a "universal world knowledge".⁴²¹ Through UNESCO, conservators naturalised this scientific practice of applying their expertise to non-Western regions. Like in Ethiopia, foreign experts named, classified and analysed heritage sites and monuments in African and Asian countries, undertook standardising efforts, drafted policies and legal recommendations, and developed management and master plans – in short, their influence in defining national heritage of the new nation-states was immense, especially on the institutional and administrative level.

During the 1960s, UNESCO manifested the scope of its internationalist conceptual underpinnings through operational projects in the developing world. The development paradigm, which was quickly gaining in relevance in the post-war and post-colonial world, caused a shift in UNESCO's role from an intellectual to an operational one, as it put the necessary funds into UNESCO's hands.

UNESCO provided not only the institutional framework to scale the discourse of a selection of sites of universal heritage toaglobal dimension, but more importantly, it practically provided territory to apply the programmes and ideas, through the programme of technical assistance and later the UNDP. The conceptual parallels of heritage-making and development included continuity, in many aspects, with colonialist efforts, that was characterised by a territorialising dimension. UNESCO's cultural and natural heritage activities have much in common with imperial mapping practices as defined by Matthew Edney: "Imperial mapping is that of territories and polities by peoples and interests removed – emotionally, morally, and spatially – from the territories and peoples mapped, who have relatively little say in how and why they are mapped."⁴²² The selection criteria and the technological aspects of heritage conservation included a variety of mapping practices, such as zoning and documentation, and supported the construction of an ownership-like affiliation of the international community, or UNESCO respectively, over the site in question. Rendering Ethiopian historical remains into the legal category of antiquities also established them as sites of national interest or, in the case of national parks, even national property. To understand the politicisation of Ethiopian heritage in the context of World Heritage, this aspect is essential. In Ethiopia, like in many other developing countries at the time, the conservation of natural and cultural heritage was installed as a state domain and utilised to pursue government interests.

Petzet, International Principles of Preservation, 11.

Matthew H. Edney, "The Irony of Imperial Mapping", in The Imperial Map: Cartography and the Mastery of Empire, ed. James R. Akerman (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009), 11–46, 45.

#### Land use conflicts arising from claims to heritage

Responding to the first call for nominations for the World Heritage site, Ethiopia submitted a selection that represented the dominating historical narrative of the "Great Tradition" of the Ethiopian empire. The submission is exemplary for the political role of heritage-making in Ethiopia in the years leading up to 1978. The ancient monumental sites—Aksum, Gondar and Lalibela—were major sites affiliated with the narrative of the ancient and medieval Ethiopian empire as well as with the Christian tradition. The high number of nominated sites are proof of a particularly vivid and pro-active engagement with heritage-making in Ethiopia during the 1970s. In a combined effort, the Ethiopian government agencies for cultural heritage and wildlife conservation had assembled a selection of sites that illustrates how the conservation efforts were targeted at sites that would integrate well with the overall goal of delivering a spatial and visual representation of Ethiopian national identity. When looking at all eleven of Ethiopia's submissions in 1978, and not only at the seven nominations that were successful in achieving World Heritage status, three of them were national parks. It is these parks in particular that reflect the strategic use of heritage-making and the dominance of the "Greater Ethiopia" image. The international acknowledgement acquired by achieving World Heritage status was supposed to sanction the establishment of large territories of government property in the name of natural conservation.⁴²³

The national parks, and in particular the Simien Park, due to its World Heritage status, demonstrate how heritage-making and the international claim on the land added pressure to the conflicts. International conservation experts deemed national parks to be the most appropriate instrument of wildlife conservation in Africa, as the concept was strictly top-down and necessitated complete government ownership of the protected territory in question. Rooted in a colonial and racialised understanding of African wildlife conservation, the protection of nature was underpinned by a racial distinction of "white" concern and "black" threat, or eco-racism.⁴²⁴ The establishment of national parks in African states continued in many cases the colonial practice of materialising governance over vast and undeveloped territories through conservation, a controlling mechanism that appealed to the political elites of the independent nations.⁴²⁵ The ex-

Blanc, Histoire environnementale, 81–83.

Ibid., 220; Jane Carruthers, "Africa: Histories, Ecologies and Societies", Environment and History 10, no. 4 (2004): 392–93, https://doi.org/10.3197/0967340042772649.

Blanc, Histoire environnementale, 35; "Akama, Africa's Tourism Industry", 143–44.

perts of IUCN, FAO and UNESCO, in accordance with international resolutions, insisted on the legal gazetting of the park as government property, and refused support or responsibility for territories not under appropriate control.⁴²⁶ This argumentation probably seemed favourable to the Ethiopian government, as it justified the demand to establish National Parks as national property, with direct government control. The location of other planned parks and protected zones, as shown on the maps in the 1973 guidebook "Safari Ethiopia", that was published by EWCO, demonstrate that installing national parks was also attempted in other politically relevant regions, in particular the South-Western border to Sudan.⁴²⁷

The history of territorial conflicts is highly relevant for the impact of heritage and the meaning of World Heritage for Ethiopia in the 1960s and '70s, as land use and ownership were such crucial and sensitive issues. The territorial claim to a "Greater Ethiopia" linked heritage-making with the internal political and military battles of the north-south conflict, and with reference to the official historical narrative, heritage turned into an instrument of land control in the hands of the government. Control over land held a critical relevance that fuelled the dynamics of heritage-making and its instrumentalisation.

The growing pressure on land use, arising from population growth and environmental crisis, presented key demands on the internal political and social conflicts. One attempt to defuse this explosive potential was the series of forced resettlement programmes initiated by the government. Under Haile Selassie I, resettlement occurred mainly as a punctual displacement of pastoral communities, because of large government-induced or approved infrastructure or agricultural developments. Yet already from 1966 onwards, large-scale resettlement schemes formed part of the development planning in Ethiopia. Introduced as a panacea for all development ailments, in a strategic colonisation effort, over ten thousand households had been resettled by the time of the revolution.⁴²⁸

Following the failed attempts to mitigate the severe drought and environmental crisis, resettlement was further instrumentalised and sanctioned on a national level as well as by the international community in the context of famine relief efforts. Between 1974–1986 over half a million people were moved, including a restructuring of existing social patterns and the dispersion of existing com-

Walter J. Lusigi and J.W. Thorsell, Action Strategy for Protected Areas in the Afrotropical Realm (Gland: IUCN, 1987), 34, https://portals.iucn.org/library/node/5886.

Map: Ethiopia's conservation and controlled hunting areas, in: Ethiopian Wildlife Conservation Organisation, Safari Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: EWCO, 1973).

Alula Pankhurst and François Piguet, Moving People in Ethiopia: Development, Displacement & the State (Oxford: James Currey, 2009), 7.

Figure 7: Ethiopian Wildlife Conservation Organisation. 1973. Safari Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: EWCO, Map 1.

munities, termed "villagisation". Beyond the proclaimed improvement of livelihood for Ethiopians affected by the drought, villagisation was an act that tried to create a consolidated path to stronger governance and state authority in all regions and areas of administration, as well as demonstrating independence and ability to both the nation and the international donors. The impact of villagisation was drastic for most affected and turned the existing problematic condition of land distribution, land use and livelihood, regional development and regional affiliation into an acute crisis where the geopolitical dimension of the crisis became more serious and sensitive than ever. Most communities and individuals suffered, especially socially and culturally, as a result of being broken up and isolated.⁴²⁹

Pankhurst and Piguet, 9–13.

Before the 1974 revolution, systems of land rights and land tenure had varied widely throughout Ethiopia, and the manifold nature of strong regional traditions and systems presented one of the biggest obstacles to forging centralised government control and a cohesive development politics in order to improve the livelihood of the weaker regions. After the revolution, all rural land was nationalised, and all traditional tenures abolished and replaced by a collective, government-controlled ownership structure with management of the land by peasant associations. While in the south of Ethiopia, the tenant farmers and landless peasants benefitted largely from this, at least in the first instance, the peasants and landowners of the north on the other hand largely opposed the loss of land-access and usage privileges. For them, this reform not only limited the control they had formerly held over their land, but more importantly also threatened the status and political power commonly linked to land ownership in the tenure-system of northern Ethiopia.⁴³⁰

The "territorialised identity"⁴³¹ of the highland communities in Ethiopia, and their system of land tenure that relied more on a concept of relationship and hierarchy than legally fixed property rights, made the installation of a national park as government property especially difficult in the highlands. At the same time, in the light of centralisation efforts, installing government-controlled protected zones or even the legal ability to seize the property of the park in favour of the state presented a highly interesting tool of governance and imperial expansion for Haile Selassie I. This also explains Haile Selassie I's openness towards a certain colonial-minded approach to natural conservation as championed by the former British-Kenyan game-warden John Blower and the UNESCO mission of Julian Huxley of 1963. Their recommendations supported an institutionalisation of natural and wildlife conservation as well as the selection of regions for conservation that were most likely to represent the symbolic power of the state over the various categories of natural realms.⁴³²

When in 1969 the Simien National Park was officially installed as one of the first Ethiopian national parks, more than half a million people inhabiting the area were renderedahuman interference threatening the existence of the park, as by definition, no human settlement was allowed in national parks.⁴³³ The WWF park wardens, IUCN and UNESCO experts, in particular a team of

Clapham, Transformation and Continuity, 46–48, 161–62.

Kjetil Tronvoll, War & the Politics of Identity in Ethiopia: Making Enemies & Allies in the Horn of Africa (Woodbridge, Suffolk; Rochester, NY: James Currey, 2009), 32.

Huxley et al., "The Conservation of Nature", 29; Blower, "Wildlife Conservation", 17–19. Blower, "Wildlife Conservation", 10 –11.

Swiss geographers and zoologists who served in all three of these functions (sometimes in parallel), undertook several attempts to balance out conservation requirements with a fair resettlement politics. Based on their scientific research, they analysed not only the environmental degradation, but also the living conditions and agricultural practices of the inhabitants of the Simien mountains. They emphasised the need for an approach that would integrate conservation and development planning.⁴³⁴ In the World Heritage nomination dossier for the Simien National Park, which was drafted by Hans Hurni, then WWF Park Warden and advisor to EWCO, this situation was elaborated in unusual length and detail (when compared with other proposals of the 1978 submission round). In the section describing the history of the park, the following paragraph was added:

The park was "planted" over existing human rights, the intention being to eliminate these rights at a later date. This was never accomplished; in fact the opposite has resulted in that over the past six years the influx of humans and their livestock has continued to the present. [The Swiss team] have supplied at their cost a succession of Swiss Co-Wardens and scientists over the past eight years and produced a detailed contoured map of 1:25.000 of the area. From this practical help, [they] hope to implement a project which, through practical demonstration of improved methods of agriculture, the people will be attracted out of the Park where their existence is extremely marginal, to a better mode of life in new outside areas.

In the section for the state of conservation, the final paragraph reads: "Work still required: of utmost importance is the fair and adequate resettlement of human inhabitants in areas outside the Park, then enforcing the law for the complete protection of the area."⁴³⁵ Their proposals, however, remained fruitless. Instead, the inhabitants were met with hostility and aggression, going as far as the Ethiopian military destroying several villages and forcefully expelling over 1,200 people from the park.⁴³⁶

Under the Derg government, the territory of the Simien National Park, situated at the northern edge of central Tigray, was a battleground in the fight between the Ethiopian army and the forces of the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPFL). The TPLF managed to hold control over the territory of the park

Bruno Messerli and Klaus Aerni, eds., Cartography and Its Application for Geographical and Ecological Problems., vol. 1, 2 vols, Geographica Bernensia, G 8 (Bern: Geographisches Institut der Universität Bern, 1978).

Simien National Park, Ethiopia, Nomination Form, date received 24.4.78, in UNESCO CLT/ WHC/NOM 11.

Blanc, Histoire environnementale, 69.

in the process of the ongoing civil war. However, they were not oblivious to the international interest in the park. In 1984, the TPLF Information Office in London sent an unsolicited letter to the Horn of Africa and Aden Council and to IUCN "to alleviate the worry of the [IUCN]" and stated:

The TPLF, as you know, is fighting for the right of self-determination for the peoples of Tigray, who, together with other peoples of Ethiopia have been denied basic human rights. The TPLF's policy with regards to conservation is simple, clear and unequivocal and states that the people have the responsibility to look after their natural resources, both plants and animals, land and water. As a result, no trees are felled or animals hunted without explicit permission from the people's own local administration. It is perhaps useful for the Union to be aware that local administration is in the hands of popularly elected councils in Tigray unlike the case with the Military dictatorship in the so-called socialist Ethiopia.⁴³⁷

Establishing the Simien Mountains as a national heritage site presented a threat to the larger part of the local population. All official actors involved, in particular the international experts, unanimously deemed it necessary to remove, if necessary by force, the people living within the confines of the park. Despite the demand for development schemes for the local peasants, in the correspondence between the international experts, the EWCO, UNESCO and IUCN, the park's human population was referred to as a "problem", endangering the integrity of the national park.⁴³⁸ International experts contributed with their work to the politicisation of heritage sites. Simien was already, in the early evaluations of international experts, considered one of the most endangered conservation areas because of poaching and the "encroaching cultivation" of the local population.⁴³⁹

For the several thousand inhabitants in the area, conservation activities resulted in forced resettlement. In addition, the restrictive ban on hunting, pasturage and agriculture in the park in effect withdrew the main means of livelihood from the region. From the first moment of international involvement, when the IUCN/FAO special project first identified the Simien Mountains as a potential national park, these restrictions were part and parcel of the concept for the park.⁴⁴⁰

Despite these demands expressed in reports and similar evaluation documents, and their far-reaching and sometimes violent repercussions, the experts involved in monitoring the park on the ground were concerned about the social

Letter from Girmay Asfaw to Louis Fitzgibbon, 23.5.1984 in UNESCO 502.7 A 101 WHC (63), pt. ii.

See the draft reports of Charles Rosetti and Ermias Bekele and the handwritten comments attached to them in UNESCO CLT/WHC/NOM 11.

Grimwood, "Conservation of Natural Resources", 6.

Blanc, Histoire environnementale, 164.

impact of the restrictions resulting from the establishment of the national park. Proposals for resettlement schemes that would include education opportunities, or proposals for a change of the delineation of the park boundaries to exclude a maximum number of inhabitants, were among those suggested by several experts.⁴⁴¹ The Swiss experts involved in the conservation of the park and the World Heritage Nomination process during the 1970s, geographer Hans Hurni and biologist Bernhard Nievergelt, initiated a Swiss-based, private "Pro-Simien Foundation" in order to install a boarding house in Debark, the major town of the Simien region, to enable the children of the local park wardens to visit the school in Debark.⁴⁴²

The relevance of World Heritage status for national heritage sites in Ethiopia shows that, from the beginning, the impact of World Heritage appeared to have manifold effects and ostensibly extended beyond conservation. National heritage, as part of the question of national identity, became more ideologically charged in a climate of fierce civil war and internal struggles. In the contested Ethiopian setting, the social implications of the question of national heritage and identity gave particular relevance to the role of establishing official national heritage. The involvement of an international organisation, UNESCO, inevitably tied international conservation efforts to national conflicts and necessitated a positioning of the international experts and policy implementation, voluntarily and involuntarily. Foreign experts contributed to the politicisation of heritage, since to deal with heritage the acquisition of a permit was mandatory. Any attempt of researchers or foreign journalists to remain neutral or unpolitical as regards heritage would not have been possible – neither in the imperial nor in the socialist periods of Ethiopian history.

Report Rosetti, Report Bekele in UNESCO WHC/NOM/11. Hans Hurni explained this to me in more detail during the interview I held with him on May 12, 2015 and how it resulted in the most recent re-drawing of boundaries for the park.

Messerli and Aerni, Cartography and Its Application for Geographical and Ecological Problems, 1: 7. See also the correspondence regarding the state of conservation and the Pro Simien Foundation in: UNESCO 502.7 A 101 WHC (63), pt. ii.

# "On the ground" of the international bureaucracy of Ethiopian World Heritage-making

#### Ethiopia and UNESCO: strategic cooperation in the Global Sixties

"Ethiopia decided join UNESCO instructions given ambassador London sign constitution sending him instruments acceptance for deposit – Akalework Habtewold, Minister of Education and Fine Arts".⁴⁴³ This telegram, arriving at UNESCO headquarters in Paris on May 26, 1955, confirmed Ethiopia's membership in the organisation. The confirmation had been anxiously anticipated and was met with a sigh of relief in the offices of the Director General Luther Evans as well as the department tasked with relationships with member states, as it had been preceded by three years of diplomatic efforts from UNESCO's side. Ethiopia was among those developing countries which UNESCO secretariat staff began to tour in the 1950s in order to win over the newly independent nations to UNES-CO's mission. Following a visit of an Ethiopian diplomat to UNESCO, the staff of the office of the Director General and the natural science department decided to move forward and "sell Unesco to Ethiopia, meaning to put together a concise overview of those parts of the programme that could be most interesting for Ethiopia and convince them to join UNESCO".⁴⁴⁴

There were good reasons why, among the developing countries, recruiting Ethiopia as a member state was a top priority for UNESCO during the 1950s. Ethiopia was considered a key location and state within the emerging UN landscape. As opposed to other developing countries in Africa and elsewhere, Ethiopia was not a newly founded nation undergoing a decolonisation process but one which had managed to stay clear from colonial domination for most of the time. During the period of Italian occupation, which lasted from 1935 to 1941, emperor Haile Selassie I secured Ethiopia's spot in the international community by appealing to the League of Nations for support. While his speech did little to impede Italian aggression, it earned Ethiopia a certain standing in international organisations, specifically in the UN, of which it eventually became one

Telegram from Akalework Habtewold to UNESCO, 26.5.1955, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i. "A la suite de la visite […] le Dr. Naidu m'a demandé de "vendre de l'Unesco" à l'Ethiopie, c.à.d. de lui préparer un topo sur les points du programme susceptibles d'interésser l'Ethiopie et de la faire adhéreral'Unesco", [sic](translation my own), note from DG after meeting with Dr. Naidu (BRX), 19.5.53, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i.

OpenAccess. © 2021 Marie Huber, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110681017-008

of the founding members in 1946.⁴⁴⁵ Cultivating contacts close to the evolving landscape of international organisations, in particular the UN, had been an important aspect of Ethiopian diplomacy and foreign politics. By the time that the international organisations commenced their operations in Africa, Ethiopia was able to look back at a history of good personal relationships with many of the agencies, and was therefore in a somewhat advantageous position.⁴⁴⁶ Ethiopia unquestionably played an influential role in the UN, as demonstrated by it holding one of the first African Group's seats in the UN Security Council from 1967–68 and the candidature of Lij Endalkachew Makonnen for the post of UN secretary general in 1971.⁴⁴⁷ This was paralleled by the government's proactive appearance within all the UN's special agencies. By 1954, Ethiopia had already been a member of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the FAO, the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO), the World Bank, the World Health Organisation (WHO), the Universal Postal Union (UPU), the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and several other international organisations, and the UNESCO secretariat did not intend to fall short in this regard.⁴⁴⁸ Being aware of its special position within the UN system, Ethiopian delegates to international organisations also understood themselves to be uniquely positioned as spokespeople for developing and African countries as a whole. Ethiopia, according to their own understanding, was predestined to act as a voice representing developing, and especially African, countries.⁴⁴⁹ Haile Selassie I's preexisting and prevalent relationship with the UN as well as the apparent political stability of Ethiopia compared to other African states at the time made Addis Ababa a preferred location for diplomatic activities. With the inauguration of the Africa Hall compound as the headquarters for the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) in Addis Ababa in 1961, Ethiopia's relevance to the UN system

Christopher S. Clapham, "The Era of Haile Selassie", in Understanding Contemporary Ethiopia: Monarchy, Revolution and the Legacy of Meles Zenawi, ed. Gérard Prunier and Éloi Ficquet (London: Hurst, 2015), 191–96.

Office of the Resident Representative of the UNDP, ed., The United Nations in Ethiopia 1951– 1966: An Account of Technical Assistance and Pre-Investment Activities Carried out by the United Nations and Its Specialized Agencies at the Request of the Ethiopian Government (Addis Ababa: Berhanenna Selam Printing Press, 1966), 5–7.

Haile Sellassie I University and Institute of Ethiopian Studies, A Good United Nations Man; Brief Background Notes on the Candidacy of Lij Endalkachew Makonnen (Addis Ababa: Central Print. Press, 1971).

Note from René Maheu to René Chevalier, 26.8.54, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i.

Haile Selassie I, "Address to the Ethiopian Parliament, November 2nd, 1958", Ethiopia Observer 3, no. 3 (1959): 68; Richard Pankhurst, "Ethiopia and the African Personality", Ethiopia Observer 3, no. 3 (1959): 70.

was given a material expression. Haile Selassie I's donation of the compound and several modern representative buildings designed for over three hundred UN employees, with offices and a conference hall, Africa Hall, was meant to demonstrate Ethiopia's capacities as both a regional and an international player. Equally important was Ethiopia's aspiration to take on a leading role in the Pan-African movement and other regional African liberation movements, resulting in the headquarters of the Organisation of African Unity being installed in Addis Ababa in 1963.⁴⁵⁰

The UN and most of the UN special agencies installed liaison offices within the compound, thereby cementing Ethiopia's position in diplomatic circles. To strengthen their ties with other UN agencies regarding project management and coordination, UNESCO also needed a permanent presence in Addis Ababa. The issues contained under the mandate of the UN specialised organisations presented urgent and obvious fields of action for the Ethiopian government, such as food and health and development funding and finances. From UN-ESCO's perspective, these engagements promised to directly contribute to solving some of the country's most urgent problems.⁴⁵¹ However, UNESCO struggled to convince the Ethiopian government of their point of view. Ethiopia's reluctance to accept the proposed aid may very well have been due to UNESCO's low standing in the organisation's early years.⁴⁵² In the official correspondence, the Ethiopian government's responses to the initial approaches for membership were very hesitant, questioning the possible benefits in comparison with the expected budget contribution. In response, UNESCO secretariat staff stressed in numerous attempts, by letter and during a personal visit, the areas of potential collaboration. Activities related to international conservation efforts were among the issues mentioned to the Ethiopian government in these letters and meetings. The protection of cultural goods in the case of armed conflict and the regulations for international archaeological excavations were explained, and the special interest Ethiopia might have in these issues was underlined, as well as the opportunity to participate in the drafting of conventions.⁴⁵³ They further emphasised the advantages for Ethiopia, which would include not only collaboration on the issues under UNESCO's mandate, education, science and culture, but also

N.N., "Economic Commission for Africa", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 9 (1958): 317; Balaṭa Balāčaw Yehun, Black Ethiopia: A Glimpse into African Diplomacy, 1956–1991, first edition (Los Angeles, CA: Tsehai Publishers & Distributors, 2014), 102–3.

Theodor C. P. Lilliefelt, "United Nation's Technical Assistance", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 9 (1958): 290–93.

Maurel, Histoire de l'UNESCO, 179–80.

Letter from Dr. Naidu, 20.5.53, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63), pt i.

the possibility of receiving assistance with them.⁴⁵⁴ Eventually, Ethiopia decided to join UNESCO when education was declared a political priority and UNESCO seemed like a promising channel to receive international support for the educational sector.⁴⁵⁵

Unfortunately, in their heavy promotion efforts of the potential technical and financial assistance, the secretariat staff was somewhat overselling UNESCO's capacities at the time. Since UNESCO membership had been advertised to the Ethiopian government with a focus on the possibility of receiving funding and assistance, immediately after attaining membership the Ethiopian government started applying extensively for assistance.⁴⁵⁶ Diplomatic tensions rose when most of these applications could not be approved due to budget limitations. Ethiopian delegates and government representatives were quick to express their disappointment with the amount of available assistance, which in their eyes appeared low in comparison with the funds available through other international organisations. UNESCO secretariat staff, upon visiting the country, found the organisation's purpose misunderstood. The approach of the Ethiopian government, taking UNESCO merely for another development-aid agency, was considered a "shocking" misconception by the delegation.⁴⁵⁷

Nonetheless, UNESCO could hardly afford to put further strain on their relationship with Ethiopia. As the organisation was able to provide more substantial development funds through the UNDP from the 1960s onward, Ethiopia was built up as a model country for development cooperation. The secretariat's longstanding plans for UNESCO to have a permanent physical presence in Addis Ababa eventually bore fruit when a general liaison officer post and a regional social science field office were opened in Addis Ababa at the beginning of the 1960s. Field offices like the one in Addis Ababa were meant to balance out global disadvantages by providing "assistance for researchers working in all regions remote from the main centres of scientific and technical activity, in particular by establishing contacts with colleagues in countries in those regions and providing them with the information and documentation they lacked",⁴⁵⁸ reflecting the view of the

Note from André de Blonay to Camille Aboussouan, 1.7.1952, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i.

Letter from René Maheu to Akalework Habtewold, 5.7.1955, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i. Especially in the educational sector, by far the largest area of collaboration and activity between UNESCO and Ethiopia, numerous requests were submitted; letter from Malcolm Adiseshiah to Roger Barnes, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. i.

Report of a visit to Addis by Dr. Adiseshiah in 8/1958, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63), pt. i.

Michel Conil-Lacoste, The Story of a Grand Design: UNESCO 1946–1993, People, Events, and Achievements (Paris: UNESCO, 1994), 35.

UNESCO secretariat that the organisation was to strengthen its position, outreach and possibilities for cooperation, specifically in developing countries.

During the first UN Development Decade UNESCO expanded through operationalisation, as an unprecedented amount of funds to conduct projects became available through the paradigmatic shift of the UN.⁴⁵⁹ UNESCO had two operational programmes related to development, the Participation Programme and the Technical Assistance programme. With these two development programmes in place, UNESCO gained notably in relevance and, more importantly, in publicity and visibility.

UNESCO's Participation Programme or "Programme of Activities of Member States" was developed as a means to give assistance to member states, complementary to the planned activities foreseen in the regular budget. According to the original agreement, assistance through the Participation Programme was neither limited to developing countries nor tied to the development paradigm, but to the overarching objectives of UNESCO. Over time however, the Participation Programme became a de facto development aid programme on a small scale. Within the twenty years after its inception in 1955, the programme gained enormously in scope and demand. A twofold increase in member states to UNESCO was accompanied by a twenty-fold increase in the total amount of requests submitted. This is easily explained by the fact that most of the new member states were former colonies. In terms of geographic distribution, the highest amount of funding was allocated to African countries since the highest number of requests also came from them.⁴⁶⁰

Corresponding with the technical assistance programme of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), UNESCO started its first explicit development activities in 1950. In the following years, numerous experts and consultants were assigned to provide technical assistance to member states upon their request, usually for short-term missions of only a few weeks.⁴⁶¹ The main areas for requested assistance were in education, especially literacy and science. In 1966, UNESCO was made a designated executive agency for the UNDP and was allocated a sizeable budget through which it could start largerscale development projects.⁴⁶² Through this association with the UNDP during

Maurel, Histoire de l'UNESCO, 290.

Peter I. Hajnal, Guide to UNESCO (London: Oceana, 1983), 103–9; N.N., The Participation Programme of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: Why, What, How (Paris: UNESCO, 1978), 13.

Fernando Valderrama Martínez, A History of UNESCO (Paris: UNESCO, 1995), 67; for 1954, he lists one hundred and twenty-five missions to thirty-six countries, 98.

Conil-Lacoste, The Story of a Grand Design, 49.

the first UN development decade as well as through the new emphasis on development in the Participation Programme, activities in developing countries offered ample opportunities for UNESCO to apply its operations and expertise in a territory much larger than in the years up to then. Having only recently gained their independence, most of these countries were also new members of the UN system. For many developing countries, this meant that during the 1960s and 1970s assistance and aid spiked in the educational, scientific and cultural sectors.⁴⁶³ Effectively, with the developing countries' growing requests and the funds at UNESCO's disposal to respond to them, UNESCO transformed itself broadly speaking, from an intellectual to an operational organisation.

#### Ethiopia as a voice for developing and African countries in UNESCO

In many ways, Ethiopia acted as a role model for African and, more generally, developing countries on the international stage during the development decade. Influential Ethiopian personalities provided input to UNESCO's programme in the organisation's General Assembly. Based on their experiences in development cooperation and Ethiopia's special political status as Africa's only non-colonised nation, they pushed for changes in the general structure of the organisation as well as in individual programme areas of UNESCO while also making valuable contributions to a number of policies and programmes within UNESCO. Not long after Ethiopia formally joined UNESCO as a member state, Akalework Habtewold, former Ethiopian Ambassador to France and then Minister of Education and Fine Arts, and later Minister of Justice in the imperial government, would become the first African President of the UNESCO General Assembly from 1960 –1962.⁴⁶⁴ He functioned as head of the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO and the Ethiopian delegation to UNESCO, both roles installed within the government by legal proclamation in 1964, and filled with a rank of government officials, mainly from the Ministry of Education.⁴⁶⁵

The day-to-day operations at UNESCO Headquarters during the period 1960 –1980 illustrate how the working reality of UNESCO as a predominantly European institution might have fostered an urgent need for representation by the

Rist, History of Development, 88–90; Murphy, The United Nations Development Programme, 85–88.

Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO, UNESCO in Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press, n.d.), 14.

Bulletin of the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO, May 1969, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) NC.

first African personalities in UNESCO. Despite the strong representation of Ethiopia in the programme activities and meetings, there were not many Ethiopians among the staff of UNESCO, and repeated attempts by the Ethiopian Delegation to amend this situation were declined by the secretariat on several occasions. The secretariat justified this by claiming a lack of competence on the candidates' side or the unavailability of suitable positions.⁴⁶⁶

Ethiopian delegates at the time argued that the cause of the general structural imbalance in the UN system was the inappropriately marginal position of African countries in particular. To this end the Ethiopian delegation to UNESCO, declaratively speaking on behalf of the group of developing countries, acted at the forefront in promoting more UNESCO regional centres and field offices to be installed so as to enable quicker communication.

The opening of regional offices, and the decentralisation of UNESCO's administration and operations, was expected to lessen the burden on the UNESCO headquarters in Paris over time, according to the Ethiopian position. Based on their experiences through the numerous assistance projects, the Ethiopian delegation had, for several years, advocated a decentralisation of UNESCO and an increase in the number of regional offices and centres to balance out the inefficiency of many of UNESCO's actions in developing countries that often required "constant and close follow-up" and "quick on the spot action based on adequate experience and knowledge of the area".⁴⁶⁷ With their new field office in Ethiopia, UNESCO had finally gained a foothold on the African continent which was to become of the greatest strategic importance to its operations.

#### Foreign expertise and financial aid for Ethiopian state modernisation and diplomacy

After the emperor's return from exile in 1941, foreign expertise remained vital to rebuild the government in Ethiopia. The genesis of the Ethiopian institutional landscape during the 1960s and 70s was characterised by aggravating political and social conflicts. During this time frame, Ethiopia underwent a process of state transformation and centralisation of state power. In the end, the government of Emperor Haile Selassie I failed, along with his attempts to bring all op-

There are several items of correspondence and internal notes regarding the subject matter in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63), pt. ii; the justifications for not employing Ethiopian nationals in the UNESCO secretariat appear vague and worthy of further investigation from today's viewpoint. H.E. Mr. Seifu Mahteme Selassie's speech to the 16th Session of the General Conference 1970, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. vi.

posing political forces in the country under his leadership, and the imperial government was overturned by a socialist revolution in 1974. Existing systems of land tenure and administration were gradually but forcefully replaced by a bureaucratic state organisation, under both the imperial and the socialist governments, despite obvious differences between both forms of government. Many political and intellectual figures became victims of the purging efforts, the "Red Terror" years after the revolution. Still, a continuity existed in terms of institutions that were built up, and in terms of a large-scale restructuring of political and economic resources in favour of a new ruling class that emerged in Addis Ababa. Territorial conflicts in the region led to a further centralisation of power and an aggressively nationalist agenda emerged to maintain what was nonetheless a frail political unity.⁴⁶⁸ Faced with an extreme skills shortage in the country, the Ethiopian government had a growing need of foreign expertise in the face of ongoing processes of transformation. The impetus to expand institutional bureaucracy was difficult to put in practice, and the few Ethiopian civil servants and politicians who had received adequate training, or had obtained their degrees from European or American universities, were facing workloads and demands on them for expertise that were increasingly difficult to handle.

However, it was not just internal rebuilding and modernisation efforts that were difficult to carry out. In their bureaucratic analysis of international organisations, Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore explain how the expansion of international organisations led to new demands for creating institutions and implementing norms and policies. Like in many developing countries, in Ethiopia the knowledge and skills necessary to build up a functional bureaucratic state infrastructure became more and more dependent on foreign funds and on foreign expertise.⁴⁶⁹ Initially, establishing collaboration with UNESCO on a practical level was difficult for Ethiopian government agencies. The main challenge was to provide appropriate counterparts in government functions for actual contact with specific divisions of the UNESCO secretariat and a national commission for UNESCO, as required by the organisation to effectively implement the assistance projects. The staff assigned to form an advisory committee in order to prepare the National Commission expressed regularly how overwhelmed they were

See the more detailed analysis in ch. 4; works with a particular focus on the institutional development of the Ethiopian government include: Christopher S Clapham, Haile-Selassie's Government (New York: Praeger, 1969); Clapham, Transformation and Continuity; Perham, The Government of Ethiopia; Bahru Zewde, A History.

Barnett and Finnemore, Rules for the World, 8, 9, 34.

with their workload.⁴⁷⁰ After more than ten years, the advisory committee was eventually transformed into a National Commission for UNESCO in 1967, strengthening the collaboration in ongoing projects as well as advancing the matter of the visit of UNESCO's DG René Maheu.⁴⁷¹

Specialised knowledge and manpower were lacking in particular in those areas that saw a rapid technological modernisation during the 1950s and 1960s, such as communication, printing, publishing, or archiving. It was difficult to meet the basic requirements for an international organisation to function either because supplies were not available or equipment was too expensive. For example, the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO had to request equipment and stationary supplies from UNESCO itself.⁴⁷² Even basic office staff were not always available—in 1967 the UNESCO chief of mission had to handwrite all of his correspondence for a period of several months, as there was "not a single stenographer" in the entire Ministry of Education to support him.⁴⁷³ How difficult the lack of materials and equipment made it for the institutions to operate reveals a closer look at the day-to-day project management of the heritage conservation projects: often, material and equipment bought for individual projects could not be maintained adequately or be replaced when outdated. The Centre for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage (CRCCH), for example, was entrusted with the inventory and documentation of movable and immovable cultural heritage. As such, it had a photograph section which served both as a documentation centre and as a source of information for educational and research activities. This section was supposed to play an important role in the promotional activities planned in connection with an international UNESCO campaign to preserve the monuments and sites of Ethiopia. When approaching the planning stage of the campaign, the equipment was deemed to be too old and thus inadequate to meet the demands for its services.⁴⁷⁴ The difficulty of the work of the photography division can be illustrated by noting that no colour film or adequate processing was available in Ethiopia at that time. Through the international conservation projects under UNESCO and UNDP, the necessary means to obtain the material were available in theory. Yet, with the project account only allowed to

The establishment of the National Commission is easy to trace in the correspondence in UNESCO X07.21 (63) NC.

Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO, UNESCO in Ethiopia, 15.

Request for equipment and stationary supplies, 29.12.1983, in: UNESCO BRX AFR 4.

Letter from Mr. Green to Mr. Terenzio, no date, UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. iii.

Request for inventory of immovable and movable cultural heritage (provision of equipment), December 29, 1983, in: UNESCO BRX AFR 4.

operate in Ethiopian dollars, ordering material from overseas was also out of question.⁴⁷⁵

In addition to the lack of support staff, equipment and office supplies, for many Ethiopian officials dealing with UNESCO, it was impossible to acquire a closer personal experience of large parts of UNESCO's activities and practical work routine as the Ethiopian government wasn't able to fund them to go on study tours to other countries or international organisations. This held true even for those who were employed directly by the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO. The Ethiopian government regularly submitted requests to the Participation Programme to enable the government agencies to better collaborate with UNESCO and other international organisations. Among the aid requests was an international study grant for the Secretary General of the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO "to study the experiences in the different Sectors and Divisions of UNESCO on project preparation, monitoring and evaluation"⁴⁷⁶ and a grant for financial support for the building of a public library and documentation centre for UN-related issues in the offices of the Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO.⁴⁷⁷

The challenges developing countries such as Ethiopia were facing in the emerging UN Development and Assistance bureaucracy were far from unknown to the UNESCO secretariat. In fact, to establish the various UNESCO programmes of assistance, UNESCO's civil servants were supposed to offer guidance and, where appropriate, "stimulate" requests, i.e. point out programmes and possibilities of interest to a national delegation, propose a request and offer support for submission. UNESCO divisions then offered help to review the submitted requests so as to ensure their approval, and would often hand back a request with detailed instruction about how to rewrite the request and redefine the goal towards this end.⁴⁷⁸ This was deemed necessary not only to maintain the correct bureaucratic procedure but also to ensure the use of funds provided within the allocated time.

Note from E. Olsen to Mr. D. Lindowski (Field Equipment and Subcontracting Division of UNESCO), 22.5.1978, in UNESCO 069:72 (63) UNDP, pt. vi.

Letter from Abdulmenan Ahmed to J. Kabore, 9.1.1984, in: UNESCO BRX AFR 4.

Participation Programme request from December 29, 1983, to be considered in 1984, in: UNESCO BRX AFR 4.

See for example the offer to assist in further requests for the ETH 74/14 project, containing detailed instructions on the correct order of steps and authorities to involve on the Ethiopian side in the letter from A. Pasquali to Tesfaye Shewaye, concerning the progress of the campaign planning, 20.1.1981, in: UNESCO 069 (63) AMS.

That Ethiopia lacked a skilled workforce can partly be explained by the fact that the country's first university, Haile Selassie I University, renamed Addis Ababa University in 1974, was not opened until 1950. The same period also brought reforms to the existing system of secular secondary education as a part of Haile Selassie I's development plans. Before the educational reform politics of the 1950s, secondary education was mainly provided by religious institutions. For example, in 1958 there were altogether not more than twenty-two secondary schools in Ethiopia, including the British and French Schools, which were meant to satisfy the needs of international experts and diplomats as well as the Ethiopian upper class.⁴⁷⁹ The introduction and development of higher and secondary education was planned by Western education experts who took their inspiration from Western schools. Classes were given exclusively in English. In the beginning, experts in higher education, mainly from Canada, managed a staff of largely European and American professors and lecturers who taught arts and humanities, natural sciences, engineering, economics, and law to primary cohorts of a few hundred students in total.⁴⁸⁰ In these first years, the number of Ethiopian students studying abroad, as part of the overseas study programme of the imperial government, was still exceeding the number of domestic students by more than 60%. However, by 1960, that is after ten years, the number of students at Haile Selassie I University had grown significantly, and by 1968 more than four thousand students were enrolled at the university in Addis, as opposed to two thousand students studying abroad.⁴⁸¹

Under these circumstances during the 1950s and 1960s, it seemed untenable to produce the amount of skilled workforce in Ethiopia that was needed to amend the skills shortage in the country. The Ethiopian state administrative infrastructure continued to depend on foreign experts and Ethiopian nationals who had received overseas training which remained a privilege of the upper classes despite the instituted overseas studies programme. Only a few Ethiopians had the financial means to pay not only for their offspring's studies at a foreign university but also for secondary level education at one of the European private schools in Addis Ababa.

N.N., "The University College of Addis Ababa (Editorial)", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 6 (1958): 195–213; Sylvia Pankhurst, "Education in Ethiopia: Secondary Education", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 5 (1958): 162–64.

Balsvik, Haile Selassie's Students, 21–31; N.N., "The University College of Addis Ababa (Editorial)", 196.

N.N., "Ethiopian Overseas Study", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 6 (1958): 222; Teshome G. Wagaw, "Access to Haile Selassie I University", Ethiopia Observer 19, no. 1 (1971): 39.

In this context, foreign expertise was indispensable to the state so as to cover even basic bureaucratic functionality and state responsibilities.⁴⁸² For example, according to the general statistics published by the Ministry of Education for 1951/1953, seventeen hundred and fifty-five Ethiopian employees are listed for the Ministry of Education and two hundred and thirty-three foreign employees. These figures did not, however, include schoolteachers, many of whom were foreigners, with some being drafted from the ranks of the Peace Corps.⁴⁸³

To lay the foundation of national expertise across all sectors of the government and bureaucratic infrastructure, foreign advisors were hired to serve in institutions across all branches of the Ethiopian government. To achieve their goal of capacity building, cooperation and agreements with international organisations or on a bilateral basis were sought after by the Ethiopian government in a wide variety of fields.When analysing the governmental and political development of Ethiopia during the 1960s and 1970s, foreign experts and consultants need to be considered as an important group of actors.⁴⁸⁴ The number of foreign actors involved in knowledge production and distribution steadily increased as a result of politically strategic efforts. The majority of development investment and assistance was sourced through bilateral cooperation, e. g. through the American Point Four Program or through British and Swedish development aid to Ethiopia.⁴⁸⁵ In her analysis of the Ethiopian government, written in the 50s, Margery Perham first interpreted this as a continuation of the politics of Menelik II to use the presence of foreign advisers to the government as a central institution and as a means to strengthen the monarch's power against the provincial leaders and national political elites through these international ties.⁴⁸⁶ Later researchers of Ethiopian development politics and diplomacy also came to the same conclusion, that Ethiopia's strong African and international standing strengthened Ethiopian internal political stability and the central government's power.⁴⁸⁷

N.C. Angus, "The Imperial Ethiopian Institute of Public Administration", Ethiopia Observer 2, no. 9 (1958): 312–15.

Ethiopia, Ministry of Education, ed., Year Book (Addis Ababa, 1950), 208.

Anne-Marie Jacomy-Millette, "Anatomie d'un pays en voie de développement à la lumière de ses engagements internationaux: le cas de l'Éthiopie", Revue générale de droit international public 4 (1974): 1026–36; Clapham, Pausewang, and Milkias, "Government", 103–7.

Harold G. Marcus, "Haile Selassie's Development Policies and Views, 1916–1960", in Études Éthiopiennes, Vol. I. Actes de La Xe Conférence Internationale Des Études Éthiopiennes, Paris, 24–28 Aout 1988, ed. Claude Lepage, vol. 1 (Paris: Publications de la Société Française pour les Études Éthiopiennes, 1994), 646.

Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, 92–95.

Clapham, Christopher. "Ethiopian development: The politics of emulation". Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 44, no. 1 (1. März 2006): 137–50, https://doi.org/10.1080/

Haile Selassie I had approached the presence of foreigners in Ethiopia in general as a strategic element in both his national and foreign policy scheme, in order to strengthen his internal political position.⁴⁸⁸ Collaborating with foreign expertise and establishing a close-knit relationship with the community of foreigners was supposed to silence development plans proposed by members of the constitutional assembly in Ethiopia and to demonstrate his status and power.⁴⁸⁹

In a similar manner, Haile Selassie I used the international organisations to obtain financial and expert assistance for Ethiopia. The effort to transform the Ethiopian empire into a constitutional monarchy with a bureaucratic apparatus was linked productively with the expansion and increasing operationalisation of international organisations during the 1960s and 1970s. International organisations, their expertise, and their assistance programmes were part and parcel of the expansion of the bureaucratic infrastructure in Ethiopia. In this regard, the option of being a member of UNESCO became of interest as soon as it was clear that it would promise the Ethiopian government further access to funds and expertise, in fields of which were considered somewhat foundational for state-building. In all their efforts and statements the Ethiopian delegates stressed that their guiding principle with regard to Ethiopia's membership in UNESCO was in "education and science, because these two areas constitute the primary foundation for development."⁴⁹⁰ Requesting financial and technical assistance to foster economic development was an obvious incentive for Ethiopia to join the UN system. External aid had a strategically important place in Ethiopian state development, and membership in international organisations opened up new possibilities to expand this strategy.⁴⁹¹ The numerous requests which Ethiopia submitted to UNESCO illustrate how the Ethiopian government agencies readily slotted the funding available through UNESCO's programmes into existing or newly created vacant places in the administration which domestic resources couldn't sufficiently cover.⁴⁹²

<sup>14662040600624536;</sup> Puddu, Luca, und Emmanuele Fantini, "Ethiopia and International Aid: Development between High Modernism and Exceptional Measures", in Aid and Authoritarianism in Africa: Development without Democracy, herausgegeben von Tobias Hagmann und Filip Reyntjens, 91–118 (London; Uppsala: Zed Books; Nordiska Afrikainstutet, 2016).

Viveca Halldin Norberg, Swedes in Haile Selassie's Ethiopia, 1924–1952: A Study in Early Development Co-Operation (Stockholm: Almqvist och Wiksell, 1977); Clapham, Haile-Selassie's Government, 18–19.

Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, 1.

H.E. Mr. Seifu Mahteme Selassie's speech to the 16th Session of the General Conference 1970, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. vi.

Clapham, Transformation and Continuity, 220 –21.

See ch. 2.

The efficient and strategic use of UNESCO experts as a resource for Ethiopian state-building becomes evident when taking a closer look at the high number of requests that the Ethiopian government submitted to UNESCO's Participation Programme and other programmes in all sectors in the 1970s: education, science, social sciences, human sciences and culture, and communication.⁴⁹³ These numbers illustrate the density of foreign aid through UNESCO to Ethiopia during this period: between 1968 and 1970 alone, forty-two UNESCO missions took place in Ethiopia, among them four major projects, financed by UNDP and executed by UNESCO. Between 1950 and 1971, 101 UNESCO fellowships were awarded. The main fields of assistance were indeed education and science. Other fields included heritage conservation and communication.⁴⁹⁴ Statistics show that the general amount of technical assistance to Ethiopia rose to over 35 Million USD per year until 1972.⁴⁹⁵ Technical infrastructure, education, economic development, natural and agricultural resources, and health were the key areas of the overall development cooperation and technical assistance. Cultural politics and heritagemaking were also established in this context. In all these areas, foreign expertise was key to the institutionalisation and establishment of the relevant bureaucracy.

A diplomatic visit by the Director General René Maheu in 1968, which included several formal and ceremonial meetings with the Emperor Haile Selassie I, further strengthened the ties between Ethiopia and UNESCO. In the resulting aide memoire of 1971 UNESCO pledged further assistance to Ethiopia in exchange for Ethiopia promising to implement a number of structural reforms laid out in UNESCO's programme.⁴⁹⁶ Maheu's visit to Ethiopia demonstrated how from the beginning the relationship between Ethiopia and UNESCO surpassed the status of a routine diplomatic effort. Instead, the relationship is exemplary for the com-

Examples include requests for: Assistance for Amharic Language study, Equipment for Recording, Assistance for Organisation of Pan-African Pre-History Congress, Assistance to Organise Congress of Ethiopian Studies, Fellowship in Archives, Fellowship in Mass Media Education, Workshop on Book Development; Letter of approval of requests, 7.5.71, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) A 136.

Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO, UNESCO in Ethiopia, 18.

This figure is excluding assistance to defence, not counting the very large number of fellowships financed from external sources and not including contributions by small donors such as religious and other voluntary organisations, which were presumed to be large but not assessable; UNDP, "Report on Development Assistance to Ethiopia in 1972 – Prepared by the Resident Representative of the UNDP in Ethiopia," i (1972).

Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO, UNESCO in Ethiopia – Prepared by the Ethiopian National Commission for Unesco on the Occasion of Unesco's 25th Anniversary (Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press, 1971), 15.

plexity and degree of entanglement between the work of international civil servants and government institutions, permeating the UN system from the start.⁴⁹⁷ The common need of both incoming international experts and the emerging Ethiopian bureaucracy was to increase their operational power. These efforts were similar to the "self-empowerment" strategies Rosemary O'Leary has observed for US environmental governance. I argue that her observations on the importance of mid-level career bureaucrats in policy implementation and the "bureaucratic politics behind the legislation"⁴⁹⁸ are just as relevant for international organisations. The working climate between UNESCO headquarters, the UNESCO and UNDP regional and field offices as well as the Ethiopian government remained productive and largely uninterrupted throughout the revolutionary decade, primarily because of strong diplomatic ties, a sort of mutual strategic dependence on operational works to be carried out and the availability of international development funds.

#### Ethiopian personalities in UNESCO

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Ethiopian-UNESCO relations were fruitfully extensive. In the field of heritage-related activities as in other areas, this was not only because of the organisational transformations, but also due to influential and proactive individuals. One of them was Akalework Habtewold, the Minister of Education from 1967–1969, who had also acted as the first African President of UNESCO's General Assembly from 1960 –1962 and issued the first assistance requests regarding wildlife conservation. The other was Aklilu Habte, an Ethiopian education scientist who was appointed a member of the initial Ethiopian National Commission for UNESCO before being promoted to president of Addis Ababa University. He proved to be a very responsive contact in Addis Ababa's scientific community according to the general correspondence between UNESCO's regional office and headquarters.⁴⁹⁹ Aklilu's affinity to UNESCO's programme and organisational bureaucratic structure alike was complemented by an exceptionally friendly relationship with all UNESCO officers. This relationship stands out in the correspondence as a key element, resulting in a period of efficiently initiated UNESCO projects and missions as well as the adaptation of numerous UNESCO

Hadwen and Kaufmann, United Nations Decision Making, 9, 64.

O'Leary, "The Bureaucratic Politics Paradox", 1.

Memo from Alan Elliott to Director BMS, 11.4.1968, UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. iv; Briefing for the Director-General, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. iv.

programmes and activities in the early 1970s. Aklilu Habte's reputation within the international organisation was most prominently conveyed when Director General Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow invited him to a strategic roundtable about UN-ESCO's future in 1975.⁵⁰⁰

Aklilu Habte also served as the Chairman of the International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa and the first meeting of this committee was hosted by Ethiopia in 1971.⁵⁰¹ The project for a General History of Africa originated in a motion towards "The Rediscovery of Africa"⁵⁰² in the wake of decolonisation, necessitating "a factual reappraisal of the African Past" as opposed to the dominating colonial narrative of Africa as a place without history, one supposedly lacking signs of past civilisations such as political and social institutions of relevance. The project encompassed eight volumes, each dedicated to a different historical period. Remarkably, this new periodisation defined the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 as a decisive moment in African history, putting it at the beginning of the last volume that was dedicated to the period leading up to the time of publication in 1993.⁵⁰³

Ethiopia's commitment to this project was a sign that, despite the relevance of UNESCO as an additional source for technical and financial assistance, there can be no doubt that key figures, such as Aklilu Habte, were thoroughly invested in the idea of UNESCO on a more conceptual and discursive level. Emancipating African heritage and history and the Pan-African idea in order to manifest identity and power in the new global order were of specific importance, and strategically employed by the Ethiopian government to support the historical narrative of Ethiopia as one of Africa's strongest and oldest countries. Aklilu Habte was assigned Minister of Culture in early 1975.⁵⁰⁴ His personality was the reason why during his tenure the collaboration between UNESCO and the Ethiopian government would be more fruitful than ever before or after. It was a prolific period for Ethiopian cultural institutions in general and for heritage-making in particular.

Letter form M'Bow to Aklilu Habte, 14.3.75, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. vii.

H.E. Mr. Seifu Mahteme Selassie's speech to the 16th Session of the General Conference 1970, no date, in: UNESCO X 07.21 (63) pt. vi.; UNESCO in Ethiopia, 14, 15.

Title of the UNESCO Courier issue in October 1959.

Teshale Tibebu, The Making of Modern Ethiopia, xv.

N.N., "Changing Relationships in International Co-Operation: An Interview with Aklilu Habte", Prospects 5, no. 1 (March 1975): 12, https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02220203.

#### Ethiopia: model country for heritage development projects

Ethiopia's relations with UNESCO and the implementation of the World Heritage Convention and the preceding conservation programmes need to be understood in the context of the strategic use of foreign resources through the government and in light of the personal relationships that were explained above. Several aspects of the relationship between Ethiopia and UNESCO during the 1950s, 60s and 70s are relevant to the general history of the World Heritage Programme.

Addis Ababa, the new African diplomatic hub for UN-agencies, facilitated a kind of accessibility between Ethiopian government institutions, foreign research experts and UNESCO and UNDP officers that would prove crucial to the intense cooperation between UNESCO and Ethiopia during the 1960s and 1970s in general. The strategic relevance of the Ethiopian-UNESCO relationship and the productive work rate between them functioned to set the general tone for over a decade of extensive UNESCO activity in Ethiopia starting with the organisation's operationalisation phase in 1965, during which the field of heritagemaking would reap extraordinary benefits from the available assistance projects.

An analysis of reports for cultural heritage-related missions in the database of the UNESCO library and archives shows the global scale of UNESCO activities in heritage-making that preceded the World Heritage convention. 162 consultants' reports document shorter missions and larger projects in a number of developing countries until 1980. The activities were similar to those undertaken in Ethiopia: museums and concrete preservation projects, touristic exploitation of cultural monuments for development purposes, suggestions for bureaucratic and legal institutions, proposals for larger programmes and long-term developments. In comparison, the South American countries of Brazil and Mexico, the Middle Eastern countries Iran and Yemen and the North African countries Tunisia and Morocco were most actively engaged, with a large number and a wide range of projects. African countries south of the Sahara, however, were barely represented in this period. Only Senegal and Nigeria received two missions each, and Sudan one.⁵⁰⁵ Without knowing the circumstances of the cooperation in more detail it can't be stated with absolute certainty, but the situation in Ethiopia seems to stand out among other African countries. The correspondence and documentation of the Ethiopian projects certainly gives that impression.

Admittedly, the analysis as well as the result were only tentative; in advanced search mode on https://unesdoc.unesco.org, I searched for "words from record: heritage" and selected "UNESCO" as source and set the date limit to 1980.

Ethiopia, in the eyes of UNDP and UNESCO representatives, was highly suitable as a testing ground for large-scale development cooperation in the area of heritage-making. In particular the UNDP staff pushed for Ethiopia as the main base for the establishment of a regional project, together with the already successful UNDP general country programme, as the government promised to be much more receptive to international cooperation than other African countries.

For a proposed safeguarding campaign for East African heritage, similar to the Nubian Monuments Campaign, an East African Conservation centre for training local experts was supposed to be set up in the course of the ongoing UNDP conservation project at major Ethiopian heritage sites.⁵⁰⁶ Ethiopia was supposed to serve as a model country for preservation of cultural heritage, and foreseen to have a key role as a regional centre of conservation expertise in Africa, much like Indonesia in South East Asia.⁵⁰⁷

It would seem that after more than ten years of consultation and conservation efforts through UNESCO's experts in Ethiopia, the conditions for heritagemaking had matured enough by 1974 to take the next step towards shaping the Ethiopian national heritage in accordance with the universal standards of heritage. Yet despite several preparatory missions, the Ethiopian authorities were still not prepared to launch the safeguarding campaign that they had requested and envisaged many years ago. As another preparatory step, the seven-year project entitled Presentation and preservation of selected sites was launched in 1975, funded and organised by UNDP and administered by UNESCO.⁵⁰⁸ This project was deemed necessary to build up in the first instance the national capacities for receiving and putting to use international donations for safeguarding that would be made available once the campaign would be launched.⁵⁰⁹

The project, listed as UNDP project ETH/74/014, can easily be considered the most important contribution towards the institutionalisation of cultural and natural heritage in Ethiopia. It employed two experts as architect restorers for a period of five and three years, and work was carried out at selected monuments in Gondar, Lalibela, Lake Tana, Axum, Harar and Yeha. The project was termed a

UNDP Country Programme for Ethiopia 1978, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) UNDP, pt. viii; Plenderleith and Rollet-Andriane, "Regional Centre for Conservation of Cultural Property".

Letter from H. Daifuku to E. Amerding, 17.6.1974 in UNESCO 069:72 (63) UNDP, pt. i. UNDP/ETH/74/014, Terminal Report, 1.

The campaign was acknowledged by UNESCO's General Conference in 1976 (resolution 19 C/4.126), but not implemented until 1988; International campaign to safeguard the principal monuments and sites of Ethiopia—campaign strategy and action plan 1988–1997, May 1988, in: ARCCH, 14–1, UNESCO, Folder 1.

"one-of-a-kind development program" ⁵¹⁰ because it was launched in the form of cooperation between the Ethiopian government and UNDP. It served as a model project for UNDP, which deemed the strategy of supporting the institutionalisation and shaping the bureaucratic infrastructure as the most viable element of their overall development mandate. The eager receptiveness of the pre- and post-revolutionary Ethiopian governments was supposed to lead to a successful outcome which would convince other developing countries to agree to similar long-term projects with UNDP, concerning the establishment or reorganisation of government institutions.

The immediate objective of this seven-year heritage project was not so much the actual conservation of monuments, but rather to enhance the capabilities of the Ministry of Culture,Youth and Sports in the administration of antiquities. The associated report stressed how embryonic the existing bureaucratic and institutional structure in Ethiopia still was up until the very beginning of the project, and how much UNESCO was involved in building up the modern government structures from the ground. The early activities were largely concerned with the establishment and operation of the newly founded CRCCH as a capable organisation:

Principles and outlines of organisation, administration, planning and implementation of work, budget preparation and accounting systems where prepared and presented to the government, together with suggestions for general patterns of duty in job description four staff. Particular attention was given the [sic] preparation of reporting systems, and the classification and filing of the project correspondence.⁵¹¹

A secondary objective of the project was to promote an infrastructure within which the various activities of surveying sites and monuments could be organised, and furthermore to continue and develop the programmes for the conservation and development of sites and monuments along the "Historic Route" for touristic purposes. The activities included a training component, including fellowships for some Ethiopians, and onsite courses in architectural conservation, a research component investigating and dealing with the revival of local lime mortar production and, for the largest part, "restoration of monuments and expanding the Ministry of Culture's capability to administer and preserve the national heritage".⁵¹²

Letter from P. Stulz to B. Bernander, 28.3.1978, in 069:72 (63) UNDP, pt. vi.

UNDP/ETH/74/014, Terminal Report, 4.

Ibid., 2, 3.

In many cases restoration work had to be conducted from scratch, starting with an inventory, a topographic survey, microbiological studies, mapping and a photogrammetric survey of the site. The project also included vast administrative activities such as building up a national inventory of antiquities, drafting a more effective legislation and establishing a more effective and frequent communication pattern with relevant international organisations. The Polish legal expert E. Gasiorowski, commissioned as a consultant within the framework of ETH/74/014, presented fully worded draft legislation as well as a comprehensive to-do list of recommendations. This list was almost all-encompassing in terms of the necessities of heritage-making. First, Gasiorowski suggested a revision of the existing legislation to better address ownership issues of antiquities. Second, in his eyes, he called for more research as necessary precondition for heritage-making in Ethiopia. This would include drawing up a classified register of historical objects, monuments and art objects. Third, by updating existing export control regulations, he wanted to strengthen the position of the national Museum, so that it would constitute a bulwark against the illicit trade and illegal export of antiquities. Fourth, and lastly, he encouraged the training of local specialists in both the preservation and presentation of cultural heritage.⁵¹³

Despite the political and societal turbulence caused by the regime change in 1974, the promotion of national heritage, especially cultural heritage, fit very well within the political paradigms of both the old empire as well as the new government in place after the revolution. Heritage-making and related international projects were affected by the uncertain situation after 1974, but most representatives of international organisations had stayed in the country throughout the revolution.⁵¹⁴ Overall, the institutional activities in conservation were not disturbed, but actually received continuous support:

The Secretariat considered at various times the possibility of freezing the project, waiting for more favourable conditions, but in the light of reactions from local authorities, it was thought preferable to maintain the execution of the project even at a reduced pace.⁵¹⁵

The change of government included, however, a political re-orientation of cultural politics according to socialist principles, aimed at shifting the emphasis of the project away from the presentation of sites for tourism towards the "preservation

Letter from Makaminan Makagiansar to H.E. Lt. Col. Goshu Wolde, 15.9.1981, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) A 136.

Letter from John C. Philips to Miss Mc Kitterick, 27.6.1975, in UNESCO X 07.21 (63), pt. viii. Memo to Deputy DG from Makaminan Makagiansar, 8.4.1981, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) UNDP, pt. ixb.

of the cultural heritage of the Ethiopian people." To ensure this the government insisted on having tighter control over foreign research and conservation activities related to heritage, demanding more elaborate reports on all restoration work, including "an initial photographic record before any work commenced and also a final photographic report when the work was completed",⁵¹⁶ a practice which had not been followed until then.

Apart from high security risk areas where work could not be undertaken, the grounds for delays of the conservation-projects with UNESCO's involvement were similar to the problems which had occurred before 1974, such as the delayed release of government contributions, critical shortage of trained local personnel and difficulties in identification of candidates for fellowships.⁵¹⁷

A major aim of UNESCO's division of cultural heritage was to create an infrastructure for international conservation principles in order to gather knowledge and establish workflows for future projects in the field of universal heritage. When UNESCO tried to engage countries in conservation, it was commonly inhibited by the simple fact that state agencies in the countries lacked the capacity to deal with conservation.⁵¹⁸ As a study conducted by UNESCO in 1955 had shown, few developing countries had government institutions responsible for conservation and the standards and methods of institutionalisation varied drastically between individual countries.⁵¹⁹

It is not surprising then that in the text of the World Heritage Convention of 1972, the provision of technical assistance was mentioned as an integral approach, to help not only with actual conservation efforts but also with building the necessary infrastructure. In 1972 the World Heritage Convention was presented to and adopted by the general conference of UNESCO. René Maheu, the Director General of UNESCO, stressed the achievement of "harmonizing" nature and culture, highlighting the competing claims for a definition of "universal" heritage by the various expert circles.⁵²⁰ The conceptual core of heritage-making that was installed as part of UNESCO's scope of responsibilities at this convention was scientific knowledge, guarded by the scientific advisory bodies. These organisations served as gatekeepers and ensured UNESCO's defining authority for universal heritage. Initiating this foundation of international expert organisa-

Letter from John C. Phillips to M. Jimenez, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) pt. i.

Memo to Deputy DG from Makaminan Makagiansar, 8.4.1981, in: UNESCO 069:72 (63) UNDP pt. ixb.

See the Syrian response in UNESCO 069:72 A 14 pt. ii.

See ch.1; response letters to first UNESCO query in 069:72 A 14 pt. ii.

Titchen, "On the Construction", 65–67; Cameron and Rössler, "Voices of the Pioneer", 20 –24.

tions concerned with natural and cultural heritage conservation (IUCN, ICCROM and ICOMOS) had resulted in a network of international heritage experts or a "family concerned with heritage"⁵²¹— architects, conservators and environmentalists from the West with an internationalist agenda. ICCROM experts were active in numerous countries.

For example, Harold Plenderleith, inaugural director of ICCROM from 1959– 1971, had until then built a career as an archaeologist, working with Howard Carter and Leonard Woolley, and a conservator, including a ten-year appointment as the keeper of the British Museum Research Laboratory.⁵²² During and after World War II he was involved in activities of the League of Nations' International Museums Office. He also wrote The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art, dubbed "the bible of every conservator"⁵²³ by his colleague at ICCROM, Jukka Jokilehto. For UNESCO, Plenderleith undertook numerous missions evaluating either individual conservation projects or issuing recommendations concerning national strategies of conservation in a host of countries (the United Arab Republic, Albania, Morocco, Malta, India and Pakistan). On other missions he explored the establishment of training programmes and centres in the Asia-Pacific region and East Africa. He developed courses to train conservators at ICCROM, in Rome, and in their home countries and institutions.⁵²⁴

Another like-minded spirit was Sandro Angelini, a founding member of ICO-MOS in 1965 and later the director of the Italian national commission of ICOMOS. Like Plenderleith, Angelini could look back on a bright career in his home country, Italy, where he worked as an architect specialising in the reconstruction of historic towns and buildings, in addition to being a prolific painter in his spare time. Between 1967 and 1979 a UNESCO mandate took him to Ethiopia, Easter Island and Guatemala, Oman, Panama, Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica and Java, where he undertook extensive conservation and restoration works.⁵²⁵ All these efforts targeted sites, countries and regions where a lack of

Jokilehto and ICCROM, ICCROM, 8.

Andrew Oddy, "Harold Plenderleith and The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art", Intervención (México DF) 2, no. 4 (December 2011): 56–62.

Jokilehto and ICCROM, ICCROM, 17.

This list of countries serves to indicate the geographical concentration of conservation missions in developing countries, but is based only on mission reports kept in the UNESCO archives; a more exhaustive search in the archives of ICCROM would surely yield a more comprehensive, much longer list.

Bruno, "I restauri"; see also the information on the anonymous website: http://san droangelini.eu/.

funds for conservation prevailed, and conceptualised building heritage institutions from the scratch, not just caring for individual sites and monuments.

To summarise, the 1970s were a decade of consolidation and "manifestation of doctrine"⁵²⁶ for universal heritage. Experts became important as institutionalised gatekeepers of knowledge which was the legitimising base for all of UNES-CO's actions and programmes. Experts in cultural and natural heritage, each in their sphere, collaborated in demonstrating their expert knowledge and status in their field was universally applicable, thereby feeding the policymaking process behind the World Heritage Convention.

Yet, in contrast to the universal approach and the international scope, the circle of people involved in the creation of international organisations for the conservation of monuments was small and close-knit, composed almost entirely of experts with a high academic reputation such as renowned professors or chief state conservators from countries such as the two official founders of ICOMOS, Pierro Gazzola from Italy and Raymond M. Lemaire from Belgium. They aimed for the creation of a network that would promote and empower their cause and, more importantly, their agency.⁵²⁷ Their class, education and national background was, in the 1950s, relatively homogenous, and provided the core of actors that would set up the principles, ideas and institutional foundations of the international organisations that would be involved in shaping the global conservation policies in the 60s and 70s.⁵²⁸ They could communicate with little effort due to their spatial proximity and shared ideological and academic home bases, a fact which greatly fostered the connection, collaboration and rise of the international heritage network. Many examples in the correspondence between the cultural heritage division of UNESCO and ICOMOS, ICCROM and IUCN are written not only in an ostentatiously familiar or friendly tone, but also include references to personal connections. This collegial atmosphere, created by these more informal parts of the overall communication, certainly im-

Bruno, 42.

Pierre Gazzola, the first director of ICOMOS, was promoted into his position by Prof. G. Angelis d. Ossat, one of the main organisers of the Venice charter conference in 1964 and first Director of the ICCROM. Gazzola had previously worked with Georges Henri Rivière, the founding Director of ICOM, and entertained close collaboration with UNESCO's Hiroshi Daifuku, who was his successor as programme specialist of the Museums and Monuments division of UNESCO. Bruno, 8–10; Cameron and Rössler, "Voices of the Pioneers", 186.

Deese, "The New Ecology of Power", 208; Wöbse, "Globales Gemeingut", 149; Rehling, "Kosmopolitische Geschichtsschreibung", 392–93; Simone Schleper's insightful description of the environmentalists' network: Schleper, "Life on Earth", 31–49.

proved the workflow and helped to nudge projects in their intended directions.⁵²⁹ These personal connections anchored universal heritage in the Western cultural hemisphere, and demonstrate that the universal heritage discourse was largely a domain of white, male academics from Europe.

One of many examples that occur in the files is the letter from Eduard Sekler to Hiroshi Daifuku, 22.11.1978, on the occasion of Eduard Sekler coming to Paris for an ICOMOS symposium, in which Sekler wonders whether they will find time for an informal talk related to the Kathmandu Valley and Sukothai, in: UNESCO 069:72 A 01 ICOMOS 06.

# Conclusion

What role did Ethiopia have in the World Heritage Programme? This was the starting point I took with my research project, a few years ago, after I had discovered the curiously high number of Ethiopian nominations offered in response to the first call for nominations to the World Heritage List in 1978. As the previous chapters have shown, the in-depth investigation of the first Ethiopian World Heritage sites brings us a good bit further in understanding more generally the relationship between developing countries and the World Heritage Programme.

Developing heritage, as became very clear, was part of developing countries in the 1960s and 1970s. Yet, rather than balancing out technocratic planning exercises with cultural and social aspects, heritage-making added increased political weight to development politics, reproducing exclusive means of representation and determining an image production that was supposed to ensure developing countries would not lose their face on the international stage.

The book begins in the 1960s and follows the emergence of agendas in the arena of international heritage, that stretched from UNESCO's headquarters in Paris to nationalised heritage sites like the Ethiopian ones. In showing the driving forces behind projects and cooperation, the administrative aspect of institutionalised heritage-making, the role of different political and expert actors, and looking at heritage-making as both a discourse and practice, the analysis connected existing historiographies of the UN system, of World Heritage and African heritage, and of modern Ethiopia.

The development decade, the 1960s, shaped the concept of World Heritage. The technocratic, expert-led internationalism of the 1950s paved the way for heritage-making asadevelopment activity in UNESCO's programme and it was through the development impetus that heritage ultimately turned from a discourse into a widespread international practice of heritage-making. Between its foundation in the 1940s and the commencement of the World Heritage Programme in the 1970s, UNESCO evolved from a more intellectual orientation into an organisation that expanded its actions into an operational dimension. The two decades between 1960 and 1980 marked the peak of UNESCO's operational action, meaning that assistance could be given to developing countries in the area of heritage-making, and this provided the international heritage and conservation discourse with an opportunity to develop a heritage practice. In this regard, World Heritage, despite its strong idealistic underpinning, was conceptualised as an active, making process and not just a passive, declaring one. Hand in hand with the different conceptual strands interwoven in the World Heritage Convention, the idea was conceived of providing assistance to certain state

OpenAccess. © 2021 Marie Huber, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110681017-009

parties to develop the necessary administrative prerequisites, a fact which constitutes a crucial element of heritage-making. The World Heritage List marked a culmination point of conservation activities in developing countries, and existing attempts to understand the historic genesis of World Heritage do not account enough for the institutional transformation of UNESCO in the context of decolonisation and the first UN development decade.

My work presents a critical position in the existing research on the World Heritage Programme, challenging previous works that focus on the intellectual background of the concept or the impact of World Heritage on the ground alone. It is essential to understand that heritage, in the historic genesis of the World Heritage Programme, was approached from a development angle, giving it a technocratic, resource-generating, problem-solving quality, and this focus lent heritage the function of constructing national identity in an international context. Hence, my research shows, through the Ethiopian example, that the actual heritage-making process took place largely in international and national bureaucratic spheres, and demonstrates how the role of developing countries, and the development paradigm, has to date been underestimated in the historic genesis of the World Heritage Programme.

UNESCO's heritage-making helped to materialise the global dimension of "the International" in the developing world. UNESCO's conservation activities demonstrate how much the organisation's internationalist discourse was rooted in the Western historiographic discourse. In Ethiopia and other countries, international heritage experts identified and cared for the national heritage and helped establish it on an international level. The systematising effort of defining World Heritage operationalised the universalist claim of UNESCO and was an hegemonial act of inclusion, and it follows that World Heritage is also the story of existing territories being overwritten with a unifying internationalist version of world history. By defining natural and cultural heritage sites, like in Ethiopia, in terms of familiarity and difference, heritage sites in developing countries were integrated in this world history, aestheticised and disconnected from their locally embedded context.

Long before the World Heritage Convention in 1972 and the World Heritage List in 1978 took shape, many future World Heritage sites in the developing world had surfaced as part of UNESCO's conservation activities. The cooperation between the Ethiopian government and UNESCO, in matters of heritage-making, began more than fifteen years before the World Heritage nominations were submitted and was based on research connections extending back more than a century. During the 1960s and 1970s, Ethiopian heritage served as an essential testing ground for international conservation experts for broadening the application of a specific Western concept of conservation that eventually became the global standard through the World Heritage convention. An understanding of the historic genesis of the World Heritage Programme has to include the actual sites where UNESCO was involved in conservation projects prior to 1972.

As a matter of fact, both the internationalist project and the newly emerging nation states of the post-colonial, developing world were in acute need of historical narratives that could strengthen and fully form their respective young identities. UNESCO's role as global heritage-making authority developed further in the 1960s because it promoted the identity discourses that underwrote the construction of national narratives, a major political currency for many states in the emerging new world order. Defining the world spatially, through parcels of national heritage, was crucial for both national as well as the international authorities. In Ethiopia, heritage-making provided an opportunity to write the national project as a part of the international project and to connect it to wider frameworks, in particular to programmes where, in terms of representation, it would not specifically be singled out as a developing country, but could shine as a sovereign nation.

Constructing the image of "Greater Ethiopia" was a common interest of the Ethiopian government and international heritage experts. Ethiopian World Heritage Sites expressed a version of the international order in which the developing countries that adapted best into the Western categories for superiority were resituated as powerful, legitimate state actors. The selected Ethiopian sites for the Historic Route and the World Heritage nominations underwrote existing national and international narratives of Ethiopian supremacy over other African countries. Only through this understanding of the Ethiopian exceptionalism and supremacy was it possible in contemporary Western historical thinking to locate culture and history in Ethiopia, a necessity for UNESCO's and ICOMOS authentication of Ethiopian heritage as World Heritage. Two key narratives of the Western world could be localised in Ethiopia: the narrative of human evolution, the very source of the imagined community of humankind, localised in the Lower Valley of the Omo, and the narrative of Christianity and empire, both as gatekeepers of civilisation and localised in the other monumental Ethiopian heritage sites. The exception of natural heritage in the Simien National Park was in turn described in a language that implied a European resemblance in its geographical features, and argued for it being similar to Alpine nature and therefore readable as having outstanding value.

These two key narratives of Ethiopia were precisely what made heritagemaking of interest to the Ethiopian government, which had long fostered expressions of a continuity of advanced civilisation and empire, as well as Ethiopia's unique status in Africa. In both the Ethiopian imperial state and during the subsequent military government under the socialist Derg, the use of selected historic sites served to create an image of a country that had a right to its claims of power and relevance in the international order. This "front-end" representation of Ethiopian national identity was complemented and utilised by people working on the "back-end" of the bureaucracy, to establish material sites of heritage. UN-ESCO's engagement in heritage-making in Ethiopia linked to and legitimised the dominant "Greater Ethiopia" discourse from an outside perspective. The Ethiopian sites, while providing the classic markers of Western authenticity, at the same time could be affiliated with the developing world and Africa, representing UN-ESCO's global reach.

In this, my work contributes to the existing literatures on UNESCO, illustrating the requirement to further investigate UNESCO as a knowledge producing authority. Conservation and heritage-making efforts of UNESCO, despite their "enlightened", idealistic mission, continued to produce knowledge about Africa, and about African history and heritage, in a Western framework. The role of UNESCO and the connections between UNESCO's African decade under Director General Amadou M'Bow and the African and Ethiopian historiographical debate, and the re-writing of African and Ethiopian history during the 1960s and 1970s, should be studied more closely, along the lines of intellectual as well as organisational history. This period of historiographic effort during the 1960s and the networks and places relevant for producing new histories of Africa have become the subject of critical analysis by historians from Africa and elsewhere. Key arguments in the debate are that the new narratives were still essentially orientated along Western historiography and that these narratives, in many African states, supported nation-building in favour of the political elites and to the detriment of already marginalised groups. This book demonstrates that it is well worth to study very closely the careers of intellectuals and experts, to gain a deeper understanding of the production of history and heritage in postcolonial Africa.

The early establishment of heritage-making as a development activity is the reason for the politicised character of World Heritage. The paternalistic development-aid-for-nation-building approach of the 1960s produced many of the problems related to World Heritage that subsequently emerged in the following decades. Perhaps the most problematic consequence of this approach is that it put heritage-making as a government tool at the hands of states in the process of nation-building. In order to connect individual countries to universal heritage, the UNESCO secretariat was in favour of institutionalising heritage-making. These new institutions replaced in many cases other existing social institutions such as oral traditions or religious practices—a fact that was overwhelmingly in the interest of weak national governments in need of promoting a centralised national identity. Since heritage-related knowledge not only consisted of one-dimensional data such as statistical results or economic models, but also of historical narratives, images and maps, it carried a highly emotional value, and additionally promised a potential increase in governance through territorial control. As demonstrated in the case of Ethiopia, these aspects contributed to the uptake of conservation principles and furnished them with a politicised dimension. Through recourse to the allegedly superior Western practice of heritage-making, a build-up of bureaucratic institutions and processes could be promoted in a way that would ensure continued control and the maintenance of power. The connection between UNESCO's early activities in conservation in developing countries and the Western tradition of conservation that formed the ideological and conceptual backbone of the World Heritage Convention are, I argue, a key moment for understanding the politicised character of the World Heritage Programme. However, beyond this, my research points out that more general attention should be given to the role of developing countries when we study the implementation and impact of global policies. Contrary to the development discourse, the different institutional and personal actor perspectives in the history presented here argue against approaching the global West-development nexus only as a hierarchical structure. My research findings allow for a diversified understanding of the development and heritage discourse alike and, perhaps most importantly, elucidate the strategic perspective of so-called developing countries regarding development and international organisations.

Western experts named, classified and analysed the heritage sites and monuments in question, undertook standardising efforts, drafted policies and legal recommendations, and developed management and master plans – in short their influence was immense, especially on the institutional and administrative levels. The western hegemony, in Ethiopia, through the new state institutions for heritage, translated in turn into a national hegemony towards regional political forces and ethnic groups. Because heritage was introduced as a political and economic resource and a superimposed cultural practice, it often had a detrimental or marginalising effect on local culture. Further research might be conducted on UNESCO's development activities in the cultural sphere, either as a country-specific case study or a comparative study. Also, the role of foreign experts and advisors in the bureaucratisation and evolution of the institutional landscape in developing countries deserves a deeper investigation, as does the role of tourism and heritage as part of sectoral development planning, with the political implications of this role demanding closer examination.

The connection of heritage-making to the larger cash flows of development investment through tourism provided the deciding momentum for actualising World Heritage sites. Through the connection to tourism development, World Heritage was attached to substantial cash flows of UN development aid programmes and this transformed heritage into an economic resource for developing countries. Conservation of natural and cultural heritage, according to the international conventions created from the 1950s onwards under UNESCO's roof, was an extensive enterprise, technically as well as financially. The community of international heritage-experts was very aware of that fact, and conceived early on of the idea to generate necessary revenue through the monuments.

In Ethiopia, due to the specific decision processes already in place for international funding and assistance for tourism-linked conservation projects, by the time the World Heritage list took more concrete shape the exercise of selecting a representative ensemble of sites was a very practised one. Fundamentally, it can be seen that the dependence of international heritage-making efforts on tourism meant that the idea of World Heritage was shaped by tourist-thinking and imaginaries to a considerable extent. My work also contributes to the field of heritage studies and supports the view that heritage today can serve as an analytical frame in understanding socio-political realities and relations, in particular regarding the discursive quality of heritage linked to the question of power-relationships and representation. This same emphasis makes my work a contribution to the field of tourism studies, suggesting that questions of cultural representation and the detrimental effects of heritage sites as tourism destinations are not merely economic ones, but also highly political in nature, as they concern the production of images and controlled modes of representation.

The story of how the Ethiopian World Heritage sites were developed as an international effort shows that it is absolutely necessary to critically question conservation and safeguarding activities for cultural and natural heritage, as they continue to be connected to a hierarchy of knowledge production in a development context. The processes of heritage-making, like all knowledge production that is monopolised as a state domain, should be questioned in regards to context, motives, actors and goals. In light of the unceasing relevance of ethnic identities, political representation and land-use in contemporary Ethiopia, more detailed research regarding the geopolitics of Ethiopian heritage-making should be pursued.

My work adds to existing literatures on the development discourse, highlighting the fact that aspects of heritage, culture and identity were also influenced and transformed by development thinking, and additionally by suggesting that an examination of the academic and cultural background of international experts is crucial to the better understanding of their practical work and decision-making. The belief that proper development should extend to all areas of government duties and beyond was widespread among both politicians and experts alike during the 1960s. Development was routinely practised with attached chauvinism, driven by tenets that the population in developing countries required education in all matters of successful living. Any effort to write a history of development needs to pay more attention to the aspects beyond economics, politics and humanitarian aid. The fact that development activities during the first UN Development Decade encompassed heritage-making demonstrates how the discourse and practice of developmental aid unfolded a pervasive potential, impacting social and political spheres for decades. In tying together different stories, like those told here of the Ethiopian World Heritage sites, historiographies revealing the deeper layers of global processes emerge at, perhaps, unexpected places.

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# Appendix: ETO Publications

OpenAccess. © 2021 Marie Huber, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110681017-012

Continued

# Index

1974 3, 7, 17, 25, 37f., 41, 46, 59, 68, 72f., 77, 87, 90 f., 93, 97, 100f., 109– 111, 117, 121, 138, 140, 151, 154f., 161, 163f., 199 Abbé Jules Leroy 66 Abijatta 29, 116 Addis Ababa University 16f., 72–74, 78, 100, 104, 154, 158 Akalework Habtewold 28, 144, 147, 149, 158 Aklilu Habte 158f.  Axum 40, 42f., 86, 120f., 124, 161, 200 Azais, Francois Bernardin 100 Bagherzadeh, Firouz 115 Bale Mountains 102 Bali 32, 46 Berhanu Abebe 18, 110, 115 Bidder, Irmgard 69 f. Blower, John 29f., 42, 102f., 106, 108, 140, 199 Burma 12, 47

Centre for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage 13, 42, 107, 110f., 113, 115, 122f., 125, 152, 162 Centre français des études éthiopiennes 16 Chojnacki, Stanislaw 105 church forests 102 civilisation 3, 59, 63f., 66, 70, 73, 96, 101, 130, 132, 170 Club of Rome 134 colonialism 14, 92, 127 conservators 1, 11, 13f., 47, 110, 119, 126, 132, 136, 165f. consultants 24, 29, 32, 50f., 55, 99, 106, 110, 114, 123, 148, 155, 160 Courier 26, 32f., 64–66, 159 cultural assimilation 19, 86f., 92 cultural identity 39, 88, 91 cultural memory 15 cultural tourism 19, 34, 46f., 49, 52f. Dakar-Djibouti Mission 97 Debark 143 Derg 3, 53, 77, 79, 85, 87, 89, 92, 141, 170 development discourse 10, 14, 47, 50, 172f. development paradigm 3, 7, 15, 19, 31, 136, 148, 169 development plan 18, 21–23, 42, 44f., 52, 54, 57, 154, 156 development planning 4, 9, 19, 22, 25, 34, 117, 138, 141, 172 diplomacy 2, 9, 19f., 22, 58f., 62 f., 76, 85, 97, 99 f., 130, 135, 144–146, 150, 155, 157f., 160 diplomats 18, 22, 59, 63f., 67, 154 discovery 13, 35, 65, 67f., 70, 72, 97, 111 f., 117, 127 East Africa 22f., 26 f., 29, 40, 44 f., 48–50, 102, 110, 165 eco-racism 137

economic development 7, 19, 21, 24–26, 32, 37, 39, 44–46, 53, 133, 156f. ECOSOC 13, 44, 148 Egypt 12, 40f., 65, 130 elites 2, 9–11, 16, 48, 51, 58, 61, 63, 89, 91, 93, 95, 104, 137, 155, 171 encadrement 79 environmentalism 132–134 epistemic community 119 Eritrea 4, 39, 57, 79, 85, 100 Ethiopia Observer 63, 68–70, 105, 145 f., 154f. Ethiopian Airlines 13, 21–23, 40–42, 62 Ethiopian Herald 18, 90 Ethiopian Mapping Agency 123 Ethiopian national identity 3, 19, 56, 71, 73, 86, 88, 137, 171 Ethiopian Orthodox church 87, 124 Ethiopian student movement 91 Ethiopian Studies 5, 11, 18f., 39, 43, 67, 70, 72f., 78, 87, 94 f., 97, 101 f., 105, 145, 157 Ethiopian Tourism Organisation 13, 22f., 40–42, 54, 80, 108, 120, 199f. Ethiopian Wildlife Conservation Authority 13, 30, 42, 102f., 106–108, 110, 116, 125, 138, 141 f. exceptionalism 3, 19, 56f., 63 f., 72, 96, 98, 170 expeditions 72, 94, 99, 108 experts – international experts 8, 17, 35, 75, 107, 114, 119, 122, 125, 142f., 154, 158, 173 – Western experts 51, 64, 114, 124, 172 – wildlife experts 27, 37 – heritage experts 14, 30, 35, 42, 53f., 112, 114, 121, 165, 169f. Falasha 74 FAO 8, 13, 27f., 34, 103, 138, 142, 145 fellowships 107, 122f., 157, 162, 164 Field-Museum-Chicago Daily News Abyssinian Expedition 97 Gaidoni, B.G. 35–37, 40, 54, 68, 109

General History of Africa 12, 159 Gerster, Georg 69 f.

global cold war 135 Gondar 35, 40, 42, 65, 73, 80, 82, 86, 100, 115f., 121, 137, 161, 199f. Gory, Maurice 122 governance 5, 15, 53, 78, 98, 100, 102, 104, 119, 137, 139f., 158, 172 Grand Tour 24, 49 Great tradition 56f., 90 Greater Ethiopia 5, 19, 53, 57, 61, 73, 76, 78–80, 82, 85, 89, 92f., 95, 98, 137f., 170f. Grimwood, Ian 29f., 34, 37, 42, 54, 106, 108, 142 Guinea 91 Habte Selassie Tafesse 41 Haile Selassie I University 43, 89, 100f., 104–106, 108, 154 Hancock, Graham 72, 79, 92, 120 Harar 82, 125f., 161 heritage discourse 14, 104, 112, 127, 167, 172 heritage experts 14, 30, 35, 42, 53, 112, 114, 121, 165, 169f. Historic Route 35, 37, 42, 52–54, 109, 162, 170 historiography 4, 12–14, 59, 63f., 69, 73, 75, 86–88, 92–95, 101, 125, 128, 171 Horn of Africa 13, 43, 62, 74, 82, 85, 87, 93, 112, 140, 142 Howland, Richard H. 33, 54, 66f., 109 Hurni, Hans 18 Huxley, Julian 27–30, 37, 49 f., 103, 108, 113, 132–134, 140 ICCROM 1, 10, 13, 16f., 33, 123, 131 f., 165f. ICOMOS 10, 13, 16, 33, 50, 109, 114, 116– 118, 131, 165–167, 170 IES 13, 16, 43, 100, 105, 110, 122 Institut éthiopien d'études et de recherches 16, 42, 66, 69, 101, 109f., 114 Institute of Ethiopian Studies 13, 16f., 72, 79, 100 institutional landscape 97f., 150, 172 institutionalisation 12, 98, 100, 104, 111, 123, 140, 157, 161, 164

intellectuals 4, 11, 92, 96, 128f., 171 International Center for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments – ICCROM 1 international experts 8, 17, 35, 75, 107, 114, 119, 122, 125, 142f., 154, 158, 173 International Fund for Monuments 1, 33 international order 11, 53, 127, 130, 170f. Internationale Tourismus-Börse 41 internationalism 2, 6, 12, 126f., 168 inventory 53f., 82, 110f., 113f., 116, 135, 152, 163 Italian 1, 13, 23, 53, 59, 76, 85, 97, 100, 102, 109, 144, 159, 165 IUCN 10, 13, 16, 27f., 103, 106f., 114, 116, 118, 133f., 138, 140, 142, 165 f. Jäger, Otto 65f., 68 f. Japan 41 Kalam 120 Kebbede Mikael 101 Kenya 23, 27, 29, 32, 40, 44 f., 103 Lalibela 1–3, 7, 17, 32 f., 35, 40, 42, 67, 69–71, 73, 82, 86, 107, 109, 111, 115, 121 f., 124, 126, 137, 161, 199f. Land use conflicts 137 legislation 8, 15, 34, 50, 101, 106–108, 111, 116, 158, 163 Lij Endalkachew Makonnen 145 local knowledge 119, 121, 125 Lucy 72, 111, 117 Maheu, René 52, 157, 164 Managasha 29 management 3, 55, 106, 108f., 114, 116, 123, 136, 140, 146, 152, 172 mapping 8, 75, 103, 109, 125, 136, 163 masterplan 109, 126 Matahara 29 Mauna Lao 135 Menelik II 2, 76, 80, 92, 96f., 99, 102, 155 Mengistu 71 f., 87, 93 military 3, 39, 53, 88, 111, 130, 138, 141, 170 Ministry for Planning and Development 34