If I mistake not he came last from France; where he says he spent 5 years and was in every corner of the kingdom. He viewed the inside of Brest Yard though not without some danger having been put under arrest, on Is acquainted with Brest Yard.

4 Unidentified: mentioned again in letter 342, § 4.

5 The Brest fleet put out on 4 June to join the Spaniards. The British Channel fleet, however, did not put to sea till 16 June.

#### **318.** 1 U.C. clxix. 48. Autograph draft.

Bentham says he last wrote to Lord Sandwich a month or two ago, and seems to refer to letter 316 (which is on the same double sheet as this). If the previous letter is correctly dated as early June, this was probably written in early August. It also, of course, comes from the folder marked 'Legislaturientes epistolae, Brouillons unsent, 1774? to 1784?', but it may nonetheless have been sent.

2 The Statella family held the title of Marquis of Spaccoformo in the province of Ragusa, Sicily; this member of the family has not been identified.

suspicion of his being an Englishman. /I think it was before the rupture; whence I conclude that Brest Yard is at all times inaccessible to an Englishman./ Is any information wanted about Brest? /the French Dock Yard?/ that is /a question/ for your Lordship to resolve. Is the gentleman capable and /would he be/ willing to furnish any? that is more than I can take upon me even to guess at: my acquaintance with him is slight and casual. I write this altogether without his participation.

/As to Mr Statella, I have no reason for supposing him to have had any political views either in the observations he made in France, or in those he made here: but if I understand him right they are consigned to a journal, and were made in both places with that sort of attention which a Traveller naturally bestows on observations which he has thoughts of making public. By his card it appears that he lodges or at least did lodge a week or two ago in Suffolk Street No 7./

It would be a satisfaction to me, if one of your Lordship's Clerks were order'd to inform me, of this letter's having been received: /and I should hope it were not too great a return for the good intentions of a man who looks not for any other./ I had the honour of addressing your Lordship upon an occasion somewhat similar a month or two ago, by the penny post. Whether the letter was received I know not. As the purport of one part of it was to throw a shade of suspicion on a person3 who very likely might not prove deserving of it, and whom from what I have heard since, I should now rather conclude not to be deserving of it, I thought myself bound to make myself responsible for it, by signing my name. That part of the task was not a very pleasant one then; and by the uncertainty I am under concerning the light in which my former letter was viewed is become still less so now; but partly from the reasons already just hinted at, partly from the consideration that the use of this information /address/ if it has any might in part be frustrated by such an omission, I have once more the honour to subscribe myself

> with all respect Your Lordship's most humble Servant

Did I think myself at perfect liberty to consult my /own/ private feelings, I should not have bestowed even that much of my own time and possibly of your Lordship's under the extreme uncertainty of it's turning to any account. But at this anxious crisis it seemed

3 Probably Christiann the Swede: cf. letter 316, n. 2.

to me that an excess of zeal though it were to border on impertinence would be an error on the safer side: and I conceive that any obligation /which I or anybody else to whom chance may have given the means/ (I) may lay under of making such communications as according to my /his/ imperfect views of things seem to stand a chance of being of use, is not at all varied by the manner in which they may be received.

### 319

### J e r e m y a n d S a m u e l B e n t h a m t o G e o r g e W o o d w a r d G r o v e 1

### 17 August 1779

### Lincolns Inn Aug. 17 1779

Dear Sir

263

This waits upon you with my Brother's grateful acknowledgements for the kindness manifested in your letter of the 15th:2 I have taken upon me the office of Secretary upon this occasion, being the person who at present is rather the less occupied of the two. He has this morning received an offer of being convey'd to Helvoetsluys on board a Dutch fishing vessel /now off Billingsgate/ which sails on Friday, and thinks of complying with it: but for greater safety he will send the greater part of his baggage to Hamburgh on board a Hamburgh vessel, vessels from that place having never been so much as stopped. His course will be from Helvoetsluys to the Hague, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Sardam and Gröningen. All that way he will go by water in the Treckshuyts

**319.** 1 B.M. II: 353–354. In Jeremy Bentham's hand. Docketed (by Mary Bentham?): 'S. and I. Bentham / 17 Augt. 1779.'

Addressed: 'Geo: Woodward Grove Esqr. / Whitchurch / Hants.' Postmark: '17 AU'.

2 This letter, not so far as we know extant, was presumably in answer to a letter Samuel wrote to G. W. Grove dated 'Lincoln's Inn Augt. 12th 1779.' (B.M. II: 351, unpublished). In that letter he says that his father, after having originally opposed it, is now quite happy about his expedition 'to visit the several Dock yards and Ports of the Northern Countries', and authorises Samuel to inform his uncle of this. The expedition is relevant to various 'mercantile and other money getting projects upon the anvil'. Its duration is uncertain but will hardly be less than a twelvemonth. It is approved by all his friends, by Mr Mulford so much so that he has promised a present of £100 for it (letter 370 suggests that Mulford kept his promise.) He also mentions a loan of £55 which Mr Mulford made him about a month ago, in order to let him postpone selling out money in the funds. This money is to be paid back to his uncle Grove, to whom it is due from Mulford, and he asks where he should remit it to him. He had hoped to be seeing him in town, but now understands that this is unlikely. Letter 324 at n. 4 suggests that Grove waived repayment of this sum.

which are cheap and expeditious. From Gröningen there are a kind of stage-coaches that go twice a week to Hamburgh through Bremen; the distance, about 150 English miles, is performed in about 2 or 3 days. This will be safer than going by the packet-boats from Harwich to Helvoetsluys which have once been taken and several times chaced. The only risk he will run will be that of losing the contents of a small cloak-bag he will take with him. It will likewise save considerably in point of time as there is no Hamburgh Vessel that goes before Sunday se'nnight. He will likewise get the opportunity of taking a view though but a cursory one of the Dutch Dock Yards. At Hamburgh he proposed at any rate to stay a week at least, in order to get information relative to the Timber Trade. From Hamburgh he will go to Lubeck by land: the distance a short days journey less than 40 miles: there are stage-coaches every day. From Lubec by Sea to Copenhagen, from thence to Dantzick: from Dantzick to Lieba in Courland a little place you will hardly find in your maps: from Lieba to Mittau an inland place the capital of Courland where he is expected by the Duke to talk with him about some shipbuilding and mercantile projects, and will probably stay some time. There if you please we will leave him for the present. If you have a mind to know a little about the D. of Courland, consult Wraxal's Tour to the North printed in 1775.3

I have a petition to present to you from Alderman Clark who wishes you to use your interest with Mr. Townsend as one of the Trustees of Bromley College on behalf of a Mrs. Sarah Ellison Widow of the late Rev: Mr. Stanhope Ellison.4 Bromley College is a kind of Almshouse founded for the benefit of Clergymen's Widows. This Lady is related to Mrs. Clark, is left in very low circumstances and (Mr. Clark says) is in every respect a qualified candidate. A vacancy has lately happen'd, and great application is making for two other candidates. I know Mrs. Ellison very well,

3 Sir Nathaniel William Wraxall, *Cursory Remarks made on tour through some of the northern parts of Europe, particularly Copenhagen, Stockholm and Petersburgh,* London, 1775. Jeremiah Bentham mentions this book in a letter to Samuel dated 26 July 1779, and recalls Samuel telling him that the author 'had availed himself of your friend Lindegreen in an unworthy manner' (B.M. II: 343, unpublished). We do not know what this was.

4 Bromley College was founded by the Bishop of Rochester in 1666 as a home for the poor widows of clergy. Mr Townsend is probably James Townsend, or possibly his brother the Rev. Joseph Townsend (see letter 96, n. 6 also letter 235, n. 1). Stanhope Ellison (1719?–78), son of a Wigan grocer, a member of Brasenose College, Oxford and of St John's College, Cambridge, was Rector of St Benedict's with St Peter's, Paul's Wharf, London, from 1757 to 1774; Vicar of Thorpe, Surrey, from 1765 to 1774; and Rector of Wittersham, Kent, from 1774 to 1778. His wife was Sarah Wilby of Boston, Lincs.

having often seen her at the Alderman's, and have every reason to believe she h〈as〉 the best of characters. She has lived for this last year 〈...〉 chiefly with Mrs. Clark.

### We are

Dear Sir

### Your much obliged and most affectionate Nephews

### S. and J. Bentham

As soon as I hear of Sam's safe arrival across the Sea, I will take the liberty of informing you. My Father etc. were all well at Imley Park on Friday last.5

### 320

### T o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

### 25–27 August 1779 (Aet 31)

Linc. Inn Wednesday morning Aug 25. 1779

1

 I am now writing to you for the last time on thick paper. I shall send you I believe some exquisite thin paper called Bank

5 Jeremiah Bentham had taken a house called Imley Park, near Brackley, Northamptonshire for the summer months.

#### **320.** 1 B.M. II: 357–358. Autograph.

On 24 August Bentham had seen brother Samuel off at Billingsgate on a Dutch eel-boat bound for Hellevoetsluis in Holland. Britain was now at war with the French, so Samuel could not take a route through France. The war added an element of risk to Samuel's sea voyage. This letter was doubtless for delivery to him on board the ship during its progress down the Thames.

The letter-book at the British Museum contains letters bearing on Samuel's departure. Among them are (B.M. II: 333) a letter from Baron Maseres to Jeremy Bentham, giving times when Samuel could wait upon Lord Shelburne; several letters from Jeremiah Bentham to Samuel showing him being gradually won over to the sense of the Russian expedition; and some of the letters of introduction which Samuel took abroad with him. B.M. XX: 4 contains a complete list in Jeremiah Bentham's hand of the letters of introduction Samuel took abroad. Lind seems to have helped him obtain many of them.

Samuel Bentham did not in the event return to England until 1791, having meanwhile entered the service of the Russian Empress. When he set out, however, he had no firm intention of so long an exile, or at least his relatives had no idea of it. His declared plan seems to have been simply that he 'should spend some time in visiting maritime countries abroad, to study the shipbuilding and naval economy of foreign powers', thereby following, as his widow informs us, the suggestion of Lord Howe (*Life of Sir Samuel Bentham,* 8).

Jeremy Bentham was enthusiastic about the expedition, and not only as a step in Samuel's career. He hoped that Samuel might prepare the ground, particularly in

Paper; doubting whether the like may be to be got in Holland. You may make use of it for all your correspondents—They will not take your letters the worse for costing them little. Divide each page into two columns—by this means you will lose less room by breaks.

2

I am not at all melancholy—I have perfectly got the better of the shock at parting, and think of nothing but the flattering prospects that are before us.

3

You a Mechanic, and bid me get a box on purpose made for the Delineator stand? I sent for the Carpenter in blind obedience to your orders: but when he came it occurred to me that upon farther taking to pieces it might very likely be puttable into the box with the smooth inside. The honest obliging fellow came in to the proposal very readily and put it into execution. He has marked the claws 1,2, 3 and put correspond marks to the part of the foot into which they are respectively to be inserted. The box was not full

Russia, for reception of advice on law reform. The two brothers felt that their cause was in a sense the same, a critique of existing practices in terms of their utility, a study of what ought to be rather than what is, and a battle against vested interests to effect the reforms dictated by that study. For Jeremy the enemy was outmoded legal institutions; for Samuel, outmoded methods of shipbuilding and naval administration.

Jeremiah Bentham had at first opposed the plan. His hopes were that Samuel would join a private shipbuilding yard, and he doubted whether a visit to Russia would add to his qualifications. He was clearly depressed at Samuel's going so far away. Samuel pointed out that his father was not offering him the money to join such a business as a partner, and that his best opportunity for carrying out nautical experiments was in Russia, where the First Lord of the Admiralty, Count Chernyshev, was a man 'who interests himself in making improvements'. He would obtain excellent letters of recommendation. 'I should go recommended to him not as a poor man who not being able to subsist in his own country would be glad to go anywhere for a livelihood, but as a man of Science as well as a Shipwright, and who is considered such a man in his own country. I should not go to him as one begging a favor. I should not ask for any post in their service, nor would I accept of any which there is much probability of their offering me... I should make some proposals which it would be to their interest to attend to and would probably appear to be to their interest to attend to.' If he had an opportunity of testing his ideas in this way, he would be well qualified to join a private business on his return home. (To his father, 9 May 1779, B.M. II: 322.)

His father continued to oppose the Russian project but without putting forward any very constructive alternative proposal, although he had an inconclusive interview with Mr Randall, senior partner in a merchant's yard. Gradually he accepted the project, and agreed to pay Samuel his regular allowance (cf. letter 370). It seems that Samuel also had £100 from his cousin Mulford (see letter 319, n. 2).

Various people to whom Samuel had introductions are alluded to in this letter. Notes have been defferred until they figure more prominently in the text.

by a great deal: so I put 4 Priestly into it and Restaut2 and Hume. Also Contract and Principal Dimensions: item the flannel sailing jacket merely to fill up chinks. There were 6 boxes of them in all. I dispatched them by two men and a wooden horse part last night and part this morning. With a letter for Sambouski who said it was very well and renew'd his promises of taking care of them. They are marked S.B. Paper No. 1,2, etc. on the wood in thumping large capitals.

4

It would have been better by the bye if I had number'd them 1/6 2/6 etc. meaning No. 1 out of 6. No. 2 out of 6 etc.: then by seeing any one a man would know at any time how many of them there should be. Suppose you were to adopt this contrivance and number your boxes and gimcracks accordingly. You and I ought to neglect none of the helps to a weak memory.

### 5

I have been and got a memorandum book to set down every thing that relates to you, and have entitled it S.B.

### 6

I see by a paper of today that Sr. Ch: Douglas has lately lost his wife.

### 7

Endeavour to see the 2d. vol. of Dr. Burney's Musical tour through Germany. I have just been running over it on your account. He had recommendations to Matthias and Hanbury at Hamburgh of whom he makes honourable mention.3 They probably have the book. In the Stadt-huys at Amsterdam and elsewhere take notice of the *Carillons* or Chimes that are play'd upon by fists and feet: There and elsewhere in your route take notice of the Organs which are in many places of an immense size. 32 feet in height with 4 rows of keys beside pedals for the feet and from fifty to 64 stops and 8 or 6 pairs of bellows. In Hamburg there are a matter of 5 such.

2 Possibly Pierre Restaut, *Principes généraux et raisonés de la grammaire françoise par demandes et par réponses,* Paris, 1730. The Ms word actually looks more like 'Restant'.

3 Charles Burney, Mus.D., *The Present State of Music in Germany, the Netherlands, and United Provinces, or the Journal of a Tour ...*In Two Volumes, 1773. The reference to the hospitality at Hamburg of Mr Matthias, English resident, and John Hanbury, the merchant, is in Vol. II, p. 255. For these two gentlemen see letter 333, nn. 1, 20.

These may be worth examining if not on a musical account, at least as mechanical contrivances. They will afford *pus* for mechanical digest.

### 8 Key

Have not you got mine with you—I have your's I remember your returning it me: but it is possible that upon coming away, you may have locked the door and put the key into your pocket. At least I can not find it since you have been gone. I have found it.

9

I send you my laced ruffles—the sheet they are inclosed in will serve to write your Will upon.

### 10. Law and Language Books.

When you are at Hamburgh if you could get Grammar and Dictionaries of the Danish and Swedish languages cheap (either in French or English) I should be glad to have them. Grammars at any rate. Dictionaries too if you can get them under 10s. the two. At Hamburgh likewise you might get me the body of Danish Laws as cheap probably as at Copenhagen. See Facienda. Likewise Harpsichord Music if you hear any that you like, and if the price should not be more than 3s. for 6 Lessons or whatever they are. Here the price is 10s. 6 with only one accompaniment.

August 22. 1779.

 I Samuel Bentham do make this my last Will and Testament. Whereas my capital will be considerably reduced by the expence of the excursion I am about to undertake, and whereas my Brother Jeremy Bentham stands more in need of what little I may leave than any body else whom I could think of leaving any thing to, I hereby revoke all former Wills and Testaments, giving him whatever is in my power, and making him sole Executor of this my Will.

 Send it back to me by means of Strachan.4

By the same means send also a copy of the 'Journey through Holland' or whatever the book is which he told us of. It will be a great delight to me to follow you on your travels: and I may collect from it inquirenda, videnda etc. for you against you return that way. I mean if you can get another in addition to your own.

4 Cf. letter 350, § 22.

Send me also by the same means the map of Courland if you can get it. It is by a Mr. Groll I think his name is or Grot a Clergyman of that country.5 Don't fob me off with an old antiquated one of a prior date to his.

Mr. De Court tells me of a certain sort of Biscuit, which he exports to France, which is very common in Holland, but which he has never seen here. If they are good and you find that the encrease they make in the parcel would not be attended with any considerable trouble to Mr. Strachan or expence to us, but not otherwise, you might send a small parcel of them to Mr. Lind.

I hope you have been in no need of being reminded of the force of habit.

The name of the new Padlock is 'Habit' as well as of the other. The fewer burthens upon the memory I thought the better.

Friday morning.

Yesterday I received your letter—there's a dear good boy for writing. Yesterday also came one from Q.S.P. to both of us. Very kind, but = 0 as usual.

I received a day or two ago a letter from Davies in which he says he shall not go to sea; and I expect him every day to pick me up and carry me to Brompton.

I have transacted the business with Otley6 ; which hung upon me very much. He is to take back all but 16 of the inlaid steel buttons, and to allow ½ a guinea for the plain cut ones. This half guinea alas! goes for the D. of C. 7 As he is so dear, there is no such thing as having two of him; but the one I have got you shall have, attendu that to me it could give pleasure only, and to you it might afford pleasure and profit too. You might produce it before him at taking leave or sooner, asking leave to examine it with the original: who knows but it might give him occasion to make you a present of his picture in another form? What put this into my head was, the parable of the nest eggs in Hudibras.

You left behind you your liquefiable amalgam: also a gimcrack for weighing. The former I shall send by Strachan: together with the best set of inlaid buttons: which (as also certain papers of the D. of C.) I forgot to put up in the Hamburgh Box. In the Hamburgh

5 This map has not been identified.

6 G. and R. Otley, Woollen-drapers, Men's Mercers and Button-sellers, 43 Holborn and 71 New Bond Street.

7 He had bought a miniature of the Duke of Courland. Samuel Bentham's travels were to take in the little state of Courland, of which Mittau was the capital: he had obtained a letter of introduction to the Duke.

box you will also find a pamphlet on the marine which I gave 9d. for at a Bookseller's in Oxford Road. I can not get any good lights yet about a Surveying Book. I don't think therefore that I shall send one. You will hardly want one unless you have *M.* to bring it.

I have enquired at Cadel's—Of Mungo Murray's8 there is nothing else but what you have.

I have settled the matter with Ravenscroft about Richard and got William in his stead. Hairdressing is now a very comfortable operation.

In short I am altogether very comfortable, Mr. Sir: howsoever your vanity may dispose you to think otherwise: and not the less so from having observed the Wind to change amain. I hope it has for some time been very favourable to you. You will make me a connoisseur in winds.

### 321

### S a m u e l B e n t h a m t o J e r e m y B e n t h a m 1

### 25 August 1779

 We have just now past Woolwich which is the last place in the River till we come to Gravesend the appearance of which is connected with any interesting ideas. As we shall probably come to anchor for about 8 hours somewhere near Gravesend I will send you a bit of a letter from thence. Whenever we come to anchor our Skipper must go ashore at the Custom house at Gravesend, and I must go with him to procure some provision or starve. You left me so suddenly that we had no opportunity of speaking any of those kind of speeches to each other which could have answered no purpose but that of furnishing us both with such a set of melancholy ideas as we might not for a long time have gotten rid of. It is now so little a time since we parted that the Idea of the probability of our not seeing one another for so long a time had affected me very little and I hope we shall neither suffer much on this account. We have long intended to part on such occasion but never could have

8 Mungo Murray (d. 1770) was a shipwright at Deptford, and a teacher of mathematics and navigation. He published *A Treatise on Shipbuilding* (1754) and *The Rudiments of Navigation* (1760) and other works.

**321.** 1 B.M. II: 359. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremy Bentham: '1779 Aug 25 / S.B. Gravesend to I.B. Linc. Inn / On board the Jonge Maria on his voyage to Helvetsluys.'

the expectation of circumstances favouring us so much. Could I only know that you eat your breakfast and drink your tea tolerably comfortably without me I could be no otherwise than happy myself. The variety of objects which must necessarily engage my attention will give me *no time* to be long uneasy on any account. If I meet with a disappointment in one place I have another to turn to and a happy memory that will soon put the unsuccessful one out of the way. Well but you shall have no more such general reflections for your amusements. I must begin to get into a habit of giving you some idea of my present circumstances.2

### 322

### J e r e m y B e n t h a m t o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

### 29 August 1779 (Aet 31)

 I will talk to Strachan and De Court about Hats if I can remember it.

I found it necessary to put the buttons up in the deal box to guard them against the wet. I wrapped them up in two or 3 papers, then in a piece of old dirty bays: then in a leather powdering-bag tying it up as tight as possible: that again in another piece of bays and then in a sheet of paper to prevent it's dirty〈ing〉 other things. I had the ingenuity to string them together by the shanks in order to prevent from rattling about and scratching one another.

The trunk and box went off to Grills2 this morning at 12 o'clock. Grills people told me last night that there would be no need of sending them to the custom-house. Observing in and about the trunk places for leather straps I got a pair price 5s. 6d. I directed

Samuel's friends Strachan and De Court were Dutch merchants, who were travelling to Hellevoetsluis by the packet and taking some things for Samuel with them. In fact the *Jonge Maria,* being a slow fishing boat, arrived at the same time as the packet, and Samuel met the two Dutchmen as they were all landing on 31 August (see Samuel's letters B.M. II: 361 to Bentham and B.M. II: 365 to his father, both unpublished). Samuel had evidently been introduced to Strachan by his friend Macaulay (cf. letter 324).

2 A carrier, mentioned several times in later letters.

2 The remainder of the letter is omitted. Samuel describes his fellow passengers and notes his arrival at Gravesend on Wednesday morning (25 August 1779). Although they do not seem under any apprehension of the French, he will rejoice when he is safe landed.

**322.** 1 B.M. II: 363. Autograph. Docketed: 'I.B. Aug 29 to S.B. Holland by favour Mr. Strachan.'

them for you at John Hanbury's Esqr. Hamburgh; sending a note to Grill to desire him to send a letter of advice if necessary.

I must make haste and put this up. The Dutchmen go off at 4 or 5 o'clock this afternoon which is sooner than I expected.

### 323

### T o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

### 30 August–4 September 1779 (Aet 31)

1

 Hamburgh is an Imperial Town: at Hamburgh therefore you will probably be able to get the Edict of the Empress Queen, abolishing Torture throughout her dominions: if you can, do; as likewise all other edicts if there are any, relative to criminal law and posterior to the Code Therese published in 17| |.

2

Amongst other reveries it came into my head t'other day that if the D. 2 does not employ you he deserves to have his head cut off if he does not give you a carriage to go to Petersburgh with: and that you might even spell for it, by asking Bar. Klopman how you should manage about a carriage, and where and how such a thing was to be got, and how much it would cost; and if told the price shake your head, saying it is a good deal of money to pay for coming so much out of your way etc.

3

You may take occasion to mention Lindegreen to Klopman, speaking of the regret he expressed at his not having done what he undertook to do for him. and of his taking shame to himself for his neglect: asking him at the same time whether it is any thing that you could do for him, and that you wou'd endeavour to acquit yourself better, and endeavour to make atonement for your friend's forgetfulness etc. etc. If it is any thing that I can do, in order to save time you may write to me, that I may do it: but whatever it is, it is probably already done by Offenburg.3

**323.** 1 B.M. II: 364. Autograph. Docketed: 'I.B. to S.B. Hamburg 1779 Augt. 30th.'

Addressed: 'Mr. Samuel Bentham.'

2 The Duke of Courland. Baron Ewald de Kloppman was his Grand Marshal.

3 The Baron d'Offenburg was Chamberlain to the Duke of Courland. He was or recently had been in England and Samuel travelled with a letter of recommendation to the Duke from him (cf. B.M. XX: 4). His son was evidently studying in England, probably at the Naval Academy, Portsmouth, and it is probably he who is intended here (cf. letter 342). See also letter 347, § 3.

### Monday Aug. 30

 I have just settled with Otley. He allows discount for the whole: though some of it is not less than 7 weeks standing: so that by one means or other his bill is reduced from near £25, to £20 13s. or thereabouts.

5

〈...〉 after 2.

Just received your letter from the Nore.4 But how the deuce came it *from you*? *to me* it came by the penny-post. What a disappointment! before I open'd it, j'ai cru bonnement that it came from Helvoitsluys. Ten thousand millions of plagues upon these cursed Dutchmen! and when and how am I to write to Q.S.P.? The wind seems to be at the South: but still too much, too much to the East. If we could but have known this, we might have gone down together to Rochford and staid at my farm. N'importe, you will have learnt experience, and patience, and how to fare hard.

6

I wonder whether you will meet with 〈Strachan〉 and De Court at Helvoetsluys, or any where before you get to Rotterdam. I was with them on Friday from 3 to 5. and saw them just setting off in a Postchaise for Harwich. Nothing could be more friendly than they were both: Strachan more particularly who told me he should offer you a bed.  Yes—but how and whither?

8

Wilsons friend Johnson after all goes not to Thorpe. He is swept away as well as Wilson's other friend Trail,6 by the Warwickshire

4 In this letter of 27 August 1779 (B.M. II: 360) Samuel complains at the ship's delaying around the mouth of the Thames, and at having to share a bed with a dirty Dutch sailor.

5 Samuel Bentham had recently composed a Commentary on Sir William Petty's Plan for a System of Instruction relative to the business of the Marine Department. It is set out as a chart and seems first to have been published as part of *Naval Papers,* Number 1 (1828), bearing however the dating 'Chatham 1779'. Sir William Petty (1623–87) was a writer on political economy and naval policy. In his letter from the Nore Samuel had asked Bentham to forward the Introduction to his Commentary.

6 Johnson is unidentified. James Trail (1750–1809) was a barrister much respected

Militia. And now comes a letter from Wilson (Aug. 27) pressing me to go down to him. But I received a letter from Davies t'other day in which he tells me he shall not go to Sea, that he looks every day to be in town, and hopes to take me down with him. However as it is a matter of uncertainty, I believe I shall pay Wilson a visit for a few days, but write to D. on Saturday, telling him that as soon as ever I heard from him for that purpose, I would come to Town from Wilson's and meet him.

### 9. Saturday Sept. 4 1779

These cursed people at Grill's though I called and wrote, and saw the Clerks and received promises and assurances over and over, and sent the things in time, missed the Ship that was to sail this day sennight, by which you will be a fortnight later in receiving the things, than you expected. What the consequences may be the Lord knoweth, but there is no help for it. If you receive this it will be through means of Mr. Hanbury, to whom it goes by the post.

### 10.

The key of the Trunk is in the Box.

### 11.

I came from Wilson's this morning with Douglas, and am going back to stay with him till Davies comes to town from Portsmouth.

### 12.

I have not yet seen the Barons. I called once or twice in vain. They called a day or two ago to take leave and left cards.

by his colleagues, but not very successful in his profession, as the attorneys ignored a man not well connected. So, at least, says Romilly, who met him on circuit in 1784 (*Memoirs of Sir Samuel Romilly,* 1840, I, 434). He was an intimate friend of George Wilson's. He was m.p. for Oxford, through the influence of the Earl of Hertford, from 1802–6. Bowring (x, 134) says that he had at an earlier stage held a situation in one of the colonies.

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 1 September 1779 (Aet 31)

Linc. Inn. Wednesday night Septr. 1st or 2. 1779

Hond. Sir

275

This is a letter I had much rather have delay'd and would have delay'd still longer, if I had not thought that the not hearing from us at all would be productive of more anxiety to you than the hearing what I have to tell you. The truth of the matter is that yesterday sennight at ¼ after one I left Sam under sail on board a Dutch Eel-boat bound for Helvoetsluys: and so heavy is the ship and so adverse have been the winds, that I much question whether he is got there yet. Elmsly with whom I have been talking just now says that a person whom he knows, embarked on board of such a vessel upwards of a fortnight ago, which has been so dilatory that the persons friends have had time to write over here to enquire what is become of him. However within this day or two we have had a tolerable share of South and South-west winds; so that I should hope that by this time he may have been landed. I have heard from him twice already; the first time on Friday by a letter dated Wednesday morning.2 He was then got no farther than Gravesend. The second time on Monday by a letter dated on Friday. He was then got no farther than Lee. When I left him the vessel swarmed with Jews: but these were either left at Gravesend, or at least are not Cabbin Passengers: for of these there are but one besides himself; a decent civil well-behaved man; with whom he agrees very well. The account he gives of himself is that he has been a Lady's Hairdresser: and is going in quality of Hair *Merchant* to Frankfurt Fair which is to be held I think the 5th: if so I doubt he will come more than one day after the fair. But now I think of it, he shall speak for himself.

Addressed 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr'.

**324.** 1 B.M. II: 369–371. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr. dated Lincoln's Inn / Wednesday 1st Sepr. 1779 / Reed. at Imley Park the 5th Septr. 1779.' Docketed by Mary Bentham: 'S.B. at Sea on way to Holland.'

2 Letter 321. The second (unpublished) one is B.M. II: 360.

The reasons which determined him to go in the manner he has are these. Had he accepted of the Russ. Embassador's offer he would have overshot Holland and Hamburgh; the latter of which places it is very material to his plans that he should spend some little time at. It will doubtless likewise be an advantage to him at Petersburgh and elsewhere to have to say that he has been in Holland and examined what belongs to shipping there. This was part of the advice which Sambouski gave him and seemed to lay a good deal of stress upon. Had he gone by a Hamburgh vessel, he would still have lost Holland, and wou'd not have set out so soon by 4 or 5 days. As he can go all the way to Groningen in Friesland in Treckshuyts, and from thence to Hamburgh through Bremen in Stage Coaches, I should hope that part of his travels will not prove very expensive. To Hamburgh the passage by Sea is 4 Guineas: to Helvoetsluys the way he goes, only 1. The 3 guineas difference I should hope would go a considerable way towards defraying the extra expence of travelling by land. He will have one great advantage in the good offices of Mr. Strachan Macaulay's friend, whom I parted with on Friday, just about to set off for Harwich. Strachan's behaviour both to me and him is beyond imagination friendly. There is nothing he will not do for me in the way of procuring information for my work or in any other in which he can be of use to me. Three days which he has been spending with Macaulay in Yorkshire I suppose have not hurt me in his good opinion: and it has fallen in my way to shew some little civilities to a very intelligent friend of his, a Mr. De Court of Dort. He told me he had a bed for Sam during his stay at Rotterdam. He had no opportunity to make the offer to Sam himself, being gone upon his Yorkshire tour before Sam's route was settled.

By all the accounts I hear, Sam is in no sort of danger from the French. However, for greater security and to save expence he has sent the bulk of his baggage to Hamburgh. By the packet he could not have gone for less than 5 guineas pass Custom house extortions, Harwich expenses and every thing included. The pass alone is £2 – 2s. – 6. The Packet boats too have been taken once and chaced several times: for which reason they stop at Harwich by the week together, not choosing to trust to any but the fairest winds.

I should in course have written to you on Saturday last; but my hope then was not to be obliged to write till I could inform you of Sam's arrival. What you mentioned in your last of your having met with a disappointment one post gave me the hint: and I was in hopes that charity might lead you to impute the want of letters

from us to a similar cause. The reason of my writing now in the middle of a week is that I am going tomorrow to pay a visit to my friend Wilson who is settled at Thorpe near Chertsey for the summer season; and as I shall hardly return this week, if I were not to write now it might be a long time before you could hear from me. In order that you may not suffer from my absence, I have taken measures for getting all my foreign letters convey'd to Q.S.P. immediately, that Buckmaster3 may give you immediate information as soon as any one comes from Sam.

I shall send you together with his two letters to me a list of his letters of recommendation. These he takes with him for greater safety: since these as being of no use to any but the owner, it is to be hoped he would be allow'd to keep at any rate.

In answer to a letter of his to my Uncle4 ; Sam received a very kind letter, in which after mentioning losses by way of apology for not assisting him more effectually, my Uncle authorises him to receive of Mr. Mulford a sum 〈of〉 £55 the repayment of which he says shall depend upon 〈the〉 success of the plans he has in view. To attempt to give either him or you, Sir, any idea of those plans in the compass of a letter would be a vain attempt. They will serve us for the subject of many a conversation when we meet.

I shall likewise send you a transcript which I took for you of Lind's letters in his behalf.5 Pray return the whole cargo by the next frank that I may have it in my power to shew any of the items to any of his friends.

Pray remember me affectionately to my Mother and Far: I beg to know when she heard last from Charles. I wish she had been a little more explicit, that in case of Sam's being in any part of Holland at the same time, he might have had some clue to find him out by.6

### Your's dutifully and affectionately J.B.

3 In an unpublished letter to Samuel of 7 July 1779 (B.M. II: 335) Jeremiah Bentham refers to young Buckmaster as his tenant at Q.S.P. Presumably it was let to him while Jeremiah was at Imley Park.

4 George Woodward Grove (see letter 319, n. 2).

5 These letters of recommendation from Lind on Samuel's behalf were directed to Mr Huzarzewski, Commissary to the King of Poland in Danzig, Prince Repnin in Petersburg, the Duchess of Kingston residing at Petersburg, and to Mr de Greir in Stockholm, late the Swedish Envoy to Holland. (See B.M. XX for a list of Samuel's letters of recommendation and copies of some of them.)

6 Charles Abbot was returning from Geneva via Amsterdam with 'his friend Dr Chelsum' (see letter 214, n. 6) who had been in Geneva with a young pupil. (Jeremiah Bentham to Samuel Bentham, 17 August 1779, B.M. II: 355 unpublished.)

### 325

### T o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

### 10–28 September 1779 (Aet 31)

### Thorpe near Staines Sept. 10 1779

1

Yesterday thy letter from Dordrecht came to this place.2 Thou art a very good boy, that thou art, for writing so minutely. More than that, thy letter was exceedingly well penned: even Wilson, the severe-judging unapproving Wilson, observed to that effect.

2

I have just enclosed it to Lind, making provision for his not being at home, and desiring him to forward it to Q.S.P.

3

At the same time with thine, I reced a letter from Q.S.P. who is in very good humour, and gives me such an invitation to Imley3 as it will be rather difficult to me to fight off against.

4

The time of my going to Brompton remains still in uncertainty, as the St Albans after going out to Sea, came back again with Sr.

**325.** 1 B.M. II: 387–388. Autograph. Docketed: 'I.B. Thorpe to S.B. Hamburg 1779 Septr. 28th'

Addressed: 'Mr Bentham / chez Mr Hanbury / Hambourg.'

Bentham was staying at Thorpe with George Wilson (cf. letter 324).

2 Since his previous letter to Samuel, Jeremy had received two letters from him. The first (B.M. II: 361–362) was finished on Tuesday 31 August on arrival at Hellevoetsluis and describes the crossing, which had taken a week on the slow Dutch eel boat. Samuel had taken the helm at times, which was amusing and instructive. Their arrival coincided with that of Strachan and De Court in the packet. Bentham sent this letter to Queen Square Place whence it was forwarded to his father at Imley Park. Bentham wrote on the cover: 'I wish I had another hat at Petersburgh if not in Courland Pray return me this by the weekly frank. I wrote amply by the last. J.B. Thorpe—Sunday 5th 1779. What a lucky recontre that of Sam's with his two Dutch friends!'

The second letter (B.M. II: 367–368), started on 1 September at Rotterdam and finished on 3 September at Dordrecht, describes Sam's journey through Holland in the company of Strachan and De Court. For an account of part of the contents of this letter (which, as we learn from letter 328, was forwarded to Lind, who sent it on to Jeremiah Bentham), cf. letter 327, n. 1.

3 Cf. letter 319, n. 5.

Ch. Hardy.4 This recalled Davies to Portsmouth after he was come to town in his way to Brompton. He went on however to Brompton, though only just to say how do ye.

5

I fear it will be impossible for me to write to thee at Amsterdam owing to the circuities and delays occasioned by my being at Thorpe: besides that Q.S.P. has not returned me at the time I desired him the list of recommendations.

6

I wrote to you to Hamburgh on Saturday last, by a letter enclosed to Mr. Hanbury. It was to tell you that you were not to expect your things by the Ship that sailed the Saturday before: I wrote a letter of complaint to Grill, and received a very civil answer assuring me they should be sent by the next conveyance together with the promised letter to his 'cousin', which I reminded him of.

7

If you should ever write any thing to me with Symp.5 put before the passage an *Si* drawing a line or two across it, and beginning a fresh line thus

Si

Then go on in common.

### 8

Friday Sept. 17th still at Thorpe

This morning came your 3d. letter from Holland dated Amsterdam Sept. 10th.6 7 days out of the 10 days you are to stay longer being expired, it is in vain to think of writing after you: ainsi, I must be content with writing to Hamburgh. Your letters afford me the greatest pleasure my nature is at present capable of. The misfortune is I must part with them almost as soon as I have got them. Your last is already dispatched for Q.S.P. through the hands of Lind and Swede.

4 Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (1716?–86) was in command of the Channel fleet opposing the French and Spaniards; he had returned to Spithead on 3 September.

5 Sympathetic (invisible) ink.

6 B.M. II: 372–376. Written between 6 and 10 September: Samuel describes visits paid in Dordrecht (to De Court's house), Rotterdam, Delft, Leyden, The Hague, and Amsterdam. At The Hague he dined with Sir Joseph Yorke, the British Ambassador. He is making many useful observations at the dockyards, etc.

I had a letter today from Mrs. D. Alderman Clark I believe will give me a cast to town on Thursday, and I shall go I believe to Brompton on Saturday or Sunday.

### 10

Came a letter yesterday from Poli, about that damned stuff of Stellini, of which the damned Reviewers have taken no notice in all this time.7 From hence I have taken occasion to invite him to breakfast at Q.S.P. on Friday to the end that his eyes may be blessed with the glories thereof.

### 11

As it has pleased God, you have been a little idle, I perceive: not keeping Courland sufficiently in your view. After seeing the Timber floats you flung away a day at Dort: item several at Rotterdam. Well, God's will be done. Here's a spur for you: the misfortune is it will not reach you till you are got to the end of your journey.

### 12

The day before I came to Thorpe Lind gave me a pamphlet of his that was just come out, being an answer to the French and Spanish manifestos or whatever else they are called.8 I believe I may as well send it you along with this letter.

### 13

Whitehall Evening Sept. 21

Portsmouth Sept. 20.

'Saturday the Sandwich, of 90 guns, came out of Dock. This is the first second-rate sheathed with copper; which was begun and compleated in 15 hours.'

### 14

### Saturday Sept. 25

Came to Town from Thorpe as Thursday found your curvators sent hither from Mrs. Ramsden's9 —item letters from Q.S.P. very

7 For Poli, see letter 312, n. 2. It is possible that the 'damned stuff' was the posthumous works of Jacopo Stellini (1699–1770), Professor of Morals at Padua, published as *Opera Omnia,* 4 vols., Padua, 1778–79, which presented a general theory of ethics. See also letter 358, pp. 451–2.

8 See also letter 338 at n. 6. The pamphlet in question was perhaps *Remarks on the Rescript of the Court of Madrid and on the manifesto of the Court of Versailles,* though the number of anonymous publications on this occasion makes it difficult to be certain.

9 Presumably the wife of Jesse Ramsden (cf. letter 106, n. 5), i.e. Sarah, youngest

affectionate and very ready to let me off from coming to Imley, before he had reced my letters of excuse. ~

### 15. Naples

Poli breakfasted with me yesterday. Acton10 is to have 15 Ships of the Line; but as yet they exist but in his head. Poli will have it, that since the present Minister (Sambuca) has been in office, which is about 7 years, Naples has not been at all under the influence of Spain. This is not absolutely immaterial as matters stand at present. Naples has about twice as many people as Sweden *has*: and about half as many as Gr. Brit and Ireland are supposed to have, which is about 9,000,000. In Naples they are number'd every year: in Sweden sometimes. There were 10 Neapolitan officers on board our fleet; besides 4 or 5 pilots, and several common men: 4 officers and several of the common men were taken on board the Ardent, and nobody has since heard from them.

### 16

A Lieutenant *Coger* (so Poli calls him—do you know such a person?) of the Marlborough,11 told the Venetian Ambassador and the Marquis Caraccioli,12 from which two Poli had it, that being in the Marlborough he saw the Ardent surrounded and fired on by 5 or 6 French ships of the line at once; and that she did not yield till dismasted and quite ungovernable. This altogether inconsistent with the Paris account published by authority.

### 17

It is clear now that the French and Spaniards if they had been so disposed had more than one opportunity of bringing Hardy to an action: and that Hardy virtually offer'd them battle by forbearing to crowd sail etc. At one time upon his standing from them,

daughter of John Dollond, f.r.s. (1706–61), under whom Ramsden served his apprenticeship as an optician. Ramsden's shop, previously in the Haymarket, was now in Piccadilly.

10 Sir John Francis Edward Acton (1736–1811), born in France, the son of an expatriate Irish physician, had recently been seconded to Naples from the Tuscan navy to reorganize the navy of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Subsequently he became first minister there.

11 The *Marlborough* (74), with the *Ardent* (64), fell in with the French fleet on 17 August on their way to join Hardy's Channel fleet. The *Marlborough* escaped, but the *Ardent* was captured.

12 Prince Francesco Caracciolo (1732–99), a distinguished Neapolitan sailor, served in the British navy during the American war. In 1799 Nelson had him hanged on board the *Minerva* for having served under the Republicans in Naples after the flight of Ferdinand IV.

d'Orvilliers13 sent forward 3 frigates14 to watch him: upon this Hardy detached 3 of his frigates to meet them: they retired behind the main body. Hardy's retired of course. Some time after D'Orvilliers sent out 3 frigates as before: Hardy but a single one. that single one requested permission to stay for the 3 alone: leave was given him and he did so: still the enemies retreated as before. From the Venet. Ambass: and Carraccioli through Poli. I should have told you that these few days ago they were on board our fleet.

18

Hardy's stopping for the French is confirmed by a Mr. Leycester a Nabob15 whom Wilson dined with on Wednesday at Col: St Paul's16 at Chertsey, and who that morning left Plymouth, where he had been spending a good deal of time on board the fleet. Officers as well as men in the highest spirits, deeming their 3 deckers irresistible, and depending much upon sickness of the enemy's landmen in rough seas.

19

Col. St Paul a year or two ago on his return from Paris was in many of the Dutch barrier towns, and being known was suffer'd to examine their fortifications. He says they are in a very bad plight indeed: a circumstance which is sufficient to justify the Dutch in delaying to assist us, and even in forbearing altogether, unless supported by some continental power such as Russia or Prussia.

13 Louis Guillouet, Comte d'Orvilliers (1708–91), in command of the French Channel fleet.

14 A new column starts here. Bentham has written 'Mear's Book' at the top, presumably to remind himself to mention it.

15 Unidentified.

16 Horace St Paul (1729–1812) had fled England as a young man after killing his opponent in a duel. He served with distinction on the Austrian side in the Seven Years' War, under Archduke Prince Charles of Lorraine. In 1759 he was appointed Colonel of Cavalry, and at the end of the war the Emperor created him a Count of the Holy Roman Empire. After fourteen years' exile he returned to England in 1765 with the help of Lord Stormont, then Ambassador in Vienna. He obtained a free pardon from George III. In 1772 he became secretary to the Embassy in Paris, where Lord Stormont was now Ambassador. In 1776 he became Envoy to Stockholm, but financial difficulties forced him to resign. He settled with his family in Chertsey, where he lived until 1787, when he moved to Ewart in Northumberland. He kept up an active interest in political and military affairs.

George G. Butler in his *Colonel St. Paul of Ewart, Soldier and Diplomat* (1911) (from which the above details are derived) seems to imply that Bentham first met St Paul in Paris. If so, this must have been in 1770. But it is not clear that there is any evidence for this meeting. Butler also publishes a letter Bentham wrote to St Paul in 1785.

On former occasions the French had triangular things (I have no other description of them) to tear our rigging to pieces; of these Hardy has now got a supply: most or all the 3 deckers have got the 8 additional guns. So far Leycester. Gov. Johnstone who at first spoke with contempt of the *carronades,* has since retracted and adopted them.

21

Adm. Barrington has been in the neighbourhood of Thorpe and Chertsey. He speaks in the highest terms of Byron so that all reports of a misunderstanding are groundless. He complains much of Ld. Sandwich: through whose fault, but for an accident, he says he should have been starved. At his going out he found he had not provisions enough: he asked for more: Ld. S. refused, saying he would find plenty at Barbadoes. This he did not care to trust to: but got a supply from Sir T. Pye. (Of this last circumstance Qu? for how could Pye satisfy him without and even against orders from Ld. S. ?)—when he came to Barbadoes, he found none were to be had.—Great complaint also of his powder: when the Balls from the French ships went through and through his balls made no impression upon them. So says Barrington (Qu. might not the superior length of the French guns be one cause?) This was some of the Dutch powder. B. assigns no other reason for leaving the W. Indies than ill health: which however appears not in his looks.17

22

How unlucky that L. did not think of introducing you to Count Welderen, the Dutch Ambassador! you might then probably have got access at Rotterdam. L. is upon as good terms with him as with Nolken.18 This may do perhaps on your return.

### 23. Book on Sweden

'Memoires pour servir a la connoissance des affaires politiques et economiques du Royaume de Swede jusqu'a a la fin de la

18 Baron Nolken, the King of Sweden's Minister in London. Samuel travelled with an introductory letter from him to Baron de Falkengreen, First Lord of the Admiralty in Sweden.

17 On 6 June 1779 Vice-Admiral the Hon. John Byron (1723–80), second son of the fourth Lord Byron, had succeeded Rear-Admiral the Hon. Samuel Barrington (1729– 1800), fifth son of the first Viscount Barrington, in command of the Leeward Islands Station. Both were involved in the disastrous action off Granada in July from which Barrington had returned home wounded. Sir Thomas Pye (1713?–85), m.p. for Rochester 1771–74, Admiral since 1773, was at this time Commander-in-Chief at Portsmouth.

1775me année—A Londres (false title) 1776—et se trouve a Dresde, chez George Conrad Walker.' 2 Vols petit en 4to pp 431.19 A most ample and particular account of the present state of Sweden. I got it yesterday at Elmsly's. It is a perfect treasure. I would have sent it you; but that you may certainly meet with it at Hamburgh or elsewhere. Elmsly says it was published at Stockholm: probably he is mistaken; as there the Press is or at least professes to be free. The Société Typographique has sold 6 copies: one to Ct. Malzahn, the Prussian Ambassador here. The Author in his dedication signs himself J.G.C. Make yourself perfect master of as much as relates to the Marine; perfect it, and continue it down to the present time. You must have it now immediately without regard to the time of your going to Sweden, on account of it's usefulness as *a pump.*

24

Mears has written to me to return him his Masting book. I forget how it was disposed of. If you should have it, you must return it by the first opportunity.

25

Besides the 2 Mahogany Curvators you mentioned, one for yourself, the other for Lindegreen Mrs. Ramsden has sent a Brass one. This I know nothing of—I fear there may have been some mistake: she supposing you to have ordered what you did not. However I have thought it best to send it you. If you are sure you did not order it, you must send it back.

26

I shall send tomorrow the following things for you in a box directed to you at Mr. Hanbury's: 1st. 1 Brass Curvator. 2. 1 Mahogany do. and in short all the articles in Mrs. Ramsden's last Bill except Lindegreen's Curvator. I send you her two Bills: (you will see what a sum!) 3. Your cypher Seal. 4. 10 cakes of patent blacking at 6d. each. 5. Your own Swordhook etc. 6 Your razor strap with one razor. 7. 1 box of tooth-powder. 8. Lind's pamphlets. Wilkins 'secret and swift messenger.'20

19 The author of this book was J. G. Canzler. Apart from putting 'Swede' for 'Suède', Bentham gives the title correctly.

20 John Wilkins (1614–72), Warden of Wadham College, Oxford and Bishop of Chester, *Mercury, or the Secret and Swift Messenger, showing how a Man may with Privacy and Speed communicate his Thoughts to a Friend at any Distance,* 1641. It is 'a very ingenious work on cryptography and modes of rapid correspondence' (*D.N.B.*). Wilkins's work on universal language was *An Essay towards a real Character and a*

(This was written before the invention of flags). 8. His life with an account of his book on an universal language. (It is extant in folio.)

### 28

1. Things from Blamires21 I have forgot, and very likely you may not have them—No hat, nor any thing from Plymouth.

### 29

Perhaps I may put up some scraps of the rough draft of a memorial I drew up for Champagne22 (Ald. Clark's friend) the object of which was to bring about a direct trade between him and some Russian Mine-Proprietor for Iron. They are imperfect and not worth keeping.

### 30

Swede has got a catalogue of all the books printed in Germany in the course of this year. There are 2 for every year which are distributed as he says among the *trade* (Booksellers) only at the Book Fairs of Frankfurt and Leipsic. Je serois charmé to take them in: but he makes a great mystery about it (as he does indeed about every thing) and says they are not to be had for love or money that he has them as a particular favour. Now if he were always to have them it would be well—but as his stay is so uncertain I should be glad to take them in. Furthermore I should like to have them for a good way back—suppose from the year 1760. They are thinnish pamphlets in small 4to. Abundance of translations of English Books—There is a possibility of the Fragment's being among them—look from the year 1776. They are in alphabetical order—several articles begin with the word 'Fragment' which is *germanized.*

[*Insertion in red ink:* My eyes are bad just now—hence I write so bad.]

22 Unidentified.

*Philosophical Language,* to which was appended *An Alphabetical Dictionary wherein all English Words according to their various significations are either referred to their places in the Philosophical Tables, or explained by such Words as are in those Tables,* 1688. He was a founder of the Royal Society, and wrote a discourse concerning the possibility of a passage to the moon.

21 Richmond Blamire, stationer in Northumberland Street, off the Strand. Samuel had asked for his things from Blamire's to be sent: these may have included a rather special pocket-book his father promised him from Blamire's in a letter of 7 July 1779 (B.M. II: 335).

Mind you don't let Hanbury lose any thing in postage of letters etc.  By that means you may have things in winter.

### 32. Cloaths

The cut Steel buttons require a ratteen coat with them—brown or glossy blue for instance or ash colour.

33.

I saw Nairne to day. He said he would send me an account of the glasses with their prices as soon as he could find his minutes which are at Hampstead.

34.

Monday 27th Sept. 4 Dutch Mails are come in to day, and I am waiting with impatience for a letter. If no commands of your honour's come to detain me, I shall go to Brompton tomorrow.

35.

I have got a general Index: 3 leaves to a letter. Remember as often as you have occasion to recommence the paging of a subject, do it by prefixing 100—instead of Inserenda. This saves the word Inserenda in references, and enables you to change the paging toties quoties. Thus I have 'Pleasures and Pains' 1, 2 etc. 101, 102 etc. 201, 202, etc.

### 36.

Bibliotheca Navalis23 I have found, but cannot copy now on account of my eyes.

### 37.

11 o'clock

Mrs Mann24 left Q.S.P. at 9 o'clock, and no letters yet. As there are 4 Dutch Mails come in together, I am in hopes the case is the letters are not yet deliver'd—If you have let 4 mails pass without writing what tortures are bad enough for you? I have been writing to tell them I shan't go to Brompton tomorrow.

23 This is presumably what is later referred to also as *Bibliolheca Maritima*—i.e. a bibliography of books on naval subjects compiled by Samuel (cf. letter 355, n. 1).

24 Unidentified.

Q.S.P. I should have told you was much delighted with your letters; with the minuteness and so forth of your observations: better humour mortal can not be in; although he complains of the gout flying about him. I made my eyes start out of my head tother day writing a long letter to amuse him. This good humour too was before he had seen your Amsterdam letter: which I hope has not contributed to lessen it.

39

I have settled the doctrine of *'Motives'* charmingly. Item that of *'Dispositions'.* People's intentions, motives and dispositions will now be clear as the Sun at noon-day.25

### 40

'Relation de la derniere Revolution en Suede—dans une lettre a un Noble de Venise par l'Abbé Michelessi' pr. Raspe.26 (L'Auteur fut present et y eut quelque part) Enquire about this and get it for me if you can. Nobody knows any thing of it here.

### 41

Schursper[?] de motibus fluidorum. Vendeboni 1776.27 I believe there are two parts—thin 4to. This is a book for you.

25 Cf. *Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation,* Chaps. X, XI.

26 Domenico Michelessi, *Lettre à Mgr. Visconti Archevêque d'Ephése ... sur La Révolution Arrivée en Suéde. le 19 Aout 1772,* [translated from the Swedish], Stockholm, 1773.

The word 'pr.' is not very clear. It could be 'tr.' but this does not seem very likely. Presumably Raspe had recommended the book to Bentham.

Rudolph Eric Raspe (1737–94) is several times mentioned subsequently in the correspondence. Letter 341 shows Bentham considering him as a possible translator of the *Code* into German. Raspe had been Professor of Archaeology in Hesse-Cassel, and inspector of the collection of antiquities and coins in Cassel. He was also a member of the Landgrave's Council. In 1775 he was arrested for having stolen parts of the collection. He escaped and came to England where he spent the rest of his days, till his death in Ireland. He supported himself by teaching German and translating German books into English. He also had work in a tin-mine in Cornwall, and planned to operate his own mine in Ireland. After he had been struck off the list of members of the Royal Society he threatened to publish *Unphilosophical Transactions* of the members in the same format as the *Philosophical Transactions.* He published various works on his own account, on gems, painting, antiquities, manufactories. In 1765 he had published an edition of Leibniz's works. Thirty years after his death it became known that he had been the original author of the *Adventures of Baron Munchausen,* which was first published in 1785 at London.

27 Not traced. The name of the author is hard to read.

Tuesday Sept. 28

Just received your letter dated Friday 17th.28 I am vext to think of your disappointment at not hearing from me but you will know the cause.

45

I have got the Diamond from Blamires29: and I hope to get the Bibliotheca Navalis copied.

### 46

I believe I shall put you up a book or two on surveying.

### 47

Ingenhaus is coming out with something in English about Airs and evaporation: and at the end of it will be a short account of Fontana's apparatus.

48

Fontana30 called on me tother day with Schwede; we are afraid of losing him next month.

### 49

Swede is translating into French out of German a capital book of Scheele's the Swedish chemist about the constituent parts of fire and other things. It seems to promise much.31

### 50

My next I shall probably direct to Bar. Klop. in Courland.

28 Dated 15–17 September 1779 from Amsterdam, unpublished (B.M. II: 378). Samuel gives an account of the people he has met there, including Cornelius Munter to whom he had an introduction from Lindegreen, and Job May (cf. letter 332, n. 3).

29 Kent's London Directory 1778 lists John Blamire of 1 Cross Street, Hatton Garden, where the diamond market is situated.

30 The Abbé Felix Fontana (1730–1803), an Italian scientist, who had previously been Professor of Philosophy in Pisa and was now director of the Museum of Physics and Natural History in Florence. He was probably in England collecting for it. He published numerous scientific treatises, on physiology, on the motion of the iris, and on the venom of the viper. In 1776 he had published a work on 'dephlogisticated' and nitrous air. He had devised a new eudiometer, i.e. apparatus for measuring the quantity of oxygen present. He had a particular reputation for his wax models of parts of the body, of which he made an immense number.

31 C. W. Scheele, *Chemische Abhandlung von der Luft und dem Feuer* (Upsala and Leipzig, 1777). See also letter 336, §11.

### T o G e o r g e W o o d w a r d G r o v e 1

### 12 September 1779 (Aet 31)

### Thorpe near Staines Sept. 12 1779

Dear Sir

289

 I promised to give you tidings of my brother when he should have reached the other side of the water; the kind part you take in his concerns leaves no room to doubt of your wishing to see me fulfill my promise. Last Tuesday sennight being the 24th of August, I left him off Billingsgate on board a Dutch Eel-boat sailing for Helvoetsluys. He chose that conveyance in preference to the Harwich packet boat, partly for cheapness, partly for safety, the packet boat having been once taken and several times chaced. His situation was unpleasant and his voyage tedious. I heard from him twice before he got out of the river: once from Gravesend on the Wednesday; and again from Lee on the Friday or Saturday. I was under difficulties with regard to my Father; who not knowing all the reasons my Brother had for wishing to take Holland and Hamburgh in his way, wished him for safety to accept the offer that was made him by the Russian Ambassador of a particular protection in case of his going directly by Sea to Petersburgh. I had already missed one of the times on which we had been used to write to my father since this expedition had been on the carpet: and in our last we had said nothing of the time or means of my Brothers going. My plan was if possible not to apprise my Father of the danger till it should be over: I found however that this would do no longer; and on Thursday the 2d. instant on my leaving town to come to this place, where I am on a visit to a friend, I sent a letter to Q.S.P. to be forwarded in the weekly frank to Imley Park, telling my father how the matter stood, and letting him know, as the winds were, how uncertain it was, when we should have any news from Holland. Fortunately a letter came from Helvoetsluys the next day: and in consequence of measures I had taken at the

This letter was sent before letter 325 was concluded, and so before Bentham received the letters mentioned in nn. 6 and 28 thereto.

**326.** 1 B.M. II: 376–377. Autograph. Docketed by Mary Bentham: 'J. Bentham 12 Septr. 1779.' In pencil, probably by Mary Bentham: 'Giving account of S.B.'s departure for Holland.'

Addressed: 'Geo: Woodward Grove Esqr. / Whitchurch / Hants'. Postmark: '13 SE'. Stamped: 'sta'.

Post-office my Father heard of it's being arrived at the same time that he received mine. Since that I have received another dated Dort in Holland Sept. 3. He landed at Helvoetsluys Tuesday the 31st. a week after his setting sail. At landing he had the good fortune to meet with two Dutch Gentlemen with whom I had brought him acquainted: they were landing from the Harwich packet-boat. From them he has received every possible assistance and civility: he went in their company to Rotterdam; which is about 20 miles from Helvoetsluys: and his last letter is dated from the house of one of them at Dort. The next day (Sept. 4) he was to return to Rotterdam: and from thence proceed to Amsterdam by way of the Hague: where he has a letter to our Ambassador. At Amsterdam he thinks of staying (one) week; and will then make the best of his way to Hamburgh.

I heard on Thursday from my Father at Imley Park: all well. He had then received my Brother's first Dutch letter, which I sent him: and has by this time received the 2d.

I hope this will find yourself and family in good health; being with the sincerest affection and gratitude Dear Sir

> Your most obedient Nephew Jeremy Bentham

### 327

### T o T h e E a r l o f S h e l b u r n e 1

### 17 September 1779 (Aet 31)

Sept. 17, 1779

My Lord,

The doubts I have so much reason for entertaining whether such intelligence as I have to communicate and from such a quarter

**327.** 1 Lansdowne MSS. Autograph.

No address or docket. Someone has written the following at the end of the letter: *η ΑΙΛɜ η ΑφΙθη.*

Lord Shelburne (cf. letter 125, n. 3) had provided letters of recommendation for Samuel's journey, and this is the second of a series of letters Bentham sent to Shelburne communicating extracts from his brother's letters from abroad. The first of the series is not preserved among the Lansdowne Mss. at Bowood, but B.M. II: 428–429 are torn fragments of a draft or copy of a letter in which Bentham transcribes parts of Samuel's letter of 1–3 September (B.M. II: 367–368). The opening paragraph, with crossed-out words omitted reads as follows:

'Though unknown, I 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈. . .〉 myself as under high 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈. . .〉 on account of my Brother who 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉

will be worth the reading, and whether the presumption of this address will be overlooked in favour of the sentiments which dictated it, have not prevented me from sending an extract from another letter of my Brother I have just received dated Amsterdam Sept. 10 1779.2

Should anything in the political way present itself in future in any of his letters which appears to stand any chance of proving interesting to your Lordship, I believe I shall take the liberty of transmitting it without adding to what may be thought the importance of the thing itself the importance of fresh apologies. I have the honour to be with great respect

> Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant Jeremy Bentham

(At Rotterdam) 'Before Strachan went to England' (about 7 or 8 months ago) 'there were not above one or two Ships in hand' (in the public Dock Yard) 'now' (Sept. 6) there are 5 or 6 of 'the Line building and repairing.'

'Sir Joseph Yorke gave me two political pamphlets . . .one that of Sir Jas. Marriot entitled Memoire Justificatif de la conduite de la Grande Bretagne en arretant les navires etrangers et les munitions de guerre destinées aux insurgens de l'Amerique Londres— Harrison and Brooke 1779 4to...The Language is not his: Sir Josh put it into somebody's hands to correct, as Sir Jas is not perfectly master of French.'3

'The other Sir Joseph calls a libel but says at the same time that

the way of Holland, honoured by y〈our Lordship's recommenda-〉 tions. It is the sense I have of 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 induces me to venture on the liberty of 〈acquainting your〉 Lordship with the following intelligence, 〈which may indeed a-〉 mount to nothing, but which as 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈. . 〉. little appearance of some secret nego〈tiation; and may〉 on that supposition prove not uninteresting 〈...〉 〈...〉 〈. . .〉

The first of the two passages Bentham transcribes from Samuel's letter concerns a Mr Lloyd who had arrived with them on the packet, who corresponded with Lord North and with John Robinson of the Treasury, and who was on his way to Paris. He claimed to have 'a particular list of the combined fleets' which 'consisted of 66 vessels of the line including 50 Gunships'. The second passage refers to the anger caused in Rotterdam by the delay of the packet at Hellevoetsluis because Lord Spencer (cf. letter 83, n. 2), who was travelling with his wife and his daughter Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire (1757–1806), was afraid of crossing without a convoy. Samuel also reports in this passage that people in Holland 'seem to think that poor England is very soon to become a province of France' and that they 'are growing rich at present at our expense as greatest part of the English trade is now carrying on through the hands of the Dutch'.

2 B.M. II: 372–376, 6–10 September 1779; cf. letter 325, n. 6.

3 Hon. Joseph Yorke (1724–92), 3rd son of the 1st Earl of Hardwicke, k.b. 1761,

it is every word true. He insists much on the use or almost necessity of Libels against Libels: Professes himself to have been the cause of a yard-full of them being written; and says after the King of Prussia that it is as necessary to *write* out an enemy as to *fight* him out: an apophthegm he had from his Majesty's own mouth. This pamphlet is entitled Memoire sur l'importance et la necessité ou se trouve les Provinces-Unies de fournir a l'Angleterre les secours stipulés par les traités. Utrecht 1779.4

Extracts of a letter from Mr. Samuel Bentham dated Amsterdam Sept. 17th.5 'Sir Joseph (Yorke) said that Spanish Officers who had been at the Hague came to him, but not to the French Ambassador.

'Sir W. Hamilton in the letter I saw of his to Sir Josh said that the body of fire at the eruption (of Vesuvius) which lasted some hours was 3 miles broad and 4000 yards high. Cinders, (a very few) were flung to the distance of 100 miles.'6

'Tuesday I went on board the immense frigate built here for the French: but Sir Joseph has I believe stoped her going to Sea; so that she is now almost unrigged again. The English would buy her, but the proprietors ask too much. Her dimensions agree with those of the Ship Schwediaeur saw here a year or two ago.' (186 feet in length: 148 in breadth.)

### 328

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 17 September 1779 (Aet 31)

Thorpe near Staines Sep. 17 1779

Hond. Sir

 I fear it will not be in my power, or at least worth while to either of us, for me to wait upon you at Imley Park. By my Brother's

m.p. for various constituencies 1751–1780, was British minister at the Hague 1751–61 and ambassador 1761–80. In 1788 he was created Baron Dover.

James Marriott (*c.* 1730–1803), son of a Hatton Garden attorney, had been Master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge since 1764. He was knighted in 1778, when he became an Admiralty judge. He was m.p. for Sudbury 1781–84 and 1796–1802.

4 This pamphlet has not been traced.

5 B.M. II: 378, 15–17 September 1779: cf. letter 325, n. 28.

6 Sir William Hamilton, f.r.s. (1730–1803), nephew of the 4th Duke of Hamilton, m.p. for Midhurst 1761–64, was British envoy in Naples from 1764 to 1800. (Nelson's Lady Hamilton was his second wife). Cf. letter 342 at n. 14.

**328.** 1 B.M. II: 380. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr datd. Thorpe, Surry / 17th Sepr. 1779 / Reed. at Imley Park.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' This

2d. letter2 which I sent you and which I hope you have ere now received, you will perceive that I have several little commissions to execute for him. I have likewise others besides those. This will make it necessary for me to watch times and persons, and not be absent from London for any considerable length of time. I am likewise a visit in debt to Mr Davies. He happens to have some particular reasons for wishing to see me down at Brompton; now that my Brother who might otherwise have answer'd the same purpose is abroad. There has been a negotiation of, I suppose, a dozen letters between us on the subject; and I am so far engaged by many repeated promises that he could not but take it very much amiss were I to disappoint him. By one which I received from him t'other day I find he is not yet altogether without expectation of being called upon by Lord Howe: to whom I believe a great part of the nation continue to look up with greater confidence than to any other man in his line, notwithstanding the disappointments they have met with in his brother.

I am much obliged to you for your kind offer of bearing my travelling expences: it is true that for a few days or so, I might accept it, notwithstanding any of the reasons that I have mentioned: but for so 〈short〉 a time it would hardly be worth while to put you to the expence of a couple of guineas, and myself to the trouble of two Coach—that is sick—journeys one of them by night. You say nothing of the time of your further stay: but I conclude it cannot be more than a month at farthest.

I am just now made happy by a letter from Sam dated Amsterdam Sept 〈10〉. 3 I hope you will receive it at the same time with this: but his obligations to Lind are such, that as Lind is very desirous of seeing his letters, I can not do otherwise than give him the opportunity; and as some of the intelligence in it is political, and earliness is every thing in intelligence of that sort, I can not wait the return of a packet from Imley before I send it him.

My brother's 2d. letter went from hence on Friday last /the same day I reced it/ directed to Lind. I desired him to forward it the day of his receiving it; and took measures which I hope have proved effectual for it's being forwarded in case of his not being at home. My respects to my Mother and Far. Not to overload the weekly ~

letter was sent to Queen's Square Place, so that it could be included in the weekly frank to Jeremiah Bentham at Imley Park, Northamptonshire.

2 Meaning (it seems) the second actually sent from Holland, i.e. the one finished on 3 September (B.M. II: 367). See letter 325, n. 2 and letter 327, n. 1. It was forwarded to Jeremiah by Lind (cf. below).

3 See letter 325, §8.

frank, I have just room to tell you that I am Your dutiful and affectionate Son

### J.B.

I shall take advantage of a cast from our friend the Alderman to return to London on Thursday 23; and from thence the next day or day after shall go on to Brompton. Pray let me have all Sam's letters etc. by that time to shew to his friends there.

### 329

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 23–24 September 1779 (Aet 31)

Lincoln's Inn Thursday Sept. 23 1779

Hond. Sir

This morning I took the opportunity of Alderman Clark's coming to town to get a cast with him, as I believe I told you I intended. I dined with him: after dinner called in Mr. Sealey the Grocer and a certain Parson Desternal who was the Alderman's Chaplain when Sheriff.2 From a paper they had I copied the article of news I sent you. I hope it has come gratis: I have written in that manner before: and as you would have it by that means two days the sooner, I thought it was worth running the risk. By the Papers of this Post you will no doubt have it confirmed, as I have seen it in the papers of this evening with this difference that the 14 ships said to be taken are unfortunately destroy'd. Alderman Bull and Wilkes have lately quarrelled; and that so violently, as not even to be on speaking terms.3 Wilkes abuses Bull in all companies: calling him the pawnbroking Alderman, because some time ago when Wilkes was distressed to extremity for £50, Bull would not let him have it without Wilkes depositing a silver cup which was given him by I don't know what public body upon I don't know what occasion. Bull admitts this, but says that he neither meant to take nor had taken any interest, and that after being out of his money

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr.'

**329.** 1 B.M. II: 381–383. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr. datd. Lincoln's Inn / 23d. Septr. 1779 / Reed. at Imley Park.'

2 John Sealy was Warden of the Grocers' Company, 1779–80. Desternal is unidentified.

3 Frederick Bull (1714?–84), previously a prominent supporter of Wilkes and later a supporter of Lord George Gordon, was Lord Mayor of London 1773–74, and m.p. for London from 1773 until his death.

6 months, he got it from Wilkes's Mother or Mother-in-Law I don't know which, upon transferring the cup to her. Reynolds,4 Wilkes's Attorney has filed a Bill against Bull for £4,000, claiming to be paid that sum in preference to other creditors out of Wilkes's estate which Bull is in possession of as one of three Trustees on Trust to pay a certain sum yearly to Wilkes, a certain sum to Mrs Wilkes and the rest among Creditors. Reynolds has already had £1500. Wilkes, poor Devil, is in a miserable plight: his books and household furniture were taken in Execution about 6 weeks ago and sold: he goes about quite shabby now and almost in rags. He says in all companies, he will undertake to prove that Bull has got more by him, than he by Bull. The *voyes-de-fait* between the Ld. Mayor5 and Aldm. Plomer6 afford as you may imagine much matter of diversion to the gay, and of discomfort to the grave. Our friend, whom I think one may rank in the latter class, speaks of it with a long visage: he gets roasted about it wherever he goes. Plomer it seems hit the Ld. Mayor a slap of the face before his Ldship. lifted up his hand against him, which he did, not to strike, but only to push him away: what makes it worse is the Ld. Mayor was and is in a very bad state of health, and very feeble. This from Sealy, who had it from the other Alderman who was present. I think it was Kennet.7 It was he who cracked the joke which you see in the papers.

In my way this morning I called at Q.S.P. and had the satisfaction of finding your two letters one of which was notified by that I received at Thorpe. I don't like, my dear Father, to hear of this gout, so slight and so universal: I had the pleasure however to hear from Mrs. Far that she had a letter from you yesterday in which you mention your being then much relieved from it, if not free: and I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing you some time in the winter equipped in a regular decent way, with a proper kind of shoe, upon a proper kind of stool, and all in order: and however much amiss you may take it, if you chance to be in that predicament already, I would for the sake of that satisfaction readily submit to receive a broken head or two from your stick for the traiterous and rebellious offence of coming within 2 yards of the said stool. In the mean time under the apprehension lest you should be in want of a little amusement, and in hopes that you will not be incapable of

4 John Reynolds, father of the dramatist Frederic Reynolds (1764–1841).

5 Samuel Plumbe (d. 1784), brother-in-law of Henry Thrale the brewer.

6 William Plomer (d. 1801), Lord Mayor 1781–82.

7 Brackley Kennett (d. 1782), Lord Mayor 1779–80: it was during his term of office that the Gordon Riots took place.

receiving it, I thought it meet by these presents to endeavour to throw in my mite. But the post man is calling ½ after 11, and so, good night.

### Friday morning

 I have just been giving a breakfast at Q.S.P. to a Mr. Poli, a Neapolitan friend of Sam's whom I believe you have heard us mention, and who has done or is doing some little services to both of us. There were 10 Neapolitan officers in all on board of Hardy's fleet besides Pilots and common men: four Officers and some men were taken on board the Ardent and have not been heard of since; neither Poli to whom they were recommended nor their Ambassador Count Pignotelli have heard any thing from them. Poli insists upon it, that since the dismission of Tanucci the late Minister and the appointment of Sambuca the present Minister the Neapolitans have not been at all under the Spanish influence.8 Poli was at the Club of Ambassadors a day or two ago: he says, it seemed to be the general opinion of the company that the Dutch would not, indeed could not give us any assistance, unless supported by Prussia and Russia. The misfortune is that the Government there is very poor, and their Barrier towns in a very defenceless condition. This I understood from De Court: so also Col. St. Paul who a year or two ago was in most of them, told Wilson. (The Colonel you know lives in the house that was Mr. Blakes in Chertsey.9 ) Adm. Barrington has been in the neighbourhood of Thorpe and Chertsey: he speaks in the highest terms of Byron; so that the report of their having quarrelled is altogether false: he alledges no other reason for coming home than ill health; which does not appear however in his looks. He complains much of Ld. Sandwich for not victualling him properly, and says that had it not been for an accident he must have starved. He applied for more provision but was refused: He was told that he would get enough at Barbadoes: there however he could get none, and had it not been for his precaution, in getting what he wanted else where (I think it was from Sr. Tho:s Pye) he would have been sadly off.  This powder was bought in Holland, the board of Ordnance not caring to give the price demanded here by the English manufacturers It is certain now that

8 The Ambassador was presumably Francesco Pignatelli, Prince of Strongoli (1732–1812). Bernardo, Marquis Tanucci (1698–1783), had been superseded by Sambuca as Prime Minister in Naples in October 1776.

9 Unidentified.

the French had the option several times of fighting: that Hardy virtually offer'd battle, by forbearing to crowd sail, and by chasing back their frigates when sent forward to watch him. This Poli had from the Venetian Ambassador and a Marquis Caraccioli who were on board several ships of the fleet not many days ago. Wilson also heard to the same effect from a Mr. Leycester a Nabob whom he dined with at St Paul's on Wednesday and who came that morning from Portsmouth where he had been on board the fleet and conversed with numbers of the officers. All the officers and men are in the highest spirits, and are satisfied it is impossible the French ships can stand against our 3 deckers, which have all 8 guns each in addition to the ordinary compliment of 90, besides *carronades* on the maintops. These Governor Johnstone spoke slightingly of to Lind when first he saw them but has since adopted them. This invention is peculiar to us, and then on board the Duke there is Sr. Ch. Douglas's invention (which he shew'd him) for firing any number of guns at once at the word of command by means of locks. We have likewise now provided ourselves with a quantity of 3 cornered canisters used by the French with great success for tearing rigging to pieces. The French crews consisting chiefly of landsmen will be terribly sea-sick with the surges of the Biscay. This our people said (and you may imagine from experience) must make a prodigious difference in our favour.

I find from Lind that my brother's 3d. letter10 has been forwarded to you in due course: I was in hopes to have had it back to take with me to Mr. Davies's. I hope you were not altogether baulked in the 'feast' you expected from it. There are now 3 Dutch Mails due: the last I hope will bring us another letter.

Sardam11 my brother is well aware of, and will make it one of his principal objects.

'Petri des graces'—'petri' means *'made up of.'* Pétrir is literally to make dough for bread.

I have had the benefit of a horse at Wilson's: and shall have again at Davies's.

I have almost written my eyes out as well as my Paper. They are so much inflamed that I must give over sooner than I should have done otherwise: but I know what will cure them.

10 Originally '2d. and 3d. letter'. This altered, and 'them' etc. changed to 'it' as above. The third letter would be that dated 10 September (B.M. II: 372). See letter 325, n. 6 and letter 327.

11 In Holland: cf. letter 319.

### 330

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 20 October 1779 (Aet 31)

Hond. Sir

For some little time past I have been troubled with a complaint in my eyes, which for 5 or 6 days past have been altogether closed. This is all I have to complain of, since when I keep them shut I am free from pain. As soon as I recover my sight, the first use I shall put them to will be to conduct me to you. This at any rate cannot be later than the fourth of next month, that being the day on which Mr. Wilson comes to town. I borrow his hand to assure you that I am with or without eyes.

> Your Dutiful and affectionate Son Jeremy Bentham

Thorpe 20 Octr. 1779

 My respects wait on my Mother and Farr. I beg to know what account you have of Charles—Sam's last was dated the 23d. of Septr. The next day he was to quit Amsterdam in his way to Hamburgh—You have two letters due neither of which I hope will prove unpleasing—Mr. Wilson desires his Compliments.

Mr. Wilson opens this to acknowledge the receipt of yours of yesterday—I beg to have Sam's forthwith, that being one of the few amusements of which my condition leaves me capable.

**330.** 1 B.M. II: 399–400. In Wilson's hand. Shaky signature by Bentham. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr. datd. Thorpe Surry / 22d. Octr. 1779 / written by Mr Wilson as his Emanuensis on Accot. of a disorder in his Eyes.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' Postmark: '21 OC'.

Since the last note to his father Bentham had received two letters from his brother in Amsterdam. The first is dated 15–17 September 1779 (B.M. II: 378–379: see letter 325, n. 28 and letter 327). The second is dated 23 September 1779 and it is this which Bentham calls 'Sam's last' (B.M. II: 384–386). Both concern the many interesting people Samuel had met in Amsterdam. (For some of these see letter 332, n. 3).

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 23 October 1779 (Aet 31)

### Thorpe Saturday 23d. Octr. 1779

Honoured Sir

299

 The regimen recommended by Mr. Welch is precisely that which I am pursuing under the advice of Mr. Mapletoft2 and such care is taken of me in every respect that on that score I have nothing left to wish for—You see therefore that the consideration on which you grounded the proposal of my coming to town immediately ceases, and as we shall have the satisfaction at any rate of meeting in a few days I think it will be hardly worth while to anticipate it at the expence of a post chaise. I write this by the coach which sets out from the Crown at Chertsey at ½ past two— There is a coach or Diligence which sets out from the Bell Savage Ludgate Hill on Sunday as well as every other day time enough to get to Chertsey by 12. By that Coach I hope you will be kind enough to send me Sam's two letters3 : I am very anxious to see them and I hope you will indulge me in it—Considering how I am circumstanced you will not I hope take it unkind that I should send but a short letter in answer to your long and kind one—I expect to open my eyes tonight but you need not fear my poisoning them. My writer is my reader—

I am

Hond. Sir

### Your ever Dutiful and affectionate Son Jeremy Bentham

**331.** 1 B.M. II: 401–402. In Wilson's hand. Shaky signature by Jeremy Bentham. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr. datd. Thorpe Surry / written by Mr Wilson as his Emanuensis, on Accot. of a Disorder in his Eyes 23d. Octr. 1779.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esq. / Queen's Square Place / Westr.' On cover: 'Pray let the letter herewith enclosed be put into the post tonight—I send it thus for expedition.'

2 Welch and Mapletoft are unidentified.

3 Probably these were the two letters despatched from Hamburg on 12 October, namely letter 332 and B.M. II: 392 (unpublished), which had been sent on to Queen Square Place in Bentham's absence from Lincoln's Inn.

### 332

### S a m u e l B e n t h a m t o J e r e m y B e n t h a m 1

### 2 October 1779

Groeningen Saturday Octr. 2nd. 1779 I folded up my last Letter2 to you just as I was going on board the Vessel to leave Amsterdam. If circumstances would have permitted it I should have liked very much to have staid there till the winter roads were settled. I breakfasted with Job May3 yesterday and got a good deal of information about the timber trade. When I called on the other brother I thought I would ask him about the existence of the *pump house* which brought on some Stories relating to the police of this country which I could scarcely put an end to and were near making me too late. As to the pump house where a

**332.** 1 B.M. II: 391. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremy Bentham: '1779 Oct. 12 / S.B. Hamburgh to I.B. Linc. Inn / Written at Groeningen.'

About the first three quarters of this letter are omitted here.

There is a copy of this, as of most of Samuel's letters from overseas, in B.M. XX, starting at page 51. Probably all these copies, and certainly many of them, were made by Jeremiah Bentham himself. Some may have been made by a clerk. According to the copyist of the present letter, it was enclosed in the unpublished letter, B.M. II: 389–390. It is also stated by the copyist (XX: 54) that this present letter was finished at Groeningen, and sent from Hamburg on 12 October 1779, and this agrees with Jeremy Bentham's docket. Presumably this and Samuel's next two letters from Hamburg (see letter 333, n. 1) all came together. B.M. II: 389 (–390) is docketed by Jeremy Bentham thus: '1779 Oct. 9 / S.B. Hamburgh to I.B. Linc. Inn.' It is addressed to Jeremy at Lincoln's Inn, and forwarded from there to Queen's Square Place.

2 B.M. II: 384–386 (see letter 330, n. 1).

3 Samuel Bentham saw a great deal of two of the three May brothers when he was in Amsterdam (see especially B.M. II: 378, B.M. II: 384, and B.M. II: 389). They were Englishmen long settled in Holland. Their father had held a post in the public Dock Yard there. The eldest, John May, then probably in his sixties, to whom Samuel's letter of introduction from a Mr Hennicker was directed, was a leading merchant, partner in Messrs Cross, May and Co. The second, Job May, was a shipwright with his private yard. The third, whom Samuel did not meet, was a Captain in the Dutch service. All three were men of singular ability and wide knowledge, and were very influential in Holland. John May was much consulted in connection with improvements in commercial law: he had been consulted in the recent new modelling of the Bankruptcy Laws. Job May was consulted 'with respect to all mechanical engines erected at the public expence as Mills, Steam Engines, etc.' (B.M. II: 384). The latter spent every winter in England, partly in order to conduct business with the Navy Board to whom he and his brother apparently hired ships for transports, etc. Samuel obtained a fund of information from them on divers subjects (including Dutch law) some of which is related in B.M. II: 384. He found John May 'to be the greatest philosopher I have ever conversed with' and that both brothers were the greatest experts on the theory of shipbuilding of whom he had ever heard. Sir Joseph Banks had spent some time with the Mays when in Holland, but they had not 'opened' to him as they had to Samuel.

Criminal must pump or sink, there is no such thing. It is a Story only, to amuse and to get money from Strangers. He has been himself with Strangers to see the Rasp house where a fellow has begun pumping and telling a pitifull Story to them of the danger he was in and begging of them: but it was entirely a cheat. Their criminal laws stand the same with a few additions as they were before the Confederacy of the States took place. Commissioners have been appointed from time to time to draw up a new Code. Some of the most reputed Lawyers have been commissioned for this purpose almost without intermission for I think these 100 years and there are some at present but nothing has yet been done. As the Law does not admit of any one's being executed without his confession the torture is made use of if he won't confess without, but never till his guilt is fully prov'd. The Torture is limited and if the Criminal can resist /bear/ it, they cannot afterwards execute him or torture him any more but they send him to the rasp house or prison for they don't let him go free.

It appears then the torture is never used to obtain a confession to serve as an evidence of guilt, but merely on account of that old law which forbids an execution without a Confession. Trials are carried on some parts in private other parts in public. The criminal is present to hear the whole of the examination of all the witnesses. No pains are spared to get at the truth and May thinks the whole is conducted in a much better and more impartial manner than in England. It is the Majority not the unanimity of those who are left to judge of the guilt that fixes it.

### 333

### S a m u e l B e n t h a m t o J e r e m y B e n t h a m 1

### 15 October 1779

An Old Man who kept a public house and whose family had on some account or other left him at home alone for a few hours or a

Bentham had received two previous letters from his brother in Hamburg, the first dated 9. October 1779 (B.M. II: 389–390), the second dated 12 October 1779 (B.M. II:

**333.** 1 B.M. II: 394–395. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremy Bentham: '1779 Oct 15 / S.B. Hamburgh to I.B. Linc. Inn. Reced at Q.S.P. Oct. 23.' Also by Bentham: 'X Troestwyck Leipzic. Entabl.' Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Recd. at Q.S.P. Saturday night 8 o'clock Octr. 23 1779.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn / London.' Forwarded: 'Queen's Square Place / Westminster / Single Sheet.' Postmark: 'OC 23'. Also illegible foreign postmark.

night was found at their return murdered. Upon enquiries being made, the Neighbours had seen a man come out of the house by himself sometime after all other company was gone. This Man by the description which they gave of him was taken up. His cloaths were found bloody and I believe things found upon him which had belong'd to the old man, or in short so many circumstances seemed to prove him the author of the murder that the Judges though not without a great deal of deliberation found him guilty, and of course as he was not disposed to confess, the torture was applied. He immediately upon the application of the torture not only confessed himself guilty but pointed out a private place in which he had secreted the money he took away with him, and which was his motive for committing the Murder. He gave an account of the number of each species of the money[?] which just agreed with what the old man had been known to have. He also told them the place from which he had taken it and confessed many other circumstances which were of such a nature as could not have been known but by his confession. By this means such of the Judges as had been diffident with respect to the Justice of the sentence were perfectly satisfied. The man was of course executed. This May told me as an example of the use that torture is of now and then. The only use was the satisfaction of such of the Judges who were not satisfied before, for the man was before condemned and was at any rate to submit to the torture and perpetual imprisonment if he had not confessed or even if he had really not been guilty.

I told you, in a former Letter, that Mr. May's opinion was that the whole of the police is much better regulated in Amsterdam than in England. He told me of his having been present at several trials at the Old Bailey when he was last in England and among others 392–393). They describe Samuel's arrival and stay in that city. He ate most of his meals and spent most of his time with the merchant Mr Charles Hanbury, some of it in his country house outside Hamburg where he was most cordially entertained. Hanbury's sister was married to Samuel's friend Lindegreen, and Samuel had previously met Hanbury in Portsmouth 'when my acquaintance with Lindegreen was but just commencing and the friendship not thought of'.

In B.M. II: 389 he says: 'I just mentioned to him [Hanbury] the kind of Review you speak of as well as the Book on Sweden, and he makes no doubt but we shall get them: the Law Books also. He says he is acquainted with an exceeding clever man of a bookseller who is well acquainted with the contents as well as the titles of books; from him we shall get whatever is in general kept to the *trade.'*

In B.M. II: 392 he says: 'Mr. Hanbury is very much afraid that you should think him wanting in respect to you on account of his not having answered your letter to him, but he thought there was no occasion to put you to the Expence of the Postage for saying what I could say for him.'

For a draft letter to Hanbury from Bentham see letter 382. But this can hardly be the letter to Hanbury mentioned in this passage.

at one on a man for Sodomy. He was with an Alderman of London. When the witnesses were heard to prove the crime which they did in a very particular manner, one man, the *subject* /patient/, I believe swore to the perfect commission and others gave testimony of circumstances confirming it. This companion of his asked him if it was not as clear as could be saying at the same time Oh the fellow must be hanged there is no doubt of it. However when the man came to call his witnesses, he proved by the testimony of 5 persons that he was some where else at the time. May asked his Companion what he thought of the matter now. 'Oh', says he, 'these are nothing but *false witnesses.'* This and the air of indifference with which it was pronounced quite astonish'd May; but however some how or other the man was found guilty and hanged but no notice taken of the false evidence. May lifts up his hands and eyes with astonishment and concern at the thoughts of such instances as these which he saw of the seeming indifference with which all the criminal proceedings were conducted in his native country.

I have forgot to whom I was to take Abbè Fontana's book.

Troestwyck's2 Experiments.

I believe I have not as yet written to you any thing about a Mr. Troestwyck a young man, a Merchant in Amsterdam in a good way of business. I went to his house by Invitation with Cuthbertson3 the Instrument maker, to see his apparatus for air experiments. His apparatus is by far the compleatest of any I have seen or heard of, not excepting the Abbè Fontana's. And I think his genius for invention and accuracy in the conducting of Experiments also equals at least the Abbè's. He has made some very important discoveries with respect to Aphlogic, Phlogistic and Nitrous airs: as also respecting the effect of Vegetation and respiration on Airs. It is with this same apparatus that Dr. Deiman4 makes his experi-

In the 1787 work he refers to suggestions for improvements in Air-Pumps made by 'my friend Mr. *Paets von Troostwyck,* a gentleman well known by his writings, as one of the best Philosophers, and, in his sphere of life, one of the greatest promoters of the arts and sciences that the country can boast'.

4 Johan Rudolph Deiman (1743–1808), like Adriaan Paets van Troostwijk (see preceding note), was a prominent Dutch scientist.

2 Paets von Troostwyck. See n. 3.

3 John Cuthbertson, an English mathematical instrument maker settled in Amsterdam. In 1797 he published (in Amsterdam) *Description of an Improved Air-Pump* which he had designed. In 1807 he published (in London) *Practical Electricity and Galvanism, containing a series of Experiments.*The title-page describes him as 'Fellow of the Philosophical Societies of Holland and Utrecht'. It was a collection of earlier publications dating from 1769.

ments. It belongs to them in Conjunction. They make their experiments in conjunction and they share in the expence. It is a large Room in Troestwyck's House that is fitted up for the purpose; he seems to be the chief experimenter and Dr. Deiman the writer. I have I believe mentioned Dr. Deiman to you before as the man who obtained a premium for his discovery relating to Airs.

It has long been a matter of enquiry what was the cause of the diminution of air when mixed with Nitrous air, so much of it indeed as could arise from the decomposition of the Nitrous air itself appears to have been very satisfactorily accounted for by Priestley and agreed to by other experimentors but the reason why the compound becomes less than the common or Aphlogistic air only had not that I ever heard of been accounted for by any hypothesis proved by experiments. Troestwick has proved by numberless experiments that it is owing to a great quantity of fixed Air which the very best aphlogistic air that had ever been made has been found to contain, and which he supposes to be precipitated I think by the Phlogiston in the nitrous Air.

He has though with great difficulty perfectly deprived some Aphlogistic air of its fix'd air, when it has been left at least 4 times as pure as that which with nitrous air had been diminished as much as any whatever and yet this very pure air could be diminished by no process whatever and he tried all which had ever been found to diminish air.

Nitrous air put to it did not perhaps add anything to its bulk, at least not till a certain quantity had been put, but at the same time it never diminish'd the original quantity of aphlogistic Air.

Candles burning, Pyritical mixtures etc., were all tried, but nothing could diminish it.

He found that no air was capable of being diminished but in as much as the fixed Air which was mix'd with it.

Vegetation Respiration the burning of Candles etc. all diminish air only by precipitating the fixed air.

He has found sometimes that an animal by respiration in a certain quantity of air has done it more good by precipitating the fixed air from it than harm by the phlogiston which it communicated, so that after the animal has been dead another being put in to the same has lived longer than the first did, and candles have burnt in it far better than in Common Air. This last experiment I saw.

If a plant be put in a jar of air growing in water but the neck of the jar is so narrow as not much more than to admit the stem so in short that a very small surface of water be exposed to the included

air, that plant will sicken and dye presently but if there be a large surface of water or any substance be put into the jar which will attract the fixed Air as it is precipitated then the plant will continue in full vigour.

I can't have time to reason with you upon these experiments, be satisfied in believing that I made several queries and objections to his Theory, but it seemed well established by a number of excellently well conducted experiments. You might talk about it to Fontana if you see him; If I could find time I would send him a description of Troestwyks Eudiometer.

I will now tell you of an Electrical Experiment which Troestwyk and Cuthbertson together have made, and which is publishing in Dutch, and shall be sent to you if you please. The Account has been sent to Priestley.

A Pidgeon was killed by an Electric shock entering in at its head and out at the feet. Upon cutting off the head no blood appeared, upon cutting the feet the blood gushed out to the distance of 6 or 7 feet. Another Pidgeon was killed by a shock passing the opposite way and then the effect was reversed. When made to pass from one side to the other of a third Pidgeon, the bird continued for about 3 minutes as if nothing ailed it then was seized with Convulsions and died. These and numberless other experiments proved that the Electric shock drives the blood from the part it enters to that at which it leaves the subject and that it is in this way that the death is caused. In the case of the shock passing from side to side a blood Vessel was broken.

There are two Governors of the Academy here besides Professor Bush.5 One of them is named Normann,6 is Jurisconsult, and well acquainted with the law and law books of this part of the world. Chas Hanbury and I were with him and Professor Bush and got from them the following intelligence etc.

The Schwaben Spiegel and the Sachsen-Spiegel, each of them one volume folio, are the foundations of the German laws, the 1st of the Southern, the 2d. of the Northern division.

The following books are the best and latest publications relating to the laws of the Germanic body, and in them all the ancient and the best modern publications are quoted, particularly in Pütter.

5 Johann Georg Büsch (1728–1800) had founded an academy of commerce in Hamburg in 1767, and was its director for thirty years. He was the author of numerous works on economics and commerce.

6 Gerhard Phillipp Heinrich Norrmann (1753–1837), who later published geographical studies of Switzerland and of the Dutch colonies in the East and West Indies.

Elementa Juris Germanici—Selchow7 Geschichte der deutschen Rechte—Selchow8 Visiones diversae—Senkenberg9 Litteratur des Staats Rechts—Pütter10 Principia Juris Feudalis—G. L. Boehmer11 Grundsatze des Vechsel Rechts—Selchow12 Compendium Juris Criminalis—Muster13

The Edict for the abolishment of Torture in the Austrian Dominions is published in a large collection of Austrian Edicts, but I am in hopes of getting it for you separate.

I have got the Catalogues17 for you from 60 to 79, 23 of them only, but the man will get the rest. They cost 8 pence a volume. You shall have them sent.18

I told you in my last that I was much better in health. I think now I am as well as ever again, and have my senses as much about me as *usual.*

What ever Queries you wish to have answered send them to G. P. H. Normann Governor of the Academy of Commerce at

7 Johann Heinrich Christian von Selchow, *Elementa juris Germanici privati hodierni ex ipsis fontibus deducta: praemisso specimine Bibliothecae juris provencialis et Statutarii Germanici.* Hannover, 1762. (It was the second edition of *Institutiones jurisprudentiae germanicae* 1757.)

8 J. H. C. von Selchow, *Geschichte der in Deutschland geltended fremden und einheimischen Rechte,* Gottingen, 1767.

9 Heinrich Christian von Senckenberg, Baron, *Visiones diversae de collectionibus legum Germanicarum, earumque usu, praecipue etiam Speculi Saxonici in Belgio,* Leipzig, 1765.

10 Jh. Steph. Pütter, *Literatur des deutschen Staatsrechts,* Göttingen, 1776–83.

11 Georg Ludwig Boehmer, *Principia juris feudalis, praesertim Longobardici, quod per Germaniam obtinet,* Göttingen, 1765.

12 J. H. C. von Selchow, *Grundsatze des Wechselrechts,* Göttingen, 1777.

13 Not traced.

14 Halle, 1770. By Johann Samuel Friedrich Boehmer.

15 Göttingen, 1762.

16 Leipzig, 1774. By Ernst Christian Westphal.

17 Bentham had asked for these catalogues in letter 325, §30.

18 About fifty lines omitted (but cf. letter 338): Samuel is hoping to get a vessel to Danzig from Lübeck on 19 October.

Hamburgh, and he will answer them for you himself or procure the answers. He and Charles Hanbury between them or either of them will get you any books which you wish to have. Direct your Letter to Mr. Hanbury to prevent Normann's paying the Postage, but I shall write further to you upon this.

Some of the Books /of which I have given you the title/ which I thought you would like best shall be sent with the Catalogue. As to the rest you may send your orders to Mr. Hanbury. He is so obliging as to offer to send them and to manage every thing for you. He will set down the expences to my account. He is very much pleased with the Fragment and wants much to have one. I told him it was out of print. If you think the Booksellers have any, get one and send him. Remember him also for a copy of Punishments. Won't you?

I gave a Dentist here a ducat for putting my teeth in better order. It was in consequence of a piece of advice from Old Hanbury.19 The fellow poked cotton into a hole in one of my teeth and took it out again repeatedly to cleanse it out and then he stuffed in some fine sheet lead to fill it up. On the other side where I had two or three stumps he broke off a little piece which was in the way and then filed them over quite smooth, so that there is now no harbour for the food to lodge in. He said they did not need sealing, and advised me only to clean them with a brush.

Old Hanbury tells me he does not call this a visit and that if I won't stay longer with them next time I come he dont desire to see my face again. He certainly is one of the most friendly of men of the common stamp.

He seems always cheerful and happy himself and does his utmost to make his family so, though he is no Philosopher. I had often heard his Character from Mr Lindegreen and from every person I heard speak of him. He has an old arm chair belonging to Baron Kloppmann which was left here many years ago. Matthias20 also sends his remembrances to the Baron.

Do tell me how Punishments go on. I long more than ever that they were finished.

19 John Hanbury, Charles Hanbury's father. Lindegreen's letter of introduction was to the father.

20 Emmanuel Matthias, Esqr., to whom Samuel had an introduction from William Frazer (one of the Under Secretaries of State) was British Resident at Hamburg. Samuel would be seeing Baron Klopman when he reached Courland.

1 Nov ember 1779 To Jeremiah Bentham

### 334

### J e r e m y B e n t h a m t o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

### 26 October 1779 (Aet 31)

Thorpe 26th Octr. 1779

Hond. Sir

 I have been seeing these two days though my eyes are extremely weak as you may imagine. Sam's next letter will come from Dantzich or at least after he has been to Dantzich. Mr. Lind expects it may contain something relative to some private concerns of his at that place on which account I must beg the favour of you to send the next letter to him unopened—Excuse my saying more than that I am

### Your Dutiful and affectionate Son Jeremy Bentham

### 335

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

1 November 1779 (Aet 31)

Thorpe 1 Novr. 1779

Hond. Sir

Your favour of Saturday has been received—I shall come to town on thursday but whether on horse back or by the Chertsey Coach or in a postchaise will depend on the state of the weather and of my eyes—On friday Morning I shall hope to see you at Lincoln's Inn. In a carriage I can visit you but not otherwise since the apparatus I find necessary to protect my eyes is such as I can not make my appearance in the streets.

Candle light I cannot bear; for which reason I cannot accept your kind invitation to take up my quarters at Q.S.P.—After sunset my abode will constantly be in a dark room with my spinnet.

**334.** 1 B.M. II: 403–404. In Wilson's hand. Signature by Jeremy Bentham. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Ld. datd. Thorpe 26th Octr. 1779.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' Postmark: '27 OC'. Stamped: 'staines'.

**335.** 1 B.M. II: 405. Wilson's hand. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy. Letter datd. Thorpe 1 Novr. 1779.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' Illegible postmark.

My eyes are considerably better—I don't find they trouble me much till Candles come—I do not find myself subject to take cold, so that you need not be under any apprehensions on that score—

I am

### Hond. Sir Your Dutiful and affectionate Son Jeremy Bentham

### 336

### J e r e m y B e n t h a m a n d o t h e r s t o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

### 9 November 1779 (Aet 31)

### I.B. to S.B.

### 1

 It is J.B. indites, tho' it is Q.S.P. yt writes, ever since my last which you recd. at Hamburgh, my Eyes have been bad, but by force of Leeches, blisters and Purges, they are nearly set to rights again so yt I cod. have written myself but on won't let me. you have by this means, ye Satisfaction of hearing from my Father and me at ye same time and trouble.

2

It is settled, yt all ye Correspondence shall pass between you and me, therefore don't expect my father to write to you, nor need you write to him, nor take up Paper in making more speeches upon this Subject.

3

I think it was a day or two after my last, yt I went to Brompton, about ye 10th Octr., Mr D. was sumond away to Portsmouth on Accot. of his Deputy being laid by ye heels for Smugling, which made it necessary for him, to go down Post haste in order either to

**336.** 1 B.M. II: 408–409. In Jeremiah Bentham's hand until otherwise indicated. Docketed (in Jeremy Bentham's hand): 'I.B. Q.S.P. and C.A. to S.B. 1779. London Novr. 9th to Mietau.'

Addressed: 'A Monsr. / Monsr. Bentham / a Mietau / en Courlande / Aux soins de M. le Baron Klopman / Chambillan de S.A. Sme. / jusqu'a ce que Monsr. B. se presente.'

extricate him from Limbo or go to Sea himself. Since then I have had one lr from him but ye matter was then still uncertain, soon after that Hardy sail'd, and ye St. Albans with him,2 so I think it's probable Mr. D. is gone himself, probably before I close this I may be able to let you know. Mrs. D. when I heard from her last, which was abt. a week ago, was together all ye family very well at Brompton.

4

Since you have been gone I have reed. two lrs from Lohman, one datd. Sept. 28 t'other Octr. 23d. in ye former he gives me an Accot. of the Condition of the *Unicorn*'s Sheathing, She was just then come in from America after havg. been 4 year's out,3 he accompanys His Accot. with a Box of Shells taken from her Bottom, they are of the Barnacle kind rising about half an Inch from the Surface to which they were attach'd, I cod. have wish'd he had sent ym. as they were with ye metal they were adhering to, they are broken off, but ye Verdigrease is plainly visible upon a [. ..?] part, which appeard to have been ye place of Contact, he says 'the Shells stuck so fast to the bottom yt. I was not able to force ym. off without the help of a hammer, the Copper by itself was entirely Clean, and without the least Sign of having had any of that Substance upon it, but ye Nails with which ye Copper was joy'nd together had such a hard Shell upon them. The Nails are at the distance of 2 or 3 Inches from each other.' To the Shells adhered a quantity of Sea Weed. It seems therefore, yt. it is owing more to ye Smoothness of the Copper as Lowman justly observes than to ye poisonous quality of it, yt. it is in general exempt from Incrustations. Lohman says yt. that the Nails are of a Composition. Q. what can that be? it must I think have Copper in it, but if not, as they are contiguous to ye Copper, and ting'd by it, it comes to ye same thing.

5

L. Promises you the Draft and Dimensions of a Spanish Frigate just then taken and brought in by the Pearl, The Prize is a new Ship and this her first Cruise, She Carrys 26. 12 pounders and 2 Six Pounders—He is to have the Draft from Mr. Wenham, the Assistant

2 Cf. letter 325, n. 4. Hardy's fleet had sailed on 22 October. Joseph Davies was purser of the *St. Albans* (cf. letter 226a).

3 The *Unicorn* (20) had not 'just' returned from America in September, for she took part in repelling the French attack on Jersey in May.

at Portsmouth Yard. What he means by the Draft and Dimensions I don't very well know, but you, I suppose, do.4

6

He promises me 2 Journals, one taken on board of Hardy's Fleet ye last Cruise, ye other, on board Sir John Ross's.5 They appear to be his own, but I am not certain, if on examing ym. I find ym. likely to be of use to you, and he can part with ym. you shall have them.

7.

L. has had a Commission offer'd him by Capt. Walsingham,6 which he is very desirous of accepting, but fears the displeasure of Czernichef, and ye Jealousy of his Countrymen, particularly Aprelef.7 I have advis'd him not to accept it without asking leave, as soon as this Cruise is over which he expects will be in Jany. he comes to Town, we shall then concert Instructions for you to act from, on his behalf, I have offer'd him a Bed at Lincoln's Inn.

Dr. Sam in return for ye assistance I have given your Brother as his Emanuensis, he has allow'd me to Convert myself into a Principal to tell you how much I have been pleas'd with the Perusal of your Letters, and to find by ym. yt. you have made your way so well, where ever you have been, nothing can be more flattering than the Receptions you have met with, nor more encouraging and Stimulating to pursue your progress. As yr. acquaintance you have made and the Conversations you have had prov'd to be of Startling Value, go on my dear Sam and continue to make ye most of them. We have left Imley Park these 3 weeks, Charles came to us hither about a week before we left it, making Oxford our way home, we dropt him at Xt Church for a few days to do Exercise for his Degree of L.L.B. He soon after follow'd us to Town, and with his Brother Farr have been totally engag'd in fitting up and furnishing

4 The *Pearl* (32) captured the 28-gun Spanish frigate *Santa Monica* in the Azores on 14 September.

5 Sir John Lockhart Ross (1721–90), Rear-Admiral March 1779, fourth in command of the Channel fleet, had been sent in September with a small squadron in unsuccessful pursuit of Paul Jones in the North Sea. Ross became Vice-Admiral in 1787; he had been m.p. for Linlithgow Burghs 1761–68 and for Lanarkshire 1768–74.

6 Captain the Hon. Robert Boyle Walsingham (1736–80), fifth son of the Earl of Shannon, m.p. for Knaresborough, had commanded the *Thunderer* (74) at Ushant. In the summer of 1780 he was sent as Commodore to the West Indies, but was lost with his ship in the hurricane of October that year.

7 Jeremiah Bentham's list of Samuel's letters of introduction includes letters from Mr *Lohmanne* and Captain *Aprilive* to Mr Bardeviche of the Admiralty Office at St Petersburg.

their Chambers No. 11 Kings Bench Walk Temple, whither they are both to remove to settle in them to morrow. we finish'd ye business of our Enclosure but ye day before we left Imley Park, and upon our return home I found as much upon my hands, in the Brick and Mortar Way in Consequence of the King's Permission, to pull down 150 feet of the Park Wall upon which I have made a handsome Front instead of the old weather board One between my Dwelling House and Queen's Square and a handsome new Wall with 3 open Arches by way of Perspective from the Park to the Garden, and vice versa, between my House and the Recruit House Wall—agreable to Design which has been shewn to, and approved of by his Majesty—so that by means of an Elegant Piece of Architecture we look like somebody at home, if no where else, it being admir'd by every body as the handsomest Building any where round the Park, from hence you may well conclude, I shall dye with a Trowel in my hand; perhaps you will think I ought to have one in my Coat of Arms. Charles has got his Golden Medal, from the Secretary of State's office that was sent him from the Empress of Russia by Sir James Harris,8 it is thought to be the largest ever seen in England, and is worth at least 30 gns by Weight at a Goldsmith—but as you yourself wod. think the Letter or rather Extract of a Letter which accompanied it from Sir James, was of still more Value. for the Polite Expressions which Sir James Harris made use of with regard to himself, you may make Charles's thanks to him, when you see him, if you think fit.

The Account you gave in some of your Letters of Disorder in your Stomach gave me much concern, and the more so, as I am persuaded I cod. prescribe to you a certain speedy Relief, were you within Distance, but as it is Practicable where ever you are I entreat you to make use of it, and experience will soon convince you of its efficacy. It is neither more nor less than a few Shavings of Rhubarb taken into your Mouth, as a Quid, in the manner some do Tobacco. let it continue long enough in your mouth till by Suction, it becomes Soft like pulp, and then swallow what remains. you will find it Strengthen your Stomach, promote Digestion, and

8 The gold medal was sent to Charles Abbot by the Empress Catherine for his verses on Peter the Great (cf. letter 221, n. 3). Sir James Harris (1746–1820), later Lord Malmesbury, was British Ambassador at St Petersburg from 1777–83. He was son of the author of *Hermes.* Letter 342 shows Bentham considering him as a channel for presentation of *Code* to the Empress. When Samuel arrived in St Petersburg early in 1780, Sir James became a good friend to him. When about to leave St Petersburg in 1783 he proposed that Samuel should be Chargé d'Affaires at the Embassy until the new Ambassador arrived, but this proved incompatible with Samuel's entry into the Russian service.

Secretion, and Remove Wind, and other Effects of Indigestion; the precise quantity is not material, and you may take it any time, 2 or 3, thin slices about the size of a Shilling, or as many more may do at a time, apply it when ever you find the disorder in your Stomach; I have found amazing benefit from it, it has even removed the Gout from my Stomach, which has ever been of the windy kind, and therefore not so lasting tho' sometimes, not often, I thank God, very affecting not only to my Stomach but almost my whole frame, so much as to affect my mind, in a manner perhaps not dissimilar to the Sensations you yourself have Complain'd of. let me Conjure you, not to fail to take Rhubarb in the manner I have recommended, which is by much the best. It is an easy and ready Remedy and can't possibly do harm on which accounts of all others the most desirable, as a medicine; use will make it pleasant.

### 9 I.B. iterum. 8. New metal.

Fordyce called on me yesterday and showed me a piece of a new Metalick Composition invented he says by Keir of Birmingham who is in partnership I believe or under some sort of engagement with Bolton, either he or his Brother who made Lectures in London is author of the English Edition of Macquer's Dictionary10; it is yellow but the beauty of it, as it was Candle-light when I saw it, I could not judge of; Fordyce says it is malleable both hot and cold; it possesses all the properties to be wished for in the yellow Metals in greater perfection than any that has yet appeared and it will come cheaper than Copper. I had heard of it the same morning from Sweede who together with Fontana had either seen or heard of it at Ramsden's. He spoke of it only as adapted to the use of Mathematical Instrument Makers; Fordyce spoke of it as applicable with particular advantage to Ships Bolts; it is soon to come into use; Keir has thoughts of getting a patent for it, but doubts whether a Patent will serve effectively to secure the property of the invention; I tried to beg a piece of Fordyce to send you as a specimen; but he excused himself saying that if it should come to be analysed he should be very sorry to have it known that he had let

9 The second side of the first sheet begins here. What follows is in Charles Abbot's hand.