You are the grandchildren of Selahaddin Eyyubi, who devastated the Crusader armies that went on expeditions to destroy Islam. You are the grandchildren of Sultan Mehmed, who conquered Istanbul, the most beautiful town of the seven climates, by riding his grey horse to the Golden Horn, saying, 'I will either take Istanbul or Istanbul will take me,' who received the good news in the Hadith of the Prophet. You are the heirs of a state that ruled three continents and seven seas.

Finally, when it was President Erdo˘gan's turn to speak, he was invited to the stage as the 'Commander-in-Chief'. He took his place to the sound of the enthusiastic applause and cheers of the audience. At the very outset of his speech, emphasizing that the greatest role in this victory belonged to the Turkish nation, he said, 'My dear nation, who once again did not surrender their country to FETÖ and the invaders at the cost of their lives on the night of 15 July, for its independence and future, I greet you with my most heartfelt feelings, longing and affection'. Erdo˘gan continued:

At the very beginning of my words, I would like to express my gratitude once again to all my brothers and sisters who had the courage to take to the streets, to the squares and crowded the airports on the night of 15 July, and to stand in front of the gun barrels, tanks, helicopters and planes. [...] Those millions of our citizens who poured to the streets and squares that night, and those who received the honour of martyrdom and veteran, have their names written in history with golden letters. [...] My brothers, this nation is distinct. In fact, the Turkish nation stood up to the coup plotters on 15 July with the same feeling as the faith that opened the doors of Anatolia in Manzikert a thousand years ago.

On whatever foundations Osman Gazi built history's most powerful state in 1299, we also defended Turkey that night on the same principles. With whatever understanding our ancestors fought to the last drop of blood in Çanakkale, we repelled FETÖ on 15 July with the same will.

Ey my people! Do you accept captivity and humiliation? No one will ever be able to hold this nation captive.

Based on these speeches, what can the emphasis on victory, sacrifice, courage, self-confidence and omnipotence tell us about the national mood which was attempted to be invoked? What is the dominant emotion that clings to and emanates from the 'Yenikapı spirit'? I contend that it is basically narcissism. The concept of narcissism derives from Greek mythology and is rooted in psychology and psychiatry. The myth is based on the story of Narcissus, a young man who falls in love with his own reflection upon the water's surface. Narcissism, in the Freudian sense, suggests a mood of powerfulness, self-confidence, arrogance, self-admiration and constant demands for the admiration of others. It is an enchanting sense of existence, which is why it is mostly nurtured by fantasy rather than reality (Rosenthal & Pittinsky, 2006, 618). The basic patterns of narcissism are feelings of arrogance and grandeur, suffused with fantasies of success and power, grounded in a belief in the uniqueness and superiority of the self. Narcissists require constant admiration and approval due to their fragile self-perception. After a past experience of humiliation, defeat or loss, narcissism works as a defence mechanism. At the root of narcissism lies an insatiable need for recognition and power. It goes hand in hand with an indifference to the worldviews of others, a lack of empathy, persistent paranoia, anger and hypersensitivity (Rosenthal & Pittinsky, 2006, 619–622).

It has become possible to take up narcissism as a political, psychological and sociological phenomenon rather than as an individual 'pathology' thanks to studies of narcissistic leadership. Before putting forward my claim about national narcissism, allow me to sketch out a framework of the relationship between narcissistic leaders and their followers. In an article on narcissism in the context of political psychology, Jerrold Post emphasizes that individuals with narcissistic injuries are drawn to charismatic leaders. According to him, the relationship between a charismatic leader and his followers is formed by a vision of the leader as nearly superhuman (*an Übermensch*). A remarkable emotional investment is made in the leader: people whose sense of self has been damaged in the past, desire to associate themselves with a strong personality; the charismatic leader represents salvation for them. By acting heroically and in a manner that meets the needs and desires of his supporters, the leader satisfies their hunger. His success becomes the success of his supporters. People depend on the charismatic leader to fulfil their need to feel safe and secure; the perception of the external world as threatening emerges as a threat to one's existence. Followers with an injured sense of self, wish to establish a coherent identity by gaining a sense of an *us* through their commitment to a charismatic leader. The self, thus, exists as a relation. The group with which the self relates is idealized; the essence of the group is attributed to the leader's essence (1986, 676–685).

According to Post, narcissistic leaders are *mirror-hungry*; constantly in need of people who will approve of and admire them. Their supporters, meanwhile, are *ideal-hungry*; they consider themselves valuable only when they follow and associate themselves with someone they think is strong enough to admire. A mirror-hungry leader presents himself to his supporters as an omnipotent figure—a proposition that is extremely alluring and enchanting to supporters. Especially in times of crisis, people desire a leader who they believe is omnipotent; the narcissism of the leader is thus attractive, as it becomes synonymous with saviourhood. Such an association also reshapes the self-perception of the nation and satisfies a search for wholeness and perfection (1986, 686). Additionally, narcissistic leaders consider all manner of attacks on and reactions to them as attacks on their country—for them, their country, their nation and them are one and the same (Post, 1993, 110).

Here, national narcissism, the dominant emotion invoked by the Yenikapı Spirit, is produced by this association. The concept is inspired by collective narcissism, which holds that narcissism is not just an individual psychological state of mind but can spread to groups, societies and even nations. Collective narcissism results from an intense emotional investment in the unrealistic belief in the greatness of a group. It stems from the intersection of an elevated self-image and low public perception. Experiences of facing injustice or being exposed to criticism, doubt and humiliation can prompt narcissism at the collective level. Since narcissistic groups constantly expect approval and admiration, their perception and intolerance of threat are heightened. Aggression and hostility can become the dominant behaviour pattern of the group. The insistence on seeing the outsider as a threat and not forgiving any wrong therefrom runs parallel to a desire for social superiority and dominance. For this reason, collective narcissism generally opens the door to right-wing authoritarianism and blind patriotism (Zavala et al., 2009, 1074–1076). Meanwhile, national narcissism is a state of mind that is expressed as an over-emotional investment in and devotion to the symbols of the nation and an uncritical idealization of it. The most dangerous aspect of it is the possibility that hypersensitivity to threat can devolve into defensive and vengeful impulses; the greater the perception of the nation's own vulnerability, the greater the power of national narcissism (Zavala & Cicocka 2011, 215–216).

In an article that explores nationalism through narcissism, José Brunner describes national narcissism as a kind of 'infatuation' generated through a reliance on shared fantasies of the past and present in order to cover up individual and collective impurity and vulnerability. These fantasies, Brunner adds, are dominated by the illusion of being an omnipotent, superior, historically unique nation. Those who think that their own nation's history is being deprecated, belittled and ignored by others will eagerly accept the invitation of national narcissism (1997, 261–263). Truth does not matter; the most important thing is to extract examples from history that will nurture the present image of the collective. For this purpose, past and present victories are transformed into narratives and extant forms of togetherness are sanctified. Values from the past are re-performed in the present in order to re-establish and restore both national self-esteem and a perception of continuity.

So, what does this theoretical interlude on the nature of narcissism tell us about Neo-Ottomanism under the AKP? Let me recall both the national pride predominant in the speeches given by various members of the state, from the government to the opposition and the Chief of the General Staff to the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey at the 'Rally of Democracy and Martyrs', and the unequivocal attribution of the coup's successful overthrow to the nation. Both were efforts to invoke national narcissism. Indeed, the first steps towards attributing sanctity to the 15 July were taken at the Yenikapı Rally. The events of 15 July were transformed into a narrative of victory in a manner consonant with a national mood that harbours national narcissism. The *pathos*  of the events, accompanied by an emphasis on the majesty, power, superiority, omnipotence and past and present victories of the Turkish nation, was presented as a remedy that would heal the self-perception of the AKP and its supporters, and ultimately the Turkish nation. What was needed was the intensive application of symbolic instruments that would ensure that this new national mood was fully embraced by the people.

### 6.6 The Banal Manifestations of National Narcissism: Monuments, Commemorations, Marches and Designations

After the Yenikapı Rally, the AKP government and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey made various moves to spread the myth of 15 July and ensure its adoption by all segments of society. The most notable of these was the declaration of 15 July as a public holiday—named the 'Day of Democracy and Freedoms'—by the Turkish Grand National Assembly.16 In the same session, the name of a district in Ankara previously known as Kazan was changed to Kahramankazan17 after a group of farmers there entered the Akıncı Air Base with their tractors on the night to prevent putschist planes from taking off.18

Immediately after the coup attempt, monuments commemorating 15 July were built across Turkey, particularly in Istanbul and Ankara. The biggest of these monuments was built at the exit of the Bosphorus Bridge, one of the night's most contested sites. The eleven decare space on which this monument is located was designed as 'Martyrdom Park'. 250 cypress and rose trees were planted to represent the 250 people who lost their lives.19

Another monument was built on the grounds of the Presidential Palace in Ankara. Four figures symbolizing 'one nation, one flag, one homeland and one state' and 81 human figures representing Turkey's 81 provinces were sculpted with the Turkish flag in their hands. The construction of the monument was completed in the short span of just twenty-four days. On the monument's inner surface is a lithograph of the names of those

16 '15 Temmuz Resmi Tatil ˙ Ilan Edildi', *Milliye*t, 21 October 2016, see www.milliyet. com.tr/-15-temmuz-resmi-tatil-ilan-edildi-siyaset-2331014.

17 T.n.: *Kahraman* means hero.

18 'Kazan'ın Adı Kahramankazan, 15 Temmuz Resmi Tatil Oldu', *BBC*, 25 October 2016, see www.bbc.com/turkce/haberler-turkiye-37767147.

19 '˙ I¸ste Türkiye'nin 15 Temmuz Anıtları', *Sabah*, 23 July 2017, see www.sabah.com.tr/ pazar/2017/07/23/iste-turkiyenin-15-temmuz-anitlari.

who lost their lives.20 Erdo˘gan announced that a 15 July Museum would be built right beside this monument in Be¸stepe.21

In addition to grand monuments in Istanbul and Ankara, several monuments and parks were situated in every province to commemorate the historical event. Yozgat's Akda˘gmadeni Municipality built a 42-meter-high statue of a flag. The Martyrs' Monument, consisting of a single piece of marble weighing 107 tons, inscribed with the names of the martyrs of 15 July, was built in Bursa. The 15 July Martyrs' Monument erected in Denizli depicted citizens who stopped a tank and prevented it from moving during the attempted coup.22 In short, in public parks and gardens, government institutions and university campuses, monuments of various sizes were created to immortalize 15 July.

There were more banal manifestations of the event too, involving the naming of squares, streets, avenues, schools and parks after people who lost their lives on the night of 15 July. Istanbul Bosphorus Bridge was renamed '15 July Martyrs Bridge'. A giant sign proclaiming 'The Legend of 15 July' was placed in Ankara's main Kızılay Square, which was retitled '15 July National Will Square'. Again in Ankara, the site of the General Staff Junction was renamed '15 July Martyrs Square', while the road leading to Esenbo˘ga Airport became known as 'Martyr Ömer Halisdemir Boulevard'.23 Ni˘gde University became 'Martyr Ömer Halisdemir University', and TRT announced that the studio where the coup statement was read on the night of 15 July would now be called '15 July *Millet* Studio'.24

To render the 'Legend of 15 July' lasting in the curricula, the Ministry of National Education decided to hold '15 July Victory of Democracy and

20 '15 Temmuz ¸Sehitler Anıtı Açılı¸sa Hazır', *AA*, 15 July 2017, see www.aa.com.tr/ tr/15-temmuz-darbe-girisimi/bestepedeki-15-temmuz-sehitler-aniti-acilisa-hazir-/862048.

21 'Destan Müzeyle Ölümsüzle¸siyor', *Sabah*, 7 April 2018, see www.sabah.com.tr/gun dem/2018/04/07/destan-muzeyle-olumsuzlesiyor.

22 '˙ I¸ste Türkiye'nin 15 Temmuz Anıtları', *Sabah*, 23 July 2017, see www.sabah.com.tr/ pazar/2017/07/23/iste-turkiyenin-15-temmuz-anitlari.

23 '˙ Ismi De˘gi¸sen Meydanlara Yeni Tabelalar Asıldı', *Habertürk*, 17 August 2016, see www.haberturk.com/yerel-haberler/haber/9212277-ismi-degisenmeydanlara-yeni-tab elalar-asildi.

24 'Darbecilerin Dokundu˘gu Yerin Adı De˘gi¸siyor', *Sonhaberler*, 28 July 2016, see www. sonhaberler.com/gundem/darbecilerin-dokundugu-yerin-adi-degisiyor-h139621.html.

Martyrs Commemoration' events in all public schools in the first week of the 2016–2017 academic year. On the first day of school, a booklet entitled 'The 15 July Legend of National Will' was distributed to students in state schools across the country. The foreword of the booklet was written by Erdo˘gan, and his portrait was printed on the inside cover. Quran recitations were held in some schools for the martyrs of the resistance, and poetry, prose, theatre and painting competitions about 15 July were held throughout the academic year.25

In addition to all these practices of banal nationalism enacted by the Ministry of National Education and other official state institutions to popularize both the events of 15 July and the emotion of national narcissism in daily life, many events were held with reference to 15 July, from sports competitions to theatre performances, concerts to poetry recitals, and several books written that depicted 15 July as an epic, published under such titles as *The Legend of Resurrection, The Legend of a Nation*, and *15 July, The Longest Night*.

In another manifestation of the adoption of 15 July by non-official organizations, various non-governmental organizations were established under such names as the 15 July Association, the 15 July National Will and Democracy Association and the 15 July Ankara Veterans and Martyrs' Relatives Association. Further, several songs and anthems were composed in reference to the failed coup. The most prominent of these was the '15 July Democracy March', broadcast by TRT Music. The lyrics are as follows:

*It was the night of 15 July, the weather was hot/An attempt at betrayal burned the country/Today was the day, the whole nation stood up/*

*Children, old and young people poured into the streets/Democracy took a blow, and the nation was shocked/Either freedom after that, or disgrace/The footsteps of millions shook the ground/Flag in hand takbir ran forward/*

*We are the witnesses to the legend of democracy/We are the martyrs who are resurrected once they die/The Commander-in-Chief gave the order/*

25 'Okullarda ilk Hafta 15 Temmuz Anlatılacak', *Bianet*, 19 September 2015, see https://bianet.org/bianet/egitim/178804-okullarda-ilk-hafta-15-temmuz-anlatilacak.

*Take care of the holy homeland/ Take care of the holy homeland/ We passed through the storm, homeland, for God's sake/*

*The entire world saw this/From the ground to the sky while those traitors scattered death/Many souls were martyred while raising the flag/Some defied the tank, some the gun/So that democracy would not be trampled on one more time.*26

Many commentators on a YouTube video of this anthem—the lyrics of which are remarkably memorable and impressive—regard it as the best anthem in the country's history. Listeners reported that it gave them goose bumps and brought them tears. Still, it seems essential to pose the question: to what extent was this heralding of emotion successful? To what extent did the feelings evoked by the myth which ruling elites tried to bring about after the events of 15 July find broader social resonance and legitimacy? Answering these questions will allow us to make some claims about the outcome of the effort to mythologize 15 July in a manner evoking national narcissism, and the point thus reached in the AKP's political journey.

## 6.7 Whose Legend is 15 July? National Narcissism or Collective Narcissism?

Throughout this chapter, I have attempted to analyse the events of 15 July and the features of the national myth that the AKP elites sought to create after these events. Less than a decade ago at this point, it is both too early and indeed too late to claim that the events of 15 July were 'nationalized' with the aim of inclusivity, and that they address a mood that appeals to all segments of the nation equally. Indeed, in the subsequent years, the spirit of national unity and solidarity has been out of sync with the political and social reality.

After 15 July, the AKP government declared a state of emergency to establish security and 'expell traitors' from state institutions. Under the state of emergency, almost anyone who was not a supporter of the AKP and Erdo˘gan, both at the state and institutional level and in broader society, was declared a 'traitor and terrorist'. The AKP government and

26 Fikirevim. (2017, July 13). *15 Temmuz Demokrasi Mar¸sı* [Video]. YouTube. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=k5uRQiWK00I.

its supporters have once again instituted a strict divide between *us* and *them* by mobilizing a perception of threat and paranoia as manifestations of collective narcissism. The national narcissism invoked through the discourse of Yenikapı Spirit rather quickly lost its 'national' character as a result. Thus, it is apparent that after the 'Legend of 15 July', a remnant of collective narcissism remained that chiefly appealed to supporters of the AKP and Erdo˘gan.

After the declaration of the state of emergency, the prominent distinction between the AKP and *others* was consolidated with reinforcement, strictly articulated by the government both discursively and in practice. The distinctions between us and them, the friend and the enemy, patriot and terrorist, were once again dominating the discourse of Erdo˘gan and the AKP.27 There is evidently a huge gap between the Yenikapı Spirit that emerged immediately after the 15 July coup attempt and the national spirit as it has been articulated in the years since. It thus seems essential to revise my argument at the beginning of this chapter: In the aftermath of the abortive coup, a mood of national narcissism was expected to spread across the country in accordance with the Neo-Ottomanist narrative. However, this narrative of the grandeur of the Ottoman Empire has weakened and is now less likely to be embraced by all segments of society because of the failure of the 15 July myth to fulfil its promise of inclusiveness—its failure to be 'nationalized'. The possibility of a narrative of past and present that all segments of the society might adopt has withered. Arguably, the predominant narrative has regressed to one that appeals only to Erdo˘gan, the AKP tradition and their current supporters. Additionally, the perception of continuity between the Turkish nation and the Ottoman Empire was broken rather than consolidated after the events of 15 July. Plenty of data and observations strengthen this claim. Posters produced by the presidential office after the attempted coup caused various controversies.28 Some argued that the Turkish Armed Forces had been humiliated by the posters, or that those who tried to stage a coup were 'FETÖ' members among members of the Turkish Armed Forces, or that the AKP and its staff had acted in concert with

27 See 'Civic Space under Siege' report by the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, November 2021, https://tihv.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Kusatma\_Altindaki\_ Yurttaslik\_Alani.pdf.

28 'Saray'dan Çok Tartı¸sılacak 15 Temmuz Afi¸sleri', *Oda TV* , 11 July 2017, see https://odatv.com/saraydan-cok-tartisilacak-15-temmuz-afisleri-1107 171200.html.

those alleged to be responsible for the 15 July coup attempt for years, debates which demonstrate that neither 15 July nor the Yenikapı Spirit could be as encompassing or 'national' as intended. Another manifestation of this failure is that the propaganda film *Kurtlar Vadisi: Vatan (Valley of the Wolves: Homeland)* did not receive the expected reception at the box office29 ; movie theatres remained empty, even though some municipalities showed the movie free of charge.

During events held in 2017 to mark the first anniversary of the attempted coup, the dimensions of the political disintegration that took place afterwards became even clearer: photographs of CHP deputies taken in parliament on the night of 15 July were not included in a photo exhibition that opened in the Turkish Grand National Assembly.30 CHP Chairman Kemal Kılıçdaro˘glu did not attend the commemoration in Istanbul. The CHP's Gürsel Tekin claimed that Kılıçdaro˘glu had been banned from speaking at the ceremony.31 Kılıçdaro˘glu, in a special session held at the Grand National Assembly on 15 July 2017, spoke of this exclusion and said, 'Unfortunately, the opportunity to create a strong democracy, which emerged in the climate of reconciliation created by the spirit of 15 July, was wasted'.32

Although the 'Legend of 15 July' was aired as a myth in line with the spirit of the Neo-Ottomanist narrative, it was unable to achieve the level of inclusiveness and 'national' articulation. The legitimacy of 15 July and the Yenikapı Spirit could not be ensured, neither among the people nor on the political stage. In the course of the AKP's political journey from victimhood to omnipotence, 15 July was a moment of 'collective narcissism' characterized by self-worship, which enabled the creation of new enemies and threats, rather than a new narrative of national victory.

29 'Necati ¸Sa¸smaz'ın Kurtlar Vadisi Vatan Filmi Ne Kadar ˙ Izlendi?', *Haber 7*, see http://www.haber7.com/sinema/haber/2454522-necati-sasmazin-kurtlar-vadisivatan-filmi-ne-kadar-izlendi.

30 'TBMM'nin 15 Temmuz Sergisinde CHP'lilerin Foto˘grafları Yer Almadı', *Sputnik News*, 15 July 2017, see https://tr.sputniknews.com/turkiye/2017<PHONE_NUMBER>4107 tbmm-15temmuz-sergisinde-chp-fotografi-yer-almadi/.

31 'Kılıçdaro˘glu 15 Temmuz Anma Töreni'ne Neden Katılmadı?', *Posta*, 16 July 2017, see http://www.posta.com.tr/kilicdaroglu-15-temmuz-anma-torenine-neden-katilm adi-1315365.

32 Kemal Kılıçdaro˘glu 15 Temmuz 2017 Meclis Konu¸sması, see https://chp.org. tr/haberler/15-temmuz-2017-tarihli-15-temmuz-demokrasi-ve-milli-birlik-gunu-ozel-otu rumu-konusmasi.

The legitimacy of Neo-Ottomanism as a narrative of *ressentiment* filled with nostalgia and romanticism also lessened with the reactivation of a dichotomy between us and them after the events of 15 July. Meanwhile, the MHP confined itself to embracing and instrumentalizing 15 July on a discursive level in order to justify its political manoeuvres. Indeed, the speech of MHP Chairman Devlet Bahçeli in the parliament on the first anniversary of 15 July was a confession of this failure:

Despite the fact that one year has passed since 15 July, the persistent polarization and vicious fights on this issue are an alarming and painful loss for our independence. [...] Why can't we agree on the 15 July FETÖ coup attempt? Why can't we all stand up to the oppressors together? Why can't we be one breath around rightfulness, truth, people? What is it that separates us? What comes between us? How should we explain and interpret the existing differences of opinion when it is obvious that 15 July was an assassination attempt on Turkey, a murder aimed at destroying our nation?33

#### References

33 Ruhi Ersoy. (2017, July 15). *L ˙ IDER DEVLET BAHÇEL ˙ I 15 Temmuz 2017 TBMM Özel oturum* [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kEY4b17q8TY.

**Open Access** This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made.

The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the chapter's Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.

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# Conclusion

## 7.1 The Centenary of the Republic of Turkey: A National Identity Crisis?

I set out in this book to question the relationship between emotions and politics, starting from the claim that an analysis of the style of politics practised by the AKP in Turkey, would be incomplete unless emotions are taken into account. Criticizing the emotion-blindness of studies focused on 'reason' and 'interest', I have shown that emotions are not individual or psychological, nor internal or private phenomena. Rather, emotions permeate the capillaries of the social and political sphere and are inherent to—even determine—processes of policy-making and political participation. In order to re-conceptualize emotions as collective, relational, dynamic phenomena, I have drawn on Sara Ahmed's perspective to reveal the nature of emotions that move among bodies, stick, contact and surround them like a 'thickness in the air'.

To analyse Turkey's recent experience of AKP rule solely through emotions, it was necessary to focus on certain symbolic sites in which collective emotions circulate most intensely. Political symbols are a reservoir of emotions; they mobilize people to make emotional investments and subsequently act in the political and social sphere. Emphasizing the unifying and distinguishing nature of symbols allowed me to conceptualize them as narratives, images, objects, actions, events and relations, rich in meanings and emotions. I have demonstrated that symbolic politics constitute a powerful tool of expression and performance and play a vital role in mobilizing, impelling to action, uniting and dividing both political actors and the people. As a means of approaching political experience through emotions, I have drawn on the idea that political symbols and symbolic politics provide a dynamic, reciprocal and productive relationship between the ruling elites and the people.

To address the emotional manifestations of symbolic politics in Turkey, it was important to explore the symbolic discourses and actions of political actors, their behaviours and attitudes, the narratives they rely on and the emotional motives through which collectives participate in the practices of meaning-making. Such a line of questioning primarily led me to a powerful political narrative, a symbolic political engagement that has dominated the AKP era. Neo-Ottomanism mobilized certain emotions among the people and aimed at the restoration of national identity. Perhaps more than anything else, it appealed to emotions and paved the way for the creation of a new national mood. Characterized by an emphasis on the grandeur, might and majesty of the Ottoman past, this narrative found a strong resonance with the public. Turkey began to embrace it across a range of widespread symbolic manifestations.

Previous governments in Turkey's political history had resorted to invoking the narrative of Neo-Ottomanism and attempted to secure its adoption into political discourse. What distinguishes the AKP experience from them, however, is that for the first time Neo-Ottomanism was not only put forward by a ruling elite, but also found its way into many aspects of daily life; it has been embraced by the people. In other words, although Neo-Ottomanism was born in the field of political discourse, it became a banal element of everyday life and a new form of nationalism for a broader population.

The approach taken here to analyse the AKP experience through emotions has been to concentrate on the most powerful symbolic political sites, where the emotions that underpin, adhere to and emanate from the Neo-Ottomanist narrative came into being. I have analysed the Neo-Ottomanist narrative by way of the intersection of leader, space and myth. Each of these sites contains powerful reservoirs of meaning and emotion that permeate not only politics, but also many other aspects of society. Each symbolic site became a potent tool of symbolic politics, produced by the ruling elite and emotionally invested in by the people themselves. Consequently, the analytical focus of this study was determined in a manner that might account for the dynamic and reciprocal relationship between the ruling elites and the people.

The most powerful symbolic site of the Neo-Ottomanist narrative is undoubtedly Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan, first as the leader of the AKP and then as the president of Turkey. His political background, character traits and actions throughout his rule have been in perfect harmony with both the motives behind the emergence of the Neo-Ottomanist narrative and the emotional needs of his supporters. In the two decades since the AKP came to power, Erdo˘gan, as a political symbol, has been the most visible subject and object of investment for the emotions that have accompanied and transformed the party's political path. As a political symbol in his own right, Erdo˘gan has managed to embody and mobilize various emotions at every step of his leadership journey. Beginning from a narrative of victimization suffused with strong historical references, he transformed it into one of triumph, glory and greatness. Neo-Ottomanism has been built upon a sense of *ressentiment* invoked through the discourse of victimization that dominates Erdo˘gan's personal history and the history of the Islamic conservative tradition, fundamentally grounded in an archive of oppression. This constituent feeling has festered in the wound of humiliation that emerged in the wake of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the experience of its already defeated encounter with the West. In addition to the sense of loss and humiliation, for the Islamic conservative subjectivity, the experience of exposure to the West and Westernization is recalled as a kind of trauma, intensely impacting their collective narrative of the past.

The experience of the encounter with the West entered Erdo˘gan's narrative of victimization not only as humiliation and the loss of selfconfidence, but also as an accompanying sense of envy. In other words, this mood was partly characterized by an admiration and emulation of the power, might and influence of what was encountered. Indeed, envy, as an emotion of deep unease and hostile despair, also contains an intense desire for its object. However, the sense of the impossibility of this desire in reaching its object facilitated its transformation into another emotional response: disgust. An imaginary of the West, which found a strong place in Erdo˘gan's narrative of victimization, was thus given substance by a multi-layered, transitive movement of feelings of humiliation, envy and disgust. Erdo˘gan has been extremely successful in mobilizing this archive of emotions in the people and, across his leadership, has ably made use of opportunities to compensate for these emotions.

Perhaps the most striking point in this analysis of emotions tied to a Western imaginary was the realization that the emotions explored in this chapter are not unique to the Islamic conservative subjects. The feeling of impotence and humiliation vis-à-vis the West could also be attributed to a broader Turkish subject as well. That is, the encounter with the West, even for those who admired it, even for those who embraced Westernization, was a wounded contact. Perhaps the reason Erdo˘gan's audience grew larger and larger for so long is tied to how his discourse and actions satisfy the emotional needs of a broader Turkish subject.

In Erdo˘gan's narrative of oppression, the perpetrator that constitutes the main source of victimization, constructed with reference to concrete historical instances, is undoubtedly CHP. Indeed, CHP is rendered the object of the emotions Erdo˘gan appeals to when conveying the encounter with the West as a constituent site of victimization. Ultimately, he has created a caustic narrative about the founding years of the Republic and the single-party era. Here, the motif of oppression predominates, and hatred stands out as the chief emotion that he addresses and mobilizes. Framed as the perpetrator of the Islamic conservative collective subject's feelings of suppression, exclusion and humiliation, CHP becomes both the longstanding agent of victimization and a persistent object of hatred. Moreover, and rather conveniently for the ontology of the emotion of hatred, Erdo˘gan's discourse has been dominated by the propagation of hatred against CHP and its *mentality*; in other words, against everyone who embodies principles represented by CHP.

The emotions evoked by the narrative of victimization are not limited to those I have mentioned. For the Islamic conservative collective subject, CHP and its mentality have led to another traumatic experience: the execution of Adnan Menderes. In every period of Erdo˘gan's leadership, Menderes was a site of trauma and a tool of identification, one that Erdo˘gan never ceased to recall and remind the people of. Particularly before strongly consolidating his power, he often identified himself with Menderes as a symbol of victimization called up from the past, keeping alive an intense hatred of those who caused Menderes's tragic end. The other emotional outlet of this identification, which goes hand in hand with hatred, is anxiety. For Islamic conservative subjectivity, anxiety constitutes one of the strongest emotional sites, permeating the experience of a past shaped by coups, party closures and even the perception of threats to existence. While anxiety triggers a cautious attitude, it is also rich in anger and *ressentiment*, as it harbours the threat of the unknown. Indeed, regarding CHP and its mentality, one of the major emotions permeating Erdo˘gan's narrative of victimization is anger. Anger finds its expression either in the demand for or the position of power, and this emotion was particularly prominent in Erdo˘gan's speeches and demeanour when referring to 28 February 1997. 28 February was often repeated, remembered and recalled as a site of victimization. Such repetition made it possible to keep anger alive at all times, both because 28 February took place in the recent past and because of its impact on Erdo˘gan's personal and political life. As such, anger has become more and more embodied in Erdo˘gan and his supporters with the consolidation of power and authority.

The Neo-Ottomanist narrative was built on this emotional reservoir. It made compensation and redress possible while keeping alive this narrative of the past and the feelings that accompanied it. Until 2009, Erdo˘gan had constructed his political and collective identity through references to a legacy of oppression. In this respect, the Davos incident has a highly symbolic and historical character. It filled Erdo˘gan and his supporters even the Turkish subject more generally—with emotions that engendered a major rupture with and transformation of the narrative of victimization, to the extent that this incident reverberated not only in Turkey but across the world, idolizing Erdo˘gan in the eyes of the Middle East. Thus, Davos incident served to compensate for the emotions of the encounter with the West.

Following Davos, Erdo˘gan gradually assumed the mood of the powerful, rather than the victimized. Indeed, after this incident, Erdo˘gan came to be identified with Abdülhamid—even, in a sense, becoming Abdülhamid himself. Congruous with the slogan of 'Resurrection and Resurgence', Abdülhamid was reborn in Erdo˘gan's body. He was selectively remembered and recalled as a tool of revenge to compensate for the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, for his dethronement, for the persecution of the Islamic conservative subjects by the Republican regime and for the destruction of national honour and pride. As a radical form of rehabilitating the past in the present, revenge was enacted through the revival of Abdülhamid at the level of symbolic politics, as well as at the level of real politics, through a political style that substituted and restored the Ottoman past by destroying many of the values of the Republican regime.

The Neo-Ottomanist narrative was established against a backdrop of feelings of humiliation, envy, disgust, hatred, anxiety, anger and revenge. The cumulative nature of these emotions and the fact that they can only be expressed from a position of power enabled me to see the centrality of *ressentiment* to Neo-Ottomanism. *Ressentiment* is a state of mind that is more than the sum of the emotions mentioned above. It stems from the fact that, for so long all these emotions could not be expressed outwardly, and were taken to heart. However, even though the narrative of victimization, remembered in the past as pain, persecution and injustice, was largely compensated for by Erdo˘gan's rise to power, the emotional manifestations of *ressentiment* have yet to fade. On the contrary, their expression continues, and with greater intensity, through a wide variety of symbolic acts by both Erdo˘gan and his supporters. Ontological *ressentiment* is the sentiment that best describes the emotional state of the subject who clings to *ressentiment* even though all their demands for compensation have been met, who keeps the wounds of the past alive by fetishizing them and who surrenders to an irreparable desire for revenge. Therefore, Neo-Ottomanism was not built on mere *ressentiment*, but on ontological *ressentiment*; that is, it became embodied in the very fabric of identity. Whether this state of mind is unique to Islamic conservative subjectivity in Turkey remains an open question.

I have further aimed to read the real political manifestations of ontological *ressentiment* through Istanbul as a symbolic space. With an ontological rage and urge for revenge and an imperial appetite carried over from the Ottoman past to the present, Istanbul has been the site of the most 'savage' practice of Neo-Ottomanist symbolic politics. It has served a great many purposes in terms of the meanings attributed to Istanbul in reference to the Ottoman conquest of the city, evoking a sense of Islamic triumph and superiority and functioning as the most effective medium of revenge against the Republican regime. The desire to reconquer Istanbul, which was essentially born out of ontological *ressentiment*, was clothed in nostalgic recollection and the romanticization of the city's Ottoman past. The vengeful and aggressive symbolic politics carried out around Istanbul was justified with reference to the feelings of nostalgia and romanticism. Hagia Sophia and Çamlıca Mosque are the most prominent locations in this symbolic politics and have been examined as sites of an Islamic desire for homecoming, while how the Atatürk Cultural Center and the Ottoman Military Barracks function as the sites of two culture wars, suggesting a clash of Kemalist and Islamic conservative values, has also been discussed. Gigantomanic fantasies such as huge bridges, airports and buildings have been established as manifestations of Neo-Ottomanism and a greed for power, an imperial appetite and a symbolic display of superiority over the West. The lust for construction, as a medium of desire for material superiority and enrichment, serves the goal of expansion and empowerment that Neo-Ottomanism implies. Finally, the Panorama 1453 Conquest Museum and the Yenikapı Square Conquest Festivities have been explored as spaces designed for *conquest for everyone*, with the aim of making the desire for reconquest and a sense of triumph a national one. While analysing each of these sites, I have argued that the emotions that surface in Istanbul are nostalgia, romanticism and an imperial appetite, though with ontological *ressentiment*  always operating as an undercurrent. I concluded the chapter by asking whether such a longing for a golden age, such a will to power and such a need to establish national pride and self-confidence are unique to an Islamic conservative collective subjectivity.

In the final chapter, I have tried to address the 15 July 2016 coup attempt—which took place during the writing of this book, and whose symbolic meanings and consequences cannot be ignored for what they say about the progression of AKP rule and the history of Turkey—in terms of national narcissism, which I approach as a state of mind whose creation was sought in the aftermath of the coup attempt. At the rally held in Yenikapı Square less than a month after the coup attempt, its traumatic impact still fresh, the mood was one of national narcissism. From the speeches by political elites to the general atmosphere, the idea they sought to establish was rich in mythic content and based on the impression of victory. Perhaps because the emotion to be derived from this tragic event—which was almost 'celebrated' through an emphasis on the might, greatness, heroism and courage of the Turkish nation as the heir to the great Ottoman Empire—was inclusive narcissism, the event initially had a certain grassroots appeal. However, soon thereafter, it became easier to see whose narrative, or legend, it actually was. In the aftermath of the coup attempt, the AKP reintroduced a rigid dichotomy of 'us' and 'them', and resorted to policies that excluded and penalized large segments of society. As a milestone of the AKP's rule, marked by feelings of triumph and collective narcissism, the 'Legend of 15 July' has transformed into a divisive myth that only Erdo˘gan and his supporters can embrace. In other words, far from gaining credibility as an appealing form of national narcissism, the events of 15 July caused the AKP government to once again, this time irrevocably, close in on itself and lose its political and social legitimacy in the eyes of a large segment of society.

So, what does this book tell us today, in 2023, which marks the centenary of the foundation of the Turkish Republic? Indisputably, the AKP's politics of emotions has been a central factor in the party's longevity. As a result of the AKP's Neo-Ottomanist symbolic politics, it seems that 'Turks have remembered the Ottomans again'. The emphasis on Islam, so prominent in the reconstruction of the Ottoman past and a key determinant of AKP politics, is today embedded in the state as 'the return of the repressed', and has carved out a wide space for itself within the official ideological framework. In this context, the AKP's Neo-Ottomanist politics of emotion has been decisive in stretching, disrupting and even breaking the truisms and moulds of the Republican regime's imagination of national identity. From this perspective, one could conclude that the AKP has emerged victorious from its battle with the Republican regime, or that, given the polarization of the nation today, Turkey is experiencing an identity crisis under Erdo˘gan's autocratic regime. The future fate of the Neo-Ottomanist narrative seems to be closely tied to *how* Erdo˘gan will fall and how his Islamic conservative rule will be remembered in the Turkish political history.

**Open Access** This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made.

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**Tao Han 1,\* , Seyed Mostafa Bozorgi 2, Ayda Valinezhad Orang 3, Ali Asghar Rahmani Hosseinabadi 4, Arun Kumar Sangaiah 5 and Mu-Yen Chen 6**

Received: 20 December 2018; Accepted: 24 January 2019; Published: 31 January 2019

**Abstract:** The Internet of things (IoT) provides the possibility of communication between smart devices and any object at any time. In this context, wireless nodes play an important role in reducing costs and simple use. Since these nodes are often used in less accessible locations, recharging their battery is hardly feasible and in some cases is practically impossible. Hence, energy conservation within each node is a challenging discussion. Clustering is an efficient solution to increase the lifetime of the network and reduce the energy consumption of the nodes. In this paper, a novel hybrid unequal multi-hop clustering based on density (HCD) is proposed to increase the network lifetime. In the proposed protocol, the cluster head (CH) selection is performed only by comparing the status of each node to its neighboring nodes. In this new technique, the parameters involving energy of nodes, the number of neighboring nodes, the distance to the base station (BS), and the layer where the node is placed in are considered in CH selection. So, in this new and simple technique considers energy consumption of the network and load balancing. Clustering is performed unequally so that cluster heads (CHs) close to BS have more energy for data relay. Also, a hybrid dynamic–static clustering was performed to decrease overhead. In the current protocol, a distributed clustering and multi-hop routing approach was applied between cluster members (CMs), to CHs, and CHs to BS. HCD is applied as a novel assistance to cluster heads (ACHs) mechanism, in a way that a CH accepts to use member nodes with suitable state to share traffic load. Furthermore, we performed simulation for two different scenarios. Simulation results showed the reliability of the proposed method as it was resulted in a significant increase in network stability and energy balance as well as network lifetime and efficiency.

**Keywords:** Internet of things; Wireless nodes; Hybrid clustering; Multi-hop routing; Network lifetime; Artificial intelligence


*Article* **Dynamic Modeling and Simulation of Basic Oxygen Furnace (BOF) Operation**

**Daniela Dering 1, Christopher Swartz 1,\* and Neslihan Dogan 2**

Received: 28 February 2020; Accepted: 12 April 2020; Published: 21 April 2020

**Abstract:** Basic oxygen furnaces (BOFs) are widely used to produce steel from hot metal. The process typically has limited automation which leads to sub-optimal operation. Economically optimal operation can be potentially achieved by using a dynamic optimization framework to provide operators the best combination of input trajectories. In this paper, a first-principles based dynamic model for the BOF that can be used within the dynamic optimization routine is described. The model extends a previous work by incorporating a model for slag formation and energy balances. In this new version of the mathematical model, the submodel for the decarburization in the emulsion zone is also modified to account for recent findings, and an algebraic equation for the calculation of the calcium oxide saturation in slag is developed. The dynamic model is then used to simulate the operation of two distinct furnaces. It was found that the prediction accuracy of the developed model is significantly superior to its predecessor and the number of process variables that it is able to predict is also higher.

**Keywords:** dynamic model; simulation; basic oxygen furnace


**1. Introduction**

In any electronic circuit, designers face serious challenges to ensure product efficiency and make it fit into a large community of electronic systems where harmful interferences can occur. Indeed, electromagnetic compatibility aims to achieve a peaceful coexistence of electronic equipment, especially when subjected to severe electromagnetic disturbances. In recent high-density PCBs (printed circuit boards), components are becoming increasingly sensitive to unwanted phenomena, such as radiated and conducted emissions characterized by sudden variations in voltage and current [1, 2]. Thus, EMC researchers and engineers have conducted multiple works using various relevant approaches to predict these emissions with a reasonable tradeoff between guaranteeing a good accuracy and a reduced computing time. For instance, to deal with radiated emissions, authors in [3–5] have proposed to use matrix inversion methods that have ended up with a need for a large set of measurements. As a solution, hybrid optimization methods based on artificial intelligence techniques such as genetic algorithms (GA) and artificial neural networks (ANN) have been progressively introduced [6, 7], and this has contributed considerably to speed up the algorithm convergence at a fixed operating frequency.

The common point in the research mentioned above has been using the frequency domain (FD) to model electromagnetic fields through a set of equivalent dipoles [2–8]. To obtain a behavioral model of the device under test (DUT), particularly in power circuits of a fast switching nature [2, 5], a direct alternative way of proceeding is to perform measurements in the time domain (TD), which can also recover the frequency spectrum using a further signal processing. Indeed, timedomain measurement has numerous advantages over frequency-domain measurements. On the one hand, TD devices provide faster and simpler measurements because they use high-speed time sampling techniques and offer the possibility of capturing the signal in TD and compute its different spectral components in a shorter period (e.g., spectrum analyzers, which are more expensive than oscilloscopes, usually have a narrow resolution bandwidth). On the other hand, better precision is obtained using TD measurements because all the frequencies are simultaneously measured, mainly in the case of a one-time transient where only a single frequency is captured and in the case of a periodic signal (with repetitive events) where the frequency step could limit the identification of all the events of interest. In the literature, few TD-based works have been presented to obtain the different equivalent parameters of radiating sources [9–15]. In [11–13], authors have evaluated the performance of TD methods to deal with EM transients using a microstrip device. More studies have been performed in [11–14].

Nevertheless, these approaches select the frequency band, and complex calculations require powerful machines with sufficient memory [11]. In [10], the temporal electromagnetic inverse method has been developed and implemented using GA, and thus, it depends on initial GA options. Therefore, researchers have developed alternative TD methods based on electromagnetic time reversal (EMTR) for radiating source identification in literature. Indeed, several studies have been achieved in the field of electromagnetics using the time-reversal (TR) technique for different purposes such as in source location identification [14, 15], acoustics [16–18], and recently power electronics [19–27]. Several studies have demonstrated TR's robustness and efficiency [14, 27, 28]. However, a handful of studies investigated the use of TR for EMC applications in the time domain until now. Rachidi et al. have presented using electromagnetic time reversal in lighting location and faults detection in power networks [14].

Most of the existing TR studies dedicated to sources characterization have been applied in the far-field region [17, 19, 20]. While in the case of power electronic EM radiation measurement, a nearfield (NF) scan has proven to be more advantageous because it is less dependent on different test conditions such as application range and equipment. Recent studies, as in [3] and [10], report that different issues in the converter circuits, basically linked to transient disturbances with a quite short duration, should be investigated in the TD using an NF test bench. In [22, 23], the proposed method has been applied to identify the equivalent model of radiation of simple structure, as an interesting basic study but not representative enough to deal *Study of Electromagnetic Radiation Sources Using Time Reversal: Application to a Power… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.100611*

with an advanced power circuit. Hence, this work applies the full time-domain method to a complicated board containing several bulky components with several radiating sources based on the electromagnetic time-reversal technique. Current and voltage high-speed commutations can create serious non-intentional transient disturbances covering a wide frequency band in structures such as power electronic converters. Knowing that in electromagnetic interferences (EMI) mitigation techniques (such as shielding), it is essential to predict radiating sources parameters at the early design stage to reduce emissions related to switching activities and parasitic interconnections. In this present work, we have studied the application of the EMTR technique based on time-domain analysis to reconstruct the radiation behavior and obtain an accurate equivalent model of the device under test (DUT), which emits critical non-sinusoidal signals. This methodology aims to help designers estimate radiated EM fields at different measurement distances and study the possible couplings between components.

Section 2 gives a detailed overview of the NF measurement test bench in the time domain. Moreover, the selected studied structure, which is an AC/DC flyback converter, is described. Section 3 discusses the theoretical investigations of the electromagnetic time-reversal technique and details the suggested implementation of the method for evaluating radiated emissions and sources reconstruction issues. Section 4 provides an application of the proposed EMTR-based method, and an adequate equivalent model that emits the same radiation behavior is studied.

Furthermore, a comparison study has been carried out for experimental validation purposes. The obtained results are presented in the form of time-dependent mappings of the magnetic nearfield. The last section outlines the main conclusions.

#### **2. Time-domain measurements test bench**

A TD test bench is employed to evaluate EM disturbances in the NF for power systems in this study. A single measurement (one scan) is carried out for multiples radiation frequencies at once.

#### **2.1 TD measurement technique**

TD measurement uses high precision measurement devices with a wide bandwidth, such as oscilloscopes, to capture temporal signals using a magnetic field probe. This measuring probe is nothing else than an academic small coil probe shielded sung copper [11] or a commercial magnetic loop of a radius equal to 1*:*6 mm generating a voltage from the varying magnetic flux. It scans the surface above the DUT, in the nearfield region, with a fixed displacement step, which prevents capacitive couplings and noise while measuring. The probe is connected to the scope using a shielded coaxial cable through an SMA connector, and it is calibrated as explained in [11, 29].

Indeed, based on the Faraday and Lenz laws and transformation equations, the variable magnetic field is obtained through the voltage measured at the terminals of the loop using the following equation:

$$\mathbf{H}(t) = -\frac{\mathbf{1}}{\mu\_0 \times \mathbf{S}} \int\_0^t \mathbf{V}(t)dt\tag{1}$$

Where *S* ¼ *π* � *r*2, is the loop surface and *μ*0 ¼ 4 � *π* � 10�7 N*=*A2 is the permeability in the free space.

**Figure 1.** *Automated scanning test stands for NF measurement in the time domain.*

The studied test bench provides a three-dimensional field measurement, but according to our needs, we only consider measuring the normal component of the magnetic field Hð Þz . Synchronous acquisitions are performed using a trigger, chosen to be a periodic and a repetitive reference signal. The following **Figure 1** presents the proposed nearfield test bench using a LeCroy WaveRunner 104XI oscilloscope.


**2. Wavelet transform**

Wavelet transforms at different scales describe the time characteristics of a signal in different frequency bands, but the analysis is restricted to scales that are powers of two [19]. The use of *B*-splines as base functions permits the evaluation of the CWT in any integer scale [20], which enables to use a wider range of scales and to reduce noise and artifacts more efficiently. This feature can allow the direct application of the algorithm over the raw ECG signal without any preprocessing stage because frequency filtering is performed when the CWT is computed.

The CWT of a time-continuous signal *x*(*t*) is defined as:

$$\text{CWT}\{\mathbf{x}(\mathbf{t});\mathbf{a},\mathbf{b}\} = \frac{1}{\sqrt{\mathbf{a}}} \int\_{\mathbf{s}} \mathbf{x}(\mathbf{t}) \,\psi^\*(\frac{\mathbf{t}-\mathbf{b}}{\mathbf{a}}) \,\text{d}\mathbf{t} \tag{1}$$

where *ψ*∗(*t*) is the complex conjugate of the analyzing wavelet function *ψ*(*t*), and *a* and *b* are the scale and translation parameters, respectively. The function *ψ*(*t*) compresses or dilates depending on *a*, which enables the CWT to extract the low- and high-frequency components of *x*(*t*). To implement the CWT, *a* and *b* are usually discretized. If *a* is discretized over a sequence 2*j* (*j* = 1, 2, …), the analysis is restricted to scales that are powers of two, and the result is the dyadic wavelet transform that can be computed with Mallat's algorithm [19].

In this chapter, *B*-splines have been used which allow the evaluation of the CWT in any integer scale [20]. In this formulation, the input signal *x*(*t*) and the analyzing wavelet *ψ*(*t*) are both polynomial splines of degree *n*1 and *n*2 , respectively. The splines considered are constructed from polynomial segments of degree *n* of unit length that are smoothly connected together at joining points called knots in such a way that guarantees the continuity of the function and its derivatives up to order (*n*−1) [21]

Assuming that the input signal *x*(*t*) is characterized in terms of its *B*-spline expansion of degree *n*1 and the sequence of *B*-spline coefficients *c*(*k*)

$$\mathbf{x}(\mathbf{t}) = \sum\_{\mathbf{k} \neq \mathbf{Z}} \mathbf{c}(\mathbf{k}) \, \boldsymbol{\beta}^{n} \cdot (\mathbf{t} - \mathbf{k}) \tag{2}$$

Likewise, the wavelet *ψ*(*t*) is a spline of degree *n*2 with its *B*-spline expansion

$$
\psi(t) = \sum\_{k \in \mathbb{Z}} p(k) \,\beta^{\mu}(t - k) \tag{3}
$$

*B*-splines satisfy a two-scale equation for any integer *m*, where *m* is not restricted to a power of two; thus, the wavelet expanded by a factor *m* can be expressed as:

 *ψ*(*t* ⁄*m*) = ∑*k*∈*Z*([*p*]↑*m* ∗ *um n*2 )(*k*) *βn*2(*t* − *k*) (4)

where the sequence *um n*2(*k*), when *n*2 and *m* are not both even, is given by *z* transform,

$$u\_{n}^{\mu}(\mathbf{z}) = \frac{\mathbf{z}^{\mu\_{i}}}{m^{n}} \left(\sum\_{k=0}^{m-1} \mathbf{z}^{-k}\right)^{n\_{1}+1} \tag{5}$$

with

generation of malignant ventricular arrhythmias, the interlead variation of QT interval duration was proposed as an index of arrhythmia susceptibility [10]. This measure was termed QT dispersion (QTd), and it was defined as the difference between the maximum and minimum

Increased QTd has been associated with an increased risk for ventricular arrhythmias and sudden death in the general population and in various clinical conditions, among them, CKD is common. Several studies have reported that QTd increased in patients with ESRD, particularly after the end of HD [6, 12], so that it may be useful to identify patients at high risk for overall and cardiovascular mortality [13]. However, this index is affected by: an inaccurate measurement of the QT interval because of different definitions for the T wave end (with and without fusion with U or P waves), influence of HR, no simultaneous ECG leads recordings

As beat-by-beat manual measurement of QTd on three orthogonal ECG leads is impractical in routine clinical practice, the development of accurate and robust methods for automatic detection of characteristic points of QRS and T waves is important in electrocardiographic diagnosis, in particular for the analysis of long recordings [15]. Wavelet transform is a suitable tool that has been used to determine peaks and limits of ECG waves because of its ability to detect transients and of its robustness in front of noise and artifacts [16–18]. This chapter presents the development of an algorithm based on the continuous wavelet transform (CWT) with splines for the automatic measurement of QTd in the quasi-orthogonal leads DI, aVF and V2, and its application for the analysis of QTd

Wavelet transforms at different scales describe the time characteristics of a signal in different frequency bands, but the analysis is restricted to scales that are powers of two [19]. The use of *B*-splines as base functions permits the evaluation of the CWT in any integer scale [20], which enables to use a wider range of scales and to reduce noise and artifacts more efficiently. This feature can allow the direct application of the algorithm over the raw ECG signal without any preprocessing stage because frequency filtering is performed when the

> √ \_\_ a ∫ −∞ ∞ x(t) ψ∗

where *ψ*∗(*t*) is the complex conjugate of the analyzing wavelet function *ψ*(*t*), and *a* and *b* are the scale and translation parameters, respectively. The function *ψ*(*t*) compresses or dilates depending on *a*, which enables the CWT to extract the low- and high-frequency components of *x*(*t*). To implement the CWT, *a* and *b* are usually discretized. If *a* is discretized over a sequence

(*j* = 1, 2, …), the analysis is restricted to scales that are powers of two, and the result is the

dyadic wavelet transform that can be computed with Mallat's algorithm [19].

(\_\_\_ t − b

a )dt (1)

QT interval on the standard 12-lead ECG [11].

26 Topics in Splines and Applications

in patients with CKD.

**2. Wavelet transform**

CWT is computed.

2*j*

The CWT of a time-continuous signal *x*(*t*) is defined as:

CWT{x(t); a, b} = \_\_1

and number of ECG leads and of the ECG lead system used [14].

$$k\_{\mathbf{u}} = (n\_{\mathbf{u}} + 1)(m - 1)/2\tag{6}$$

Therefore, the resulting CWT at scale *m* evaluated at integer time samples is a polynomial spline function given by:

$$\text{CWT} \{ \mathbf{x}(t), m, k \} = \{ \left( \left[ p \right] \uparrow\_{m} \* \mu\_{\stackrel{\circ}{m}}^{\*} \* b^{\imath\_{i} \* \imath\_{i} + 1} \* c \right) \} \tag{7}$$

where the notation ([*p*] ↑*m* ∗ *um n*2 )represents the upsampling of the sequence *p* by a factor of *m*, the filter *um n*2 is equivalent to a cascade of (*n*2 + 1) filters of moving average of order (*m* − 1) with an offset *k* 0 that ensures its symmetry, *bn*1 +*n*2 +1 is the *B*-spline representation of a spline of order *n*1 + *n*2 + 1 and *c* (*k*)′ *s* are the *B*-spline coefficients.

The program *w* = *spwav* (*x*, *m*, *p*, *n*2 , *n*1) developed by Arregui (written in MATLAB®, The MathWorks Inc.) [22] calculates the CWT of the discrete signal *x*(*t*) at the integer scale *m* of the cubic spline wavelet (*n* 2 = 3) with expansion coefficients spline *p*, where *x*(*t*) is considered a spline of order *n*1 = 1. Implementation of the program *spwav* is based on the fast algorithm proposed by Unser et al. [20], which is done in the following three steps:

**1.** Initialization: calculus of the *B*-spline coefficients *c*(*k*) that interpolate the signal *x*(*t*) and the convolution with the *B*-spline of order *n*2 .

yields a minimum and the falling slope yields a maximum [16]. According to the spectrum of the ECG waves [29], most of the energy of the ECG signal lies within the scales 2–10 (**Figure 3**). P and T waves have their major component at scales 8 and 10, but higher scales can be affected

An Algorithm Based on the Continuous Wavelet Transform with Splines for the Automatic…

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.74864

29

**Figure 3.** Amplitude-frequency responses of equivalent filters at five scales for 500 Hz sampling rate.

**Table 1.** Frequency response of equivalent filters at five scales for 500 Hz sampling rate.

250 Hz 1000 Hz

w1 1 29–95 2 59–194 w2 2 16–49 5 25–79 w3 5 7–20 8 16–49 w4 10 4–11 20 7–20

**Scale −3 dB bandwidth (Hz) Scale −3 dB bandwidth (Hz)**

**Table 2.** Frequency response of equivalent filters at four scales for sampling rates of 250 and 1000 Hz.

**Scale (e) – 3 dB bandwidth (Hz)**

1 56–186 2 30–97 3 19–64 8 7–24 10 6–19

**Name Sampling frequency**

The selected wavelet function *ψ*(*t*) is the first derivative of a fourth-order cubic *B*-spline expanded by two, which leads to the sequence *p* = (−1, −4, −5, 0, 5, 4, 1) given in Table 1 of [20]. This wavelet is similar to the first derivative of a Gaussian function so that it yields good time and frequency resolution (**Figure 2**).

The Fourier transform of the wavelet at five scales (e = 1, 2, 3, 8 and 10) at a sampling frequency of 500 Hz is shown in **Figure 3**, and their −3 db bandwidths are listed in **Table 1**.

In **Table 2**, the −3 dB bandwidths of the Fourier transform of the wavelet at four scales for the sampling rates of 250–1000 Hz are listed, which correspond to three ECG databases used in this study. MIT-BIH Arrhythmia database (MITDB) [23], QT database (QTDB) [24] and CSE multilead measurement database (CSEDB) [25] used for the validation of the algorithm have sampling rates of 360, 250 and 500 Hz, respectively. The PTB Diagnostic ECG Database (PTBDB) [26, 27] and the E-HOL-12-0051-016 database of the Telemetric and Holter ECG Warehouse of the University of Rochester (THEWDB) [28] used for the application have a sampling rate of 1000 Hz.

**Figure 4** shows the relation between the characteristic points of ECG and its CWT at four scales. Because of the form of the wavelet function selected, each distinct wave of the ECG corresponds to a pair of local maxima of the modulus (Pmm) of the CTW at each different scale with a zero crossing between them that corresponds to its peak. The rising slope of each wave

**Figure 2.** First derivate of a fourth-order B-spline expanded by a factor of two.

yields a minimum and the falling slope yields a maximum [16]. According to the spectrum of the ECG waves [29], most of the energy of the ECG signal lies within the scales 2–10 (**Figure 3**). P and T waves have their major component at scales 8 and 10, but higher scales can be affected

**1.** Initialization: calculus of the *B*-spline coefficients *c*(*k*) that interpolate the signal *x*(*t*) and the

**2.** Iterated moving sum: calculus of the scalar products of the signal *x*(*t*) with the *B*-splines of

**3.** Zero-padded filter: filtering with the expansion coefficients, spline of the basis wavelet *p*

The selected wavelet function *ψ*(*t*) is the first derivative of a fourth-order cubic *B*-spline expanded by two, which leads to the sequence *p* = (−1, −4, −5, 0, 5, 4, 1) given in Table 1 of [20]. This wavelet is similar to the first derivative of a Gaussian function so that it yields good time

The Fourier transform of the wavelet at five scales (e = 1, 2, 3, 8 and 10) at a sampling frequency of 500 Hz is shown in **Figure 3**, and their −3 db bandwidths are listed in **Table 1**.

In **Table 2**, the −3 dB bandwidths of the Fourier transform of the wavelet at four scales for the sampling rates of 250–1000 Hz are listed, which correspond to three ECG databases used in this study. MIT-BIH Arrhythmia database (MITDB) [23], QT database (QTDB) [24] and CSE multilead measurement database (CSEDB) [25] used for the validation of the algorithm have sampling rates of 360, 250 and 500 Hz, respectively. The PTB Diagnostic ECG Database (PTBDB) [26, 27] and the E-HOL-12-0051-016 database of the Telemetric and Holter ECG Warehouse of the University of Rochester (THEWDB) [28] used for the application have a

**Figure 4** shows the relation between the characteristic points of ECG and its CWT at four scales. Because of the form of the wavelet function selected, each distinct wave of the ECG corresponds to a pair of local maxima of the modulus (Pmm) of the CTW at each different scale with a zero crossing between them that corresponds to its peak. The rising slope of each wave

.

convolution with the *B*-spline of order *n*2

28 Topics in Splines and Applications

and frequency resolution (**Figure 2**).

sampling rate of 1000 Hz.

order *n*2 dilated by a factor *m* and divided by the root of *m*.

**Figure 2.** First derivate of a fourth-order B-spline expanded by a factor of two.

upsampling (with zeros) by a factor of *m* to obtain wavelet coefficients.

**Figure 3.** Amplitude-frequency responses of equivalent filters at five scales for 500 Hz sampling rate.

**Table 1.** Frequency response of equivalent filters at five scales for 500 Hz sampling rate.

**Table 2.** Frequency response of equivalent filters at four scales for sampling rates of 250 and 1000 Hz.

**Figure 4.** ECG and its CWT at scales 2, 3, 8 and 10.

by baseline wandering. If the ECG is contaminated with high-frequency noise, scales 2 and 3 are the most affected.


*Article* **Study on the Critical Wind Speed of a Resonant Cavity Piezoelectric Energy Harvester Driven by Driving Wind Pressure**

#### **Xia Li 1,\*, Zhiyuan Li 1, Qiang Liu 1 and Xiaobiao Shan 2,\***

Received: 30 October 2019; Accepted: 28 November 2019; Published: 1 December 2019

**Abstract:** In order to solve the problem of continuous and stable power supply for vehicle sensors, a resonant cavity piezoelectric energy harvester driven by driving wind pressure was designed. The harvester has an e ffective working range of wind speed. According to the energy conservation law, the cut-in (initial) wind speed of the harvester was solved. The pressure distribution law of the elastic beam in the flow field was studied by the Fluent software package, and the results were loaded into a finite element model with a method of partition loading. The relationship between the wind speed and the maximum principal stress of the piezoelectric cantilever beam was analyzed, and the critical stress method was used to study the cut-out wind speed of the energy harvester. The results show that the cut-in wind speed of the piezoelectric energy harvester is 5.29 m/s, and the cut-out wind speed is 24 m/s. Finally, an experiment on the power generation performance of the energy harvester was carried out. The experimental results show that the cut-in and cut-out wind speeds of the piezoelectric energy harvester are 5 m/s and 24 m/s, respectively, and the best matching load is 60 kΩ. The average output power, generated by the harvester when the driving wind speed is 22 m/s, is 0.145 mW, and the corresponding power density is 1.2 mW/cm3.

**Keywords:** piezoelectric energy harvester; cut-in wind speed; cut-out wind speed; energy conservation method; critical stress method