All of the above factors have a common denominator: the actions undertaken by the parties are contradictory, and each action is localized in space. A big proportion of conflicts are directly or indirectly associated with space. Conflicts that are directly related to space are referred to as spatial conflicts [4].

Spatial conflict is an inseparable element of spatial development and human existence [5]. The significance and progression of land-use conflicts are irreversibly linked to the use of space, and the quality of life is influenced by the quality of the surrounding space [6–8]. Profit maximization has been the driving force behind land-use conflict ever since humans discovered that land can be a critical source of capital and wealth [9,10]. The struggle for land took on various forms and progressed on a different scale, and due to the nature and the object of that struggle, it became known as spatial conflict or land-use conflict [11,12].

Spatial conflicts are widely encountered, and they can occur at any time and in any location. Changes in the hierarchy of needs and needs satisfaction, as well as individual traits (greed, envy, etc.) can promote the belief that the existing space is insufficient. This conviction increases the value of space, and it is the main cause of spatial conflict.

Most spatial conflicts have highly negative consequences for the economy, society, space, and the environment [13]. The above applies particularly to developing and transition countries, where the real estate market is weakly developed and where illegal practices involving land create an opportunity for rapid wealth accumulation [14]. In this case, land ceases to be a public good, and land ownership is often transferred to a small and wealthy social group. However, the extent to which the parties to a conflict manifest their views is correlated with the level of democracy in a given country [15]. The causes, course, and consequences of land-use conflict should be analyzed to develop effective spatial planning tools [16].

In theory, land-use conflict does not differ from other types of conflict, but space is always the subject matter of such disputes [17]. Land-use planning shapes our living and working environment; the integrity and sophistication of the overall planning process govern the sustainability of proposed spatial allocations in urban and rural areas [18]. Spatial conflict is usually driven by various land-use options, contradictory interests, and goals, including those pertaining to the use of natural resources [19–23].

Spatial conflicts can have different causes, and they are rarely homogeneous. In other words, spatial conflict is not driven by a single factor, and it is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon. This complexity can be attributed not only to the physical characteristics of space, such as size, diversity, and form, but also to changes in space and subjective perceptions of space [24]. Humans have different needs and expectations that are satisfied in space [25]. Land is a common good that is essential for human activity. Due to the diversity of human needs and the limited supply of land, land has been the source of conflict throughout human history [26]. Owing to the complexity of space, various spatial relationships can be identified, but not all of them can be described in detail. However, they can be generalized [27]. The main types of conflict relationships are associated with environmental features, economic activities, and social expectations [28]. The conflict relationships based on these three main pillars of human existence are presented in Figure 1.

**Figure 1.** Conflicts arising from relationships in space. Source: Own compilation based on [29].

**Conflicts between the economy and the environment** relate to the use of natural resources and the extent to which the environment is transformed by human activity [30]. Mineral resource mining and the acquisition of land for development projects are prime examples of the above. The expectations associated with environmental protection stand in opposition to the maximization of profit derived from resource use.

**Conflicts between the society and the environment** have a similar context, but they focus on the quality of human life. The expected comfort and convenience of the modern lifestyle, such as access to public infrastructure or pest-free households, run contrary to environmental protection.

**Conflicts between the economy and the society** generally result from contradictory expectations regarding access to public infrastructure and natural resources between the consumers, investors, and public administration bodies that analyze the economic consequences of various uses of space. Disputes surrounding the location of land development projects are an example of such conflicts [31]. These types of conflict gave rise to NIMBY (not in my backyard) syndrome, where residents generally agree that a facility producing goods or services is needed, but oppose its construction in their neighborhood [32]. Conflicts can also erupt in a reverse scenario, when local communities advocate for the construction of certain types of infrastructure, but are faced with opposition from supralocal groups that derive benefits from the use of space in its existing form [33].

Conflicts waged on a wider scale are referred to as functional-economic conflicts [34], where factors leading to the aggregation and dispersion of various land-use functions occur simultaneously and undermine the welfare of local communities [6,35]. These factors are usually associated with considerable disproportions in the development of adjacent areas. Selected functions are excessively concentrated in some areas (such as cities), but they are lacking in peripheral and underdeveloped areas. Globalization contributes to the emergence of spatial conflict in the social-economic dimension. Urban sprawl increases the prices of agricultural land, leads to conflict over farmland protection and, consequently, drives conflict over land ownership [5].

The presented classification of spatial conflicts is not exhaustive or sufficiently detailed. Many conflicts combine the features of all of the above categories, where contradictory expectations regarding land use are influenced by the object of the dispute and the involved parties [36].

Spatial conflicts can emerge over land ownership and land-use rights, but also over land itself, the neighborhood, or the use of private or public land [37]. Regardless of the above, space is always the essence of conflict. The object of conflict can also differ in scale or magnitude, and it can include buildings, undeveloped land, or property boundaries. Entire regions and countries can be embroiled in spatial conflict.

In view of the above, the object of spatial conflict can be classified based on its location, scope, and specific claims. When these criteria are taken into consideration, the objects of spatial conflicts can be divided into the following groups:

	- property boundaries.

ownership, perpetual usufruct, co-ownership; other rights to derive income from land: easement, lease, tenure, etc.; specific land-use (land management) rights.

immediate space (own—private); local space (neighborhood, municipality); regional and ethnic space; national space; global space.

The object of spatial conflict should be classified to identify the scope of the dispute and the involved parties. The resulting classification also contributes to the selection of the optimal conflict resolution tools [38].

Many land-use conflicts are caused by different expectations regarding the attributes of space [39]. The above implies that space cannot be evaluated unambiguously [40]. However, fragments of space with a high accumulation of potentially conflict-generating attributes can be identified [41]. Most spatial conflicts are caused by social factors as conflicts are driven by humans and do not exist without humans [42]. Conflicts are often fueled by personal traits which are difficult to assess and are rarely analyzed in studies on spatial conflicts. However, the risk of social conflict can also be exacerbated by the characteristic traits of entire social groups [43]. These include:

The above factors strongly influence the quality of life and individual expectations towards space. In less affluent societies, land-use strategies are implemented to generate economic benefits and improve the standard of living, and these goals are accomplished at the expense of other attributes, such as the quality of the natural environment [44]. Social attributes that contribute to spatial conflict can also influence economic factors, including:

These differences are often responsible for various expectations towards land use and land management. In many cases, different expectations can be the secondary cause of local and personal land-use conflict [45].

The risk of spatial conflict increases in communities and regions with diverse social characteristics and contradictory expectations towards land management. These differences are manifested by:

The specificity of land-use conflict has to be explored to expand our understanding of the scope and potential consequences of such conflicts, which could play a key role in rational and sustainable management of space [46–48].

The attributes of space where land-use conflicts occur usually have a local character. Land division, changes in land-use, and urbanization take place locally, and spatial conflicts are generally intensified by anthropogenic factors [49]. Some of these attributes can be identified and evaluated intuitively, whereas others become apparent only when a conflict erupts or when the causes of the conflict are analyzed in detail [50].

One of the goals of spatial planning is to limit the negative impact of conflict-generating attributes on human existence [51]. Such attributes have to be identified, eliminated, or minimized [52]. However, conflict-generating factors can be reliably assessed only if they can be unambiguously identified and described in the entire area under analysis. The above can be achieved with the use of GIS databases which are characterized by extensive thematic content and broad spatial coverage [53,54].

The characteristic attributes of space that incite spatial conflict usually evolve at the local level [55]. Land division, changes in land use, and urbanization are processes that occur locally, and spatial conflicts are fueled mostly by anthropogenic factors.

As previously mentioned, space has many attributes that can generate land-use conflict. Some of these attributes are recognized and evaluated intuitively, whereas others are identified only when a conflict erupts or after its causes have been thoroughly analyzed [49]. The authorities responsible for land management have to limit the negative effects of these factors on human life [56]. Therefore, conflict-generating factors need to be identified, eliminated, or minimized. However, such factors can be determined, and their conflict-generating potential can be evaluated only when these factors are unambiguously identified and described during the entire research process. Not all factors that increase the risk of spatial conflict are described; therefore, they are not listed in the databases that are accessible to analysts [57,58]. Undoubtedly, such factors can be described in individual cases for the needs of specific analyses [59]. However, this is a highly laborious process that is not always cost-effective. The identified factors also tend to have limited spatial coverage. Therefore, the use of the existing databases appears to be a much simpler and sensible solution [60].

Local space is usually described in considerable detail. Legal regulations and, increasingly often, market processes necessitate the creation of geospatial databases with different content and significance. Geospatial databases differ in the homogeneity, validity, and reliability of the accumulated information [61]. Databases developed by centers for geodetic and cartographic documentation appear to be the most robust sources of homogeneous, valid, and reliable data.

In view of the above, the main aim of this study was to develop a procedure for evaluating an area's vulnerability to land-use conflict based on the spatial attributes described by geodetic and cartographic databases and with the use of GIS tools.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

#### *2.1. Study Area and Data*

For the needs of this study, the attributes of space that can potentially contribute to the risk of land-use conflict were identified based on an analysis of the existing databases and the relevant literature. Spatial attributes were selected for the study based on the extent to which they can be identified in space. The studied area was divided into comparative units for the needs of delimitation based on the results of the conducted analysis. Comparative units were created within the cadastral districts of the examined municipalities. This approach was adopted to ensure the cohesiveness of research stages, to minimize susceptibility to spatial conflict, and, potentially, to integrate the results with the findings

of social studies [62]. Cadastral districts are often associated with settlement units (in particular in rural areas) or city districts, which implies that they can be linked with local communities. Therefore, the extent to which the characteristic traits of local communities contribute to the risk of spatial conflict can be analyzed in greater detail.

Spatial features that can contribute to the intensification of land-use conflicts were identified with the use of GIS data and based on a review of the literature [63,64]. The analyzed traits were selected based on the extent to which they can be identified and based on the results of a survey involving fifteen teams of real estate and spatial planning experts, including researchers and practitioners such as land surveyors and real estate agents. In each of the fifteen teams, the experts and the moderator (leading researcher) discussed the extent to which the identified attributes contribute to spatial conflict. The results of these discussions were used to prepare 15 questionnaires and determine the conflict-generating potential of each attribute. A questionnaire survey was conducted between 20 May and 25 September 2020 in organizations employing real estate and spatial planning experts. This approach was adopted due to the complex nature of the undertaken research. Direct communication with the experts generated valuable insights about the studied topic. The two-tiered survey procedure also enhanced the objectivity of the results.

The study area was the rural municipality of Purda in the Olsztyn county, Region of Warmia and Mazury in Poland. The Region of Warmia and Mazury has a rather unique settlement structure. The region abounds in natural resources, and agriculture has long been the main source of income for the local population [65]. The rapid development of Olsztyn county drives growth in the surrounding municipalities, including Purda. The Purda municipality has an area of more than 300 km2 , with a prevalence of agricultural land and forests. Due to local specificity and the proximity of a large urban center, Purda is susceptible to spatial conflict in both the social (progressive exploitation of natural resources resulting from local population growth) and the economic dimension (growing number of land development projects). The influx of new residents whose land-use preferences differ from those of the local population also drives conflict. These problems are typically encountered at the rural–urban interface. The location of Purda municipality is presented in Figure 2.

Purda is undergoing rapid urbanization, and it is an important source of land reserves for the spatial development of Olsztyn, the capital city of the Region of Warmia and Mazury. To facilitate a cohesive evaluation and classification of results, the municipality was divided into territorial units corresponding to cadastral districts. The availability of cohesive information regarding the intensity of the evaluated attributes in the analyzed units and the calculation of indices relating to every attribute played an important role in the selection process.

The analyzed municipality was divided into comparative units within the cadastral districts of Purda municipality. The aim of this procedure was to guarantee the consistency of the adopted measures for investigating possible triggers of land-use conflict and to consolidate our findings with research into social causes of conflict [66]. Cadastral districts are often equated with settlement units (in particular in rural areas) or city districts, which implies that they are closely linked to local communities [67]. The above assumption can be taken into account in spatial analyses to determine the extent to which the characteristic features of local communities can incite or exacerbate land-use conflict. The attributes were selected for analysis based on two considerations. The first consideration was the list of attributes that were identified by the surveyed experts. Each of the fifteen surveyed expert teams developed a list of attributes that could potentially contribute to spatial conflict. The second consideration was the extent to which the identified attributes could be measured with the use of the existing geospatial databases. Not all attributes can be evaluated in this approach. Databases characterizing local communities are not available. A total of 12 features that are described in the geospatial database were identified and assessed in 33 districts of Purda municipality.

**Figure 2.** Location of Purda municipality and the local land-use pattern. \* B—residential areas; Ba—industrial areas; Bi other built-up areas; Bp—urbanized areas that are not built-up or are under construction; Br—developed agricultural land; Bz—recreational areas; E—ecological sites; K—mining sites; Ls—forests; Lz—areas with tree and shrub cover; N—fallow land; Ps—permanent pastures; R—arable land; S—orchards; T—transport routes; Wp—flowing waters; Ws—standing waters; dr—roads; and Ł—permanent meadows.

Most conflict-generating features have anthropogenic origin. Land-use conflicts can also be driven by factors that are not always associated with human activity, including topography and various types of land cover such as water bodies and forests. However, human activities exert a considerable influence on these attributes of space [68,69].

The significance of the identified spatial features was determined. The extent to which the analyzed attributes contribute to land-use conflict was described with the use of dedicated measures or indices [70]. These indices and the relevant measurement methods are described below:

Length of cadastral plot boundaries (**A.1**)—expressed by the ratio of the total length of all cadastral plot boundaries to the area of the cadastral district.

Complex boundaries (**A.2**)—expressed by the ratio of the number of boundary points in cadastral districts to the area of the cadastral district.

Area of cadastral plots (**A.3**)—expressed by the average area of a cadastral plot in a cadastral district.

Density of cadastral plots (**A.4**)—expressed by the ratio of the number of cadastral plots to the area of the cadastral district.

Development density (**A.5**)—expressed by the ratio of built-up areas in a cadastral district to the area of that district.

Land-use homogeneity (**A.6**)—expressed by the land-use homogeneity index *SJi* [71]:

$$Sf\_i = \sum\_{z=1}^{\mu} f\_{iz}^2 \tag{1}$$

where: *Jiz* is the proportion of a given land-use type (*z*) in the total area of cadastral district *i* and *u* is the number of land-use types in cadastral district.

Technical infrastructure—the availability of technical infrastructure was evaluated in three categories: roads (**A.7**), power grid (**A.8**), and the water supply network (**A.9**). All networks and grids were evaluated with the same key. Cadastral districts were assessed based on the proportion of plots without access to each of the three types of infrastructure in the total number of plots in that district. The availability of roads was defined as the presence of a road in the plot's immediate vicinity, whereas the availability of the remaining infrastructure was defined as the presence of the relevant utilities at a distance of up to 100 m from the plot. The studied municipality was inventoried based on the above principles, and the results are presented in Figure 3.

**Figure 3.** Division of Purda municipality into cadastral districts (**A**); Cadastral plots without access to: roads (**B**), power grid (**C**), and water supply network (**D**). Source: own elaboration based on data from the County Centre for Geodetic and Cartographic Documentation (PODGiK) data.

Topography (**E.1**)—topographic features were determined based on the maximum terrain curvature in the cadastral district. Terrain curvature was calculated based digital

elevation model data from the Municipal Center for Geodetic and Cartographic Documentation. Digital elevation model data were interpolated (Figure 4A), and terrain curvature was determined at the nodes of a regular grid with a side length of 100 m. The results were used to calculate the range of curvature values in area K in the analyzed cadastral districts. The calculated values were used to evaluate conflict-generating attributes in these districts (Figure 4B).

**Figure 4.** (**A**) Topography of Purda municipality; (**B**) Terrain curvature in Purda municipality. Source: own elaboration based on data from the Municipal Centre for Geodetic and Cartographic Documentation (GODGiK).

Boundaries of areas with natural land cover—this analysis included forests (**E.2**) and surface water bodies (**E.3**). This indicator was expressed by the ratio of the length of boundaries of forests and surface water bodies to the area of forests and water bodies in the analyzed cadastral district.

The results of the evaluation of conflict-generating attributes in the cadastral districts of Purda municipality are presented in Table 1.

#### *2.2. Methodology*

The identified attributes had a varied contribution to the risk of land-use conflict. These attributes were weighed to assess their importance. Shannon's entropy method [72] is widely used to determine the weights of various evaluation criteria. The concept of Shannon's entropy plays an important role in information theory, and it is regarded as a general measure of uncertainty. In transportation models, entropy is a measure of the dispersal of trips between the point of origin and the destination [73]. In physics, entropy represents the state of disorder of a system [74]. Entropy associated with an event is also a measure of the event's degree of randomness. The concept of entropy can also be used to measure fuzziness [75]. This method is relatively objective, and it can be effectively deployed in the decision-making process [76]. The entropy weight method is also widely used to determine the weights of criteria and attributes [77–80]. In the discussed method, relative importance is assigned to the analyzed attributes by measuring the existing differences between sets of data [81].

**Table 1.** Conflict-generating attributes in the cadastral districts of Purda municipality—matrix **M**.

\* all attributes were measured with the use of the described procedure in the analyzed units.

The identified conflict-generating attributes were used to build decision matrix **M** (Table 1), which was normalized with the following equation:

$$m\_{ij} = \frac{m\_{ij}}{\sum\_{i=1}^{k} m\_{ij}} \tag{2}$$

where *mij* is the results of the evaluation of conflict-generating attributes; *i* is the successive districts in the total number of districts *k*; and *j* is the successive attributes in the total number of attributes *z.*

The normalized matrix **N** with elements *nij* was used to assign weights to conflictgenerating attributes (Table 2).

**Table 2.** Elements of matrix **N** in the analyzed districts.

**Table 2.** *Cont.*

The information content of matrix **N** was determined by calculating the entropy value *Ej* of every conflict-generating attribute with the use of the below formula [82]:

$$E\_j = -K \sum\_{i=1}^k n\_{ij} \ln n\_{ij} \tag{3}$$

where *i* is the successive districts in the total number of districts *k*; *j* is the successive attributes in the total number of attributes *r*; and *K* = 1/ln *k* (for *k* = 33 *K* = 0.29) is the constant value which guarantees that the value of *E* falls within the range of [0;1] (Table 3).

**Table 3.** *Cont.*

The differences in the value of *nij* relative to successive attributes were calculated with the following formula:

$$d\_{\dot{j}} = 1 - E\_{\dot{j}} \tag{4}$$

where *j* is the successive attributes in the total number of attributes *r*. The result is the attribute vector *dj* .

$$d\_{\circ} = \begin{bmatrix} 0.25 & 0.09 & 0.13 & 0.11 & 0.18 & 0.02 & 0.02 & 0.05 & 0.04 & 0.01 & 0.38 & 0.05 \end{bmatrix} \tag{5}$$

The value of *dj* was used to determine the weights *wj* of conflict-generating attributes with the use of the below formula:

$$w\_j = \frac{d\_j}{\sum\_{j=1}^r d\_j} \tag{6}$$

The result is the vector of attribute weights **W**.

**W** = [0.19 0.07 0.10 0.08 0.13 0.01 0.01 0.04 0.03 0.01 0.29 0.03] (7)

The normalized matrix **N** was multiplied by vector *W* to produce matrix **D**. The risk of land-use conflict in the analyzed districts was expressed by the sum of the rows of matrix **D**. The results were represented by indicator *Vi* for improved readability.

$$V\_i = 100 \times \sum\_{j=1}^{r} (n\_{ij} w\_j) \tag{8}$$

where *i* is the successive districts in the total number of districts *k*.

The value of indicator *Vi* can range from 0 to 100. Districts with higher values of *Vi* are characterized by a greater accumulation of attributes that can give rise to spatial conflict.

#### **3. Results and Discussion**

Indicator *Vi* was calculated for the analyzed districts, and the results are presented in Table 4. In Grabowo district, *Vi* considerably exceeded the average value for the examined districts (27.60). The above result could be attributed to the very small area of Grabowo relative to other districts, as well as the fact that other attributes in Grabowo also substantially exceeded the average value. Grabowo was thus eliminated from classification. Only districts where the value of *Vi* ranged from 0.00 to 10.00 were included in the classification.

**Table 4.** Value of *Vi* in the analyzed districts.

Indicator *Vi* was used to determine the risk of land-use conflict in the analyzed cadastral districts. Classification results are presented in Figure 5.

The analyzed districts were divided into five classes with the use of the geometric interval classification method. Class 1, with the highest accumulation of conflict-generating attributes, comprised only one district, Ostrzeszewo, where *Vi* reached 9.90. Class 2, with a high accumulation of the analyzed attributes, contained districts subjected to considerable urbanization and human pressure. Classes 4 and 5, with the lowest accumulation of conflict-generating attributes, were composed of ecological sites (forests and water bodies) in their entirety or in most part. The analysis of land-use types in the Purda municipality indicates that the proposed method generates reliable results. The value of indicator *Vi* was markedly higher in areas subjected to considerable anthropogenic pressure.

**Figure 5.** Values of indicator *Vj* in the cadastral districts of Purda municipality.

#### **4. Conclusions**

One of the greatest challenges in land management is to minimize the "pretexts" for spatial conflict. Conflict-generating factors should be eliminated or minimized in all stages of the process, including land-use planning, land protection, and land management. The aim of all land management procedures and decisions should be to improve land-use comfort. Therefore, the identification of potential hotbeds of conflict is a very important consideration that tends to be overlooked in research.

In this study, attempts were made to fill in this knowledge gap. The present research is by no means exhaustive, but the results indicate that geospatial databases can be used effectively to reduce the risk of spatial conflict.

This study proposes a procedure for evaluating the risk of land-use conflict based on the attributes that increase the probability of such risk. Conflict-generating attributes were calculated based on data that are available in municipal centers for geodetic and cartographic documentation. The analysis was conducted with the use of GIS tools in ArcGIS 10.4.1 software.

The proposed procedure was tested in a rural municipality with a varied spatial structure in the Region of Warmia and Mazury. The physical and geodetic attributes of space were identified in considerable detail at the local level. A procedure for weighing and measuring the intensity of attributes that can compromise spatial harmony and contribute to spatial conflict was proposed. The importance of conflict-generating attributes was assessed with Shannon's entropy method, and indicator *Vi* was calculated as the sum of

attribute weights. The procedure of calculating indicator *Vi* involved well-known metrics as well as the measurement methods proposed by the authors. The results of the analysis indicate that anthropogenic factors are the main drivers of land-use conflict. Therefore, the developed procedure can be used to identify areas with a higher risk of land-use conflict. Conflict-prone areas should be identified based on analyses of cadastral data, local zoning plans and social participation to optimize spatial planning and improve the quality of life in local communities.

The results of the study demonstrated that the risk of land-use conflict is particularly high in the immediate vicinity of areas that are subjected to considerable anthropogenic pressure. Areas where human activities generate social controversy should be identified to promote sustainable land-use planning and prevent conflict.

The proposed procedure can be modified to account for specific research objectives, the characteristic features of the studied area, and access to spatial data. The developed methodology constitutes a valuable tool which supports planning and monitoring of sustainable land-use practices. The results of the analysis can be used to plan future actions with the aim of enhancing harmonious spatial development and minimizing the risk of land-use conflict.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, I.C. and A.B.; methodology, I.C. and A.B.; software, I.C. and A.B.; validation, I.C. and A.B.; formal analysis I.C. and A.B.; investigation I.C. and A.B.; resources I.C. and A.B.; data curation, I.C. and A.B.; writing—original draft preparation, I.C.; writing—review and editing, A.B.; visualization, I.C.; supervision, I.C. and A.B.; project administration, I.C. and A.B.; and funding acquisition I.C. and A.B. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**

## *Article* **Analysis and Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of Cittaslow Towns on the Example of Selected Regions in Central Italy and North-Eastern Poland**

**Marek Zagroba , Katarzyna Pawlewicz and Adam Senetra \***

Department of Socio-Economic Geography, Faculty of Geoengineering, University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, Prawoche ´nskiego 15, 10-720 Olsztyn, Poland<EMAIL_ADDRESS>(M.Z<EMAIL_ADDRESS>(K.P.)

**\*** Correspondence<EMAIL_ADDRESS>Tel.: +48-89-5234948

**Abstract:** Cittaslow International promotes harmonious development of small towns based on sustainable relationships between economic growth, protection of local traditions, cultural heritage and the environment, and an improvement in the quality of local life. The aim of this study was to analyze and evaluate the differences and similarities in the spatial structure of Cittaslow towns in the Italian regions of Tuscany and Umbria and the Polish region of Warmia and Mazury. The study examined historical towns which are situated in different parts of Europe and have evolved in different cultural and natural environments. The presented research attempts to determine whether the spatial structure of historical towns established in different European regions promotes the dissemination of the Cittaslow philosophy and the adoption of sustainable development principles. The urban design, architectural features and the composition of urban and architectural factors which are largely responsible for perceptions of multi-dimensional space were evaluated. These goals were achieved with the use of a self-designed research method which supported a subjective evaluation of spatial structure defined by historical urban planning and architectural solutions. The study demonstrated that Medieval urban layouts can be successfully incorporated into the modern urban fabric to promote sustainable development and slow living.

**Keywords:** Slow City; small towns; spatial structure; sustainable development; old market square; historical urban layout

#### **1. Introduction**

The objective of the Cittaslow International network of small towns is to promote harmonious development and slow living. This philosophy offers an alternative to globalization and the fast pace of life in large cities [1–3]. Cittaslow towns implement sustainable development policies by creating a healthy balance between economic growth, protection of local traditions, cultural heritage and the environment, and improving the quality of local life [4–6]. The members of the Cittaslow network promote local and specific values and products, and they initiate active measures to protect the natural environment and the historical urban fabric. These policies build a sense of solidarity among local community members who feel responsible for their place of residence, including its past and future [7,8]. The unique spatial structure of historical towns plays an important role in building harmonious relationships and adapting these towns to contemporary needs and aspirations [9,10].

Small towns are human settlements that occupy a relatively limited area and organize their living space in a similar manner regardless of their location. The scale of urban development, small population, absence of industry and low levels of technical infrastructure relative to large cities contribute to sustainable development and reluctance towards modern trends that rely heavily on globalization and a fast pace of life.

**Citation:** Zagroba, M.; Pawlewicz, K.; Senetra, A. Analysis and Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of Cittaslow Towns on the Example of Selected Regions in Central Italy and North-Eastern Poland. *Land* **2021**, *10*, 780. https:// doi.org/10.3390/land10080780

Academic Editors: Luca Salvati, Iwona Cie´slak and Andrzej Biłozor

Received: 23 June 2021 Accepted: 22 July 2021 Published: 25 July 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

Considerable research has been dedicated to the development and future outlook of urban expansion. Zambon et al. [11] performed a quantitative analysis of urban plans to predict future urban growth patterns. The authors relied on an extensive database of social and economic indicators to examine the consequences of urban expansion in the Spanish region of Catalonia which was divided into local zones for the needs of the study. They found that urbanization had contributed little to the sustainable development of towns in recent decades. The authors concluded that future urban development in Catalonia will not follow a polycentric model, but will fuel the growth of small and medium-sized towns. The historical center of Santiago de Chile was modernized based its architectural and urban heritage. The elements of the city's original urban fabric were recreated and used to propose a new urban development concept. This approach was adopted to bridge the gap between modern requirements and the city's colonial and republican past [12]. In Senigallia, Italy, the open-design approach was implemented to regenerate the town's historical urban heritage through participatory design [13]. The town's historical district was redesigned with the use of Multicriteria Decision Analysis (MCDA). Historical districts pose a challenge for urban designers who have to reconcile conservation with modern welfare and safety standards. The MCDA approach was validated experimentally in Biella, Italy [14].

The aim of this study was to analyze the differences and similarities in the spatial structure of small towns belonging to the Cittaslow network. The evaluated towns are located in the Italian regions of Tuscany and Umbria and the Region of Warmia and Mazury in north-eastern Poland. Based on the aim of the study, the authors made an attempt to answer the following research questions:

#### **2. Cittaslow International**

Current trends in urban and economic development favor measures that strengthen the growth potential of mainly large urban agglomerations. Rapid globalization has contributed to a faster pace of life. The citizens of highly developed countries show a growing appreciation for the slower approach to everyday life in smaller settlement units [15,16]. In small and medium-sized towns, most businesses operate only on the local market. These towns often collaborate and join various organizations to expand their economic potential. One of such organizations is the Cittaslow Movement, an international network of cities that was founded in 1999 to endorse the Slow City concept. Towns can apply for Cittaslow membership if their population does not exceed 50,000, and if they support and implement the organization's goals [17]. Candidates are evaluated in seven areas: energy and environmental policy, infrastructure policies, quality of urban life policies, agricultural, tourism and artisan policies, policies for hospitality, awareness and training, social cohesion and partnerships, based on 72 detailed criteria. Towns that meet at least 51% of these requirements are eligible for membership. They are re-evaluated (re-certified) based on the same criteria after five years [18].

The overreaching goal of the Cittaslow movement is to improve the quality of life, promote economic growth, protect the natural environment and cultural heritage, promote regional products, crafts, traditions and customs [19]. The movement advocates a slower pace of life as an alternative to the hustle and bustle of large cities and metropolises. The organization does not oppose technological progress, and its members are local economic hubs that place a high value on preserving their unique character [8]. Cittaslow members promote their towns as places with a high quality of life in the proximity of nature, highquality products and strong local communities [20].

The goals of the Cittaslow movement coincide with the principles of sustainable development, with the main emphasis on increasing local incomes, improving local safety, fostering a friendly social environment, improving the quality of the natural environment, enhancing spatial order and the functionality of urban spatial structures [21]. Sustainable cities are characterized by a cohesive relationship between the urban and the natural environment. Social and environmental movements play an important role, and they focus on preserving the city's unique character, restoring historical architecture, promoting local products and cuisine. In cities that are popular tourist destinations, considerable emphasis is placed on the promotion of local hospitality traditions [16,22]. Globalization increases the risk of cultural uniformity by destroying local values. The Cittaslow concept stimulates local growth as the core element of sustainable development. Member towns strive to preserve their identity and protect local values, both in the Cittaslow network and in the global context [7]. Sustainable development encompasses the environmental, social and economic aspects of urban growth. Community participation plays an important role in decision-making, and participatory processes further the sustainable development of all Cittaslow members at the local level. Cittaslow towns initiate a variety of events and projects with the involvement of the local authorities and residents, which is why the Cittaslow network is also regarded as a social movement and a local governance model [23].

The spatial layout and the potential of small historical towns are well aligned with the main tenets of the Cittaslow movement which are strongly rooted in sustainability [24]. Towns that boast the snail logo strive to improve the quality of local life and cultivate the culture of good living. The small size of urban structures, the cozy ambience of public spaces (squares, streets, parks) and small population encourage the preservation of local traditions and the search for harmony between a slow-paced life and sustainable development [25,26]. Historical towns are characterized by strong place identity, which promotes social integration and fosters a sense of attachment to one's home [27,28]. In towns with historical urban design and architecture, the residents are more likely to identify with and feel responsible for their place of residence than large city dwellers. These factors contribute to the search for novel urban planning solutions that are consistent with the Cittaslow philosophy of a slow life and eco-friendly development [27,29]. Historical structures in small towns well serve the above goals.

The philosophy and ideological assumptions of Cittaslow movement also fit in the evolution of spatial and urban solutions. Changes in various fields of life (economy, culture, etc.) have influenced the changes in its style. Moreover, they have an impact on the physical side of the anthropogenic space [30]. Globalization and computerization have contributed to the modification of social relations and homogenization of space in all dimensions [31]. The dominant role is played by the flow of information, idea, capital, goods and also people [32]. The quality of life indices for the certification and monitoring of the member cities are the premises of the local councils' actions. The modern ideas of spatial planning allow claiming that the sustainable development and the idea of Slow City are based on similar, or even often the same, assumptions. Duplicating the same norms in sustainable planning and the idea of the movement has become the norm emphasized in the modern debates on cities development. Consequently, the social awareness increase, spatial structures are harmonized, the elements of the environment are respected and the results of intensive urbanization are balanced. As a result, all of the above-mentioned elements become the widely acknowledged rule of good practices in planning and spatial management [30]. Moreover, they have the chance to be more widely implicated in other, more complex and more urbanized spatial arrangements.

The integral element of city development is a constant process of changes in which one of the leading roles is assigned to the processes of revitalization. It is a process that includes comprehensive operations in old towns, old districts neglected in terms of the economy, aesthetics, space, infrastructure, communication and functionality. In numerous points, the process converges with the idea of Slow City and sustainable planning. It leads to the prevention of social exclusion, facilitates socio-economic development and it also leads to

the improvement of the quality of life of the local society. The revitalization process must be conducted according to the principles of sustainable development with the integration of social, spatial, economic, cultural, construction, investment and ecological aspects within the determined aim [33,34]. The quoted scientific and technical discourse fully confirms the necessity for the integration of the idea of Slow City, the sustainable development and technical actions (f.eg. revitalization) in a widely-acknowledged planning and land use of Cittaslow towns.

#### **3. Materials and Methods**

#### *3.1. Study Areas*

The study areas were small towns, which are Cittaslow members, in the Italian regions of Tuscany and Umbria, and the Polish region of Warmia and Mazury (Figure 1).

**Figure 1.** The analyzed regions. Source: own elaboration.

The reason for choosing Cittaslow network for the study is the fact that it is a consistent network of small towns. Moreover, it gives the possibility of conducting the research on various urban organisms. While achieving the objectives, Cittaslow solicits raising the effectiveness of economic growth, it puts emphasis on a high level of education and helps in reducing poverty; it also develops newer and newer innovative economic projects. The objectives fit in the ideas of sustainable development. Among strong points of Cittaslow network, one can list [35]:

Cittaslow network unites mostly historical towns which drew the attention of inter alia the scientists from Massachusetts Institute of Technology City Science (USA). They stated: "We went back in time and looked at towns in which we all would like to be—a lot of them belong to the historical European towns". They think that towns that work the best are towns that had been organized before the car was invented. The towns include districts with all essential everyday life facilities. It is the so-called [36].

The value of small towns is emphasized also in The European Commission studies on the basis of which one can state that [37]:

These regions were selected for the study due to similarities in their spatial layout. The analyzed regions are highly attractive and popular tourist destinations that are widely visited by domestic tourists as well as tourists from other countries in Europe and the world. The popularity of the studied regions can be attributed to their unique environment, landscape, topographic features and cultural heritage, including historical urban fabric and world-class monuments such as castles, churches and parks [38–41]. Moreover, Tuscany is the cradle of the Cittaslow movement, whereas Warmia and Mazury is a region with the highest number of Cittaslow towns in Poland. One should mention that Polish National Cittaslow Network is the second in the terms of the number of town members in the world [35].

Small towns are characterized by similarities and differences in their topographic features, historical factors which influenced the evolution of urban structures, culture, habits, building traditions, as well as climate which shaped the local architecture. The above factors are responsible for the differences and similarities in the spatial structure of small towns, but towns that are members of the Cittaslow network pursue similar goals and strive to fulfill modern needs and aspirations. The analyzed towns differ considerably in population which ranges from 505 to nearly 28,000 in the studied Italian regions, and from 1964 to more than 23,000 in the Polish region.

#### 3.1.1. Italian Towns

Tuscan and Umbrian towns are much older than their Polish counterparts. Some Italian towns were established in Roman times, and they are regarded as the cradles of European civilization [42]. The founding dates of some towns cannot be determined accurately due to the turbulent history of the Italian peninsula. Small settlements and Roman military camps were transformed into towns that were destroyed and reconstructed on numerous occasions over the centuries. Other towns were built as part of the urbanization effort of the Roman Empire [43,44]. Topographic features and other environmental factors significantly influenced the spatial structure of Italian towns, most of which have a highly irregular street pattern [45]. However, these factors have little bearing on the preserved urban fabric which dates back to later periods in history. The present size and population of Italian towns is unrelated to topographic features [46]. The territorial reach of Italian towns continued to expand as their economies grew in successive centuries, but their original layout has been preserved to this day. The study covered 15 towns in Tuscany and 11 towns in Umbria:

#### 3.1.2. Polish Towns

The founding dates of towns in the Polish region of Warmia and Mazury are much easier to determine. Source documents citing charters that granted town rights to settlements in Warmia and Mazury have survived to this day. The relevant dates are also easier to establish because Polish towns were founded later than their Italian counterparts. Warmian and Masurian towns were granted charters because they were established on virgin territory. Their founding dates are indicated in historical documents [47].

The analyzed towns have evolved over the centuries. Their present size and population differ significantly from the original figures, but similarly to Italian towns, their historical layout can still be identified. The study analyzed 22 towns in the Polish Voivodeship of Warmia and Mazury: Barczewo, Bartoszyce, Biskupiec, Bisztynek, Braniewo, Dobre Miasto, Działdowo, Gołdap, Górowo Iławeckie, Jeziorany, Lidzbark Warmi ´nski, Lidzbark, Lubawa, Nidzica, Nowe Miasto Lubawskie, Olsztynek, Orneta, Pasym, Reszel, Ryn, S ˛epopol, and Wydminy.

#### *3.2. Methods*

Multidimensional analyses and evaluations are required to assess the multiperspective functioning of historical towns and the ability of their spatial structures to meet the needs and aspirations of modern communities. The evaluated towns are characterized by similarities as well as differences in this respect. The objective of the applied original research methods was to verify the assumption that sustainable municipal development is closely related with spatial attributes. Some of the applied methods were based on the approaches that are widely described in the literature [13,24,27,28,46–55], and they involved analyses of the current status of historical urban layout. The remaining methods were developed by the authors, and they rely on subjective evaluations of the towns' spatial structure which is defined by the historical urban fabric and architectural features. This approach is largely universal, and it can be applied in towns situated in various regions of the world. The spatial structure of the analyzed towns was assessed with the use of three criteria:

3.2.1. Multi-Criteria Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of Small Towns

The aim of this evaluation was to determine the extent to which a slower pace of life in small cities contributes to sustainable development. Due to the large number of analyzed towns (22 towns in the Polish region of Warmia and Mazury, 15 towns in Tuscany, and 11 towns in Umbria, Italy), a quantitative research method was applied to identify and systematize the key elements that determine the quality of urban spaces. The following elements were taken into consideration:

	- towns that evolved from the existing settlements;
	- towns built around Roman military camps;
	- towns built in cruda radice (from a "raw root"), usually along or at the crossroads of major transportation routes.

Over the centuries, continued economic growth led to the territorial expansion of the studied towns. The towns' original and present area was compared, and the attractiveness of historical urban fabric relative to modern forms of urban development was evaluated with the use of the following indicator:

$$\text{IDA} = \text{PA} / \text{TAF} \tag{1}$$

where: *IDA*—increase in developed area; *PA*—present area; *TAF*—town area at the time of foundation.

Source: own elaboration based on Tołwi ´nski [48].

**Table 2.** Correlations between landform and urban planning solutions.

Source: own elaboration based on Czubiel and Domagała [47].

**Table 3.** Shape and size of market squares in the studied towns.

Source: own elaboration based on Czubiel and Domagała [47].

#### 3.2.2. Evaluation of the Influence of Spatial Attributes on the Townscape

This stage of the research involved cartographic methods as well as field surveys of Polish towns and selected Italian towns. Urban structures were evaluated by directly experiencing the distinctive atmosphere of historical towns. Direct observations were supplemented by analyses of photographs and video footage. Iconographic sources such as maps and satellite images were also used to examine the key elements of the urban structure. These research methods supported assessments of individual spatial attributes which stimulate the senses and enable spectators to experience the unique/distinctive atmosphere of a place (*genius loci*). The following factors were taken into consideration:

	- Italian towns with a free-form urban pattern and an irregular street network, where the junction of the main roads acts as a focal point in the town center;
	- Polish towns with a grid street pattern, rigid compositional axes and a clearly defined central area.

The urban forms in both Polish and Italian towns are aesthetically pleasing, but they evoke completely different perceptions of urban space (Table 4).

**Table 4.** The influence of urban design on perceptions of space.

Source: own elaboration based on Hall [49], Wejchert [51], Gzell [54].

were used to estimate the date of construction, identify the architectural style and assess the authenticity of the analyzed buildings (Table 7).

5. Scale of urban development—the area of the studied towns was analyzed in view of historical changes in their territorial reach relative to their original area. The territorial expansion of Medieval towns was an inevitable consequence of their economic growth. The historical architecture in the center of small towns has to be preserved against the background of modern development to maintain the esthetic composition of the urban structure. This is a necessary prerequisite for preserving the unique identity of historical towns, and it demonstrates that towns are living organisms that evolve over time (Table 8).

Source: own elaboration based on Wejchert [51], Montgomery [53].

Source: own elaboration based on Burgess [28], Norberg-Schulz [52], Radwan [55].

**Table 7.** The influence of urban components on perceptions of the townscape.

Source: own elaboration based on Norberg-Schulz [52], Zagroba and Gawryluk [24].

**Table 8.** Factors responsible for the territorial expansion of the studied towns.

Source: own elaboration based on Alexander [27], Benevolo [46], Rossi et al. [13].

The factors listed in Table 8 were used to evaluate the quality of urban space in historical towns. The quality of the historical urban fabric is determined by perceptions of structural archetypes, distinctive features that contrast with contemporary urban structures outside the historical center, as well as compositional factors such as the scale of urban development and urban forms.

#### 3.2.3. Analysis and Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of the Studied Towns

An intuitive (holistic) research method was applied to determine the extent to which the distinctive ambience (*genius loci*) of historical towns shapes the urban landscape in the evaluated regions and contributes to an improvement in the local standard of living. The influence of urban design elements, including structures, buildings, town blocks, streets and squares, on the quality of urban space was evaluated in Polish and Italian towns. Historical architecture and urban design are manifestations of a region's cultural heritage, and they evoke strong emotional responses. The analysis revealed strong links between the quality of local life and the protection of heritage sites. These relationships have evolved differently in Italian and Polish towns, which can be attributed to differences in culture, climate and history (Table 9).

**Table 9.** Preservation of historical spatial components in the studied towns.

Source: own elaboration based on Rossi [50], Norberg-Schulz [52].

#### **4. Results**

The data collected with the use of the described research method were interpreted based on three criteria for analyzing the spatial structure of the studied towns. The results of the study are presented separately for each stage of the conducted research for greater readability.

#### *4.1. Multi-Criteria Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of Small Towns–Results*

Italian towns differ considerably in founding dates because they were established from Roman times to the Medieval period (Figures 2 and 3).

Most of the analyzed Polish towns were established in same century (Figure 4).

The spatial structure of Italian and Polish towns was determined by topographic features and environmental conditions. All towns were founded in areas with favorable terrain characteristics (hill with steep slopes, river bend, bank of a river or another water body) which acted as natural barriers and protected the inhabitants against enemies (Figure 5).

A centrally located market square has always occupied an important place in the spatial structure of the studied towns. The size and shape of historical market squares differ considerably in the analyzed urban structures, but most towns have rectangular market squares (Figure 6).

The size of urban structures in Medieval towns was determined by the towns' economic status and technical capabilities (Tables 10–12). The average area of Medieval towns within fortified walls was determined at 3.89 ha in Tuscany, 6.04 ha in Umbria, and 5.37 ha in Warmia and Mazury. Over the centuries, economic growth fueled the expansion of the analyzed urban structures outside defensive walls. Tables 10–12 present the developed area of Italian and Polish towns, not the area enclosed by their administrative boundaries (which includes undeveloped areas such as forests, water bodies and agricultural land). Only built-up areas with the accompanying green infrastructure were measured based on orthophotomaps.

The area enclosed by fortified walls was used to calculate the relative area of the market square, which was expressed as the ratio of market square area to developed urban area (Figures 7 and 8). The average relative market square area was determined at 2.15% in Tuscany, 1.91% in Umbria, and 10.92% in Warmia and Mazury.

As demonstrated by Figures 9 and 10, the studied towns continued to expand dynamically throughout history. The greatest territorial expansion was noted in the 19th and 20th centuries. The character and density of urban development also evolved, and this process was accompanied by changes in urban design and architectural style. The average increase in developed area was determined at 19.89% in Tuscan towns, 16.50% in Umbrian towns, and 25.35% in Polish towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury.

**Figure 2.** Founding dates of Tuscan towns. Source: own elaboration based on the data published by the Italian National Institute of Statistics [61] and Atlante Storico Iconografico Delle Città Toscane [62]. Key: n.e.d—no exact data available.

**Figure 3.** Founding dates of Umbrian towns. Source: own elaboration based on the data published by the Italian National Institute of Statistics [61] and Ross [63]. Key: n.e.d—no exact data available.

**Figure 4.** Founding dates of Polish towns. Source: own elaboration based on Czubiel and Domagała [47].

**Figure 5.** Topographic features in Polish and Italian towns. Source: own elaboration based on cartographic analyses.

**Figure 6.** Shape of market squares in Italian and Polish towns. Source: own elaboration.

Key: zero values denote cities without fortified walls; contemporary built-up area—urbanized area (developed area with the accompanying green infrastructure). Source: own elaboration based on Cittaslow Italia [64] and Google Maps [65].

**Table 11.** Umbrian towns—developed area.

Key: contemporary built-up area—urbanized area (developed area with the accompanying green infrastructure). Source: own elaboration based on Cittaslow Italia [64] and Google Maps [65].

Key: zero values denote cities without fortified walls; contemporary built-up area—urbanized area (developed area with the accompanying green infrastructure). Source: own elaboration based on Cittaslow Polska [66] and Google Maps [65].

**Figure 7.** Relative market square area in Italian towns. Source: own elaboration. Key: zero values denote cities without fortified walls.

**Figure 8.** Relative market square area in Polish towns. Source: own elaboration.

**Figure 9.** Increase in the developed area of Italian towns. Source: own elaboration. Key: zero values denote towns where the historical urban fabric was not preserved.

**Figure 10.** Increase in the developed area of Polish towns. Source: own elaboration.

#### *4.2. Evaluation of the Influence of Spatial Attributes on the Townscape—Results*

An analysis based on the adopted criteria (Tables 4–8—urban layout, public urban spaces such as municipal squares, pocket parks and municipal parks, architecture, scale of urban development) revealed that historical solutions considerably influenced urban planning in successive centuries. Historical town centers are characterized by different scale, density and type of development than other built-up areas, and they constitute the focal points in the studied towns (Tables 13–15).

**Table 13.** Preservation of historical spatial components in Tuscan towns.

Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved.

**Table 14.** Preservation of historical spatial components in Umbrian towns.

Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved.

**Table 15.** Preservation of historical spatial components in Polish towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury.

Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved.

#### *4.3. Analysis and Evaluation of the Spatial Structure of the Studied Towns—Results*

The distinctive atmosphere (*genius loci*) of a town is determined by various components of the urban fabric, including material factors as well as non-material factors which cannot be quantified, but which influence the human senses and are responsible for esthetic perceptions of space. The studied towns differed considerably in subjective perceptions of esthetic appeal (Tables 16–18).

**TUSCANY Criteria for Evaluating the Preservation of Historical Spatial Layout Abetone Cutigliano Anghiari Barga Bucine Capalbio Castelnuovo Berardenga Civitella in val di Chiana Cortona Greve in Chianti Marradi Massa Marittima Pratovecchio San Miniato San Vicenzo Suvereto** *Genius loci* of the urban fabric Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved. **Table 17.** *Genius loci* in Umbrian towns. **UMBRIA Criteria for Evaluating the Preservation of Historical Spatial Layout Amelia Citta della Pieve Ficulle Monte Castello di Vibio Montefalco Orvieto Parrano Preci Todi Torgiano Trevi** *Genius loci* of the urban fabric Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved. **Table 18.** *Genius loci* in Polish towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury. **WARMIA AND MAZURY Criteria for Evaluating the Preservation of Historical Spatial Layout Barczewo Bartoszyce Biskupiec Bisztynek Braniewo Dobre Miasto Działdowo Gołdap Górowo Iławeckie Jeziorany Lidzbark Warmi ´nski Lidzbark Lubawa Nidzica Nowe Miasto Lubawskie Olsztynek Orneta Pasym Reszel Ryn S ˛epopol Wydminy***Genius loci* of the urban fabric Source: own elaboration. Key: Preserved Not preserved Partly preserved.

**Table 16.** *Genius loci* in Tuscan towns.

#### **5. Discussion**

Cittaslow towns are conjoined with a rich and long history as well as the charm of places ostensibly frozen in time. While analyzing the localization conditions of the Cittaslow network, it is hard to find any regularity. They represent different geographical, historical and most of all spatial types. They are conjoined mainly by the fact that they have historical centers and/or protected areas. Cultural heritage, valuable landscape, local culture and language are appreciated by Cittaslow towns' authorities, inhabitants and tourists. "Slow" cities lay emphasis on all of the values and owing to that they get unique character [67,68].

Historical planning solutions elicit the strongest emotional responses in perceptions of urban space; they contribute to a sense of local identity and create a sense of responsibility for one's place of residence. The protection and promotion of these values constitute the fundamental tenets of the Cittaslow philosophy [69,70]. It should be mentioned that towns that join Cittaslow network commit themselves to keep the cultural heritage connected with the way of living and living conditions [71,72]. Therefore, they achieve the goals of the movement connected with taking care of the historic urban fabric, renovating monuments and towns' aesthetics [73]. It is connected with maintaining and cultivating their historical identity which is not always connected with the functional demands of modern times. Technical and technological development, fire regulations or the civilization progress in general are a challenge in adjusting historical structures to the modern demands. Unlike big cities, small towns have no possibilities for developing industry, building large shopping centers or thoroughfare [74]. The analyzed Polish and Italian towns have many similarities, such as the size of the original urban settlement. However, they differ in other respects, which can be attributed to cultural and climatic differences. Historical urban planning solutions play an important role in this comparison because they testify to the towns' rich cultural heritage which followed European trends in urban design and architecture. The analyzed urban layout is also indicative of differences in local building traditions [75–77]. Qualitative improvement of the built environment should acknowledge local divergence and models as the manifestation of local identity. The greater awareness of key social factors in urban planning and creating architecture influence the higher potential of social sustainability of residential environment [78]. The extent to which urban design components determine the attractiveness of historical towns was evaluated based on the results of field surveys and analyses of iconographic materials. This is a very important consideration in small towns where the physical attributes of space are closely related with the spiritual needs of public space users. It is particularly visible in Slow Cities that apart from rich cultural heritage also have other important endogenous assets: widely underestimated bond and social awareness, and cooperation skills that stem from a deep sense of belonging to the inhabited place [67,79]. Consequently, the inhabitants feel like taking responsibility for their town which is definitely easier to be done in small local societies, where unlike in cities, the bonds are usually really strong [26,74,80]. The applied research methods supported the identification of links between the quality of historical urban space and the local standards of living. These methods were also successfully used to determine why small historical towns uphold the Cittaslow philosophy and whether different urban layouts in Polish and Italian towns create equal opportunities for implementing the principles of the slow living movement.

The analyzed Italian towns do not differ considerably in urban layout despite the fact that they were founded in different periods of time. The free compositional arrangements are dominant in Italian towns, which could have been connected with transforming former settlements, topography, climate and historical conditioning [81]. The factors, regardless of the widely-acknowledged in the Middle Ages rules of town layout, based on the chessboard layout, made the structure of Umbria and Tuscany to exceed the rules of urban composition created centuries ago [82,83]. Regardless of their founding date, the compared urban structures have many similarities, which suggests that climate and local architectural traditions played a key role in the development of urban forms. The layout of Polish towns is completely different than Italian towns' layouts. It corresponds to the general rules for founding a town that were current in the Medieval Times. Polish towns are characterized by more regular layouts which are based on the chessboard layout with a regular market in the middle and a perpendicular grid of streets. [45,48]. Nearly all of the evaluated towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury have a regular, geometric street pattern with a centrally located market square, a fortified castle and a church.

Towns founded in different historical periods are also characterized by varied urban layouts. A grid street pattern is rarely encountered in Italian towns. In these towns, narrow streets are chaotically distributed, and dense development offers shade and refuge in the hot summer months. In the Middle Ages, dense settlement also increased security because smaller areas were easier to defend against enemies. That feature characterizes towns in the whole Europe [84]. Most of the evaluated towns abound in historical architecture which makes a reference to local building traditions and creates urban forms that are characteristic of the cultural landscape of Tuscany and Umbria. A completely different urban layout was observed in Polish towns. Warmian and Masurian towns were founded on a rectangular street plan, and they were divided into blocks of dense development with a market square in the center [85]. The original urban layout is still legible in most towns. Despite the above, the historical architecture of Polish towns was largely destroyed at the end of World War II. Consequently, the most valuable and the oldest parts of buildings, sometimes the vivid symbols, buildings acknowledged as the elements that shaped the individual landscape of the towns were degraded. Unfortunately, the post-war reconstruction effort, as well as their development, were very often unsuccessful and they often worked the opposite to the historical functional layout, arrangement and the scale of building that had been functioning in historical Polish towns for centuries [33,86]. At that time Poland belonged to the Eastern Block which negatively influenced the maintenance of historical identity of the towns. The post-war reconstruction was done without respect for historical assumptions which consequently led to losing towns' historical character [87].

Polish and Italian towns were established in areas with different landform and natural features. Most Italian towns were founded on steep hills that are ubiquitous in Tuscany and Umbria [88–90]. Hills are local topographic features which acted as natural barriers and protected towns and their inhabitants. In contrast, north-eastern Poland abounds in rivers and lakes which were the main focal points during the establishment of Medieval towns. Many Polish towns were nested in the bend of a river. It was done mainly because a river was indispensable for life. It provided water for people and animals, allowed for gathering food, watered crops, and fertilized soils. Close vicinity to rivers had also served military purposes [91]. Security was of the utmost concern in Medieval times, and towns were founded in areas where local terrain features offered effective protection. Moreover, a river facilitated trade and communication enabled professions that required the presence of water; it allowed draining the rain and urban pollution or using energy resources of river flow. Its close vicinity to a large extent influenced the economic development and it also had an impact on political, demographical and social relations of towns located close to the river [91].

The size of Medieval towns was determined by their ability to satisfy the residents' basic needs, and the complex process of building fortified walls favored dense development. Throughout the centuries, defensive walls limited the territorial expansion of cities whose size was fairly similar and representative of the level of technological advancement in the Middle Ages [92]. The average area of towns enclosed by fortified walls was similar in all studied regions, although it was somewhat larger in Italian towns (Cortona, Amelia and Todi). Polish towns were characterized by similar size, with the exception of Gołdap and Ryn.

Traders sold their goods in centrally located market squares which fueled the economic growth of Medieval towns. The market square was the heart of the town, and its location influenced the urban development pattern in the remaining parts of the town. The size and shape of the market square were determined by the town's area and street pattern [92]. The vast majority of towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury have rectangular and square markets. Only three market shapes were identified in this region, which could be attributed to the fact that Polish towns were founded in the same historical period. The shape of market squares in Italian towns is more varied. A trapezoidal shape was most frequently encountered, followed by rectangular markets and markets with a complex shape. A total of seven market shapes were identified in the study, but none of the analyzed Italian towns had square-shaped markets. The observed variations are associated with considerable differences in the founding dates of Italian towns.

The functions of market squares have been expanded in the modern times. Market squares are not only the hubs of commercial and economic activity, but they also serve representative and recreational purposes [93,94]. They are historical landmarks that contribute to a sense of local identity and attract tourists and potential investors [95]. The relative area of the market square differs considerably between Italian and Polish towns. The studied towns in the Region of Warmia and Mazury are characterized by significantly higher relative market area which was determined at 10.74% on average and reached up to 20% in Nidzica and Ryn. In Italian towns, relative market square area approximated 10% only in San Miniato (Tuscany). These variations can be attributed to differences in founding dates. Polish towns were established later than their Italian counterparts, and most of them were not built around the existing settlements, but from a "raw root". From the beginning of their existence, Polish towns were adapted to local needs, and the relative proportions of the market square to the remaining forms of urban development could be freely shaped.

Towns are living organisms that continue to evolve, and their territorial reach changes throughout time. The growth and expansion of towns are determined by their regional and supra-regional status, economic performance, quality of space, and standards of living [96–98]. These factors influence the rate of urban expansion in the course of decades and centuries. In Polish towns, built-up area increased most rapidly in the 19th century when small factories (mills, breweries, lumber mills, brick factories) and railway lines were built in the Region of Warmia and Mazury [47]. The expansion of Italian towns was less dynamic due to topographic barriers (closed-form cities established on hills).

Preservation of historical spatial components significantly influences the shaping and perceptions of urban space. The elements, such as urban layouts, i.e., streets, squares, urban interiors and architecture, create the picture of historical changes. The elements to a large extent influence the spatial identity of towns [99]. In the towns of the analyzed areas, the differences are significant. All preservation criteria have been met in Umbrian towns, excluding Torgiano and, partly, Preci. The historical environment of Tuscan towns has also been successfully preserved (excluding Bucine, Civitella in val di Chiana, Pratovecchio, San Vicenzo and, partly, Abetone Cutigliano). The historical urban layout of Polish towns has been partly maintained or lost. Only the first two criteria in Table 15 have been preserved to a satisfactory degree.

The genius loci notion is indispensably connected with the perception of town space. It is not material, the places are special. They are the source of spiritual experience connected with history, the meaning, symbols and aesthetics which are individually perceived. Urban space, individual in every case, is prestigious, "the tokens" of a town with which the inhabitants identify. This relation equals the sense of belonging to a given cultural circle [100]. The significance of the places is unquestionable as it is consolidated in social awareness by particular events, representational buildings or functions [101]. In urban space, it is significant as town planning and architecture enrich the spiritual sphere, they are born in social space which remains as the space full of meanings and symbols, especially in historical towns [102]. For this reason the genius loci is the most subjective and elusive factor in evaluations of historical urban forms. Historical downtown areas differ considerably from the remaining parts of the urban fabric, and they have distinctive features that have been adapted to contemporary needs without a loss of local identity. The results of the study revealed that the preservation of historical spatial components

is directly responsible for the unique ambience of historical towns. This observation is validated by the fact that Torgiano and Preci are the only Umbrian towns without a genius loci. There are no discernible elements that would signify the rich history of the town. The urban layout and architecture do not have hallmarks of historical solutions as space is organized rather in a modern way. In Tuscany, the pervading spirit of a place is also most strongly manifested in towns whose historical environment has been successfully preserved. Polish Medieval towns have been most severely deprived of their historical ambience, and the genius loci has been retained in only six towns (Działdowo, Górowo Iławeckie, Nowe Miasto Lubawskie, Orneta, Pasym, Reszel). In the remaining cases, the spatial solutions do not have any historical features. After World War II their urban layout was changed and the architecture of socialism vividly stood out from the stylistics that had been created for centuries.

To summarize, one can state that towns that ate members of Cittaslow network develop according to the same set of criteria which is at the same time the benchmark of developmental standards. However, it is so profound that it allows for shaping the local specialization in an individual way. Every town has its own unique endogenous potential which under some conditions can contribute to real development and raising its inhabitants' quality of life [67,103], and the same time achieving the goals of functioning of Cittaslow movement.

#### **6. Conclusions**

Small historical towns offer a glimpse into Europe's wealthy cultural and architectural heritage. The original spatial structure of these towns has been preserved to a varied extent. Cittaslow International is a network of small towns which prioritizes the quality of life over the hustle and bustle of modern cities. The article analyzes and evaluates historical spatial forms in Cittaslow towns situated in selected European regions with a different culture and history. The relationships between the urban layout and the local quality of life based on sustainable development and protection of cultural heritage were examined.

The study revealed that the Medieval layout of Polish and Italian towns can be successfully incorporated in the modern urban fabric to promote the Cittaslow philosophy of sustainable development and slow living. Cittaslow towns are characterized by small size and population, small-scale urban development and user-friendly public spaces that promote a sense of local identity and foster responsibility for one's place of residence. Historical spatial layouts of the towns (downtown built-up areas) are not adjusted to the modern functional specificity of a big city and its dynamics. There is no possibility for industrial development, building large-areas shopping centers, organizing public transport or building thoroughfare. The small scale of the area in the town center makes social integration an inevitable element of its functioning.

Moreover, historical towns have distinctive spatial features, including small squares, narrow streets that are closed off to vehicular traffic, and historical architecture that triggers emotional responses. These components facilitate the implementation of the Cittaslow concept that advocates harmonious relations between the past, i.e., the preservation and promotion of local traditions and cultural heritage, and the future, i.e., economic growth and an improvement in living standards. Even though Polish and Italian towns have differences in their layouts and character, they still have a common feature—the cozy space organization which being combined with old but well-functioning architecture corresponds to Cittaslow assumptions.

The analyses demonstrate that the components can be applied for spaces developed in a various way, both Polish and Italian towns. Historical urban fabric favors pedestrian movement, which contributes to the formation of stronger social bonds, unlike in large metropolitan areas where social interactions are scarce. Dense development in small towns eliminates physical barriers to human contact, such as extensive open spaces, wide roads and large plots of land zoned for development. These findings indicate that in order to preserve the historical urban fabric, the structure should not be interfered with. Effective planning policies are required to preserve the scale, unique character and identity of historical towns, and they facilitate the achievement of Cittaslow goals. Historical spatial layout and urban structures promote local arts, crafts and services. Preservation of local traditions and cultural heritage contributes to the development of tourism, and modern technology (such as remote work arrangements) improves the quality of local life.

Historical urban fabric is an element of cultural heritage and one of the pillars of the tourism industry which creates ample opportunities for promoting the values of towns and regions. Therefore, the results of this study can be used by local authorities to establish cooperation networks, promote their towns and regions, and exchange experiences relating to the implementation of local development policies. The proposed research methods are largely universal and can be applied to analyze the spatial structure of small towns in other regions of the world. The study adds to the existing body of knowledge relating to the development of historical urban forms and spatial layout. The possibility for comparing Polish and Italian towns, which differ in many above-mentioned aspects, proves the point. The methodology is therefore universal and can contribute to the comprehension and further development of the Slow City idea in various regions in the world. Moreover, it can be used as a key element in building local urban revitalization programs for historical towns. Such practice is commonly applied in urban planning in numerous European regions. However, during conducting the research one should be aware of the limitations connected with the lack of a unified database for given countries and the limitations of the access to iconographic and cartographic resources.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, M.Z., K.P. and A.S.; methodology, M.Z., K.P. and A.S.; formal analysis, M.Z.; investigation, M.Z. and K.P.; resources, M.Z.; data curation, M.Z. and K.P.; writing—original draft preparation, M.Z., K.P. and A.S.; writing—review and editing, K.P. and A.S.; visualization, M.Z.; supervision, A.S.; project administration, M.Z. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Publicly available datasets were analyzed in this study. This data can be found here: http://asict.arte.unipi.it/index.html/ (accessed on 18 August 2020), http://www.cittaslow. org/ (accessed on 30 August 2020), www.istat.it (accessed on 30 August 2020), www.cittaslow.it (accessed on 30 August 2020), www.google.com/maps (accessed on 30 August 2020), https://cittaslowpolska.pl/ (accessed on 30 August 2020).

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**

## *Case Report* **Toward a Dualistic Growth? Population Increase and Land-Use Change in Rome, Italy**

**Leonardo Bianchini 1 , Gianluca Egidi 1 , Ahmed Alhuseen 2 , Adele Sateriano 3 , Sirio Cividino 4 , Matteo Clemente 5 and Vito Imbrenda 6,\***

6

**Abstract:** The spatial mismatch between population growth and settlement expansion is at the base of current models of urban growth. Empirical evidence is increasingly required to inform planning measures promoting urban containment in the context of a stable (or declining) population. In these regards, per-capita indicators of land-use change can be adopted with the aim at evaluating long-term sustainability of urbanization processes. The present study assesses spatial variations in per-capita indicators of land-use change in Rome, Central Italy, at five years (1949, 1974, 1999, 2008, and 2016) with the final objective of quantifying the mismatch between urban expansion and population growth. Originally specialized in agricultural productions, Rome's metropolitan area is a paradigmatic example of dispersed urban expansion in the Mediterranean basin. By considering multiple land-use dynamics, per-capita indicators of landscape change delineated three distinctive waves of growth corresponding with urbanization, suburbanization, and a more mixed stage with counter-urbanization and re-urbanization impulses. By reflecting different socioeconomic contexts on a local scale, urban fabric and forests were identified as the 'winner' classes, expanding homogeneously over time at the expense of cropland. Agricultural landscapes experienced a more heterogeneous trend with arable land and pastures declining systematically and more fragmented land classes (e.g., vineyards and olive groves) displaying stable (or slightly increasing) trends. The continuous reduction of per-capita surface area of cropland that's supports a reduced production base, which is now insufficient to satisfy the rising demand for fresh food at the metropolitan scale, indicates the unsustainability of the current development in Rome and more generally in the whole Mediterranean basin, a region specialized traditionally in (proximity) agricultural productions.

**Keywords:** metropolitan expansion; per-capita urban area; per-capita cropland; land mismatch; population; Italy

#### **1. Introduction**

Land use/land cover changes (LULCCs) are due to a large number of factors encompassing climate change, occurrence of natural risk, regulation/conservation policies, and human disturbance mainly consisting in various forms of urbanization [1–9]. In this perspective, in urban areas, settlement expansion and landscape transformations were intimately associated, involving multiple research dimensions encompassing ecology, planning, economic issues, and social aspects [10]. For a comprehensive study of

**Citation:** Bianchini, L.; Egidi, G.; Alhuseen, A.; Sateriano, A.; Cividino, S.; Clemente, M.; Imbrenda, V. Toward a Dualistic Growth? Population Increase and Land-Use Change in Rome, Italy. *Land* **2021**, *10*, 749. https://doi.org/10.3390/ land10070749

Academic Editors: Luca Salvati, Iwona Cie´sla and Andrzej Biłozor

Received: 30 June 2021 Accepted: 13 July 2021 Published: 17 July 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

urbanization-driven landscape changes, defining urban growth in terms of density, spatial morphology, socioeconomic implications, and environmental impacts is a difficult task [11–13]. Focusing on agglomeration, contemporary urbanization has been progressively shifted beyond the typical ideal city models in which the density of population, settlements, and economic activities display a significant decline moving away from downtown [14]. Urban sprawl was proposed as a comprehensive definition of this evolution: while sprawl comes across as a matter of degree not easily quantifiable, it is argued that in this case the density gradient of any urban function (population, buildings, and businesses) became less steep over time [15–17]. However, low-density development differs from place to place, thus defining of such a process is a mostly place-specific exercise [18]. Impacts of sprawl on fringe landscapes are also mixed and hardly predictable as land-use change in metropolitan regions is often the result of a complex interplay of socioeconomic factors and land constraints (e.g., accessibility, infrastructural development, land/house prices, and access to credit) [19–22].

The dynamic linkage between landscape transformations and population dynamics in advanced economies became increasingly multifaceted because of the mutual interplay of environmental, social, and planning dimensions that influence the level of sustainable development at different spatial scales from regions to local communities [23,24]. It was demonstrated how population dynamics have influenced sprawl less intensively than what occurred under more compact and dense stages of urban expansion in the past [25]. In fact, the current model of urban development (i.e., low-density settlements scattered on a natural or agricultural matrix) results in spatially articulated settlement morphologies leading to high rates of land consumption [26–28].

Following Couch et al. [2], urban sprawl has been increasingly treated as a process of urban change rather than a pattern of urbanization. In this sense, the definition given by Glaster and other scholars nearly twenty years ago [1] is the one that best allows sprawl to be intended as a process and not merely a spatial pattern. Within this approach, the simplest indicator for measuring the extent of sprawl in a metropolitan area is a ratio of two growth rates: the rate at which land development near the outer suburbs has increased divided by the rate at which the population of the metropolitan area has grown [29]. Measuring urban and suburban expansion in this context, a recent study defined exurban development as a process in which "the spread of development across the landscape far outpaces population growth" [30–32]. Similarly, another study notes that "if land is being consumed at a faster rate than population growth, then a metropolitan area can be characterized as 'sprawling'. If population is growing more rapidly than land is being consumed for urbanization, then a metropolitan area can be characterized as 'densifying'" [3]. Taking this approach, Wiewel and Persky's work on Chicago's suburban sprawl [13] demonstrated that between 1970–1990, urbanized land grew by 46%, while the population increased by only 4% (a ratio of 11.5 to 1). This is only an example of the possible use of per-capita indicators of land-use [33–38].

A large imbalance between a place's spatial expansion and its population change (where the former increases much more rapidly than the latter) is not unusual in advanced economies [39]. Growth of this sort produces a lower density outcome with people and their residential and commercial buildings using more space often at the expense of forests and farmland [40]. Examining landscapes from the other side of the fringe, exurban development has produced fragmented and chaotic natural landscapes that are progressively losing their characteristic traits (e.g., as far as the composition, configuration, and structure are concerned) [41]. While land-use change in metropolitan regions was the subject of earlier studies delineating knock-on effects on the environmental matrix [42–44], the relationship between land-use change and urban cycles has not yet been adequately studied, especially in regions where human pressure has increased more rapidly in recent years [45].

Based on earlier studies [46], a complete urban cycle is usually represented as a sequence of four development stages with different demographic characteristics from urbanization to suburbanization and from counter-urbanization to re-urbanization [47]. The downtown population increased in both the first and the fourth stage; the suburban population increased in the second stage; and the rural population in metropolitan regions increased in the third stage [48]. Per-capita land-use indicators seem to be an appropriate solution to better delineate the temporal outline of different stages of a complete urban cycle, in turn quantifying the incipient mismatch between population growth and urban expansion [49]. This evidence indicates, likely better than other indicators, the shift from compact models to a more dispersed settlements' structure [50]. By linking (urban) form and (ecological) functions in peri-urban areas, a long-term analysis of per-capita land-use indicators provides the necessary informative base to any policy aimed at containing urban expansion [51–54]. In this direction, spatial planning is urgently required to finely tune urban expansion with population increase and growth in economic activities, limiting settlement diffusion (e.g., in shrinking cities) [55].

The drastic spread of official statistics, land-use maps, and geo-spatial databases support a refined landscape analysis investigating per-capita land-use indicators over a sufficiently long-time interval [56]. Per-capita indicators of land-use change represent a suitable tool to test assumptions on the relationship between urban cycles and landscape transformations over different waves of metropolitan expansion [57]. In this direction, exploratory multivariate data analysis contributes to reveal the complex linkage between compositional changes in relict, fringe landscapes, and the increase of resident population, considered an anticipatory indicator of the specific stage of a given city life cycle [58,59].

Grounded on this theory, our study provides a long-term analysis of per-capita land cover changes at the fringe of a metropolitan region in southern Europe. In light of different models of urban expansion from compact and radio-centric urbanization to dispersed expansion of low-density settlements, the present study documents urban and peri-urban changes over nearly 70 years (1949–2016). As a novel contribution to land-use science, the present work delineates the prevalent mode of urban expansion in Rome (Italy) considering both socioeconomic functions (whose changes are reflected in the sequential stages of the city life cycle) and morphological shifts (e.g., compact vs. dispersed). The Rome metropolitan area is a typical semi-compact and dense city in southern Europe experiencing different waves of settlement expansion and represents an example of metropolitan transformations in the Mediterranean [60–62]. The empirical results of this study allow for the discussion of the (supposed) unsustainability of current urban expansion compared with past settlement structures as far as land fragmentation and loss of relict habitats and traditional crops at the fringe are concerned.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

#### *2.1. Study Area*

The investigated area covers a large part of Rome's province (Latium region, Central Italy) encompassing the municipalities of Rome and Fiumicino (1500 km2 , see Figure 1). The study area is mostly flat and corresponds with the so called 'Agro Romano', a cultivated district with traditional rural landmarks, biodiversity, and cultural heritage surrounding the historical city of Rome along the alluvial plain of the Tiber river [60]. Climate regime in Rome is typically Mediterranean with rainfalls concentrated in the fall and spring and mild temperatures in the winter. Average annual rainfalls and mean daily temperatures were nearly 700 mm and 16 ◦C in the period between 1960–1990, although in the last decades the study area is becoming drier and warmer as a consequence of reduced precipitation and increased temperatures.

During the investigated period (1949–2016), this area has been subjected to considerable transformations due to a mix of drivers. Among them, Common Agricultural Policy, local market conditions, demographic trends, and conservation measures (e.g., Natura 2000 network) have stimulated on the one hand a strong intensification and simplification of the agricultural productions; on the other, an expansion of land abandonment phenomena, all contributing to an increased environmental fragility of these areas [63,64]. A pivotal role has been played by urban growth impacting agricultural lands and compromising

their distinctive socioecological features. The low-density discontinuous settlement that developed on the edges of Rome (Figure 2) penetrates into the Agro Romano, fragmenting its agro-forestry matrix. The negative effects of this expansion can be cumulative and can increasingly affect large areas as shown by the regional distribution of per-capita land consumption computed at the municipal scale. [63,64]. A pivotal role has been played by urban growth impacting agricultural lands and compromising their distinctive socioecological features. The low-density discontinuous settlement that developed on the edges of Rome (Figure 2) penetrates into the Agro Romano, fragmenting its agro-forestry matrix. The negative effects of this expansion can be cumulative and can increasingly affect large areas as shown by the regional distribu-

During the investigated period (1949–2016), this area has been subjected to considerable transformations due to a mix of drivers. Among them, Common Agricultural Policy, local market conditions, demographic trends, and conservation measures (e.g., Natura 2000 network) have stimulated on the one hand a strong intensification and simplification of the agricultural productions; on the other, an expansion of land abandonment phenomena, all contributing to an increased environmental fragility of these areas

*Land* **2021**, *10*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 14

In particular, despite the fact that Rome exhibits intermediate values for the extent of urban areas on the total municipal area and for per-capita built-up areas partially due to a huge municipal area, the neighboring municipalities exhibit a sprawling urbanization with variable settlement densities that are frequently higher than those observed in the central municipality. Settlements traditionally organized on radial axes around the consolidated city are characterized by variable sealing rates with very heterogeneous percentages in the regional area, particularly high around the county seats (not only in Rome but also in the other Latium provinces), representing sub-centers in expansion. Simultaneously, the original settlement structure in the rural districts of the Agro Romano has been transformed into a medium and low-rise fabric spatially decomposed as a result of urban de-concentration processes only partially devised with consequent spatial colonization of areas located at 20–40 km from the central city. tion of per-capita land consumption computed at the municipal scale. In particular, despite the fact that Rome exhibits intermediate values for the extent of urban areas on the total municipal area and for per-capita built-up areas partially due to a huge municipal area, the neighboring municipalities exhibit a sprawling urbanization with variable settlement densities that are frequently higher than those observed in the central municipality. Settlements traditionally organized on radial axes around the consolidated city are characterized by variable sealing rates with very heterogeneous percentages in the regional area, particularly high around the county seats (not only in Rome but also in the other Latium provinces), representing sub-centers in expansion. Simultaneously, the original settlement structure in the rural districts of the Agro Romano has been transformed into a medium and low-rise fabric spatially decomposed as a result of urban de-concentration processes only partially devised with consequent spa-

Urban settlements in Rome can be divided into 2 main districts: (1) the consolidated urban fabric hosting 63.4% of the population (as the percentage share in the total population) with a population density of 4873 inhabitants/km2 and (2) the suburbs hosting the 36.6% of the population (as the percentage share in the total population) with a population density of 1037 inhabitants/km2 (2011 census). tial colonization of areas located at 20–40 km from the central city. Urban settlements in Rome can be divided into 2 main districts: (1) the consolidated urban fabric hosting 63.4% of the population (as the percentage share in the total population) with a population density of 4873 inhabitants/km2 and (2) the suburbs hosting the 36.6% of the population (as the percentage share in the total population) with a population density of 1037 inhabitants/km2 (2011 census).

**Figure 1.** A map indicating the position of the study area (Rome and Fiumicino municipality) in Central Italy (a) and two maps illustrating the spatial distribution of basic land-use classes (black: urban settlements; grey: woodlands; and white: agricultural areas) in Rome 1949 (b); 2016 (c). Urban settlements include impervious land and urban parks; agricultural areas include arable land, **Figure 1.** A map indicating the position of the study area (Rome and Fiumicino municipality) in Central Italy (**a**) and two maps illustrating the spatial distribution of basic land-use classes (black: urban settlements; grey: woodlands; and white: agricultural areas) in Rome 1949 (**b**); 2016 (**c**). Urban settlements include impervious land and urban parks; agricultural areas include arable land, crop mosaic, vineyards, and olive groves; and woodlands include forests, pastures, and water bodies.

bodies.

crop mosaic, vineyards, and olive groves; and woodlands include forests, pastures, and water

‐ ‐ ‐ **Figure 2.** Boundaries of the Latium region located at the heart of Italy. Within the circle the municipalities of Rome and Fiumicino are shown with their corresponding urban areas (1960–2009, sub-figure (**a**)) and 2016 artificial surface per-capita (sub-figure (**b**)). These figures are taken from the annual report (2017) that ISPRA (Italian National Institute for Environmental Protection and Research) draws up on soil consumption, territorial dynamics and ecosystem services [65].

#### *2.2. Land-Use Maps*

*‐* ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ Following earlier studies [26], a database reporting the surface area of several land-use classes was derived from elaboration of 3 compatible maps with a land nomenclature based on a simplified Corine Land Cover classification system [57–59,61,62]: (i) the Italian Istituto Geografico Militare topographic map (1:25,000 scale) produced in 1949, (ii) a land-use map (1:25,000) produced by the Cartographical Service of the Rome's province authority derived from field surveys and in-house photo-interpretation of digital ortho-photographs taken for cadastral purposes, and (iii) land-use maps (1:25,000) realized by the Cartographical Service of Latium regional authority from photo-interpretation of digital ortho-images released from the Italian National Geoportal. In addition, a first map was originally produced for 1999 and subsequently updated for 2008 and 2016 with new images referring to the same years. Eight homogeneous classes with a minimum mapping unit of 1 hectare have been considered: (i) arable land, (ii) crop mosaic, (iii) vineyards, (iv) olive groves, (v) woodlands, (vi) pastures, (vii) water bodies and wetlands, (viii) impervious land, and (ix) urban parks.

‐ ‐

#### *2.3. Land-Use Indicators*

*‐* ‐ ‐ ‐ In this work, we used per-capita indicators as suggested by the United Nations [66] for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In particular, the 2030 Agenda strongly encourages the adoption of the indicator "relationship between land consumption and population growth". In addition, Italy has adopted this indicator in the annual report of soil consumption drawn up by ISPRA (Italian National Institute for Environmental Protection and Research, see Reference [65]). For each investigated year (1949, 1974, 1999, 2008, and 2016), a per-capita indicator of surface area by land-use class was constructed considering (i) the total extension (ha) of land devoted to a given class and (ii) the total population residing in the study area (municipalities of Rome and Fiumicino). Total population was derived from integration of population census data (conducted every 10 years in Italy on behalf of the National Statistical Institute, Istat) and results from the national population registry available for each country's municipality. Annual rates of change over time were also calculated separately for each time interval (1949–1974, 1974–1999, 1999–2008, and 2008–2016) and land-use class.

To summarize long-term land-use patterns and trends in the study area, a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was run on a matrix composed of two indicators' sets: (i) the relative proportion of the 9 classes (see above) by year (i.e., class area in total landscape, labelled with 'c') and (ii) per-capita surface area (ha) of each land-use class by year (labelled with 'p'). PCA is a multivariate exploratory technique aimed at analyzing two-way data matrices, inspecting the latent relationship among variables organized by rows and columns together. In our case, PCA provides delineates a dynamic representation of landuse change in the study area considering year-by-year class transformations by evaluating both landscape composition (class area) and land-use intensity (per-capita class area). The input matrix was constituted of 9 land-use classes (columns) and 2 indicators (percent class share in the total landscape and per-capita surface area by class) quantified at five years each (rows) and occupying ten rows. Components were extracted on the base of the absolute eigenvalue. Components with eigenvalue > 1 were regarded as significant and analyzed further for loadings and scores' structure. A biplot was realized with the aim of illustrating the statistical distribution of component loadings (land-use classes) and scores (indicators and years), evidencing the apparent linkages between land-use composition and landscape structure. This plot provided a refined and summary outlook of similarities and differences in landscape transformations across the study area.

#### **3. Results**

The study area has experienced land-use changes over time (Figure 3). Urban growth with sequential acceleration and deceleration waves has been associated with a moderate increase in the forest area. Landscape transformations have negatively impacted the traditional agricultural matrix that has contracted significantly. Urban fabric, initially compact and concentrated around the central city, has gradually expanded into rural areas occupying more than 30% of the surface area administered by Rome's municipality in 2016 and developing a spatially heterogeneous shape. Based on the landscape structure in 1949, the agricultural matrix formed a natural interface between urban areas and forests. In 2016, it was extremely fragmented, no longer acting as a buffer zone between settlements and woods, and now placed in close contact in most cases. These changes have transformed Rome's morphology, initially dense and organized mono-centrically around the historical town. During the study period, urban development progressively lost its radio-centric and additive character. In 2016, Rome's morphology was found more dispersed and spatially discontinuous. Taken together, these preliminary results highlight a transition from a compact form to a more dispersed and fragmented morphology common with other Mediterranean cities.

The long-term transformation of Rome's landscape (1949–2016) coincided with intense population growth in the study area (Figure 3). However, combining urban expansion and population growth rates, different rates of change were observed in the four sub-periods of investigation. The first period (1949–1974) was characterized by a sustained rate of urban expansion (about 4% per year) associated with an equally high rate of population growth (about 3% per year) and their ratio is about 1.5. This period reflects compact, dense, and radio-centric urbanization leveraged by demographic growth. The second time interval (1974–1999) delineated a massive urban expansion (about 3% per year) that did not correspond to a similar demographic trend, though, as the population grew very weakly with a ratio reaching the tremendous value of about 188. This period coincides with a phase of suburbanization, the result of which was the suburban expansion of low-density and spatially dispersed settlements in the metropolitan area. The largest mismatch between urban expansion and population growth was observed at this stage. The two subsequent periods (1999–2008 and 2008–2016) were rather similar, characterized by moderate urban growth in the face of modest demographic dynamics. In relative terms,

the mismatch between the two growth rates remained high with ratio values of about 6 and 3.5, respectively.

‐

**Figure 3.** Percent annual rate of growth (population: blue; settlements: orange) by time interval in Rome. Urban expansion includes impervious land and parks/gardens within the city.

‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ Considering the availability of different land-uses per-capita as an indicator of longterm transformations in urban, agricultural, and forest landscapes (Table 1), a substantial reduction in per-capita arable land was observed over time. Impervious lands (urban settlements) exhibit opposite dynamics similar to what has been observed for urban parks and gardens, a class physically associated with settlements and therefore dependent on their dynamics over time.

‐ ‐ ‐ **Table 1.** Per-capita surface area (hectares) by land-use class in Rome, 1949–2016.

Following a significant decrease in the first time interval (1949–1974), forests have exhibited slight increases in more recent periods. Despite the significant contraction of agricultural areas, the cropland mosaic has undergone an important spatial reorganization. Some agricultural systems exhibited a decrease (vineyards and pastures), while other classes exhibited a slight growth (olive groves). In every case, trends over time have been non-linear, highlighting a substantial heterogeneity that corresponds to very different

dynamics over space according to the different phases of urban expansion as better demonstrated in the following analysis. The empirical analysis of per-capita land-use change in the four phases of metropolitan development outlined above highlights different dynamics in the first two time periods, corresponding with two sequential stages of the urban cycle in Europe (urbanization–suburbanization). By contrast, land-use change rates are fairly homogeneous in the two most recent periods (Table 2). These periods represent a rather heterogeneous phase of the urban cycle that combines elements of counter-urbanization (slow but constant land consumption at progressively greater distances from urban centers) and re-urbanization (slow recovery of the population even in central areas). More specifically, urbanization in Rome (1949–1974) coincided with a significant contraction of the per-capita surfaces of almost all agricultural and forest land-use (except olive groves, pastures, and crop mosaics) in favor of urban settlements. In the context of suburbanization (1974–1999), a slower (per-capita) contraction of all agricultural land-use was observed in favor of both urban settlements and forests. In the face of a continuous growth of urban settlements, the natural landscape responded in a very different way in the most recent phases. Arable lands continued to decline significantly. This extensive use of agricultural land characteristic of the study area has constituted a stock of buildable area over the entire study period considering the modest value added.

**Table 2.** Percent change over time (annual rate) in the per-capita surface area by land-use class in Rome, 1949–2016.

The agricultural mosaic together with vineyards and olive groves demonstrated evident signs of recovery. This result is in line with a generalized fragmentation of rural spaces at the fringe. Expansion of tree crops coincided with the consolidation of agricultural mosaics, a highly fragmented landscape that retains important elements of naturalness. The future challenge for fragmented landscapes will be to preserve this type of land-use from further isolation, fragmentation, and degradation resulting from urban growth. On the contrary, pastures have undergone a slow but steady decrease in line with what has been observed for arable lands. In the Mediterranean, fringe pastures have traditionally represented a reservoir of land potentially buildable or convertible to other (economically more profitable) uses. From this perspective, the expansion of pastures in 1949–1974 confirms the massive urban pressure typical of that period when pastures, often representing a human-driven evolution of arable lands, were frequently regarded as a 'temporary' land use pending 'speculative' conversion to more profitable uses. In the subsequent periods, pastures mostly acted as the largest stock of land to be converted, sometimes along with arable land.

Based on the previous results, a PCA was developed to summarize the main transformations in fringe landscapes and compare the latent trends in terms of the total area and area per-capita for each land-use class (Figure 4). The PCA extracted two axes cumulatively explaining more than 90% of the total variance. Component 1 (71.9%) clearly discriminates the total dynamics (negative scores) from the per-capita land-use indicators (positive scores), differentially depicting trends in the agricultural landscape. In fact, arable lands are considered in opposition to other agricultural land uses. This result highlights how

the greatest transformations of the agricultural landscape in the study area concerned the arable lands, which have undergone a strong downsizing in per-capita terms. In contrast, all other uses of agricultural land have experienced much more modest changes. Component 2 (18.7%) demonstrates a marked similarity between urban settlements and forest areas, the two land uses that exhibited increases (more or less strong) during the survey period and to the detriment of agricultural areas. Component 2 also discriminates between earlier periods (p49 and p74) and more recent times (p99, p08, and p16), suggesting a substantial diversification in the three phases of urban development previously outlined (urbanization, suburbanization, and a mixed stage between counter-urbanization and latent re-urbanization).  Results of a Principal Component Analysis run on the matrix including percent rates of change in land-use and per-capita land-use in Rome, 1949–2016.

#### **4.  As far as built settlements are concerned, per-capita land-use indicators quantified the mismatch between urban expansion and population growth, outlining distinctive phases of the metropolitan cycle [67]. In the study area, this indicator has assumed profoundly different values in correspondence with (i) compact urbanization and (ii) low-density suburbanization, assuming intermediate values in the most recent period characterized by the coexistence of re-urbanization and counter-urbanization impulses. With regard to non-urban land-use, per-capita indicators provide an even more significant view; in the case of agricultural landscapes, the negative evolution of per-capita cropland indicated the impossibility to satisfy the growing (local) demand for fresh food. These contexts, however, were known for centuries for their specialization in primary production, which experienced a significant decline in the most recent decades [68]. Therefore, a recent analysis [69] argues that there is a need to focus more on the form and quality of urbanization processes rather than simply on the volume and speed of urbanization. Thus, the measure of the amounts of land in urban use and their spatial configuration remains crucial to provide useful information on anticipating future needs and to ensure an

adequate supply of public goods such as infrastructure, open spaces, and common facilities for urban expansion [70].

The multivariate analysis clearly indicates the long-term competition between landuse, highlighting the relationship between 'predators' (urban settlements and more recently forests) and 'prey' (arable land and more recently pastures). This interpretation, in line with earlier studies developed in the Mediterranean basin, highlights the substantial dichotomy between 'predators' with a competitive advantage (urban settlements) and more marginal actors (forests) that opportunistically occupy landscape niches left free from abandonment of agricultural land as a result of real estate speculation [70]. This dynamic is visible in marginal areas, while being occasionally observed at the fringe, for example in contexts where physical (e.g., steepness and accessibility) and/or regulatory (planning/zoning) constraints to building are more pronounced [71–73]. Simultaneously, our analysis establishes how agricultural landscapes do not experience homogeneous dynamics [74–76]. In the face of the originally dominant arable lands that systematically acted as a 'prey' between 1949–2016, other land-uses have consolidated their spatial distribution with a significant increase in per-capita surface area. Among these, per-capita increase in olive groves, a 'synanthropic' crop in the Mediterranean basin, appears very significant, having occupied peri-urban voids generated by a fragmented growth of low-density settlements [77,78]. The rapid suburbanization process during the 1960s, 1970s, and the following period became a dominant form of urban growth and mainly contributed to the spatial dispersion of urban centers towards the urban fringes. However, remarkably, the dispersal of the employment was slower than that of the city during this period, therefore the commuters' distances have increased. During 1980s and 1990s, settlement accesses have grown along road infrastructures, encouraging the emergence of new commercial, industrial, and leisure areas. The expansion of urban towards peripheries preying on more arable lands was fueled by the increase of car ownership, the expansion of transport infrastructure, and the emergence of new commercial and industrial areas that have served as new suburban job hubs [79]. The local context was at the base of landscape transformations, having land speculation, second homes, tourism development, and migration as characteristic roles in landscape changes at the fringe [80]. In these regards, socioeconomic factors have demonstrated to influence metropolitan growth in Rome. Assuming the relevance of a comparative analysis of land-use change over a sufficiently long term, a joint monitoring of landscape transformations and population supports sustainable development policies in metropolitan regions [79]. In comparison with northern, central, and western counterparts, southern European metropolises have experienced landscape fragmentation in a context of increasing ecological fragility. Urban sprawl has demonstrated to influence fringe landscapes with changes in the intimate structure of both agricultural and forest mosaics [81]. The intrinsic relationship between landscape transformations and different waves of urban expansion was also illustrated, distinguishing at least three developmental waves, namely urbanization, suburbanization, and a more mixed phase with impulses of counter-urbanization and re-urbanization. Per-capita indicators of land-use change clearly documented the complete unsustainability of recent urban expansion. The intrinsic mismatch between population growth and urban expansion enlarged in recent times, particularly evident during both suburbanization and the most recent developmental wave.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Comparative analysis delineating latent patterns and trends in land-use has recently benefited from indicators that assess the intrinsic mismatch between landscape transformations and population growth. Rising availability of high-resolution datasets supports such investigation, allowing for the construction of new indicators and refining empirical approaches to land-use science. An extensive use of per-capita land-use indicators will contribute to monitor the effectiveness of adopted policy measures and forecast possible future land-use changes in a spatial planning perspective. When evaluating long-term transformations of fringe landscapes, the empirical results of our study indicate the in-

creasing mismatch between settlement expansion and population growth that can be easily captured through the ratio between the two growth rates. This ratio goes from the value of just 1.5 for the period of 1949–1974 to the enormous peak of 188 in the time frame of 1974–1999, and then reaches the values of about 6 and 3.5 in the subsequent periods (1999– 2008 and 2008–2016, respectively). In combination, this developmental mode reveals all its traits of unsustainability, leading to landscape fragmentation and abnormal consumption of soil resources. Spatial planning (and primarily town master plans) should envisage practical action to contain the unavoidable effects of recent urban growth on the capacity of ecosystems to maintain a complete provision of services and goods in metropolitan region.

**Author Contributions:** Supervision, M.C.; project administration and funding acquisition, M.C.; conceptualization and writing—original draft preparation, A.S. and A.A.; writing—review and editing, S.C. and L.B.; software and data curation, S.C.; conceptualization, methodology, visualization, and supervision, G.E. and L.B.; writing—review and editing, V.I. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**

## **Forest Transition and Metropolitan Transformations in Developed Countries: Interpreting Apparent and Latent Dynamics with Local Regression Models**

**Leonardo Bianchini 1 , Rosanna Salvia 2 , Giovanni Quaranta 2 , Gianluca Egidi 1 , Luca Salvati 3,\* and Alvaro Marucci 1**

**Abstract:** Metropolitan fringes in Southern Europe preserve, under different territorial contexts, natural habitats, relict woodlands, and mixed agro-forest systems acting as a sink of biodiversity and ecosystem services in ecologically vulnerable landscapes. Clarifying territorial and socioeconomic processes that underlie land-use change in metropolitan regions is relevant for forest conservation policies. At the same time, long-term dynamics of fringe forests in the northern Mediterranean basin have been demonstrated to be rather mixed, with deforestation up to the 1950s and a subsequent recovery more evident in recent decades. The present study makes use of Forest Transition Theory (FTT) to examine spatial processes of forest loss and expansion in metropolitan Rome, Central Italy, through local regressions elaborating two diachronic land-use maps that span more than 80 years (1936–2018) representative of different socioeconomic and ecological conditions. Our study evaluates the turnaround from net forest area loss to net forest area gain, considering together the predictions of the FTT and those of the City Life Cycle (CLC) theory that provides a classical description of the functioning of metropolitan cycles. The empirical findings of our study document a moderate increase in forest cover depending on the forestation of previously abandoned cropland as a consequence of tighter levels of land protection. Natural and human-driven expansion of small and isolated forest nuclei along fringe land was demonstrated to fuel a polycentric expansion of woodlands. The results of a Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) reveal the importance of metropolitan growth in long-term forest expansion. Forest–urban dynamics reflect together settlement sprawl and increased forest disturbance. The contemporary expansion of fringe residential settlements and peri-urban forests into relict agricultural landscapes claims for a renewed land management that may reconnect town planning, reducing the intrinsic risks associated with fringe woodlands (e.g., wildfires) with environmental policies preserving the ecological functionality of diversified agro-forest systems.

**Keywords:** land-use change; metropolitan gradient; spatial econometrics; agricultural mechanization; Mediterranean

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

#### **1. Introduction**