paradigm. Actors at the national and EU levels, such as trade unions, civil society and academia, argue that the Pillar, if meant to underpin the EU's social agenda, should steer member states' policies through the Semester, to ensure a closer connection between the two processes (*e.g.* Vanhercke et al. 2017). Arrangements for implementing the Pillar through the Semester were already specifed by the European Commission in the Annual Growth Survey 2018 and the Draft Joint Employment Report 2018. However, an open question remains as to what extent the Pillar's principles and rights will be considered through the implementation of the Semester at national level (*i.e.* the National Reform Programmes). The main challenge faced by the EU and member states is the ability to ensure consistency between economic, employment and fnancial policies with a view to strengthening the social dimension. Two years after the proclamation of the Pillar, it seems that the Semester has been paying more attention to social issues, including those relevant for older people, such as life-long learning, employment of older workers or quality long-term care systems. In its annual assessment of the Semester in 2018, AGE Platform Europe (AGE) considered the impact of the Semester's implementation on the social realities of older persons (Age Platform 2018). According to AGE, the adequacy of pensions had been addressed by the European Commission in its recommendations to those member states where the level of pensions is dramatically low. However, AGE members regret the lack of further focus on the most vulnerable groups of pensioners, such as older women, the very old or older persons with health issues. Moreover, other barriers that prevent older people from exercising their social rights, including those listed in the Pillar, are not addressed in the Semester. This includes barriers such as the investment gap in long-term care, the lack of accessibility of physical and digital environments, or the diffcult situation of older jobseekers. Instead of emphasising its potential opportunities, population ageing remains perceived by many policy makers more as a burden to the public purse, which needs to be contained, than as an achievement and opportunity.

### **33.5 Conclusion**

Considering the multiple crises that Europe has been facing over the last decade and growing public scepticism towards the European project, the proclamation of the European Pillar of Social Rights was a frst attempt by EU institutions and member states to create conditions for greater fairness and solidarity at both the macro level (among countries and regions) and at the grass-roots level (among age and population groups and individuals themselves). The Pillar recognised the key role played by social rights in empowering all population and age groups as equal holders of social and, broadly, human rights. Consequently, the Pillar has the potential to improve not only daily realities of Europeans, but, equally importantly, to improve their perception of the EU as such. Eventually, this could have a positive spill-over effect beyond the strictly socio-economic sphere by helping to (re)adhere European people back to the European values and the common integration project.

Since the Pillar does not confer new competences or tasks upon the European Union, the EU does not have an enlarged competence in relation to the design of pension systems. Nor are the 20 rights and principles directly enforceable without implementing measures. Therefore, the ultimate impact of the Pillar will depend on the political will of both EU institutions and member states to develop concrete policy actions to implement the Pillar. In the long run, the European Court of Justice could refer to the Pillar when interpreting EU law, and de facto exercise pressure on policy makers to implement measures addressing the social needs of European people, including of those in later life.

Political will, commitment and accountability are all and equally needed for the Pillar to succeed and to avoid mistakes of the past, such as the lack of progress on the Europe 2020 Strategy's social headline targets (*e.g.* on poverty reduction). There remains a question concerning how the Pillar's implementation will inform the post-Europe 2020 strategy and how the latter will articulate and align its policy objectives with the Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals. Stakeholder involvement, including involvement of civil society, will be another key element to enable the EU to steer national policies using the Pillar's principles and rights. At a broader level, further refection is needed on other political processes that can underpin the EU's social dimension provided by the Pillar. Other policy standards, such as the International Labour Organisation's core convention and the Council of Europe's Social Charter should be used as inspiration.

Europe is still suffering the consequences of the 2008 economic crisis. Older people have not been spared in this process: the gender pension gap is close to 40% and poverty persists among many older women, the oldest old, those who were not able to build an adequate pension, or older persons whose income has eroded over time, in particular due to the growing costs of health care. The individualisation of old-age dependency risks, with increased out-of-pocket payments for health care, is undermining the universal character of health care that is a part of the European social welfare model. Pension reforms that delay the age at which people become eligible to receive their pensions are hitting vulnerable groups, such as the 48% of people aged between 55 and 64 years who are not in employment, not yet of pensionable age and who have very low prospects of fnding a job.

Most of the Pillar's 20 principles and rights are directly relevant to older people and, therefore, of key importance. The ultimate impact they will have on the improvement of older people's social realities will depend on how comprehensive and mutually reinforcing the future policy actions proposed under the Pillar will be. Their overarching objective should be to address the multidimensionality of exclusion in later life from a rights-based perspective, for example by enhancing the rights to quality and affordable health and long-term care, to adequate pensions to live in dignity, to age-friendly working conditions and an inclusive labour market, or to access goods and services. To do so, member states and EU institutions must align any forthcoming Pillar proposals with Article 25 of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, thereby acknowledging the right of older persons to live independently and in dignity.

### **Author's Postscript**

Beyond the immediate challenges of saving lives and keeping healthcare systems functioning, the COVID-19 crisis has triggered an unprecedented shift in national and European policies. In this context, the Pillar of Social Rights acquires new importance; the full implementation of all its principles is more indispensable than ever and should underpin the recovery strategies that Member States and the EU put in place. With regard to older people, the Pillar's various principles are particularly important during and after the pandemic. These include universal health and longterm care services, and ensuring adequate social protection for all, including minimum safety nets or inclusive employment policies. The Pillar, together with the EU's environmental objectives and the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, should guide recovery strategies based on human rights, social inclusion and solidarity between all age and population groups.

### **References**

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# **Section IX Conclusion**

# **Chapter 34 Advancing Research and Policy on Social Exclusion of Older People: Towards a Coherent and Critical Discourse**

**Thomas Scharf, Kieran Walsh, Sofe Van Regenmortel, and Anna Wanka**

### **34.1 Introduction**

A key starting point for the contributions to this book has been the pressing need to address stagnation in research and policy debates on social exclusion in later life. As noted in recent reviews of the relevant academic literature (Van Regenmortel et al. 2016; Walsh et al. 2017), research relating to social exclusion of older people has been characterised by limitations in conceptual and theoretical development. While there is broad agreement on the different forms of exclusion that serve to reduce well-being in later life, the absence of a body of research that provides a comprehensive account of forms of social exclusion and considers the connections between them has limited the scope of policy makers to develop well-evidenced responses to the multifaceted challenges faced by ageing societies. Drawing on insights generated from the pathbreaking work of the interdisciplinary and international ROSEnet COST Action (CA15122), the chapters of this book refect different disciplinary perspectives, contrasting methodological approaches, and a wide range of national and international contexts. With its fve working groups addressing different domains of exclusion (economic; social; service; community and spatial; and civic) and a focus on the interrelationships between the domains, ROSEnet has been well

K. Walsh

S. Van Regenmortel Department of Adult Educational Sciences, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Brussels, Belgium

A. Wanka

Research Training Group 'Doing Transitions' Goethe University Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt am Main, Germany

T. Scharf (\*)

Population Health Sciences Institute, Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
Irish Centre for Social Gerontology, Institute for Lifecourse and Society, National University of Ireland Galway, Galway, Ireland

positioned to advance scientifc knowledge and methodological rigour in the feld of social exclusion. Moreover, ROSEnet's direct engagement with policy and practice stakeholders, including some who have contributed chapters to this book, ensures that the book offers valuable insights aimed at supporting policy development focused on reducing social exclusion in later life. Taken together, the chapters therefore provide the much-needed ideas and empirical evidence that are essential in defning a new agenda for future research on ageing and social exclusion.

In this concluding chapter, we return to the four key objectives that underpinned our choice of topics for the book. These were, in abbreviated form, to: (1) produce a comprehensive analysis of social exclusion of older people; (2) develop crossnational and interdisciplinary perspectives on social exclusion of older adults; (3) institute a dialogue between conceptual and empirical perspectives; and (4) nurture crucial research capacity in the feld of social exclusion and ageing. Refecting these objectives, we use this chapter to draw together some of the major themes emerging from the book's different sections and demonstrate interconnections between the contributing chapters. In this respect, we seek to deepen our understanding of the conceptual framing of social exclusion of older people, noting where gaps in knowledge still remain. Moreover, within the context of the far-reaching impacts of COVID-19 on older people and on the framing of later life, as noted in Chap. 1, we conclude by suggesting ways in which the insights developed in this book can be used as a basis for shaping a new research agenda relating not only to future empirical and conceptual research, but also to policy development in the feld of social exclusion in later life.

In the introduction to this book, we identifed features of the policy context around ageing and demographic change as playing a role in the lack of progress in debates on social exclusion in later life. This involves the widespread absence of age in equalities debates, the prevailing view of ageing as being a burden on welfare states, the systemic ageism that marks our societies, and a lack of attention to the risks of social exclusion in later life. Equally, research debates have failed to progress in meaningful ways owing to a lack of conceptual clarity about social exclusion and the resulting challenges of operationalising exclusion in empirical studies.

The various contributions to this book emphasise the importance of viewing social exclusion as a relative, dynamic and multidimensional construct. These characteristics are a longstanding feature of work on social exclusion relating to older people, picking up on ideas developed initially in research conducted in the UK (Scharf et al. 2002, 2005; Barnes et al. 2006; Kneale 2012) but subsequently acknowledged more widely (*e.g.* Moffatt and Glasgow 2009; Burns et al. 2012; Scharf and Keating 2012). The evidence presented in the various parts of the book, and aligning to the book's four objectives, emphasises the value of deepening knowledge about specifc domains of social exclusion and the interrelationships between them, rather than focusing attention on the broader concept of exclusion. There is a general acceptance in the gerontology literature that the domains of exclusion that have the greatest impact on older people's lives and their well-being relate to individuals' material resources, social relations, access to services, civic and cultural participation, and socio-spatial context (Jehoel-Gijsbers and Vrooman 2008; Van Regenmortel et al. 2016; Walsh et al. 2017). Equally important is the need to improve our knowledge about the most appropriate policy and practice responses to different forms of social exclusion in older-age in order to build inclusive societies and consequently fght negative consequences of old-age social exclusion such as lower quality of life (Bayram et al. 2010), higher rates of depressive symptoms (Tong et al. 2011) and higher suicide rates (Yur'yev et al. 2010). We begin by reviewing the contributions across the different domains of social exclusion before considering the interrelationships between them and the role of policy in tackling risks of exclusion in later life.

### **34.2 Domains of Social Exclusion**

The chapters in this book have addressed fve domains of exclusion: economic, social, service, civic, and community and spatial exclusion. In relation to the economic domain, Jim Ogg and Michal Myck's introduction in section II (Chap. 2) emphasises the need to move beyond a narrow focus on poverty and pension entitlements in addressing economic and material forms of exclusion in later life. Refecting a life-course approach, they argue that there is a need to take account of the ways in which circumstances earlier in life strongly infuence risks of economic exclusion in older age. These risks are experienced differently according to individuals' social locations and political context, a point developed by Merle Sumil-Laanemaa and colleagues in their analysis of material deprivation of people aged 50 and above in different welfare regimes (Chap. 3). The authors make the key point that risks of economic exclusion vary considerably according to socio-demographic characteristics. While some demographic characteristics increase the risk of exclusion in all welfare regimes, particular subgroups of older people encounter disproportionately high risks of material deprivation in some of the clusters. Sumil-Laanemaa and colleagues suggest that, as ageing populations continue to become more diverse as demographic change continues apace, policy makers will increasingly need to consider how best to respond to the material needs of particular groups of older adults. In Chap. 4, Elke Murdock and colleagues focus on one specifc group who experience a heightened risk of economic exclusion in later life. They highlight the impacts of unemployment in the later stages of working life, identifying it as an under-explored feature of debates in exclusion from material and economic resources. Given the potentially severe consequences of late-career unemployment within the context of policy measures aimed at extending working lives and the increasing numbers of older workers in many societies, Murdock and colleagues suggest the need for a stronger focus in research on older unemployed people. Another group whose material circumstances merit closer attention in research and policy are older women who are widowed, divorced or separated. Refecting on the experiences of this group in Turkey and Serbia, and life-course determinants of low incomes in older-age, Hande Barlin and colleagues place value on social policy measures aimed at reducing risks of poverty (Chap. 5). In the absence of acquired pension rights, there is an obvious role for the state in providing survivor pensions and other types of income support to older women who experience widowhood, separation or divorce.

Noting the growing focus in gerontological research on issues relating to social relationships in later life, Vanessa Burholt and Marja Aartsen address the domain of exclusion from social relations with reference to older adults' social resources, social connections and social networks (Chap. 6). Drawing on a new conceptual model of exclusion from social relations (Burholt et al. 2019), they identify a range of personal attributes and life experiences associated with this form of exclusion and highlight its impacts on older people's health, well-being and sense of belonging. The conceptual model is grounded in a dynamic, life-course perspective that recognises the ways in which exclusion from social relations varies according to time and place, social norms, cultural values and policies and, hence, across societies. These ideas are developed in the three chapters that follow, illustrating the value of deepening understanding of the eco-bio-psychosocial factors associated with exclusion from social relations in later life. Sofe Van Regenmortel and colleagues (Chap. 7) draw on data from Belgium and rural Britain to demonstrate the presence of exclusion of social relations and at the same time analyse features of exclusion from social relations, showing how this form of exclusion connects to other features of disadvantage. In making a strong case for further cross-national and methodologically comparable research on the subject, the authors point to the need for social policy responses that acknowledge the impact of life-course factors on experiences of exclusion from social relations in older-age, while at the same time building and investing in age-friendly and prosperous environments to cultivate social inclusion. In Chap. 8, Deborah Morgan and colleagues explore micro- and macrolevel drivers of loneliness, regarded as a key form of exclusion from social relations, and seek to measure changes over time in loneliness rates in a number of European countries. An important feature of the analysis developed in this chapter is the evidence provided to indicate how macro-level drivers, including perceived neighbourhood safety and normative levels of social connectedness, infuence loneliness across nations. Although the two-year time frame of the analysis served to limit how much could be said about change over time, the authors hold out hope that future studies can draw on additional waves of data arising from longitudinal studies to provide more robust evidence of the dynamic nature of loneliness in later life. A similar case for longitudinal analysis emerges from Chap. 9, in which Charles Waldegrave and colleagues consider the complex nature of the conficted, abusive and discriminative relations of older people and their differential exclusionary impacts in fve contrasting countries (Norway, Israel, Italy, Finland and New Zealand). The authors expose the infuence of discriminatory attitudes in excluding groups of ageing adults or individual older people from opportunities to develop or maintain supportive social relations. Their analysis highlights the need for qualitative studies that can improve understanding of the interconnections between vulnerability, dependency and abuse. The chapter notes the value of an exclusion perspective in terms of understanding non-normative social relations in later life, not least its potential to inform professional practice.

In considering the domain of service exclusion in later life, Veerle Draulans and Giovanni Lamura use their introduction in section IV to develop a new defnition of this form of exclusion (Chap. 10). They defne exclusion from services as the "condition (and the processes leading to it) that involves the lack or denial of services in later life, to a larger extent than what might be considered as 'normal' for the majority of people, with a negative impact both at individual and societal levels". This conceptualisation is helpful in contextualising the three substantive chapters that follow, each of which relates to a different type of service that plays a central role in older adults' opportunities for social integration. In Chap. 11, Florent Cholat and Luca Daconto describe the risks of spatial- and mobility-related exclusion from services that have the potential to affect older people who live in the unique environmental context of mountain areas. A key argument concerns the idea of "reversed" mobilities – the idea that people whose mobility is limited by their residential environment become more reliant on receiving products and services provided by relatives, caregivers or mobile shops in order to overcome the lack or denial of services. The chapter suggests that, by identifying areas potentially exposed to service exclusion as a result of interlinkages between individual and contextual vulnerabilities, research has a major role to play in informing policy innovation. In Chap. 12, Zsuzsa Széman and colleagues also consider factors that shape service exclusion, drawing on examples from the relatively under-researched context of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the Russian Federation. The particular focus is onhome care services, underpinned by a combination of a strong tradition of familisation and a general lack of institutional care facilities. The authors suggest that while home-based care can potentially support more person-centred forms of care in the countries under investigation, some people may experience heightened risks of exclusion from social relations as a result of receiving care in their homes. Consequently, the chapter highlights the need for research that focuses on the cultural contexts in which services are provided to, and accessed by, older people. This is also an argument picked up in Chap. 13. Faced by increasing digitalisation of societies, accessing services online has become a key feature of many countries' health and care systems. Arianna Poli and colleagues analyse the role of digital technologies in supporting health care provision of older adults. Their work explores key drivers of exclusion from digital health services, demonstrating the interconnections between macro-, meso- and micro- decisions in shaping people's access to essential services in later life. The authors emphasise the importance of deepening understanding of barriers to the inclusive and equal implementation of digital health services in ageing societies. Responding to the challenges of digitalisation implies creating opportunities to improve health services in ways that can better meet the needs of a diverse older population.

Turning to community and spatial aspects of social exclusion, a consistent feature of chapters in section V is the perspective that national contexts appear to be less central than regional and place-specifc contexts in framing experiences of exclusion in later life. Isabelle Tournier and Lucie Vidovićová's part introduction connects conceptual debates on exclusion with recent developments in the feld of

environmental gerontology (Chap. 14). In presenting an adapted framework model of life-space locations, ranging from clearly defned indoor spaces to more abstract global and digital spaces, they argue that risks of exclusion require responses from policy and practice at all spatial scales. These ideas frame the three chapters that follow. In Chap. 15, Matthias Drilling and colleagues introduce a new conceptual model of "Age, Space and Exclusion" that accounts for the triangular relationship between materialisations, conceptions and experiences of space in older-age. The "ASE-Triangle" is tested with reference to empirical evidence drawn from studies conducted in Ireland and Cyprus, illustrating the ways in which age, space and exclusion interact in different national and regional contexts. The authors highlight the considerable potential of their model in deepening understandings of spatial and community forms of exclusion, suggesting the potential to refne the model based on evidence collected from contrasting environmental contexts in other countries. The benefts of cross-national comparative frameworks that are attuned to regional variations within nations are also raised by the chapter that follows. In their comparative study, based on analysis of cases from Germany, Ireland and Poland, Anna Urbaniak and colleagues identify a need for researchers to deepen their understanding of the multifaceted connections between place, normative life-course transitions and social exclusion in order to contribute to more appropriate policy responses aimed at reducing exclusion in later life (Chap. 16). In particular, future research should examine more systematically the intersections between major life transitions and features of older people's neighbourhoods and communities. This would assist in casting light on the role of place in infuencing how experiences of social exclusion change over time. Refecting a longstanding concern in social gerontology with urban and rural places as contexts for ageing, Lucie Vidovićová and colleagues make the point that older people who live in rural areas are often ignored in research and policy (Chap. 17). With examples drawn from different types of rural location in the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland, the authors argue that lack of care provision amounts to a form of place-based social exclusion that is disproportionately experienced by older people in rural communities. Recognising the need for more evidence from other rural contexts, the chapter emphasises the value of developing better coordinated policy responses to place-based exclusion that refect the diversity of both older adults and rural places. More inclusive policy responses require mutual learning between the different actors that belong to the older adult care sector, including non-governmental organisations, civil society groups and private actors.

Acknowledging that the domain of civic exclusion has historically been the least well-developed component of research on social exclusion in later life, Sandra Torres in section IV contextualises the three chapters that examine this domain by introducing key conceptual features of civic and cultural forms of exclusion (Chap. 18). She addresses the ongoing attention that has been paid to the idea of civic exclusion, noting the many evidence gaps that still remain in terms of its social and political aspects, before focusing attention on the under-developed socio-cultural dimensions of exclusion. She describes these as "the ways in which societal discourses lead not only to the exclusion of older people, but also to neglecting the complex identities they have, and the variety of circumstances, experiences and needs with which these are associated". Different features of civic and socio-cultural forms of exclusion are considered in the chapters that follow. In Chap. 19, Rodrigo Serrat and colleagues' scoping review of civic engagement in later life deepens our understanding of the construct of civic exclusion and identifes the knowledge gaps that will need to be addressed in future research. Aligning closely with themes raised in other parts of the book, four key dimensions of older people's exclusion from civic engagement merit particular attention: the multidimensionality of civic engagement; the diversity of older populations; the dynamics and experiences of engagement across the life course; and the culturally embedded processes that characterise civic engagement. The focus in Chap. 20 turns to socio-cultural aspects of exclusion from civic activities in older-age. Using evidence from Austria, Vera Gallistl's analysis of changing patterns of cultural consumption as people age emphasises the central infuence of socio-economic status on non-participation in forms of culture that many people take for granted. She argues that future research in gerontology should consider older adults' exclusion from cultural practice as a question of both spatial and (cultural) taste marginalisation. According to Gallistl, given how particular groups of older adults experience structural and symbolic forms of marginalisation in late-modern societies, participation and non-participation in culture and the arts should become core themes in social gerontology, and especially in the study of social exclusion in later life. In Chap. 21, Ada Lui Gallassi and Lars Harrysson address a different dimension of civic exclusion. Their chapter connects socio-economic status and the conditions of ageing migrants to civic and broader forms of social exclusion emphasising how these processes infuence older migrants' sense of status in a host society. Taking an intersectional approach, and using evidence from Sweden, the authors signal the importance of a future research agenda that takes account of the ways in which features of migrants' working life trajectories interact, leading to forms of symbolic exclusion in a post-work phase of life. The chapter makes a case for policy responses that emphasise individuals' right to work and the access social security entitlements, with equality and antidiscrimination approaches being identifed as mechanisms for tackling social exclusion of ageing migrants.

### **34.3 Interrelationships Between Domains of Social Exclusion**

As noted above, many of the chapters in sections II to VI of this book have already considered ways in which the various domains of social exclusion connect with one other. This demonstrates the value of adopting a dynamic, multidimensional exclusion lens when seeking to understand forms of disadvantage that characterise later life. In section VII, Lena Dahlberg therefore introduces four chapters that consider different types of interrelationship between specifc domains of exclusion (Chap. 22). Her contribution is especially valuable in summarising previous research on multidimensionality of exclusion of older people, observing the various associations that have been identifed between most of the domain combinations addressed in different chapters of this book. Drawing on studies across a range of countries, Dahlberg makes the key point that "being excluded on one domain increases the risk of exclusion from another domain". She identifes particular gaps in relation to longitudinal research that can capture dynamic features of multidimensional exclusion as well as research that considers different country settings. In Chap. 23, Feliciano Villar and colleagues address the experiences of older people who live in long-term care institutions, framing this in terms of their potential risks of exclusion from social relationships, civic participation and socio-cultural life. In Chap. 24, Michal Myck and colleagues analyse the relationship between people's material circumstances in later life and their risk of exclusion from social relations, operationalised with reference to loneliness. A notable fnding from this longitudinal analysis is the strong and signifcant association between material deprivation and loneliness over time, with material conditions shaping both the degree to which people experience loneliness as well as the likelihood that loneliness will increase over time. Anu Siren's focus in Chap. 25 is on the role played by transport in older adults' risks of social exclusion. Her argument is that transport mobility, typically viewed in relation to exclusion from services, affects all domains of social exclusion. As a result, policy responses that fail to tackle the structural dimensions of age-related mobility will fail to achieve the social inclusion of older adults. In Chap. 26, Nilufer Korkmaz-Yaylagul and Ahmet Melik Bas consider homelessness of older adults in relation to multidimensional forms of social exclusion. Drawing on their analysis of current research, they highlight the ways in which homelessness in later life is related in one way or another to all forms of social exclusion. A particular concern of research on this topic has been on exclusion from services, amenities and mobility, presenting key challenges for policy makers tasked with reducing social exclusion of this especially marginalised population of older adults.

### **34.4 Policy Responses to Social Exclusion in Later Life**

A common feature of many of the chapters in sections II to VII of this book is their direct engagement with policy responses directed towards reducing risks of social exclusion experienced by older people. The contributions to section VIII deal explicitly with policy challenges, laying the foundation for a series of actions that, taken together, provide opportunities to promote the social inclusion of ageing adults. The chapters in section VIII provide a more considered analysis of the range of policy issues impacted by and infuencing social exclusion in later life than is typical for political and public debates on social inclusion in later life. In Chap. 27, Norah Keating and Maria Cheshire-Allen introduce social exclusion as a valuesbased policy framework for population ageing and older persons. They identify social exclusion as a "timely and relevant approach to the development of meaningful policy and practice", necessitating an examination of policy drivers and policy actions. Whilst accepting the importance of a sound evidence base to underpin policy, they caution that key policy actors may need to be won over to embrace the values that underpin a reinvigorated focus on social exclusion. These ideas are picked up in the chapters that follow. Taking a global perspective, Patricia Conboy analyses the potential of the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to serve as a global framework for addressing multidimensional old-age exclusion (Chap. 28). She identifes a range of processes and barriers associated with national governments' engagement with this global framework, highlighting actions that might reduce older people's risks of social exclusion across the world. In his review of pension policies, Jim Ogg shows how Europe's pension systems are responding to new social risks arising from a rapidly changing political, technological and economic context (Chap. 29). While pension systems act as the principal mechanism for preventing economic exclusion in later life, Ogg emphasises the risk that policy measures, such as those aimed at extending working lives, will typically increase the likelihood that future cohorts of older people will experience economic exclusion. Pension policies, alongside social care policies, are also a core focus of Irina Grigoryeva and colleagues (Chap. 30). Taking the examples of recent policy developments in Russia and Ukraine, they argue that reform measures run the risk of exposing greater numbers of older people to forms of economic and service exclusion. In both countries, low retirement incomes, poor health, and lack of access to services are associated with heightened risks of intense forms of social exclusion in later life. In Chap. 31, John Andersen and colleagues consider policy responses to risks of exclusion faced by residents of nursing homes. Their focus is on older adults' important connections to neighbourhood social relationships, showing how innovation in the design of nursing homes has the potential to improve opportunities for neighbourhood and social engagement of a heterogeneous population of older nursing home residents, including people living with cognitive impairment. In Chap. 32, within the context of policies aimed at digitalising access to public services in Estonia and Finland, Anu Leppiman and colleagues examine some of the contradictions associated with digitalisation for ageing adults. On the one hand, digitalisation has the potential to reduce exclusion of older people by providing access to information and services. On the other hand, given lower levels of digital literacy amongst older people, the shift to digital forms of service provision has the potential to exclude current cohorts of ageing adults. In Chap. 33, Maciej Kucharczyk analyses the potential of the European Pillar of Social Rights to address social exclusion of older people in Europe. The Pillar encompasses a set of social rights and principles aimed at improving the lives of people in Europe by focusing on promoting equality, inclusion and well-being. In line with its rights-based approach, the Pillar has the potential to overcome social policy blockages in many European countries to promote social inclusion of ageing adults.

### **34.5 Reducing Social Exclusion in Later Life: New Directions for Research and Policy**

Taken together, the contributions to this book decisively push forward the current state of knowledge on social exclusion in later life. In response to the book's objectives, presented in Chap. 1, the multinational team of authors provide an insightful and comprehensive account of social exclusion in later life, exploring the multidimensionality of exclusion across different life domains, the interrelationship between these domains, and the involvement of individual and societal/policy levels (objective 1). The wide range of spatial and place-based contexts that underpin the chapters, representing different spatial scales ranging from local to global, as well as the contributions of a variety of scientifc disciplines and methodological approaches, represent one of the book's core strengths. Drawing on the work of Walsh et al. (2017) in conceptualising social exclusion in later life, the chapters display a shared understanding of the exclusion construct, its meanings and its various domains (objective 2). In a number of chapters, contributing authors develop new theoretical perspectives that will help to shape future work on domains of exclusion and the relationships between domains. All chapters succeed in linking conceptual and empirical perspectives in a mutually supportive dialogue, deepening awareness of the methodological approaches needed to build the empirical evidence base as well as the conceptual tools that are required to inform future empirical studies (objective 3). The fact that many of the book's chapters have been written jointly by early-stage researchers and mid-career as well as well-established researchers, and by researchers drawn from multiple disciplines and a range of countries, has contributed to building the capacity of the research community to support future work that will extend even further knowledge about social exclusion and ageing (objective 4). Meeting these objectives is vital in moving forward research and policy agendas on the dynamic and multidimensional forms of social exclusion that characterise later life.

Against this background, and refecting many of the arguments developed by contributors to this book, we conclude by outlining a future agenda for research on old-age social exclusion and for policy aimed at reducing social exclusion in later life. This is a collective task that will require collaboration between all sectors of society – a task made all the more necessary by the wide-ranging impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on older people. To succeed, it will need to engage actors involved in policy making, civil society, service providers and scientifc research. There is also a key role to be played by older people, including people with experience of exclusion, and their representative organisations in developing appropriate policy and practice responses. Working across sectors, the different actors will need to demonstrate their shared commitment to tackling social exclusion in later life and to addressing the multiple forms of disadvantage that reduce the well-being of far too many older adults across the world. Where policies are being developed that may impact on older people, they should be evaluated on the basis of their potential intended and unintended consequences in terms of social exclusion risks in later

life. This applies, for example, to the ongoing pension policy and health and social care reforms being introduced in many countries in response to demographic ageing. Refecting the pervasive nature of ageism and age discrimination in many societies, there is a fundamental need for coordinated responses that address symbolic, culturally embedded forms of social exclusion and engage in challenging negative representations of ageing and later life. These ideas are picked up in the next sections in terms of responses to the multidimensional nature of exclusion in later life, and responses to accumulated disadvantage and risk groups, and to multilevel shocks that are associated with risks of exclusion of older adults.

### *34.5.1 Responding to Multidimensionality of Social Exclusion in Later Life*

From a research perspective, the contributions to this book emphasise the value of further deepening our knowledge of the ways in which different forms of exclusion combine in older people's lives, and of the implications of social exclusion for older adults' health and well-being. Future research should also focus on identifying key causes and drivers of multidimensional exclusion, and how these factors interact with the ageing process to impact on older people's lives. While considerable progress has been made by the research community in developing conceptual frameworks that explain the connections between different forms of exclusion, including by contributors to this book, there is scope to revisit these frameworks in order to identify the type of interventions that might best respond to different forms of exclusion. In relation to the multidimensionality of exclusion in later life, a key task will be to improve the quality of data that can be used to provide evidence across the domains of exclusion and to improve understanding of the connections between different domains. For example, while some domains, such as economic exclusion or exclusion from social relations, can draw on high quality quantitative data collected in longitudinal and cohort studies, other domains are not as well operationalised in major surveys. Equally, numerous qualitative studies have focused on older adults' material or social well-being but have not connected these domains to other forms of exclusion such as socio-cultural or socio-spatial exclusion. There is also a further empirical challenge to be addressed in research on social exclusion in later life. Measures of exclusion need to assess exclusion across multiple areas of older people's lives, such as economic, social relations, services, civic, and community/ spatial domains. It is common for empirical studies to measure only one or two of these domains suffciently well, whilst ignoring others entirely or using single indicators that fail to capture the breadth of the domain in question. Where feasible, in order to assess the links between different forms of exclusion, empirical work should consider the ways in which different exclusion outcomes can combine to generate further disadvantage.

Turning to policy responses, integrating a multidimensional understanding of social exclusion in later life into policy making, at different levels of the political system, would represent a major achievement. This would imply moving away from a narrow focus on ageing in ageing policies (*e.g.* as a health and care concern) and from an equally narrow focus on specifc domains of exclusion in poverty policies (*e.g.* economic exclusion). Most notably, there has been a longstanding policy concern with forms of economic disadvantage. Contributions to this book, especially those in section VIII, have demonstrated the need for a more active engagement by policy makers with the full range of issues relevant to social exclusion in later life. In the case of economic exclusion, connecting features of low incomes, limited assets and poor material conditions to other forms of exclusion, whilst also extending the focus to all life stages, has the potential to create coordinated policies that are better suited to the needs of a diverse older population. This aligns with the point made by Norah Keating and Maria Cheshire-Allen in Chap. 27 that there is a strong case to be made for using social exclusion as an integrative policy framework for understanding the interconnections between different policy challenges and the interdependency of a range of policy solutions.

In addition, including in policy making older adults who are themselves experiencing or are at risk of exclusion is key to addressing challenges of social exclusion in later life. Engaging disadvantaged people in policy making not only improves understanding of such individuals' experiences, but it can also strengthen their position and inclusion (Lister 2002, 2007) and, as a result, overcome power imbalances. Despite research that emphasises the impact of political decision making and programmes in the feld of poverty and social exclusion (*e.g.* Phillipson and Scharf 2004), too often older adults on low incomes are ignored in poverty programmes (Rissanen and Ylinen 2014). In reforming welfare states, it is important to give voice to people who will be or are affected by these reforms (Henderson and Tickamyer 2008). As Lister (2007, 2008) argues, giving fnancially excluded older people a voice has the potential to reduce their risk of exclusion.

### *34.5.2 Responding to Accumulated Disadvantage and Risk Groups*

Refecting the need to adopt a life-course approach to understand the dynamic nature of social exclusion in later life, as suggested in many contributions to this book, implies a need for future research not only to focus on specifc groups at risk of social exclusion but also to consider the ways in which individuals and groups are prone to experiencing the accumulation of disadvantage over time. Social exclusion is best understood as a process that evolves over the course of individuals' lives and the experiences of different birth cohorts. Longitudinal quantitative and qualitative research approaches hold out the promise that researchers can deepen our knowledge of the dynamic relationship between individual life experiences and

group-level factors in generating exclusion in older-age. These approaches can assist in identifying critical points in people's lives where policy and practice responses might be most effective in reducing risks of exclusion later in life. They also engage with challenges arising from increasing digitalisation of societies and changing labour markets that can be associated with the increasingly precarious working lives of key social groups. Where possible, research should focus on the diversity of and intersectionality with old-age, assessing how such factors as age, gender, race and ethnicity, socio-economic status, sexual orientation, health status, geographic location and their combinations infuence old-age social exclusion. This also implies ensuring that key subgroups of ageing adults are suffciently well represented in empirical studies. Given the importance of spatial dimensions of exclusion in older age, future research will beneft from a stronger focus on the different meanings associated with ageing in place, and the barriers and enablers that apply to diverse groups of older people who live in different place contexts.

For policy, responding to the later life consequences arising from the accumulation of risks across the life course suggests a need to build on awareness of the impact of critical life events and precarious living and working lives on individuals' vulnerability to exclusion in later life to inform the timing and nature of policy and practice interventions. Such interventions should be attuned to the diversity of older populations, individuals' evolving needs, and the nature of the subgroups that they belong to. A strong case exists for targeting policy measures and practice interventions at groups recognised as being at greatest risk of accumulated social exclusion across the life course.

### *34.5.3 Responding to Multilevel Shocks*

As suggested by the authors of numerous chapters in this book, older people can be susceptible to the multifaceted impacts of unanticipated events that alter the broad societal contexts that shape their lives and local environments. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the most obvious example of such a multilevel shock was the period of austerity that affected a number of countries in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008 (Ginn 2013; Walsh et al. 2015; Phillipson 2020). Other shocks that demonstrated the interlinkage between macro-, meso- and micro-level consequences for risks of social exclusion in later life were associated with economic downturns, environmental disasters, climate-related events, and confict situations. However, the experience of COVID-19 provides a textbook example of how an unanticipated crisis cuts across the dimensions of social exclusion to reduce older adults' well-being. While the impact varies across countries and between regions of different nations, the global pandemic has been associated with heightened risks of exclusion from social relations arising from enforced restrictions on older people's social connections (*e.g.* Berg-Weger and Morley 2020), the increasing potential of economic exclusion as a result of unemployment amongst older workers (*e.g.* Morrow-Howell et al. 2020), and well-publicised risks of civic and cultural forms of exclusion linked to overt expressions of ageism and age discrimination (*e.g.* Ayalon et al. 2020). In the absence of a critical gerontological lens that develops a critique of such forms of exclusion, there is a danger that already marginalised groups of older people are at risk of being left behind as policy makers focus on meeting the needs of younger age groups and people of working age.

### **34.6 Concluding Remarks**

The ideas presented here, and those noted in the individual chapters within this book, are essential as part of a response to the multifaceted challenge of exclusion in later life, but not exhaustive. Demographic ageing is rightly regarded as one of the key achievements of the modern age. Improving understanding of the ways in which ageing interacts with other far-reaching social and economic trends to increase the risks of exclusion faced by older adults around the world continues to be a key task for research on ageing. This is a task that will beneft from the insights of researchers at all career stages. A notable feature of the ROSEnet COST Action was its focus on nurturing research capacity and cross-national collaboration in the feld of social exclusion and ageing. This is refected in the contributions of earlystage researchers to many chapters in this book. Continuing to invest in the development of meaningful partnerships between early-stage researchers and more senior scholars across nations is fundamental to the further development of research on social exclusion in older-age. Responding to the challenge of exclusion also requires concerted action by policymakers and practitioners in all world regions. Our hope is that the different contributions to this book can become part of a necessary response, assisting in developing understanding of multidimensional social exclusion in later life and helping to shape debates around appropriate interventions that might contribute to overcoming the types of disadvantage faced by many people in later life.

### **References**

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**Impact of the Cultivation Technique on the Production of Secondary Metabolites by** *Chrysosporium lobatum* **TM-237-S5, Isolated from the Sponge** *Acanthella cavernosa*

Received: 8 November 2019; Accepted: 26 November 2019; Published: 30 November 2019

**Abstract:** The fungi *Chrysosporium lobatum* TM-237-S5 was isolated from the sponge *Acanthella cavernosa*, collected from the mesophotic coral ecosystem of the Red Sea. The strain was cultivated on a potato dextrose agar (PDA) medium, coupling solid-state fermentation and solid-state extraction (SSF/SSE) with a neutral macroreticular polymeric adsorbent XAD Amberlite resin (AMBERLITE XAD1600N). The SSF/SSE lead to high chemodiversity and productivity compared to classical submerged cultivation. Ten phenalenone related compounds were isolated and fully characterized by one-dimensional and two-dimensional NMR and HRMS. Among them, four were found to be new compounds corresponding to isoconiolactone, (-)-peniciphenalenin F, (+)-8-hydroxyscleroderodin, and (+)-8-hydroxysclerodin. It is concluded that SSF/SSE is a powerful strategy, opening a new era for the exploitation of microbial secondary metabolites.

**Keywords:** solid-state fermentation; solid-state extraction; *Chrysosporium lobatum*; marine fungi; phenalenone derivatives


Humic Substances: Prospects for Use in Agriculture and Medicine

*Priya Goel and Madhu Dhingra*

### **Abstract**

Humic substances are the naturally occurring biogenic, heterogeneous organic compounds resulting from the decomposition of plant, animal and microbial residues, over many thousands of years. Research into humic substances have found them to be beneficial not only for crop production, but for human and animal health also. Humic substances influence crop yields by affecting soil texture, water retention, nutrient buffering capacity and microbial diversity. Their stimulatory effects on plant growth and physiology can be ascribed to enhanced nutrient uptake, hormonal activity with root growth and proliferation, activation of antioxidant defense under various abiotic stresses. Furthermore, their potential to remove toxic pollutants from soil as well as aquatic systems might resolve the problem of degrading environment. Positive effects of humic substance on soil as well as crop without harming the environment make humic acid a sustainable solution for crop production. The antioxidant, immunomodulatory, anti-inflammatory, detoxifying and nutritional properties of humic substances opens up new avenues for their medical applications. Still, more research is needed to completely explore their potential. This chapter will summarize and review information about the prospects of using humic substances in agriculture and medicine.

**Keywords:** Humic substances, Fulvic acid, Humic acid, agriculture, medicine

#### **1. Introduction**

Humic substances (HS) are soil-derived substances that form one of the vast reservoirs of organic carbon in nature. HS are primarily produced by physical, chemical and microbial degradation and transformation of plant and animal tissues (humification process) over millions of years. They constitute the bulk of organic matter of the soil – humus, peat, lignites and also brown coal. HSs may also be produced as a by-product of the synthetic oxidation reactions of phenolic compounds.

Humic substances contain carbon, hydrogen, oxygen and nitrogen with small amounts of sulfur and phosphorus. They are a mixture of acids that can be fractionated on the basis of differences in their solubility into humic acid (HA), fulvic acid (FvA) and humin fractions, beside ulmic acid, and some microelements. Humic acid includes aggregates of long chain, high molecular weight compounds, soluble in alkali, while FVA is a mixture of short chain, low molecular weight compounds, soluble in both acidic and alkaline solutions. Humin, in contrast, constitutes the non-soluble fraction of the humate.

Owing to their unique structural and chemical properties, humic substances make an excellent soil amendment. They offer beneficial impacts in terms of overall soil structure, water holding capacity and nutrient availability in the soil along with

#### **Figure 1.**

*Applications of Humic Substances in various fields of agriculture and medicine.*

positive effect on the microbial communities in the soil, hormone like impact on plant growth. Thus, proving their vitality for farmers' economic status. HSs have also been applied in the treatment of various human diseases and maintaining overall vigour and growth of the body. Being rich in minerals which are easily assimilated in our body, their consumption in the form of dietary supplements and addition in cosmetic products is highly recommended. **Figure 1** tabulates various fields of agriculture and medicine where humic substances have shown their applications.