Preface

Modern societies have evolved to make life easier. Many political systems are (apparently) devoted to attaining a good population level of welfare and social security for families and their children. Over the past 70 years, national and international organisations and agencies have developed with the aim of protecting children's rights, human rights, universal access to education, the health and safety of individuals, and their freedom. Cooperation across nations has made it possible to offer support for those who are most in need as a result of natural or man-made disasters. Furthermore, the continual evolution of technological advances facilitates our ability to communicate across distances. Breaking news almost instantly reaches televisions and mobile devices broadcasted by media corporations and spread on the Internet. Every day we use gadgets developed to simplify daily tasks that used to require great effort in the past. For instance, while they are asleep, parents can now monitor their young children by placing small video and audio-capturing devices in their rooms. Driving children to daycare is currently safer, thanks to special seats. In many countries, education is becoming more digital, and children are taught digital skills from a very young age. In some way, modern societies are societies of the future while, at the same time, dealing with problems of the past. Like in the past, or possibly even more so today, children are adrift in a world that, in many ways, forgets them and does not understand their needs.

This book highlights the challenges that children and their parents face when adjusting to modern life's complexities. The first section opens with an introductory chapter focused on the dual nature of the parental role and how it is defined culturally. The author discusses this duality and highlights elements of evolutionary theory and the importance of the natural and cultural environments.

The impact of being raised in a dysfunctional family on the child's well-being and mental health is the object of debate in Chapter 2, which serves as a timeline reminder of the value of a family system's healthy functioning. Interparental conflict, domestic violence, abuse, neglect, and severed ties between the child and the parent are pointed out as risk factors for a child's behavioural and emotional problems.

Chapter 3 addresses the issue of work–family balance and how today's fast-paced societies, where performance and productivity are highly regarded, affect children and their families. A literature review grounds the discussion of work–family conflict, hustle culture, family vulnerabilities, and the importance of egalitarianism to achieve a necessary balance.

Chapter 4 analyses the plastic expression of Uruguayan children, which uncovers their isolation and loneliness, during the COVID-19 pandemic. Contrary to expectations, the outcomes reveal that children's isolation was not due to government-forced confinement but rather to the low density of their bonding networks, both internal and external to the family, depleting them of their potential social capital. Adults were portrayed as being sick or armed and ready for violence rather than as being nurturing and supportive.

Chapter 5 examines universal parenting training programs in Sweden, a country with a long tradition of parental assistance, that since the early 2000s have been implemented as a primary preventive effort. The author concludes that the idea of "rights," as they are outlined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, is not an intrinsic value of these programs. Although children may internalise democratic principles as a guide for handling interactions with others, including their parents, the author emphasises how family dynamics and the child's existence, in general, are largely governed by adult norms.

The book's second section collects topics related to themes of migration and child upbringing. Nowadays—perhaps more than ever—many individuals are forced to migrate because of war, violence, poverty, unsustainable living circumstances, and climate change. Moreover, as the world becomes more interconnected, employment and personal ties can also cause relocation to another country. When children are socialised in a culture different from that of their parents, conflict occurs almost inevitably. It is natural for adolescents to rely on their peers, the school, and the community, where they integrate as a reference to construct their system of values, challenging their parents' values. In extreme situations, the parenting role may be severely disrupted and eventually taken over by others when children are left behind in their home countries and towns.

Chapter 6 discusses the challenges that refugee parents encounter when they enter the host country. The inability of parents to communicate with educators due to language barriers makes it difficult for them to interact with the new education system. The author interviewed refugee parents who had recently arrived in Norway and concluded that while both parties have good intentions for cooperation and integration, misunderstandings caused by the situation's complexity create uncertainties. The degree to which children adjust to the parenting behaviour in the new nation depends on whether the uncertainties are resolved in the medium term or result in parents rejecting the new culture.

Migration also comes in other forms. In some countries, parents migrate spurred by poverty, leaving their children behind either in the care of other relatives or, as discussed in Chapter 7, in the care of the older child who assumes parental responsibilities for the young children. In such cases, the community plays a significant role in supporting the child-headed household. Care is provided through schools in addition to education. In this chapter, the outcome of interviews with school personnel and children are discussed regarding the benefits and drawbacks of the "Educare" system, which was put in place in Zimbabwean schools with the intention of ensuring the welfare of children.

Finally, Chapter 8 examines the situation of unaccompanied migrant children in a city that borders South Africa and Zimbabwe, as well as formal and informal

foster care arrangements in place to help the children overcome their more urgent problems. Empathetic cooperation by the community neighbours was a vital resource for the children estranged from their parents. However, the emotional toll of being accidentally or incidentally separated from the care and security that parents are expected to provide will probably leave a permanent impression on the children's lives.

> **Teresa Silva** Mid Sweden University, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Sundsvall, Sweden

Section 1


**Numerical Modeling of the Ocean Circulation: From Process Studies to Operational Forecasting – The Mediterranean Example**

Steve Brenner

*Department of Geography and Environment, Bar Ilan University Israel*


**1. Introduction**

The sense of smell is a fundamental means of navigating the sensory world and orienting ourselves to ecologically and socially appropriate behavior. Evolutionarily, this chemical sense was the original means by which the earliest organisms achieved adaptive regulation of action and can be considered the origin of behavior [1]. For humans today, volatile molecules can travel for long distances and thus can provide important information about people, places, food and things that cannot otherwise be immediately detected by other sensory systems. Beyond its informational content, odor can attract, intrigue, impress and entice, as well as repel, offend, disgust, or evoke pity. Malodors are odors perceived to be unpleasant or offensive and, while not necessarily occurring at the known thresholds for direct adverse events, may elicit negative symptoms via the olfactory system's connections to other cognitive and behavioral systems.

Malodors are sometimes depicted as an inconvenience or annoyance of relatively minor importance to human perception and experience [1]. An understanding of malodors as a merely "aesthetic" issue, however, ignores their potential for negative impact on human health and social relations [2]. Malodors

propagate a variety of psychological, social and economic disturbances, many of which are preventable. As defined at the International Health Conference, "health is a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity" [3]. Although crafted in 1946, this definition of health has remained in use by organizations such as the World Health Organization. Combating the sources and mitigating the impacts of malodors therefore represents an important public health undertaking.

Throughout history, people have used perfumes, incense, herbs and other means at their disposal to rid their indoor environments of the malodors that occur in the course of human life and industry. However, within a social structure where people cannot always remove the sources of malodors or move themselves to avoid odors, or where odors are the result of industries that sustain food and energy supplies, frequent and intense malodors that are left unchecked can contribute to larger challenges. Malodors can directly affect physical health if the malodorous chemical represents an irritant or harmful airborne substance and occurs at a high enough concentration to exceed observable adverse effect levels. Additionally, malodors may act indirectly, as a mediator of mood, performance and health symptoms, effects which are the focus of this review [4]. Negative effects of low-level chemical exposures (e.g., malodor exposure) are further discussed in Section 5. As the World Sanitation Foundation notes, malodors that result from poor sanitation can compound sanitation issues in under-resourced and developing areas [5]. In rural India, malodors resulting from poor sanitation in pit latrines can indirectly result in open defecation and thus spark a variety of new community-wide health hazards, including compounded malodor issues [6–8].

While eliminating the source of indoor malodor can be a direct mode of intervening in odorous environments, it is often not achievable with the resources at hand. Even in today's urbanizing societies, where malodors now concentrate indoors and in private spaces, people, especially those in low-income communities, may not have the resources to remove the sources of malodors or to relocate their residence. In this review, we examine and discuss the current state of understanding on the role of indoor malodors for impacting human behavior, performance and health, including the individual factors that may govern such responses and identify research priorities to address the data gaps where they exist. Malodors have been reported to have a number of negative psychological, physical, social and economic consequences, as will be discussed herein. Conversely, removal of malodor by increased ventilation or filtering has been reported to increase performance and subjective responses in workers (e.g., ratings of air freshness and air quality), highlighting the potential benefits of mitigating malodors in indoor spaces [9,10]. However, such interventions may not be feasible in many indoor environments. Malodor is an important part of indoor air quality, and accessible and affordable malodor solutions such as air fresheners should be studied to determine if similar benefits are observed.


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**20**

Keita Sakai *Canon Inc. Japan*

**High-Index Immersion Lithography**

The resolution capability of photolithography is given by Rayleigh's equation.

 R=k1·λ/NA , (1) where R is the half-pitch resolution of the image, k1 is a constant that depends on the resist process and exposure method, λ is the exposure wavelength, and NA is the numerical aperture of the projection optic. According to Rayleigh's equation, there are three ways to enhance the resolution. The first is to shorten the exposure wavelength such as extreme ultraviolet lithography (EUVL). The second is to improve the k1 value, for example, using the double-patterning technique. The third is to increase the numerical aperture (NA) as ArF immersion lithography. It has already realized the NA up to 1.35 and moreover can increase the NA using high-index materials. In this chapter, high-index immersion lithography with

The NA is actually determined by the acceptance angle of the lens and the refractive index

 NA=n·sinθ , (2) where n is the refractive index of the medium surrounding the lens and θ is the acceptance angle of the lens. Therefore, the NA can be enlarged by replacing the air (n=1) with a fluid (n>1) as a medium. In this immersion lithography, the film stack consists of a lens, a fluid layer, and a resist layer. The value of n·sinθ is invariant through the film stack because it obeys Snell's Law. Since sinθ is smaller than 1, the maximum NA (=n·sinθ) is limited by the layer with the minimum refractive index. For example, the refractive index of water is 1.44 at 193.4 nm, thus the NA over 1.44 cannot be established as shown in Fig. 1 (a) because of the total reflection. To realize the NA over 1.44, the water must be replaced with a fluid which has a higher refractive index than water (Fig. 1 (b)). In Fig. 1 (b), fused silica has the smallest refractive index in the film stack and it limits the maximum NA. For further increasing the NA, a high-index lens material must be used as

As described above, high-index lens materials and high-index immersion fluids are indispensable to realize high-index immersion lithography. One of the candidates of a highindex lens material is lutetium aluminium garnet (LuAG), which has a refractive index of 2.14. Second-generation (G2) and third-generation (G3) fluids are saturated hydrocarbon

fluids whose refractive indices are approximately 1.64 and 1.80, respectively.

**1. Introduction**

the NA over 1.45 is focused.

a lens material.

of the medium surrounding the lens and is given by eq. (2).