slipped here. 394In the Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript, these last items in Waldseemüller's list are in a separate list that indicates the prices of various goods that are carried from Lisbon to Calicut, but Waldseemüller does not distinguish between the two groups, and omits the so-called bastard coral from the latter list.

395Caycolon is perhaps to be understood as an alternative for Coruncol. The Paesi gives Chorunchel, which Greenlee suggests represents Cranganore: see Greenlee, "The Anonymous Narrative," in The Voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral (see note 67 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 53–94, at 93. The Itinerarium does not give either of these place names, and this is excellent evidence that Waldseemüller was not using the Itinerarium here. 396The Paesi indicates the unit of measure for all of the distances in this list as leghe, or leagues. 397The Paesi indicates that nutmeg and mace come from melucha, which Greenlee, "The Anonymous Narrative" (see note 67 in Chap. 1 above),

p. 93, correctly interprets as Molucca, but Waldseemüller interprets it as Malacca. Waldseemüller omits the distance of "Malacha" (i.e. melucha) from Calicut, which is supplied in the Paesi. 398The Paesi gives 500, and the Trevisan manuscript gives 600—for the latter number see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of

Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), p. 60. 399Waldseemüller omits what is the next line in the Paesi, which says that cassia-fistula grows in Calicut.

Incense is brought from Seer, which is 800 miles from Calicut. Myrrh grows in Fartak, which is 700 miles from Calicut.400 Aloe-wood and rhubarb and camphor come from China, which is 2000 miles to the east from Calicut.401 Very large cardamons come from Cananore.402 Long pepper grows in Sumatra, which is 400 miles away.403 Benzoin comes from Siam, 700 miles from Calicut.404 Lac comes from Sumatra.405 Brazil-wood comes from Tenasserim, which is 700 miles from Calicut.406 Opium comes from Aden, which is 700 miles from Calicut. These and many other spices come to the famous market-city from various parts of the world. Of the system of weights used in Calicut. The largest weight is the baccara, which is equal to a Venetian quintal.

A baccara contains 4 cantharas, and a canthara 5 faracolas. A faracola contains 24 aratolas. 407 The coins used in Calicut are the favos, of which 20 equal one ducat. There are also others which are called parane and chare.

#### The prices of spices in Calicut:

400On the trade in myrrh see Bradley Z. Hull, "Frankincense, Myrrh, and Spices The Oldest Global Supply Chain?" Journal of Macromarketing 28.3 (2008), pp. 275–288. 401Waldseemüller omits the next line of the Paesi, which says that zeromba or zerumbet grows in Calicut. 402Waldseemüller omits the Paesi's indication that Cananor is 12 leagues beyond Calicut. 403Waldseemüller has added the detail that Sumatra is 400 miles beyond Calicut from a few lines lower down in the Paesi. 404Waldseemüller omits the next two lines in the Paesi, which say that tamarind and zedoary grow in Calicut. 405Waldseemüller omits the Paesi's indication that Sumatra is 400 leagues beyond Calicut, no doubt because he included this information two lines

above.

406The Paesi indicates the distance as 500 leagues (which would be 500 miles according to the conversion factor Waldseemüller is using). 407Waldseemüller's explanation of the system of weights is very different than it is in the Paesi and the Itinerarium. The Paesi has baar, or bacar,

or bacaro where Waldseemüller has baccara, and the Itinerarium gives bacar. Also, neither of the two printed texts says that the baar or bacar is equivalent to the Venetian quintal, as Waldseemüller does, and Waldseemüller fails to indicate that the aratola is a Portuguese weight, which is specified in the Paesi and the Itinerarium, but the Trevisan manuscript does indicate that "A baar is 640 lb according to Venetian usage"—see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), p. 61. 408The Paesi gives 260, as does the Trevisan manuscript—see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1

above), p. 59. Also, Waldseemüller omits the next line in the Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript; in the Paesi, it reads "Item uno bacar di macis ual.ccccxxx. fauos," "A bacar of mace is worth 430 favos.". 409The order of the items now differs somewhat from the order in the Paesi and the Itinerarium.

A faracola of spikenard is worth 820 favos. 410

This long legend about the sources and prices of spices in Calicut comes from chapters 82 and 83 of the Paesi nouamente retrovati, which are part of the so-called Anonymous Narrative of Cabral's voyage.413 As the legend is quite long and detailed, it offers a much better opportunity than Waldseemüller's other legends to determine which version of the Paesi he was using, and it is immediately clear that he was not using the Itinerarium Portugallensium, the Latin translation of the Paesi novamente ritrovati, for the Itinerarium does not include some of the place names that Waldseemüller gives at the beginning of the legend (see the notes above), which do appear in the Paesi. And the German translation of the Paesi, the Newe unbekanthe landte of 1508, does not include these chapters, so we may be quite confident that Waldseemüller was using one of the Italian editions of the work.

Waldseemüller has changed various aspects of the way this information is presented in the Paesi. The Paesi lists the prices of the items first (in Chap. 82), and then the sources (Chap. 83), but Waldseemüller reverses this order. Also, at the end of the Paesi's list of prices of spices in Calicut, there is a separate list of the prices that some European goods fetch in Calicut, but Waldseemüller has simply combined the two lists into one. Also, after the first paragraph of the list of sources, Waldseemüller omits the indications of spices that grow in the Calicut area, perhaps because he already mentioned those in Legend 7.18. There are other differences between Waldseemüller's presentation of this data and that in the Paesi, particularly in his presentation of the system of weights used in Calicut (see the notes above), but these differences are not great enough to support a hypothesis that Waldseemüller was using a manuscript of the Paesi rather than the printed edition.

It seems likely, as I suggested in the introduction (see p. 18), that Waldseemüller drew inspiration for using this material from the Paesi from the long legend about the route that spices took from the Indian Ocean to Europe on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492.414 Waldseemüller's inclusion of the prices of spices on his map is a significant innovation, and raises interesting questions about the purpose of the Carta marina: this information might be useful to a ship captain sailing for the Indian Ocean, and the map is based on a nautical chart model, that is, on the type of map used by ship captains. Yet it seems unlikely that Waldseemüller intended the map to be taken to sea, particularly given the distance of Saint-Dié (or Strasbourg,

410The Paesi gives 800, as does the Trevisan manuscript—for the latter see Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54

in Chap. 1 above), p. 60. 411The Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript give the same price for a mitricale of amber, so it seems that Waldseemüller's pen slipped here.

412In the Paesi, Itinerarium, and Trevisan manuscript, these last items in Waldseemüller's list are in a separate list that indicates the prices of various goods that are carried from Lisbon to Calicut, but Waldseemüller does not distinguish between the two groups, and omits so-called bastard coral from the latter list.

413These chapters are translated into English by Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral (see note 67 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 53–94, at 91– 94. There is a Portuguese translation of the Anonymous Narrative in T. O. Marcondes de Sousa, "Relação do Pilôto Anônimo," Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo 45 (1945/1950), pp. 82–108, with the chapters in question translated on pp. 106–108. The somewhat different version in the Trevisan Manuscript in the Library of Congress is translated by Dursteler, "Reverberations of the Voyages of Discovery" (see note 54 in Chap. 1 above), pp. 59–61; who notes on p. 52 of his article that the information about the prices and sources of the spices for sale in Calicut is also included in another manuscript of the Paesi, namely Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, IT VI 277 (5806), ff. 56r–75r. 414There is some price information about luxury goods in the ancient world in the Edict of Diocletian, which was issued in the year 301. See Elsa

Rose Graser, "The Significance of Two New Fragments of the Edict of Diocletian," Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 71 (1940), pp. 157–174, esp. 166; and Elsa Rose Graser, "The Edict of Diocletian on Maximum Prices," in Tenney Frank, ed., An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933–40), vol. 5, pp. 305–421, esp. 417–421.

where the map was probably printed) from the sea. It seems likely that Waldseemüller intended merely to satisfy the curiosity of the viewers of his map about the price of these expensive commodities at their source.

Information similar to that in the Paesi and on the Carta marina was compiled by Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese officer and writer, in about 1516, but his work was not published until 1550, in volume 1 of Ramusio's Navigationi e viaggi. 415

The prices of spices in the sixteenth century is an active area of research, but to my knowledge neither the data from the Paesi nor that on Waldseemüller's Carta marina has been incorporated into those discussions.416 Similarly, this material has not been used in discussions of the systems of weights in the Indian Ocean area.417 Incidentally the indication of a price for opium in the Paesi and on the Carta marina are some of the earliest indications of Renaissance European involvement in the opium trade.418

The importance of Calicut on the Carta marina is abundantly clear: two long legends (7.18 and 12.11) are devoted to the city, and it is thus effectively the most important city in the world. Adding to this prominence more subtly is the image of King Manuel riding the sea monster off the southern tip of Africa, proclaiming Portugal's dominance of the route to India: this accomplishment would not be so important if it were not for the spices (no insignificant part of them from Calicut) flowing along that route back to Portugal.419

#### 12.12

CONSUMATUM EST IN OPPIDO DEODATI COMPOSITIONE ET DIGESTIONE MARTINI WALDSEE-MULLER ILACOMILI

[This map] was completed in the town of Saint-Dié through the composition and arrangement of Martin Waldseemüller, Ilacomylus.

Waldseemüller's indicates that the Carta marina is his creation; there is no such indication on his 1507 world map or in the 1513 edition of Ptolemy's Geography. "Ilacomylus" is the Latinized version of his last name, meaning "Miller of the lake in the woods."

415See Duarte Barbosa, "The Divers Kinds of Spices, Where They Grow, What They Are Worth at Calicut, and Whither They Are Carried"; and "Weights of Portugal and of India, and the Correspondence Between These and Those of Portugal," in The Book of Duarte Barbosa: An Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and their Inhabitants, Written by Duarte Barbosa and Completed about the Year 1518 A.D., trans. Mansel Longworth Dames (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1918–1921), vol. 2, pp. 227–231 and 232, respectively. On Ramusio's publication of the work see George B. Parks, "The Contents and Sources of Ramusio's Navigationi," Bulletin of the New York Public Library 59.6 (1955), pp. 279–313. 416For discussion of the prices of spices in the sixteenth century see Donald F. Lach, "Appendix: Pepper Prices in the Sixteenth Century," in his

Asia in the Making of Europe, vol. 1, The Century of Discovery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), Book 1, pp. 143–147; Vitorino Magalhães-Godinho, "Le repli vénitien et égyptien et la route du cap," in Éventail de l'histoire vivante: Hommage à Lucien Febvre (Paris: Colin, 1953), vol. 2, pp. 283–300; reprinted in M. N. Pearson, ed., Spices in the Indian Ocean World (Aldershot, Hampshire, UK, and Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1996), pp. 93–110; and Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, "Did Vasco da Gama Matter to European Markets?" Economic History Review 62.3 (2009), pp. 655–684. 417See Gabriel Ferrand, "Les poids, measures et monnaies des Mers du Sud aux XVI et XVII siècles," Journal Asiatique (1920), pp. 5–312 (also

published separately, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1921).

418See Geneviève Bouchon, "Notes on the Opium Trade in Southern Asia during the Pre-Colonial Period," in Roderich Ptak and Dietmar Rothermund, eds., Emporia, Commodities, and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade, c. 1400–1750 (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1991), pp. 95– 106; reprinted in her Inde découverte, Inde retrouvée, 1498–1630: études d'histoire indo-portugaise (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenhian; and Paris: Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian and Commission Nationale pour les Commémorations des Découvertes Portugaises, 1999), pp. 203– 214.

419For discussion of the route from Portugal to India see T. Bentley Duncan, "Navigation Between Portugal and Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," in Cyriac K. Pullapilly and Edwin J. Van Kley, eds., Asia and the West: Encounters and Exchanges from the Age of Explorations (Notre Dame: Cross Cultural Publications, 1986), pp. 3–25; reprinted in Om Prakash, ed., European Commercial Expansion in Early Modern Asia (Aldershot, England; Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1997); data from this article is also used in Jan de Vries, "Connecting Europe and Asia: A Quantitative Analysis of the Cape-Route Trade, 1497–1795," in Dennis O. Flynn, Arturo Giraldez, Richard von Glahn, eds., Global Connections and Monetary History, 1470–1800 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), pp. 35–106. For discussion of the significance of spices in European culture see Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in the Western Tradition," European Review of History 8.2 (2001), pp. 119–136.

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