The suffix *-ala* is used for the formation of nouns that denote tools and of action or event-denoting nouns with the meaning 'way of V-ing' from verbal stems. It is morphologically productive and rather resembles inflectional suffixes such as the masdar, but it is not commonly used in texts. The resulting nouns keep their arguments. They can be marked for plural (suffixes *-e* or *-me*) and control neuter singular agreement. Those nouns that have been derived from transitive verbs with a gender agreement prefix have a frozen gender prefix *b-* (e.g. *biχala* 'lace, shoelace', *bušːukala* 'broom'). However, the verb given in (166i) originates from an extended intransitive verb that agrees with the human agent in gender. As (167) shows, this noun has variable gender depending on the gender of the referent and thus behaves like a small number of underived nouns with gender exponents (1).

8 Synchronically, this verb is no longer used in Sanzhi Dargwa and has been replaced by a compound verb *qʷaˁrš b-arq'-ij* 'wipe, sweep, stroke'. However, it is attested, e.g., in the South Dargwa variety Tanti. Thus, I suggest that Sanzhi lost the verb, but kept the noun. An alternative explanation suggested by my main language assistant is that Sanzhi borrowed the noun from Standard Dargwa.

3.5 Derivation of nouns

d. *berkʷ-ala* 'dish, food' < *b-erkʷ-ij* 'eat' (pfv) e. *irʁ-ala* 'understanding' < *irʁ-ij* 'understand' (ipfv) f. *kaxʷ-ala* 'way of killing' < *kaxʷ-ij* 'kill' (pfv) g. *haʔ-ala* 'proverb, saying' < *haʔ-ij* 'say' (pfv) h. *bet'-ala* 'boredom' < *b-et'-ij* 'be bored, long for' (pfv) i. *dalaj r-ikʷ-ala* 'way of singing songs' < *dalaj r-ikʷ-ij* 'sing songs'

(167) iχ dem.down rursːi-la girl-gen qːuʁa-l beautiful-advz kʷi in.the.hands sa-b-uc-ala=le hither-n-keep.pfv-nmlz=emph nik'a-ce small-dd.sg '(Look at) the beautiful way of the girl's holding the child in her hands!'9

### **3.5.5 Action and event nouns with** *-utːi* **and** *-a*

The suffixes *-utːi* and *-a* (allomorph *-aˁ*) derive action nouns from verbs, whereby they are almost exclusively added to the perfective stem (168), (170). They are not productive. Most of the nouns can be marked for plural, normally with the suffix *-ne* (e.g. *bebk'-ne* 'funerals'). They control either neuter singular (169) or occasionally neuter plural (170c), (170d) or masculine singular (170e) agreement. The gender prefixes of the deverbal nouns are petrified.

9The agreement prefix in this example is neuter singular, expressing the gender of the nominalized verb form itself. The noun *rursːi-la* is a genitive modifier of the nominalized verb.

3 Nouns

### **3.5.6 Other derived nouns**

There are four nouns that are formed by means of reduplication of the first syllable and the suffix *-aj*. For most of them the base is bound and unclear, i.e. it does not exist as an independent word. The last three of the four words are toys and/or names of games.

There are a fair number of Sanzhi words that end in *-aj* (172), (173) and it seems reasonable to suggest that the language once had a similar derivational suffix. This has been suggested for Standard Dargwa (Abdullaev et al. 2014: 90). Around half of the words are clearly morphologically complex. Two of them are only used in child-directed speech, and five of the words refer to human beings, more particularly, kinship relations or social roles (173).

	- b. *aqanaj* 'top, summit' < *aq* 'tall, high, loud'
	- c. *zanʁaraj* 'beanbag, rattle' < *zanʁ* 'ringing'
	- d. *pːapːaj* 'bread' (child-directed speech)
	- e. *maˁmmaj* 'scary' (child-directed speech)
	- f. *tːapːaraj* 'zany, moony, erratic'
	- g. *sːurkːupːaj* 'swing' (i.e. hanging seat)
	- h. *dalaj* 'song'

(173) a. *wanaħaˁj* 'mama's boy, lazy person'

b. *k'uk'aj* 'gossiper'

There are three kinship terms with the suffix *-q'ar* (174).

	- c. *k'uni-q'ar* 'nephew' < ?

3.6 Reduplication and compounding

A few words are derived by means of the spatial case *-gu* plus a further suffix *-(l)la*, which is formally identical to the genitive (175), and with the postposition *sala* 'in front' or the spatial case suffix *-sa* (ante) (176).

Place names are derived from verbs by means of the locative participle *-an* (see §<IP_ADDRESS>). Names for ethnic groups, inhabitants, etc. are derived by adding the suffix *-(a)n* to a root that might be the place name or some other root related to it (see §10).

### **3.6 Reduplication and compounding**

Neither compounding nor reduplication are productive or frequent ways of forming new nominals in Sanzhi. In this section, I list the majority of reduplicated and compound nouns that I have been able to identify so far.

### **3.6.1 Reduplication**

A number of nouns have the structure CV.CV(V) or CVC.CVC(V) and are composed of two (almost) identical segments following each other. Some of the nouns are clearly onomatopoetic (177), others are not (178).

### 3 Nouns

### **3.6.2 N + N compounds**

Sanzhi has a few noun plus noun compounds. Occasionally, the origin of one of the compound members is unclear. Because Sanzhi has also nominal apposition it is not always easy to differentiate between juxtaposed nouns in an apposition construction that syntactically form a phrase (§21.1) and compounds that function as one word. There are several criteria that need to be applied in order to identify compounds. First, a few words show a greater phonological cohesion (e.g. *ababa* 'grandmother') or make use of word forms that differ from the base stems or inflected forms (e.g. *kːalkːa* 'tree'in *kːalkːa zize* 'strawberry').

(179) a. *ababa*10 'grandmother' (on mother's side)

< *aba-la aba* 'mother-gen mother'

b. *atːaba* 'grandmother' (on father's side)

< *atːa-la aba* 'father-gen mother'

< *waqːa* 'skull' + *ʡaˁt'a* 'frog'

Second, a few compounds are of the dvandva type. This means that they are coordinative compounds, but in contrast to noun phrase coordination (§26.1) dvandva compounds do not make use of the additive enclitic and function morphosyntactically as one word, i.e., they take only one inflectional suffix.

Two more nouns are classified as noun + noun compounds because they are semantically not transparent. They are neither coordinative compounds nor do they have an identifiable head noun such that they cannot be analyzed as appositions (i.e. noun phrases). The second noun in (181b) seems to have been formed by reduplication.

$$\begin{array}{ccccc}\text{(181)} & \text{a. } & du\acute{a} \text{:} i \, la^{\uparrow}mc^{\uparrow} \text{ 'frefly'} & \text{<} & du\acute{a} \text{:} i \, \text{"} \text{right+} & \text{+} la^{\uparrow}mc^{\uparrow} \text{'} \text{[light} \text{ing'}\\ & \text{b. } & t^{\uparrow}ama \text{ } \text{hama } \text{'gossip}, \text{hub-hub'}\\ & & \text{.} & \text{.} & \text{.} & \text{.} & \text{.} & \text{.} \end{array}$$

< *t'ama* 'sound, noice, voice' + ?

10My main language assistant G. Gadzhimuradov said that this and the following word in (179b) are used by the younger generations, but not by elderly speakers, and may have been borrowed from other Dargwa varieties.

3.6 Reduplication and compounding

### **3.6.3 Other compounds**

There are a few more X + noun combinations that have been lexicalized as compound nouns and show phonological and morphological cohesion. The first part X can be an adjective (including numerals) or a verb (182). The order of both parts corresponds to the usual order of phrases (modifier + noun) or clauses (object + verb).

The compound nouns that contain numerals as their first part can be divided into two groups. The first group in (183) has nouns as the second part and additionally what looks like unproductive derivational suffixes (*-lan, -ar, -an*).11 The base nouns are usually in the plural, which indicates that these are compound nouns and not phrases. In noun phrases with numerals, nouns normally occur in the singular. Furthermore, the numerals appear in their basic stem form that cannot be used independently, but only as the basis for other word formation processes.

(183) a. *azirt'uˁlan/azirt'uˁmar* 'centipede'

< *azir* 'thousand' + *t'uˁ-m-ar* (leg-pl-nmlz)

	- < *azir* 'thousand' + *kam-r-an* (layer-pl-nmlz)/*k'ap-r-an* (leaf-pl-nmlz)
	- < *ʡaˁb-k'apːr-ar* (three-leaf-pl-nmlz) + *q'ar* 'herbs'
	- < *ʡaˁb* 'three' + ?
	- < *ʡaˁb* 'three' + *t'uˁ-m-ar* (leg-pl-nmlz)

The second group of compound nouns with numerals has only two members (184) that denote offspring born in a multiple birth. The first part is again the basic stem form of the numeral whereas the second part looks like a noun derived from a verb by means of an otherwise unattested suffix *-i*.

11The suffixes -*ar* and -*an* both contain the same vowel *a*, which is identical to the vowel in oblique plural forms of nouns (e.g. *t'uˁ-m-a-lla* leg-pl-obl-gen) such that one could perhaps suggest that the vowel is actually not part of the suffix. However, oblique stem forms of nouns are normally only used for case formation and we would need an additional motivation for using the oblique form as the basis of derivational processes. Both suffixes are also used for the derivation of adjectives, see §5.3.

### 3 Nouns

### **3.7 Phrasal compounds**

Sanzhi has a very productive way of forming short noun phrases that have the structure of short participial clauses of the form (noun) + verb and semantically strongly resemble derived action nouns (§3.5.4, §3.5.5). In the minimal case a verb alone to which the modal/future participle *-an* is suffixed is enough. If the verb is transitive, it is often accompanied by a patientive argument. Morphosyntactically, these combinations are headless relative clauses with a transparent semantics (§23.4), but the phrases are lexicalized and perceived as complex nouns by the speakers. They denote agents, professions or tools.

	- b. *sarruˁrqaˁn* 'kidnapper'
		- < *sa-r-r-uˁrq-aˁn* ante-abl-f-drag.ipfv-ptcp
	- c. *paltar durχan* 'tailor'
		- < *paltar* 'clothes' + *d-urχ-an* npl-sew.ipfv-ptcp
	- d. *q'ʷaˁl icːan* 'milkmaid'
		- < *q'ʷaˁl* 'cow' + *icː-an* milk.ipfv-ptcp
	- e. *ʡuˁnze sarirt'an* 'handkerchief'
		- < *ʡuˁnze* 'snot, slime' + *sa-r-irt'-an* ante-abl-take.away.ipfv-ptcp
	- f. *sːurrat helt'an* 'photographer, camera' < *sːurrat* 'picture' + *ha-elt'-an* up-take.out.ipfv-ptcp
	- g. *ʁaj hadulq'an* 'intriguer'
		- < *ʁaj* 'word, language' + *ha-d-ulq'-an* up-npl-lock.ipfv-ptcp
	- h. *kːʷiš iʁan* 'dough scraper'
		- < ?*kːʷiš* 'dough'12 + *iʁ-an* chase.ipfv-ptcp
	- i. *pal kerxʷan* 'fortune-teller'
		- < *pal* 'prediction'13 + *ka-erxʷ-an* down-pour.ipfv-ptcp

There is a range modifier + noun combinations that have idiomatic meanings that are not transparently predictable from the meanings of the parts, but syntactically are rather phrases and not compound nouns. The modifiers used are nouns in the genitive case (186) or adjectives (187). Sometimes the origin of nouns used as modifiers in these combinations is unclear. Most examples denote animals or plants. In fact, sometimes names for herbs, healing plants or other edible plants seem to be made up on the spot and are rather descriptive.

12The word *kːʷiš* is not the regular word for 'dough' in Sanzhi, but it exists in the derived noun *kːʷiš-a* 'wooden board for making dough'.

13The word *pal* does not seem to be used in Sanzhi, but it is part of the derived noun *pal-či* 'fortune-teller'

## **4 Pronouns**

Sanzhi Dargwa has the following types of pronouns:

This chapter also includes a subsection on quantifiers such as 'some', 'every' and 'all' (§4.7).

Pronouns express the typical features of nominals, namely case, number, and to a very limited extent gender (only reflexive pronouns in the absolutive case, one type of reciprocal pronoun, essive-case forms of pronouns, e.g. of the pronoun 'where'). Case marking of pronouns is almost fully regular and identical to the case marking of nouns (and nominalized adjectives, verbs, etc.). As for number marking, only the demonstrative pronouns and the interrogative 'who' form the plural by means of special suffixes; personal and reflexive pronouns use suppletive stems and indefinite pronouns mostly do not have plural forms. The gender exponents are the usual markers that are used across all parts of speech that express gender.

### **4.1 Personal pronouns**

Sanzhi has personal pronouns for the first and for the second person. For the third person demonstrative pronouns are used (§4.2). Table 4.1 displays a partial paradigm of the personal pronouns.

It is possible to make a few generalizations about the morphophonological structure of the personal pronouns. The absolutive and the ergative make use of the same root. Most other cases are formed from a distinct oblique root that is formed via ablaut from the absolutive root (the first root vowel changes *u* > *i* for the first person, *u* > *a* for the second person; the second root vowel of the plural pronouns changes *a* > *i*). The only exceptional forms are the dative forms of the singular pronouns that do not contain segments that could be identified as dative case exponents, and the genitive forms of the

### 4 Pronouns

plural pronouns that are a mixture of absolutive and oblique stem. Note, furthermore, that the plural pronouns have *-lla* as the genitive suffix. The same allomorph of the genitive case suffixe is optionally used for plural nouns §3.4).

Table 4.1: Personal pronouns

### **4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them**

Sanzhi Dargwa has a rich system of demonstratives whose stems express number and case, but not gender. These demonstratives fulfill a variety of deictic and non-deictic functions. Their deictic uses can be exophoric (e.g. gestural) or discourse deictic when demonstratives refer to a chunk of discourse (*She said this*). Non-deictic uses of Sanzhi demonstratives can be anaphoric or cataphoric. The demonstratives are organized along several formal and semantic dimensions:

Table 4.2 displays the demonstratives that serve pronominal and adnominal functions. In the table, they are divided into three series in the columns in both the singular (*iC, heC, hiC*) and the plural (*i(C)tːi*, he*(C)tːi*, *hi(C)tːi*). The series in the columns are distinguished by the root-initial segments (§4.2.1). There are six series of pronouns in the lines of the

### 4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

table that differentiated by their last root consonant (before the plural suffix in case of the plural pronouns), i.e. *ž (š)* vs. *j* vs. *l* vs. *t* vs. *k' (x)* vs.*χ* (§4.2.2). The series with *j* as the last root consonant is defective because it exists only for singular absolutive pronouns; singular oblique forms as well as any plural forms are unattested.

Table 4.2: Basic (i.e. absolutive case) forms of nominal demonstratives

The plural pronouns are mostly based on the singular pronouns by adding the plural suffix *-tːi* to the singular stem and some minor phonological adjustments. The oblique stems of the singular pronouns are formed by adding the suffix *-i* to the stem (Table 4.3) to which in turn case suffixes are attached. These two suffixes are not used for the inflection of nouns, but only with demonstrative pronouns. Partial paradigms of inflected pronouns are provided in Table 4.4. For the oblique stem of the plural pronouns the stem-final vowel *i* is replaced by *-a*, a suffix generally used for the formation of oblique plural stems of nouns (§3.4).

Table 4.3: Oblique stem formation of demonstrative pronouns

### 4 Pronouns

'that' 'that' 'this' 'that' 'those' 'those' abs. *il it iž hel iltːi heltːi* erg. *il-i-l it-i-l iž-i-l hel-i-l iltː-a- heltː-a-l* gen. *il-i-la it-i-la iž-i-la hel-i-la iltː-a-lla heltː-a-lla* dat. *il-i-j it-i-j iž-i-j hel-i-j iltː-a-j heltː-a-j* comit. *il-i-cːella it-i-cːella iž-i-cːella hel-i-cːella iltː-a-cːella heltː-a-cːella* ad-lat. *il-i-šːu it-i-šːu iž-i-šːu hel-i-šːu iltː-a-šːu heltː-a-šːu* in-lat. *il-i-cːe it-i-cːe iž-i-cːe hel-i-cːe iltː-a-cːe heltː-a-cːe* loc-lat. *ile/il-i-ja it-i-ja iž-i-ja hele/ hel-i-ja iltː-a-ja heltː-a-ja*

Table 4.4: Partial paradigms of some demonstrative pronouns

The deictic meaning of the demonstratives is participant-oriented. Three semantic dimensions along the scale 'proximity/distance to speech act participants' are distinguished: (i) near hearer (root-final consonants *ž/š* and *j*), (ii) near addressee (*l*), and (iii) undifferentiated or not close to speaker or addressee (*t*).

Another aspect of the deictic semantics is elevation (or height), namely higher (up) or lower (down) location than the deictic center which is most commonly the speaker. Elevation distinctions in demonstratives are widespread in Dagestanian languages (Schulze 2003; Forker 2019a), and the Sanzhi Dargwa system represent a typical instance.

### **4.2.1 The demonstrative series in the columns:** *iC* **vs.** *heC* **vs.** *hiC* **and** *i(C)tːi* **vs.** *he(C)tːi* **vs.** *hi(C)tːi*

There is a pronounced difference in frequency between the three series. The *he-* series is by far the most commonly used and the *hi-* series is only very rarely used. Speakers are aware of the three different series but do not seem to notice a difference in semantics. The phonetic difference between the *hi*-series and the *i*-series is rather small and hard to hear. Thus, one of the reasons why the latter is so rare in the corpus might be that some of the tokens might incorrectly have been transcribed as *i-*. In the following, I will only discuss the *heC* and the *iC* series.

When looking into natural texts it is not difficult to find tendencies hinting at the functional difference between the *heC*-pronouns and the *iC*-pronouns. The *heC*-pronouns preferably refer to items or persons that are or have been:

### 4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

First of all, *heC*- pronouns are used for denoting visible referents, for instance in pointing events. For example, after (1) has been uttered the speaker stresses the fact that the person in the narrative was only pointing at the man, but not saying anything:

'He gave me such a bottle and sent me (fem.) away.'

(3) [referring to a boy that turned up unexpectedly during the conversation] aman! oh het that ceqːel when ha-∅-jʁ-ib=e? up-m-come.pfv-pret=q 'Oh! When did he come?'

The *heC*-pronouns are used for referents within the personal social sphere of the speaker such as her/his close relatives and other people well-known to the speaker (4), body parts of the speaker (5), etc. These items or persons can be assumed to be implicitly present in the discourse and can be identified via their close relationship to the speaker.

'Now the (i.e. my) lips are swollen, it is difficult to talk.'

Second, the *heC*-pronouns refer to referents that have been introduced in the preceding discourse, either in the immediately preceding sentence such that they establish a kind of topic continuity or when referring back to something said some time ago. Thus, sentence (6a) brings up a new topic, the mill forest. The speaker is then constantly referring back to the forest with the pronouns *hek'*, *het* and *hej* (6b), (6c). The first clause of (7) introduces a new referent, the sticks, and the following clause refers to them by means of a *heC*-pronoun.

### 4 Pronouns

	- b. hej=ʁuna this=eq wac'a forest k'e-b, exist.up-n urχːab-la mill-gen wac'a forest b-ik'ʷ-ar hpl-say.ipfv-prs hek'-i-j dem.up-obl-dat

'A forest like this exists there, the mill's forest it is called'

c. hextːu there hek' dem.up wac'a-cːe-b forest-in-n cik'al nothing ka-b-irčː-an down-n-cut.ipfv-ptcp akːu cop.neg 'There in the forest nothing should be cut'

(7) [ When we were little we had a game.]

dirx-me stick-pl d-umkːa npl-sharp d-arq'-ib-le, npl-do.pfv-pret-cvb ganza-l-cːe ground-obl-in d-urq-aˁ-di npl-hit.ipfv-hab-1 hel-tːi that-pl

'We made sticks and hit them into the ground.'

While speakers performed the *Family Problems Picture Task* (San Roque et al. 2012), they constantly needed to refer to the people and objects depicted on the pictures. Frequently they first used an *iC*-pronoun to establish a new referent, and then, in a kind of afterthought following the clause, repeated the reference again by employing a *heC*pronoun (8), (9). The first demonstrative pronouns in such clauses can be interpreted as deictic, whereas the second demonstratives in the same examples represent the anaphoric use. In the following two examples the relevant demonstratives are given in boldface.

This function is reflected in the meaning of the adverb *hel-i-j* (that-obl-dat) 'therefore' and the phrases *hel bahandan* 'for this reason' and *hel zamana* 'that time', which link causally or temporally connected passages in a stretch of discourse.

Third, the *heC*-pronouns denote objects and persons that the speaker assumes to be familiar for the hearer, i.e. that are common knowledge such as certain places, famous people, etc.:

4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

(10) hej this Mažalis-la Mazhalis-gen pawarut'e-le crossover-loc w-iteʁ-ib=qːella, m-reach.pfv-pret=when … 'when (I) reached the crossover of Mazhalis, …'

The use of the *iC*-pronouns diverges from the use of the *heC*-pronouns. The *iC*-pronouns preferably occur when new topics and referents are introduced into the discourse (11) or when topics switch (12), (13).

(11) iž this Arsen Arsen b-ik'-ul hpl-say.ipfv-icvb iž=ra this=add le-w=de exist-m=pst iž this Usːan Usisha.person xːunul-li-cːe-r woman-obl-in-abl

'And this man called Arsen, he was also there, with his wife from Usisha.'

(12) [switching back the topic of the conversation to a person known to both speaker and hearer]

```
c'il
then
     it
     that
          ʡaˁbdulχaliq'
          Abdulkhalik
                        acːi-la
                        uncle-gen
                                    atːa-l
                                    father-erg
                                                ce=jal
                                                what=indef
∅-ik'ʷ-a-tːe=q'al
m-say.ipfv-hab.pst-2sg=mod
                                u
                                2sg
```
'What did you say about uncle Abdulkhalik's father?'1

(13) [Then when they had gathered all these pears, they put them again on the bike.]

il that durħuˁ boy arg-ul=de go.ipfv-icvb=pst bahla-l, slow-advz itːi dem.pl ʡaˁbal three durħ-ne boy-pl arg-ul=de go.ipfv-icvb=pst het that sa-∅-jʁ-ib hither-m-come.pfv-pret musːa-r place.loc-abl het that xːun-ni-cːe-r road-obl-in-abl

'And the boy went slowly away, and the three boys went there to that place, on that road.'

The *iC*-pronouns are also used when the referent or the topic of the conversation has been introduced into the discourse, but the speaker considers them to be out of his/her personal sphere. For instance, in (14) and (15) the speaker continues to talk about acquaintances of hers who are not close friends or relatives of herself:

(14) [ In Urkarakh there is this son of my friend.]

ik'-i-l dem.up-obl-erg har every cik'al something di-la=ra 1sg-gen=add d-irq'-u npl-do.ipfv-prs 'He does all my things. (i.e. does everything)'

1The noun 'father' bears the ergative case because the speaker intended to ask for something that Abdulkhalik's father had done, without explicitly saying so in his utterance.

### 4 Pronouns

(15) it-i-l that-obl-erg b-alχ-an n-know.ipfv-ptcp b-akːu=q'al n-cop.neg=mod r-ik'ʷ-ar f-say.ipfv-prs 'She does not know anything, (my daughter) says.'

In example (16) the speaker is talking about a person who is present but does not belong to the Sanzhi community, and who does not understand Sanzhi (later the speaker switches to *hel* when referring to the same person):

(16) iž-i-l this-obl-erg d-alc'-un npl-gather.pfv-pret q'ar plant le-d=de exist-pl=pst 'There were plants that she gathered.'

In (17) the speaker is contradicting and correcting the addressee (who is his wife) and perhaps distancing himself a bit form the referent (his sister-in-law):

(17) [Prepare (the groceries), when your little sister comes, for her to take them.]

iž-i-l this-obl-erg d-uqː-ij npl-carry.pfv-inf a-r-irχ-u neg-f-be.able.ipfv-prs itːi dem.pl 'She cannot carry them.'

However, these are only tendencies, not strict rules. Speakers play around with the pronouns, use different pronouns for one and the same referent or correct themselves. Thus, in (18) and (19) the same objects (the pills) and person (the friend) are first referred to by means of a *heC*-pronoun and then immediately later by an *iC*-pronoun. This is the opposite order of what I found in the data from the *Family Problems Picture Task* presented above in (8), (9).

c'il then ca-w refl-m ʡaˁħ good juldaš friend ca<w>i cop<m> nišːa-la 1pl-gen nu well **heχ** dem.down q'ʷila a.little q'ʷila a.little **iχ-i-cːe-b** dem.down-obl-in-n χasijat habit χe-b-il exist.down-n-ref ca-b cop-n 'He is our good friend, but he has a bit of this habit.'

In the following sections, I will discuss the differences between the horizontal series (i.e. the pronouns in the six different lines of Table 4.2) and largely ignore the differences between the columns.

4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

### **4.2.2 Proximity, distance, and elevation**

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *ž***-pronouns:** *iž***,** *hež***,** *hiž***,** *ištːi***,** *heštːi***,** *hištːi***; and** *j***-pronouns:** *ij***,** *hej***,** *hij*

These pronouns express proximity and normally denote referents close to the speaker. The *ž*-pronouns are preferably used as independent pronouns (16), (17), (23), (24), whereas the *j*-pronouns predominantly occur as deictic modifiers of nouns and definite markers similar to articles (20), (21), (22), but again these are tendencies, not strict rules. The *j*-pronouns have only singular absolutive forms, lacking entirely singular oblique and all plural forms.

All following examples are from the *Family Problems Picture Task* when speakers where referring to pictures and people on the pictures that were lying close to them on the table.

'This is when he came back; this (*iž*) then needs to be the (*hij*) very last.'

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *l***-pronouns:** *il***,** *hel***,** *hil***,** *iltːi***,** *heltːi***,** *hiltːi*

These pronouns denote objects or persons that are not in the proximity of the speaker, but close to the addressee (25).

 The other speaker says to her:]

u 2sg il-tː-a-cːe that-pl-obl-in ʁaj word ma-r-ik'-ut! proh-f-say.ipfv-proh.sg 'Do not talk to them!' (i.e. to the pictures)

### 4 Pronouns

They are also employed when talking about absent referents or items located further away, not necessarily in the proximity of the hearer (26), (27). Finally, they are the default pronouns in fiction such as traditional narratives, legends, etc. (28).

(26) [talking about the colors used for the rock paintings; the conversation takes place far away from the painting]

il that kraska color atletit fly.away b-iχ-ub-le n-be.pfv-pret-cvb akːu, cop.neg il-i-j that-obl-dat cik'al nothing ag-ur-re=kːu go.pfv-pret-cvb=cop.neg

'The color does not fly off, nothing happened to it.'

(27) [I went to my house.]

hel-tːi that-pl kelg-un remain.pfv-pret heltːu-b there-hpl di-la 1sg-gen k'ʷel=ra two=add durħuˁ=ra, boy=add hel-tːi that-pl k'ʷel=ra two=add zunra neighbor admi=ra person=add

'They remained there, my two sons and those two neighbors.'

(28) aždaha monster ag-ur go.pfv-pret ca-r cop-f hel-i-cːe-r that-obl-in-abl 'She turned into a monster.'

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *t***-pronouns:** *it, het, hit, itːi, hetːi, hitːi*

These pronouns refer to persons or objects whose location is undifferentiated, irrelevant, or impossible to determine or that are not close to the speaker or the hearer. They are used, for instance, when talking about people that are not present, or about unknown referents, of which it is not important where they are located (29), (30). They are also very frequently used in elicitation.

it that r-ax f-let r-at-ur, f-let.pfv-pret het-i-šːu that-obl-ad w-ax-ul, m-go.ipfv-icvb it that r-ax f-let r-at-ur f-let.pfv-pret hetilil-li-šːu other-obl-ad w-ax-ul m-go.ipfv-icvb 'He left her and went to that one; he left her and went to the next one.'

4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

(31) [talking about a stone fence that the speaker is building; both speaker and hearer are located somewhere away from the fence]

c'il=ra then=add het that šːal-le-b side-loc-n lac fence či-b-irq'-an=uw? spr-n-do.ipfv-ptcp=q 'Then you also have to build the fence from that side?'

With (32) the speaker refers back to former times and (33) is the typical final statement of a traditional story that ends with the wedding of the protagonist:

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *k'-/x***-pronouns:** *ik'***,** *hek'***,** *hik'***,** *ixtːi***,** *hextːi***,** *hixtːi*

These pronouns are used when referring to items or people located above the level of the deictic center (which is most commonly the speaker), e.g. in the mountains as in (34), (35) or higher than some other point of reference (36). For instance, in examples (34), (37), the deictic center is the speaker, but it can also be another location. See Forker (2019a) for more information on the deictic category of elevation in Sanzhi Dargwa.

(34) [talking about rock paintings located in the mountains, higher up than Sanzhi]

intersna=de interesting=pst ix-tːi dem.up-pl 'They were interesting.'

(35) [referring to the inhabitants of a legendary village that is supposed to have existed on the mountains above Sanzhi]

islam Islam prinimat accept b-irq'-an hpl-do.ipfv-ptcp zamana time hex-tː-a-l dem.up-pl-obl-erg prinimat accept b-arq'-ib-le n-do.pfv-pret-cvb a-b-určː-i neg-hpl-be.ipfv-hab.pst

'At the time when we became Muslims, they did not become Muslims.'

(36) [In one place there are trees.]

warilla.wari no.way u 2sg ix-tː-a-j dem.up-pl-obl-dat er look či-ma-hark'-utːa! spr-proh-look.ipfv-proh.sg 'Whatever may happen, do not look at them (=trees)!'

### 4 Pronouns

The factual elevation with respect to the deictic center can be minimal as long as speakers perceive a difference in height. For instance, the village of Druzhba where most Sanzhi speakers live is located on the flat land around 5 km from the Caspian sea coast. It stretches from the highway that runs parallel to the coast and to a point approximately one kilometer before the slops of some hills. If there is any difference in elevation between the two ends of the village it is minimal and not visible, but the part of the village closer to the sea is conceptualized as 'lower' whereas the part closer to the hills is regarded as 'higher'. Example (37) originates from a conversation about a woman who lives in the 'higher' part of the village and the speaker uses *hek'* with reference to that woman. Thus, it is not necessarily the location at the time of speaking that is relevant, but the usual location of the referent in relation to the deictic center can be decisive for the use of demonstratives.

(37) [talking about a woman who lives in the 'upper part' of the village]

hana now hek' dem.up hek-ka dem.up-down ka-r-eʁ-ij=al down-f-go.pfv-inf=indq gargar trembling gargar trembling r-ik'-ud f-say.ipfv-1.prs du 1sg 'If now she comes from over there I am trembling.'

Sentence (38) has been uttered during a *Family Problems Picture Task* discussion. The picture shows the arrest of the protagonist by the police. His wife is sitting on the ground and he is carried away by two policemen. In the picture, he is depicted higher than the woman. Example (39) is also part of a *Family Problems Picture Task* discussion. The two demonstrative pronouns refer to the main protagonists who are depicted in little bubbles above the main scene of the picture.

	- first dem.up-pl beautiful-advz life hpl-be.ipfv-icvb hpl-stay-pret cop-hpl hex-tːi dem.up-pl er look r-erč'-e f-look.pfv-imp k'ʷel=ra two=add canille! together

'It turns out that they lived well in the beginning. Look at them both together!'

ca-b;

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *χ***-pronouns:** *iχ, heχ, hiχ, iχtːi, heχtːi, hiχtːi*

These pronouns denote referents located below the deictic center. For instance, example (40) originates from a conversation about a woman who lives in the part of the village closer to the sea and the speaker continuously uses *iχ* with reference to that woman. Examples (41) and (42) refer to people and items on pictures. The people are sitting down and the pumpkins (referred to as watermelons) on the picture are lying on the ground.

4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

In the discourse deictic function, mostly the *χ*-pronouns occur (43), but the *k'-/x*pronouns can also occasionally be found.

(43) taman end ca-b cop-n heχ dem.down 'This is the end (of the story).'

Yet elevation cannot be the only criterion that governs the use of the *χ*-pronouns vs. the *k'-/x*-pronouns. For instance, in (44) the first demonstrative pronoun denotes people who the speaker has seen on TV. They are described as being located lower than some unknown point of reference. At the same time the sentence is a good example for the contrast between *iC*-pronouns and *heC*-pronouns as discussed in §4.2.1.

(44) du 1sg ∅-ik'-ul=da, m-say.ipfv-icvb=1 iχ-tː-a-la dem.down-pl-obl-gen ij=ʁuna this=eq but'a piece ca-b, cop-n di-la 1sg-gen hej=ʁuna=qːel this=eq=when 'I (masc.) say, they have a (little) piece (of a diamond) like that, while I have one like that.'

For a more thorough discussion of the elevational meaning in Sanzhi demonstratives and examples see the detailed account in Forker (2019a).

### 4 Pronouns

### **4.2.3 Pronouns and adverbs derived from demonstrative pronouns**

There are a few pro-forms derived from the demonstrative pronouns such as *hetilil* (30), *itilil* (45) 'other, next', *itil-ižili* 'one thing and another', and *it-heχ* 'this and that, various'.

(45) [He pointed with his finger on his forehead and said to the other man, Well here is the horsefly.]

itilil-li other-erg ix-ub-le throw.pfv-pret-cvb tupang weapon antːa-l-cːe forehead-obl-in zija=ra horsefly=add kax-ub kill.pfv-pret ca-b cop-n il that admi=ra person=add

'The other shot at the forehead and killed the horsefly and the man.'

The temporal/clausal adverb *helij* 'therefore' is diachronically the dative case form of the pronoun *hel* 'that'.

There is a series of manner adverbs with the meaning 'like this/like that' that is formed by adding the suffix *-itːe* to the singular demonstrative pronouns (except for the *j-* pronouns, since they are mostly used in the noun-modifying function, see Table 4.5). Their meaning is based on the meanings of the demonstrative pronouns as described in the preceding sections. Some examples can be found in (46), (47) (see also §7.3 for more examples).

(46) iž this hež-itːe this-advz b-irq'-an n-do.ipfv-ptcp ca-b cop-n 'It must be done like this.'

(47) hana=q'ar now=mod il-itːe that-advz a-haʔ-ib=de neg-say.pfv-pret=2sg 'But now you did not say this.' (i.e. you did not tell the stories that you told the other time)

There is another group of four manner adverbs with a similar meaning as the adverbs ending in *-itːe*, namely *itwaj*, *hetwaj*, *hitwaj*, and *ižwaj* 'like that, and so'. Their usage is illustrated in (48–50).

4.2 Demonstrative pronouns and adverbials derived from them

Spatial adverbs with the basic meaning 'here, there' are derived by adding the suffix *-tːu* to the pronominal stems (Table 4.6). The meaning of the spatial adverbs is transparently derived from the meaning of the demonstratives. As can be seen in the table, there are two series of spatial adverbs with the meaning 'there above' because both the singular as well as the plural pronominal stem can serve as the base for the derivation, but the adverbs with *x* are far more common than the adverbs with *k'*. The adverbs with *k'* are very rarely used and might even be switches to another dialect of Dargwa.

Since the adverbs have inherent spatial semantics, locational cases cannot be added, but only directional suffixes just as with other spatial adverbials or nominals. The lative is zero-marked, the essive is expressed through gender/number agreement, the ablative by means of the suffix *-r(ka)* and the directive through the suffix *-gm-a* including a gender/number agreement marker, e.g. lative *heš-tːu*, essive *heš-tːu-b*, ablative *heš-tːu-r(ka)*, directive *heš-tːu-b-a*. Examples can be found in ex:We crossed the border between Shurli and our (Sanzhi area), and up there we found a stoneex:Do they really allow people from here (to enter) the hospital. More examples are given in §7.1.1.

(51) šuˁrʡli-la=ra Shurli-gen=add nišːa-la=ra 1pl-gen=add dazu-la border-gen hetːu-r there-abl tːura outside d-ituq-un-ne 1/2pl-cross.pfv-pret-cvb hek'tːu-b there.up-n b-arčː-ib-il=de n-find.pfv-pret-ref=pst ca one qːarqːa stone 'We crossed the border between Shurli and our (Sanzhi area), and up there we

### 4 Pronouns

Another series of spatial adverbs denoting the source can be derived by means of the suffix *-ka* (which is probably a cognate of the second part of the complex ablative suffix *-r-ka*), e.g. *hež-ka* 'from here', *hel-ka* 'from there', etc. (§3.4.2). These adverbs can also have a temporal interpretation ('from time X on'). Moreover, there is a series of spatial adverbs with the meaning 'from X to X' containing the suffix *-k-itːu-b-a*, e.g. *hež-kitːub-a* 'from here to there' (57). This suffix is a combination of the ablative *-ka* (shortened to *-k*), the locational suffix *-tːu* and the directive *-gm-a*. Both series are available from all three stem types of demonstratives (*heC, iC,* and *hiC*), but only the adverbs based on *heC* are commonly used in my corpus. See §7.1.1 for Tables displaying all adverbs and more examples.

The equative enclitic *=ʁuna* 'like, similar' and the temporal enclitic *=qːel* 'when' can also be attached to the demonstrative pronouns leading to pro-forms used when comparing referents (2), (6b) and temporal adverbs with the meaning 'then, at this/that time' (32).

### **4.3 Reflexive pronouns**

Sanzhi Dargwa has simple reflexive pronouns (Table 4.7) and two types of complex reflexive pronouns (Table 4.8). In reflexive constructions, the reflexive pronouns refer only to third persons. For first and second person reflexivization personal pronouns are used. Reflexive pronouns are marked for gender (in the absolutive only), for number and for

### 4.3 Reflexive pronouns

case. The absolutive case of the reflexive pronoun is identical to the copula and might be diachronically related to it. For all other cases the pronoun has two stems (singular and plural).

Table 4.8: Complex reflexive pronouns

*a*with ergative controller

The simple reflexive pronouns occur in local and non-local reflexivization (including logophoric contexts across clausal boundaries, whereas the complex reflexive pronouns can only be bound within the clause. Both types of complex reflexive pronouns consist of a reduplicated form of the simple reflexive (Table 4.7). For the first variant of the complex reflexive pronouns, one part of the reflexive undergoes case-copying from the controller (in Table 4.8 exemplified with an ergative controller), and the second part takes the appropriate case-marking. In the second variant, the first part is invariably genitive. The second variant, the complex genitive reflexive, lacks a form for the genitive case, so it can never occur as possessor. Other functions in addition to local and non-local reflexivization are: emphatic reflexivization, comitative constructions and pause fillers.

All types of reflexive constructions are analyzed in more detail in §29.1 and in Forker (2014). The genitive singular and plural reflexive pronouns *cinna* and *čula* are used as pause fillers (§9.5). The absolutive reflexive pronouns occur in comitative constructions that have the formal structure of coordinated noun phrases (§30.3).

### 4 Pronouns

None of these additional functions are available for complex reflexive pronouns, which occur only in local reflexivization, emphatic reflexivization and reciprocal constructions (only plural reflexive pronouns).

### **4.4 Reciprocal pronouns**

Reciprocal pronouns are very similar to complex reflexive pronouns in form as well as in morphosyntactic behavior. They consist of a reduplicated form of the numeral *ca* 'one'. Sanzhi Dargwa has three types of reciprocal pronouns. Two of these pronouns always consist of the reduplicated numeral *ca* 'one'. Except for the genitive they fully inflect for case, but do not distinguish gender. One type of reciprocal pronouns is the equivalent of the genitive reflexive because its first part is always in the genitive. The second reciprocal has always one part in the absolutive. The third variant, *ca-b-a*, is also based on *ca* 'one', to which a plural suffix that exhibits gender/number agreement is added. It can also be reduplicated (this is not shown in the Table) and inflects for all cases. All reciprocals are shown in the partial paradigm in Table 4.9. In addition, the language also makes use of plural reflexive pronouns (Table 4.8) for the expression of reciprocity.

Syntactically, reciprocal pronouns behave similarly to complex reflexives because they are always locally bound. More information on reciprocalization can be found in §29.2 and in Forker (2014).

Table 4.9: Reciprocal pronouns

### **4.5 Interrogative pronouns**

The interrogative pronouns of Sanzhi are given in Table 4.10. Some of the pronouns are morphologically complex, consisting of the root *ce* 'what' to which other morphemes are added:

4.5 Interrogative pronouns

Table 4.10: Interrogative pronouns

The pronouns*čujna* and *čum* are also complex. They seem to contain the same root*ču-*. In order to arrive at *ču-jna* the derivational suffix *-na* (allomorph *-jna* after vowels) has been added. This suffix is also used to form multiplicative numerals (§6.5). The pronoun *kutːi* seems to be composed of a root *ku-* and an ending *-tːi*, the latter also found with plural demonstrative pronouns (§4.2).

In the following, all pronouns are described and illustrated with examples. More information on interrogative clauses can be found in Chapter 28. Embedded interrogatives are treated in §28.4.

### **4.5.1** *ča* **'who' and** *ce* **'what'**

Partial inflectional paradigms of the pronouns *ča* 'who' and *ce* 'what' are shown in Table 4.11. The pronoun *ča* has a suppletive stem *hi-* for all cases except for the absolutive (60). The pronoun *ča* can be used as a modifier to a nominal with human reference and translates then as 'which, what kind of' (58). It can be marked for plural by means of the associative plural suffix *-qal* (59) (§3.2.4).

'"Nice, who were they?" he asks the Russian woman.'

### 4 Pronouns

Table 4.11: Interrogative pronouns *ča* 'who' and *ce* 'what'

(60) il that hi-la who-gen q'am-la=de? kin-gen=pst 'From whose clan was he?'

The pronoun *ce* 'what' (61) can also be used with the meanings 'how' (62), 'where' (63) and, when functioning as a nominal modifier, 'which, what kind of'. The dative case of this pronoun *celij* translates as 'why' (§<IP_ADDRESS>).

### **4.5.2 Other interrogative words**

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *čina* **'where'**

This pronoun has an inherent spatial meaning and can be further inflected for the directional cases just like other nominals or adverbials with spatial meaning, see §3.4.2. Thus, we obtain:

4.5 Interrogative pronouns

It can also take the genitive suffix, then denoting origin in the sense of ethnic descent (67):

(67) čina-la where-gen admi=ja person=q iž? this gurži-le-r Georgia.obl-loc-abl / / gurži-la Georgia.obl-gen ca-w cop-m 'Where is this person from? (He) is from Georgia (i.e. he is Georgian).' (E)

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *cet'le* **'how'**

The pronoun *cet'le* refers to the manner of action.

(68) marka rain cet'le how či-b-irʁ-ul=e spr-n-come.ipfv-icvb=q ixtːu? there.up neqːe-d cave.loc-npl d-i-d=q'al npl-in-npl=prt itːi those

'How can rain fall there? They are inside a cave.'

(69) cet'le how il this r-uč'-unne? f-learn.ipfv-icvb iž this ʡaˁħ-le good-advz r-uč'-un f-learn.ipfv-icvb ca-r cop-f 'How is she studying? She is studying well.' (E)

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *kutːi* **and** *ceʁuna* **'which'**

The pronoun *kutːi* asks for the indication of a specific item among a group of items. For instance, the first speaker in (70) wants to indicate to his interlocutor a picture that does not fit into a picture story. The second speaker does not understand to which of the pictures the first speaker is referring, and asks for clarification. It can be used as an indefinite pronoun and then be inflected for various cases (72).

(70) hež this sːurrat picture heštːu here b-al n-fit b-ič-ib-le n-occur.pfv-pret-cvb akːu. .cop.neg kutːi? which 'This picture does not fit here. Which?'

### 4 Pronouns

The pronoun *ceʁuna* literally means 'like what, similar to what' and requests the hearer to provide more information about the manner or the type as in (73). In example (74), the indefinite pronoun modifies the following noun.

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *cel* **and** *celij* **'why'**

These pronouns are case-inflected forms of *ce* 'what', more specifically ergative *cel* and dative *celij*, and the semantics of the case suffixes together with the base pronoun transparently explains the meaning 'why' (< 'what for'). The ergative is used to express agents and instruments, and the dative for the expression of causes.

(75) χalq'-li-j people-obl-dat il that cel why a-∅-jčː-aq-ul=de? neg-m-want.ipfv-caus-icvb=pst cellij why kax-ub=e kill.pfv-pret=q il that xːun-r-a-l? woman-pl-obl-erg 'Why did the people not love him? Why did the women kill him?'

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *ceqːel* **'when'**

This interrogative adverb is used when asking for time points. It can occur in the genitive case without a change in meaning (77).

4.5 Interrogative pronouns

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *čujna* **'how many times'**

This interrogative adverb refers to the frequency with which a situation occurs. To the same adverb the suffixes can be added that can also be added to multiplicative numerals when they are used for the formation of expressions referring to time points (79) (§6.5).

### **<IP_ADDRESS>** *čum* **'how many'**

The pronoun *čum* 'how many' is only used as a modifier to count nouns. It can be inflected with the dative yielding *čum-li-j* if no head noun is following (81). This form is used when asking for prices. Instead of directly adding the dative to the interrogative pronoun it can also be added to the head noun, e.g. *čum q'uruš-li-j?* (how many rubleobl-dat) 'for how many rubles?'.

The forms *čum-ib* and *čum-ibil* ask for ordinal numbers (§6.2):

(82) daže even hel-tː-a-j that-pl-obl-dat d-alχ-ul npl-know.ipfv-icvb akːu cop.neg hel-tːi that-pl čum-ib how.many-ord dusːi-cːe-d year.obl-in-npl d-elk'-un-ne=l npl-write.pfv-pret-cvb=prt hel-tːi that-pl 'Even they do not remember in which year (the pictures) were drawn.'

### 4 Pronouns

**<IP_ADDRESS>** *kusa* **'how much, how many'**

The pronoun *kusa* can be used together with count nouns or mass nouns (83) and without any head nouns (84–86). It also has the more specific temporal meaning '(for) how long' (85).

'No one is able to know for how long they were away.'

(86) kusa how.much ixʷle early ag-ur-re? go.pfv-pret-cvb 'How (much) early did he go?'

### **4.5.3 Interrogative pronouns used as indefinites**

Occasionally plain interrogative pronouns are used as indefinite pronouns as in the following example (87).

(87) nuˁq-be arm-pl ʡaˁbħ-ib get.tired.pfv-pret ca<d>i cop<npl> ∅-ik'-ul m-say.ipfv-icvb ca-w cop-m ij, this "ce what d-irq'-ul=da" npl-do.ipfv-icvb=1 'He says, "My hands got tired, I do something."'

### **4.6 Indefinite pronouns**

Sanzhi Dargwa has a rather wide range of indefinite pronouns that are regularly formed on the basis of the interrogative pronouns. Most of these pronouns make use of enclitics that are also otherwise used in the grammar as complementizers (*=jal*/*=el*, *=del*), emphatic particle (*=k'u*) or additive enclitic (*=ra*). The pronominal stems are normally inflected just like the interrogative pronouns, and then the derivational markers are attached.

4.6 Indefinite pronouns

For the formation of universal indefinites the quantifier *har* 'every' or more rarely *liil* 'all' is used (§4.7).

### **4.6.1 Specific indefinite pronouns**

Specific indefinite pronouns (Table 4.12) are formed by means of the complementizer *=jal* (after vowels)/*=el* (after consonants), which is otherwise used in embedded questions (see §28.4) and certain epistemic modal constructions that have developed out of embedded questions and can be labeled "insubordination" (§28.4).

Table 4.12: Specific indefinite pronouns

Exemplary case forms of *ča=jal* and *ce=jal* are:

### 4 Pronouns

(90) qːarka Karka hetːu-b there-n b-už-ib hpl-be-pret čum=el how.many=indef bari day 'In Karka the bandits stayed for some days.'

There is a second series of specific indefinite pronouns with the emphatic enclitic *=k'u* (§9.4.5) that is used when the speaker does not remember a name of a person or thing and instead uses the indefinite as a kind of filler word. Of these pronouns *ce=k'u* (what-indef) is especially frequent and can be translated as 'whatchamacallit'.

### **4.6.2 Non-specific indefinite pronouns**

Non-specific indefinite pronouns are formed by adding *=del* to the interrogative base. This suffix is morphologically complex consisting of *=de* and *=(e)l*. The first part might originate from the past enclitic *=de*. The second part represents the enclitic used for embedded questions (§28.4) and also for the formation of specific indefinite pronouns (§4.6.1). The following examples illustrate reference to non-specific indefinite persons (95), (96) and places (97), (98).

4.6 Indefinite pronouns

hi-j=del who.obl-dat=indef b-ičː-ij n-give.pfv-inf 'My cousin, Old Kurban, may his sins be relieved, brought them for me to give them to someone.'

### **4.6.3 Free-choice indefinite pronouns**

Free-choice indefinite pronouns of the 'any' or 'WH-ever' type are formed by means of the suffix *-k'a* that does not serve any other function. In the majority of the cases the pronoun is followed by the verb form *b-iχʷ-ar=ra* (n-be.pfv-cond.3=add) that has a concessive meaning that can approximately be translated with 'even if it is' (§16.3). The verb form *b-iχʷ-ar=ra* mostly has the neuter singular prefix *b-* (suspended agreement), but it can also agree with the absolutive argument or even some other salient argument (see §20.2.4 for examples). In natural speech the suffix *-k'a* is also added to the Russian free-choice indefinite pronoun *lubuj-cːella-k'a-li-j* (any-comit-indef-obl-dat) 'for anything'. The following example (99) contains not only a Sanzhi free-choice indefinite, but also the Russian free-choice indefinite *kagda-nibud* 'whenever'.

	- '15,000 needs to be given to the doctors and every day these (i.e. this amount of money), however many days you stay.'

4 Pronouns

(102) du-l 1sg-erg at 2sg.dat ce-k'a what-indef b-ikː-ul n-want.ipfv-icvb haq-itːe=ra be.enough.pfv-2sg=add lukː-an=da=n give.ipfv-ptcp=1=prt 'I will give you whatever you may want.'

### **4.6.4 Negative indefinite pronouns**

In general, the negative indefinite function of indefinite pronouns is only available in clauses with negation. In affirmative clauses none of the pronouns described in this section has a negative indefinite reading, but readings such as free-choice indefinite or universal indefinite.

The suffix *-k'al* is used for the formation of indefinite pronouns that have the negative indefinite reading if they occur in a clause with negative polarity (103), (104). This suffix can be analyzed as consisting of *-k'a*, which forms free-choice indefinite pronouns (§4.6.3) and the enclitic used for embedded questions (§28.4) and also for the formation of specific and non-specific indefinite pronouns (Sections §4.6.1, §4.6.2).

Other meanings of pronouns with *-k'al* are free-choice indefiniteness if they are used in a conditional clause (105), (106) or non-specific indefinite if simply used in an affirmative clause (107–110).

'And like this also (Isakadi's) issues, things do not finish, forever, no matter where he went.'

4.6 Indefinite pronouns

'And together with the son they are going to sit outside anywhere.'

(110) har every ce-lla-k'al-li-j what-gen-indef-obl-dat čaˁʡir=ra wine=add d-al npl-match d-irč-iri npl-occur.ipfv-hab.pst 'Wine fitted well with any of these (types of food).'

Note that the word *cik'al* (from *ce* 'what' plus*-k'al*) has been lexicalized as a noun with the meaning 'thing'. At the same time it is still used as an indefinite pronoun with the meanings 'nothing' (in negative clauses) and 'something, anything' in positive clauses (105). It can also precede nouns as negative quantifier with the meaning 'no'.

Furthermore, the additive enclitic *=ra* (§9.4.1) is used for the formation of indefinite pronouns. If these pronouns occur in clauses with positive polarity the reading is universal indefinite (111), if they occur in clauses with negative polarity the reading is universal negative (112), and if they occur in concessive clauses the reading is free choice indefinite (113).

However, in practice such indefinite pronouns are (almost) never attested in natural texts. Instead, the enclitic *=ra* is usually preceded by *-k'al* (114) or occasionally *-k'a* (115) for the negative indefinite meaning.

### 4 Pronouns

Similarly, the emphatic enclitic *=č'u* can form negative indefinite pronouns when it is attached to the usual base (interrogative pronoun or numeral 'one') and used in clauses with negative polarity. As with the additive enclitic, in almost all examples that contain the enclitic it follows *-k'al* (and frequently *=č'u* is followed by the additive enclitic) (116), (117).

akːu, cop.neg ca=č'u=ra one=emph=add akːu, cop.neg ca=č'u one=emph akːu cop.neg Ašura Ashura ka-r-iž-ib down-f-sit.pfv-pret

'No, there was no one, except for Ashura he did not marry anyone.'

There are only two examples of pronouns with *=č'u* in clauses that do not have negative polarity such that the pronouns display their free-choice indefinite meaning. The first example in (118) illustrates the use of the pronoun in combination with the concessive auxiliary *b-iχʷ-ar=ra* as it has already been described for other free-choice indefinite pronouns (§4.6.3). The second example in (119) contains two pronouns with *=č'u*, of which the first has the free-choice indefinite reading whereas the second is a negative indefinite pronoun because of the negated verb.

(118) ca=ra one=add ci-k'al=č'u what-indef=prt b-iχʷ-ar=ra n-be.pfv-cond.3=add b-uk-an-ne, hpl-eat.ipfv-ptcp-fut.3 b-ik'-ul hpl-say.ipfv-icvb … 'saying that they will also eat no matter what' (lit. 'whatever it might be') (119) heštːi these deč-li drinking-erg b-učː-an-t-a-l hpl-drink.ipfv-ptcp-pl-obl-erg ci-k'al=č'u what-indef=prt ʡaˁħ-dex, good-nmlz iš-tː-a-l this-pl-obl-erg ce what b-irq'-u=ja? n-do.ipfv-prs=q ci-k'al=č'u what-indef=prt a-b-irq'-u

neg-n-do.ipfv-prs

'The ones who are drinking anything good, what do they do? They do not do anything (good).'

4.7 Universal indefinites and other quantifiers

Other negative indefinite pronouns are *caʔarra* 'no one' and *cajnara* 'never, not once' (*ca-jna=ra* one-time=add). The first pronoun consists of (*ca-ʔar=ra* one-?=add) and seems to be related the focus-sensitive particle *arrah* 'at least' (§9.4.5)

(120) caʔarra no.one kːuš hungry ∅-iχ-ub-il m-be.pfv-pret-ref akː-i cop.neg-hab.pst 'No one was hungry.'

### **4.7 Universal indefinites and other quantifiers**

Universal indefinites are normally not formed from interrogative pronouns, but by means of the quantifier *har* 'every' (or *liil* 'all') plus a following noun:

Other quantifiers are *sukːil*, *liil* 'all, whole, complete', *har*, *haril*, *harki*, *harkil* 'every', *b-aqil*,*ʡaˁbra*,*ʡaˁbra-b-al* 'much, many', and *kam* 'little, few'. The quantifiers treated in this section have most morphosyntactic properties that adjectives have and, as adjectives, normally occur before teh noun when they function as nominal modifiers. But just like adjectives and some other nominal modifiers they can also follow the noun under certain circumstances. See §21.1.3 for quantifier floating.

The quantifiers *sukːil* and *liil* can both be used as attributes and they can be nominalized. When they are used as attributes of nouns in the plural they mean 'all'; with singular nouns they translate as 'whole, complete'. The quantifier *liil* has a gender/number agreement slot and follows the agreement rules for adjectives and other nominal modifiers, i.e. agreement with the head noun.

### 4 Pronouns

From the quantifiers listed above, *har* can only be used attributively. All other quantifiers can also be nominalized. The head noun is in the singular, but mass nouns that trigger plural agreement are also possible if an interpretation referring to a specific quantity is available.

The quantifiers *b-aqil*, *ʡaˁbra*, *ʡaˁbra-b-al* 'much, many' also show gender/number agreement with the head noun in case there is any. Otherwise they express the gender and number of the item they are referring to.

The quantifier *kam* 'little, few, less' can modify nouns, it can be nominalized (by adding the cross-categorical suffix *-ce*; plural *-te* ) and it occurs in compound verbs with the meaning 'decrease, diminish, become less' (129).

(129) qːalmaqːar-te scandal-pl kam little d-irχ-ul npl-be.ipfv-icvb akːu cop.neg 'The scandals (i.e. fights) did not diminish.'

## **5 Adjectives**

### **5.1 Introduction**

Adjectives in Sanzhi can clearly be distinguished from nouns or verbs since they are not lexically specified for gender, and they cannot take tense suffixes or other inflectional morphology reserved for verbs. They are formally rather heterogeneous (§5.2). Sanzhi adjectives cover the typical semantic domains of this word class (1–12).

### 5 Adjectives

A few underived adjectives have agreement markers as can be see from the examples above. In addition, all derived adjectives containing the essive case plus *-il, -či-b* and *-bazi-b* and all constructions with *b-ah* (§5.3) also agree. Adjectives agree with the head noun in gender and number (13), (27a), and (35). More information on gender/number agreement rules is provided in §20.2.

(13) či-r-ix-ub spr-abl-take.off.pfv-pret ca-b cop-n halak-le fast-advz ca one b-uqen n-long q'aˁli branch 'He immediately broke one long branch (off a tree).'

Adjectives can be modified by adverbs, most commonly by degree adverbs that precede the adjectives, for example *c'aq'le* (14), *ħaˁq'le* 'very', *arindan* 'too, too much' (15), *b-aq* 'much', *bah* 'most' (39), *χːʷalle* 'largely', *q'ʷila, bara, kamle* 'little, few, a bit' (16).

(14) c'aq'-le very-advz χːʷal-le big-advz ʡaˁħ good ∅-iχ-ub m-be.pfv-pret ca-w cop-m 'He was very, very good.'

5.2 Adjectives and the cross-categorical suffixes *ce* and *il*

There is no derivational means of forming negative adjectives. Only participles used like adjectives can have a negative variant if the verbal negation prefix *a-* is added, e.g. *a-b-ucː-an* (neg-n-work-ptcp) 'inoperative, spoiled, not working'. Otherwise negation is expressed on the verb that heads the clause containing the adjective (see, e.g. §22.2 on copula clauses).

Adjectives usually precede the head noun, but the reverse order is also possible. Modifying adverbs, in turn, precede the adjective. §21.1.3 provides information about constituent order in the noun phrase.

### **5.2 Adjectives and the cross-categorical suffixes -***ce* **and -***il*

As is characteristic for Dargwa varieties, adjectives occur in the form of bare roots when they are used as attributes to nominals (13), (17). Many but not all of the adjectives in (1–12) belong to the class of adjectival roots. Some of these adjectives are also used in compounding, especially for the formation of compound verbs (§12.2.3), e.g. *aq b-ik'ʷ-ij* 'increase, enlarge, elevate, rise' (high n-aux.ipfv-inf).

(17) wahi evil admi person už-ib be-pret ca-w cop-m a-b-iχʷ-ar neg-n-be.pfv-prs 'Probably he was a bad person.'

The adjectival roots cannot be used substantively or predicatively. They must take the suffix *-ce* and can then fulfill all three functions: attribution (18), predication (15), (19) and reference (20). In the plural, -*ce* is replaced by *-te* (20).

### 5 Adjectives

When occurring in the canonical position before the head noun, adjectival roots and adjectives with the suffix *-ce* do not differ in their morphosyntactic or semantic properties. For example, both types of adjectives can modify coordinated noun phrases (21). This behavior differentiates Sanzhi Dargwa from other Dargwa varieties such as Tanti Dargwa or Standard (Akusha) Dargwa, for which syntactic differences between adjectival roots and the so-called "long" adjectives have been attested (van den Berg 2001: 26, Abdullaev et al. 2014: 207–208, Lander 2014).

(21) Sanijat-la Sanijat-gen kːalas-le-b class-loc-hpl ʡaˁħ(-te) good-dd.pl [durħ-ne=ra boy-pl=add rurs-be=ra] girl-pl=add χe-b exist.down-hpl 'In Sanijat's class there are good [boys and girls].' (E)

When nominalized, case suffixes are directly added to *-ce* if the nominalized adjective occurs in the singular (22). In the plural, the suffix *-t-a* (instead of *-t-e*) is used when case suffixes follow.

(22) nik'a-ce-li-j small-dd.sg-obl-dat darman medicine lukː-unne=w? give.ipfv-icvb=q 'Does he give medicine to the little one?'

The suffix -*ce* attaches not only to adjectival roots, but also to other parts of speech such as inflected nouns or verbs. Thus, its use is not restricted to adjectives, but it applies across a range of lexical categories. Generally speaking, it forms definite descriptions that function as referential attributes, and syntactically behave like nominals. A detailed description of the functions of -*ce* is given in §9.6.1.

Apart from the suffix *-ce* Sanzhi has another suffix -*il* for the formation of referential attributes that have similar morphosyntactic properties like items with -*ce*, but its application is far more restricted. Only two quantitative adjectives need the suffix *-il* in order to be used not only attributively, but also substantively or predicatively: *har-il* 'every' and *b-aq-il* 'much, many'. Furthermore, it is arguably a part of the quantifier *liil* 'all', and when added to the preterite participle of the verb *ʔ-* 'say', the resulting verb form is used as a marker for ordinal numerals (§6.2), which are also adjectival in nature. More information on -*il* can be found in §9.6.2.

### **5.3 Formation of adjectival attributes**

Sanzhi does not have very productive means of forming new adjectives, but there are a few suffixes that take nouns as base and derive adjectives. Other ways of extending the lexicon is by means of genitive attributes and a special construction with the noun 'owner' (see below). Furthermore, participles are used and nowadays Russian adjectives also occur occasionally.

Sanzhi has a number of adjectives that are derived from nouns denoting body parts and personal qualities. These adjectives express the possession of this body part. The base noun is marked for plural and then the suffix *-ar* is added whereby the final vowel of the

### 5.3 Formation of adjectival attributes

plural suffix undergoes deletion (23). This suffix might be a cognate of the participle suffix of the copula *-ar* (§16.1). The adjectives form the plural by mean of the most common plural suffix *-te*. Two examples are provided in (24a) and (24b).

	- b.  *ʡaˁmul-t-ar* 'talented' < *ʡaˁmulte* 'skills, talents'
	- b. ʁiz-b-ar-te hair-pl-adjvz-pl kːaˁt-ne cat-pl 'hairy cats' (E)

There are a few adjectives involving compounding with numerals and mostly plural nouns and the suffix *-(a)n*. As with the adjectives given in (25), the nouns occur in the plural. It might be the case that this suffix is a cognate of the modal/future participle *-an* (§<IP_ADDRESS>), the locative participle *-an* (§<IP_ADDRESS>) and/or the suffix *-an* that is used for the derivation of terms denoting inhabitants of particular villages and other places (§10).

Another type of derived adjectival attributes can be formed from adjectives denoting relational qualities. To the base adjectives the suffix *-gm-azi-gm* is added and the resulting adjectives denote an extreme quality. As can be seen in (26), the base can already be a derived adjective. The resulting adjectives occur in attributive, predicative and substantive function (27a–27d). In the predicative function the suffix *-ce* (-*te*) is required (27b).

	- < *b-aq* 'much, many' b. *kam-b-azi-b* 'very few, very little' < *kam* 'few, little'

### 5 Adjectives

< *ʡaˁbra* 'much, many'

	- b. hetːi those χalq' people ʡaˁħ-b-azi-b-te good-hpl-adjvz-hpl-dd.pl ca-b cop-hpl 'Those people are good.' (E)
	- c. ʡaˁbra-d-azi-d much-npl-adjvz-npl han remember d-irk-ur npl-occur.ipfv-pret 'I remember very well.'
	- d. cara-te other-dd.pl inžener-te=ra engineer-pl=add meχanekːa-be=ra mechanic-pl=add cara-te other-dd.pl šːan-te fellow.villager-pl k'e-b exist.up-hpl ʡaˁbra-b-azi-b much-hpl-adjvz-hpl hextːu-b=ra there.up-hpl=add 'There are other (experts like) engineers, mechanics, among the villagers, there are plenty.'

I found three adjectives with the suffix *-či* followed by a gender/number agreement marker (28). The base nouns are all loans. When the adjectives occur in predicative or nominal function they need one of the cross-categorical suffixes -*ce* or *-il* (29), (30).

(28) a. *dawla-či-b* 'rich' < *dawla* 'wealth'

'She is rich.' (E)

(30) žaniwar-t-a-lla animal-pl-obl-gen χʷal-le big-advz jaˁħ=ra, conscience=add namus=ra conscience=add b-už-ib n-be-pret ca-b, cop-n nišːa-lla 1pl-gen dawla-či-b-t-a-lla-ja-r wealth-adjvz-hpl-pl-obl-gen-loc-abl

'The animals had apparently more consciences than our rich (people).'

For Standard Dargwa,Abdullaev et al. 2014: 212 have claimed that -*či* is a cognate of the spatial postposition *či* 'on, above' . However, for Sanzhi this cannot be true because the 5.4 Comparative constructions with adjectives

postposition *či* can be used with both native and loan words and it governs the loc-series or, alternatively, the genitive case (§8.1.7). The adjectivizer -*či* can also not be equated with the Turkic loan suffix -*či* (§3.5.1), which derives agent nouns because nouns do not inflect for gender and the agent nouns do not need any further suffixes in order to be used in argument position or as predicates. Furthermore, in Standard Dargwa the form of the adjectivizer is -*če*, but the form of the borrowed nominalizer is -*či* throughout all Dagestanian languages.

Nouns denoting materials and other properties or adverbs and nouns with temporal semantics can be inflected for the genitive and then yield the meaning of relational adjectives (31) (see also §<IP_ADDRESS> for more examples).

It is possible to express attribution with a possessive construction consisting of a noun in the genitive denoting the possessed and the noun *b-ah* 'owner'.1 This construction represents a standard genitive phrase. The noun agrees with the head noun in gender and number. These constructions can occur as predicates (33) and as attributes (34).

	- b. *č'imi-la b-ah* 'having a tail'
	- c. *abrazovanie-la w-ah* 'educated' (from Russian *obrazovanie* 'education')

'They are searching for who among them is guilty.'

(34) er look w-ik'-ul m-look.at.ipfv-icvb ca-w. cop-m ca one ul-la eye-gen b-ah n-owner šajt'an devil ka-b-isː-un-ne down-n-sleep.pfv-pret-cvb

'He is looking around. The devil with one eye is asleep.'

### **5.4 Comparative constructions with adjectives**

Comparative constructions can express (i) equality or similarity, (ii) comparative, and (iii) superlative. Similarity or equality can be expressed by means of the adverbs *daˁʡle* 'like, as' (35), *mišil* 'similar' or the enclitic *=ʁuna* (36) as well as through manner adverbs with the meaning 'like this, like that' (37).

1This is one of the very few nouns that has a gender marker. See §3.1 for more information.

### 5 Adjectives

Adjectives do not have a special comparative form. Instead, the standard of comparison takes the loc-ablative suffix (38).

(38) atːa-ja-r father-loc-abl χːula-te=ra big-dd.pl=add b-irχ-i hpl-be.ipfv-hab.pst 'There were (brothers) older than grandfather.' (lit. father)

The superlative is formed by means of the degree adverb *bah* 'most' (emphatic variant *bahlalla*) that occurs before the adjective (39) (for other degree adverbs see §5.1 and §7.4).

(39) bah most χːula-ce big-dd.sg w-irχ-i=w m-be.ipfv-hab.pst=q χatːaj grandfather ču-la refl.pl-gen ucː-b-a-cːe-r brother-pl-obl-in-abl 'Was (our) grandfather the oldest among his brothers?'

Most of the numerals have the morphosyntactic properties of adjectives or occasionally adverbs. Generally, numerals can be used as nominal modifiers with a following noun in the singular. For verbal agreement the noun phrase is nevertheless treated as plural §21.1.3. In this chapter, I also treat some other numeral expressions and basic ways of counting (§6.7). Quantifiers such as 'all' are treated in §4.7 together with indefinite pronouns.

### **6.1 Cardinal numerals**

The cardinal numerals 1–101 are given in Table 6.1. All numerals except for *ca* 'one' are morphologically complex, containing a root and a derivational suffix. The numerals 2 to 10, 20, as well as 100 are formed by means of the suffix *-al* (allomorph *-jal* after vowels). The decimal numerals 10 and 30–90 are built by adding the suffix *-c'al* to the roots. When decimals and the numerals 1–9 are combined, both the decimals and the numerals 1–9 take suffixes. On the decimals *-al* is replaced by *-nu*/*-anu*, e.g. *wec'-al* '10' and *wec'-nu*, *wer-c'-al* '70' and *wer-c'-anu*. To the numerals 1–9 the suffix *-ra* is added.

The cardinal numerals for hundreds and thousands are provided in Table 6.2. Complex numerals containing hundreds need the derivational suffix *-lim* added to *darš* '1000'. For the higher cardinal numerals (millions, billions, etc.) the Russian terms are used.

Cardinal numerals are used in counting and as modifiers of nouns in noun phrases. In the latter function the noun appears in the singular form, but it controls plural agreement on the verb (3), (4). Examples of cardinal numerals in use are (1–4).

'I would have given him money, not just 8,000, but 80,000.'

### Table 6.2: Cardinal numerals 100–20,000

6.2 Ordinal numerals

Cardinal numerals can be nominalized. Case endings are directly added to numerals ending with a consonant. With numerals ending in a vowel an oblique marker *-l* sometimes precedes the case suffixes; see Table 6.3. Examples are given in (5–6).

Table 6.3: Inflectional paradigms of selected cardinal numerals

### **6.2 Ordinal numerals**

Ordinal numerals are formed by adding the suffix *-ʔib-il* (allomorph *-ʔubil* with the stem of the numeral 'four', which contains a labialized consonant) or its short variant *-ʔib*. The first part of this suffix originates from the root of the verb 'say', which is *-ʔ-* plus the preterite suffix *-ib*. The second part *-il* in the long variant is the cross-categorical

### 6 Numerals

suffix *-il*, §9.6.2). Similar ways of forming ordinal numerals have been reported for other Dagestanian languages (e.g.Lezgian, see Haspelmath 1993: 233; Akusha Dargwa, see van den Berg 2001: 30 fn.10; Hinuq, see Forker 2013a: 401–403).

Ordinal numerals are inflected just like any other nominal, e.g. *caʔibil* 'first', ergative *caʔibil-li*, genitive *caʔibil-la*, dative *caʔibil-li-j*, in-lative *caʔibil-li-cːe*, and so on.

Ordinal numerals can also form the plural. In this case, the final *-il* part is omitted because this suffix is not compatible with plural referents (§9.6.2). Example of plural ordinal numerals are *ca-ʔib-te* 'the first ones', *k'ʷi-ʔib-te* 'the second ones', *ʡaˤb-ʔib* 'the third ones', etc. The oblique plural is formed according to the regular pattern of plural nominals with the suffix -*te*, i.e., by using -*ta*, e.g. the ergative form of 'the first ones' is *ca-ʔib-t-a-l*.

6.3 Distributive numerals

### **6.3 Distributive numerals**

Distributive numerals are formed by reduplicating the root. Optionally the suffix *-l(e)* follows the reduplicated numeral; see Table 6.5. The suffix *-l(e)* seems to be the adverbializer (cf.§9.6.3). Note that with distributive numerals the modified noun bears overt plural marking (11).

Table 6.5: Distributive numerals

### **6.4 Group numerals**

Group numerals are formed by adding the suffix *-gm-a* to the root; see Table 6.6. The gender marker shows only plural agreement (*-b* or *-d*). The suffix can also be added to the quantifier *b-aq* 'many, much'.

Group numerals denote groups or pairs of items. In my corpus, only the group numeral of *ca* 'one' is used with human plural agreement (*ca-b-a*) and its meaning is very similar to the indefinite pronoun 'some(one), somebody'. The human plural form *ca-b-a* is also used as reciprocal pronoun (see §4.4 for the case paradigm and §29.2 for one example). All other group numerals carry the neuter plural suffix *-d* (13–15). Group numerals can be attributes of nouns, which normally occur in the plural (13). Group numerals can be inflected by adding case suffixes to the suffix *-gm-a* (16). They can also take the attributive plural suffix *-te* (oblique form *-t-a-*) as in the same example.

(13) wec'-d-a ten-npl-group ʡaˤčkːa-be=ra glass-pl=add sa-d-uc-ib ante-npl-keep.pfv-pret '(The doctor) tried (with me) ten pairs of glasses.'

### 6 Numerals

Table 6.6: Some group numerals

(14) u 2sg či-r-až-ib-la, spr-f-see.pfv-pret-post wer-d-a seven-npl-group hak'-ub-le appear.pfv-pret-cvb pikru-me thought-pl le-d

exist-npl

'After I saw you, many (lit. seven groups of) thoughts arose.'

### **6.5 Multiplicative numerals**

Multiplicative numerals are formed by means of the suffix *-na* (*-jna* after vowels) that is added to the root; see Table 6.7 and (17). This suffix can also be added to the interrogative pronoun *čum* 'how much, how many' plus the suffix *-ra*, and then leads to the indefinite pronoun 'how often ever, many times' (§<IP_ADDRESS>).

(17) ʡaˤj-na three-time ag-ur-ce=de, go.pfv-pret-dd.sg=pst ij this dam 1sg.dat a-ag-ur neg-go.pfv-pret caj-na one-time arrah at.least

'He went three times (to the Hajj), to me this happened not even once.'

### 6.6 Collective numerals

Table 6.7: Some multiplicative numerals

From the multiplicative numerals expressions referring to time points can be formed by means of various derivational and inflectional suffixes. The words in (18) all mean '(at) the second time'.1 Examples from texts are presented in (19–20).

(19) k'ʷi-jna two-time tːura outside w-erč-ib m-lead.pfv-pret il that nišːa-la 1pl-gen qili-rka home-abl ʡaˤj-na-la-li-j three-time-?-obl-dat tːura outside w-erč-ib m-lead.pfv-pret 'Two times (he) send him away, our (guy), out of the room, the third time (he) sent him away.'

(20) k'ʷi-jna-le two-time-loc ħaˤžitːaj=de, Hazhittaj=pst "w-alli m-together ka-Ø-jž-e," down-m-remain-imp Ø-ik'ʷ-ar, m-say.ipfv-prs "hež-i-cːella this-obl-comit w-alli!" m-together

'The second time there was Hazhittaj saying, "Sit together, with him together (in the back of the car)!"'

### **6.6 Collective numerals**

Collective numerals are formed by adding the additive enclitic *=ra* to the cardinal numerals; see (21). They can function as attributes of nouns (22) or they can be nominalized and then occur on their own (23) or be modified by demonstrative pronouns (24).

1 In (18), although the suffix *-lla* in two of the given words strongly resembles the genitive, it is, at least synchronically, distinct from the case marker, since it is possible to add the genitive to an adverb with *-lla*, e.g. *k'ʷi-jna-lla-la* 'of the second time'.

### 6 Numerals

## **6.7 Other numeral expressions and compounds involving numerals**

Expressions for fractions are given in (25) and (26–27); *but'a* translates as 'piece, part' into English. The word *b-abq'i* 'half' agrees in gender and number with its head noun if it occurs in attributive function (26), (27).

'Then they went and went, and when they went half of the way, …'

(27) ʡaˤbal=ra three=add b-abq'i n-half dus year ʡaˤrmija-cːe-w army-in-m kelg-un remain.pfv-pret 'He spent three and a half years in the army.'

The Sanzhi terms for the school grades are formed by adding *-la* (*-lla* after vowels) to the root of the numerals 1–5 (with 5 being the best grade and 1 the worst): *calla* 'one', *k'ʷilla* 'two', *ʡaˤbla* 'three', *aʁʷla* 'four', *xulla* 'five' (28).

(28) ce what b-ič-ib=e n-get.pfv-pret=q at? 2sg.dat dam 1sg.dat b-ič-ib n-get.pfv-pret xulla five 'What did you get (i.e.which grade)? I got a five.' (E)

### 6.7 Other numeral expressions and compounds involving numerals

Other words that are derived from numerals are the terms *k'ʷidarq'i* 'twins' and *ʡaˤbdarq'i* 'triplets' (from the numerals 'two' and 'three' and the verb *b-arq'-ij* 'do, make'). Then there are terms for traditional events and rituals that occur after the death of a person, namely,

'After three days (people) give (alms), after 40 days, after one year, four dhikrs.'

Compound nouns and adjectives can contain numerals, e.g., *k'ʷi-dusː-an k'ašːa* 'twoyear old bull', *ʡaˤb-daˤrχ-la qul-be* (three-floor-gen house-pl) 'three-floor houses' (see §3.6.3 and §5.3 for more examples).

Counting is exemplified in (31) and (32).

(31) k'ʷel-le two-loc ʡaˤbal three či-ka-b-ix-ar spr-down-n-throw.pfv-cond b-irχʷ-u n-become.ipfv-prs arg-u go.ipfv-prs xujal

'Two plus three equals five.' (lit. if you throw three onto two five happens)

(32) weral-li-cːe-r seven-obl-in-abl gu-r-h-asː-ar sub-abl-up-take.pfv-prs či-r-h-asː-ar spr-abl-up-take.pfv-prs ca one arg-u go.ipfv-prs urekːal six

'Seven minus one equals six.' (if you take away one from seven it goes six)

five

## **7 Adverbs**

In this chapter, spatial §7.1, temporal §7.2, manner §7.3, and degree adverbs §7.4 are described as well as the productive formation of mostly manner adverbials by means of the suffix *-le* §7.5. Adverbs form a rather heterogeneous group in Sanzhi and only certain subclasses of spatial adverbs and manner adverbs have been derived by specialized adverbializing suffixes.

### **7.1 Spatial adverbs**

### **7.1.1 Spatial adverbs derived from demonstrative pronouns**

Several series of spatial adverbs can productively be derived from demonstrative pronouns. The major derivation pattern is the suffixation of *-tːu* to the stem of the pronouns (Table 7.1). The full list of the respective base pronouns is given in §4.2. The meanings of the spatial adverbs are plainly based on the meaning of the base pronouns, showing that their semantics is organized along the meaning components of demonstrative pronouns (§4.2.1, §4.2.2):

As for proximity, there is a three way distinction (see the adverbs in the first three lines of Table 7.1). Elevation distinguishes three meanings, of which 'above' and 'below' are expressed by dedicated stems (see the last three lines in Table 7.1) whereas all remaining adverbs are used when the meaning 'level' is intended. The third meaning component is expressed via the distinction of the word-initial syllable (the three columns*i(C)-* vs. *he(C)* vs. *hi(C)-* in Table 7.1). The adverbs of the type *he(C)tːu* given in the second column of the table are predominantly used when referring to the immediate geographical surroundings of the speaker (and addressee), when the conversation is about spatial reference points that have been mentioned before, are assumed to be known by the participants or are part of the personal sphere of the speaker (1), (2). In contrast, the *i(C)tːu* adverbs in the first column are commonly used when new spatial reference points are introduced or when talking about reference points whose location is unknown or irrelevant (3), (4). The adverbs of the *hi(C)tːu* type given in the third column occur only seldom in my corpus so that I am not able to make any generalizations about their meaning. Note also that

### 7 Adverbs

there are two series of adverbs with the identical meaning, being formally differentiated only by the stem consonant (*x vs. k'*). The adverbs containing *x* are far more frequently used than the adverbs with *k'*, which might even represent code switching to another Dargwa dialect.

Table 7.1: Spatial adverbs derived from demonstrative pronouns

(1) [talking about a gasoline station]

ag-ur-re go.pfv-pret-cvb heltːu-rka, there-abl badra bucket salaˁrk'a-la fuel-gen k-aqː-ib=da down-carry-pret=1 'I went away from there carrying a bucket of fuel.'

'There is nobody there without a drink in the hands.'

A second series of spatial adverbs denoting the source is derived by means of the suffix *-ka* (5) (Table 7.2). This suffix is probably a cognate of the second part of the complex ablative suffix *-r-ka* (§3.4). These adverbs can also have a temporal interpretation 'from time X on, after time X' in addition to the spatial meaning (6). As can be seen in the table, the adverbs in the first two lines have the same meaning because the base pronouns are synonyms.

7.1 Spatial adverbs

Table 7.2: Spatial adverbs denoting the source

(5) kat=q'ar down=mod ka-r-ilsː-a-di down-f-lay.ipfv-hab.pst-1 ij-ka=ra this-abl=add kːancːupːe ladder hej-ka=ra this-abl=add kːancːupːe ladder iχ-ka=ra dem.down-abl=add

'As for lying, I lay, but (there are) stairs from here, stairs from here, and also from there.' (The speaker complains that staying in the hospital is difficult for her because in order to go to the toilet she has to take the stairs)

(6) hej-ka this-abl ʡaˁħaˁd=ra Ahad=add suk meet ∅-ič-ib m-occur.pfv-pret ca-w cop-m qːačaʁ-la bandit-gen qal-sa-w house-ante-m di-la 1sg-gen durħuˁ=ra boy=add

'After this Ahad also met my son in front of the house of Kachar (lit. 'bandit')).' (Kachar is the nickname of a man)

Both series of adverbs can be inflected for the directional cases in the same way as nominals are inflected, but since the adverbs denoting source already express movement, they cannot take the essive case (Table 7.3). The ablative of the pronouns in this table can also express temporal meaning, for instance *heltːu-rka* (there-abl) 'then'.

Table 7.3: Inflectional paradigms of two spatial adverbs

A third series of spatial adverbs has the meaning 'from X to X'. It is formed by means of the complex suffix *-k-itːu-b-a* (7). The suffix is a combination of the ablative *-ka* (shortened to *-k*), the locational suffix *-tːu* and the directional marker *-gm-a* (§<IP_ADDRESS>). The last

### 7 Adverbs

suffix is, in principle, optional, although there are no examples without it in my corpus. According to Sanzhi speakers, the resulting complex adverbs are actually a short variant of combining the adverbs in Table 7.2 with the adverbs in Table 7.1, for example *hetka* + *hetːuba* > *hetkitːuba*. However, the suffix as a whole can also be added to other nominal bases such as personal pronouns, common nouns or personal names if they are inflected for the loc-ablative case first, such as *nušːa-le-r-kitːu-b-a* (1pl-loc-abl-advz-ndir) 'from us further away', *uškul-le-r-kitːu-b-a* (school-loc-abl-advz-n-dir) 'from the school further away'. The series is also available from the other two pronominal stems*iC* and *hiC*, but in my corpus there are only examples of the adverbs from the *heC*-pronouns given in (7–8), (9), (14).

	- a. *hež-kitːu-b-a* 'from here (= place of speaker) to there'
	- b. *hej-kitːu-b-a* 'from here (= place of speaker) to there'
	- c. *hel-kitːu-b-a* 'from there (= place of the addressee) to there'
	- d. *het-kitːu-b-a* 'from there (= unspecific place) to there'
	- e. *hek-kitːu-b-a* 'from above to there'
	- f. *heχ-kitːu-b-a* 'from down to there'
	- a. *hež-kitːu-rka* 'from here to there, past, by'
	- b. *hej-kitːu-rka* 'from here to there, past, by'
	- c. *hel-kitːu-rka* 'from there to there, past, by'
	- d. *het-kitːu-rka* 'from there to there, past, by'
	- e. *hek-kitːu-rka* 'from above to there, past, by'
	- f. *heχ-kitːu-rka* 'from down to there, past, by'

'if our sons go from here to there to Nizhnekamensk, …'

Finally, there is a spatial adverb *itille* 'further, to the side, sideways' that seems to be the pronoun *it* inflected for the locational suffix *-le* (10).

(10) nišːa-la 1pl-gen šːi-la village-gen itille-b further-n musːa place te-b exist-n 'At that side of the village there is a place.'

7.1 Spatial adverbs

### **7.1.2 Spatial adverbs related to postpositions**

All spatial postpositions discussed in §8.1 can also be used adverbially without a dependent noun phrase (11). Some of them have not only spatial, but also temporal semantics. They can inflect for all spatial cases expressing direction/movement (essive, lative, ablative, directional). A few examples are provided in (12), (13).

'"Now," the fox says to the wolf, "you sit down in front, and I behind!"'

(13) ank'luʁi-la Anklukh-gen šːi village ʡaˁħ-le good-advz qari-b=q'al up-n=mod 'The village of Anklukh is pretty high up.'

There are four spatial adverbs that have been derived from spatial postpositions by means of suffixing *-tːi* to the root: *gu-tːi* 'along downside, at the lower side' (< *gu* 'down, under'), *či-tːi* 'along upside, at the upper side' (<*či* 'on'), *sa-tːi* 'at/along the front, as soon as' (< *sa* 'in front, ago'), and *b-i-tːi* 'inside, through' (< *b-i* 'in, inside') (14).

(14) di-la 1sg-gen qu-la garden-gen hetkitːu-w-a, from.there.to.there-m-dir čitːi along.up gutːi along.downside ∅-iχ-ub-le m-be.pfv-pret-cvb w-erč-ib m-lead.pfv-pret ca-w cop-m Izbir-re Izberbash-loc 'Through my garden, up, down, they brought him to Izberbash.'

There are few more adverbs based on the adverbs/postpositions, namely *hitːille* 'on the back, later' (< *hitːi*), *b-atːura* 'from inside' (< *tːura*), and *qaršːa* 'upper side (of the village)' (< *qar* 'at/on the top' plus the loc-form of the noun *šːi* 'village', which is *šːa*).

### **7.1.3 Other spatial adverbs**

Sanzhi has some more spatial adverbs of which the most important ones are given in (15). A few of them are formed by means of the adverbializing suffix *-le* (§9.6.3). For spatial adverbs that have the meaning of indefinite pro-forms see §4.6.

### 7 Adverbs

(15) *kat'* 'down' *bet* 'there' *šːulum* 'by, past' (< *šːal* 'side') *sat* 'here' *alaw* 'around, in a circle' *bet-sat* 'here and there' *qili* 'at home' (< *qal* 'house') *guq-le* 'low' *haraq-le* 'far' *hek-le* 'close, near' *b-arx-le* 'directly, straight' *kʷi* 'in the hands'

### **7.2 Temporal adverbs**

Many of the spatial adverbs/postpositions listed in (11) also express temporal meaning. The adverb/postposition *gu* has the somewhat unexpected meaning 'before, in earlier times' when suffixed with the frozen neuter plural agreement suffix *-d* (16).

Adverbs for times of the day are given in (17). Deictic temporal adverbs expressing relative time in days and years can be found in (18), (19), and seasonal adverbs in (20). Some of the adverbs in (17) and (20) are formed by adding the genitive case suffix to a base noun.

	- b. *arilla* 'at midday, at lunch time' (< *ari* 'daytime')
	- c. *nisnalla* 'after lunch, afternoon'
	- d. *ʁerilla* 'early evening, at sunset' (< *ʁeri* 'sunlight')
	- e. *daˁrχːaˁlla* 'in the evening' (< *daˁrχːaˁ* 'evening')
	- f. *dučːilla* 'at night' (< *dučːi* 'night')
	- b. *hati sar bar* 'three days ago' (< *hati* 'more' + *sa-r* + *bar*)
		- c. *sar bar* 'two days ago' (< *sa-r* + *bar*)
		- d. *sːa* 'yesterday'
		- e. *ižal* 'today' (< *iž* 'this')
		- f. *čːaˁʡaˁl* 'tomorrow, morning'
		- g. *carabal* 'day after tomorrow' (< *ca-ra* 'one=add, other + ?)
		- h. *xujal bar hitːille* 'in five days' (< *xujal* + *bar* + *hitːi-lle* after-advz)
	- b. *hati sar dus* 'two years ago' (? < *hati* + *sa-r* + *dus*)
	- c. *sar dus, irig, gur dus, hit dus* 'last year' (< *gur* 'away', *hit* 'that')

7.3 Manner adverbs

	- b. *hanišalla* 'in summer' (< *haniša* 'summer')
	- c. *ibxnella* 'in autumn' (< *ebx* 'autumn')
	- d. *ganilla* 'in winter' (< *ga* 'winter')

Some more temporal adverbs are provided in (21). For temporal adverbs that have the meaning of indefinite pro-forms see §4.6. For the expression of dates and the time see the descriptions of the various spatial cases that fulfill these functions in §3.4.

	- b. *barežij* 'the whole day' (< *bar* 'day' + ?)
	- c. *ixʷle* 'early, fast'
	- d. *ixʷbel* 'long ago' (< *ixʷ* 'early' + ?*b-el* n-remain)
	- e. *q'anne* 'late' (< *q'an-ne* late-advz)
	- f. *ha* 'now, already'
	- g. *na* 'now, already'
	- h. *hana* 'now, then' (< *ha* + *na*)
	- i. *c'il(i)* 'then'
	- j. *heba* 'then, later' (?< *he-b-a* that-n-dir)
	- k. *cacajnaqːel* 'sometimes' (< *ca-ca-jna=qːel* one-one-time=when)
	- l. *cacaqːella* 'sometimes' (< *ca-ca=qːella* one-one=when)
	- m. *urkːa-urkːab* 'sometimes' (< urkːa-urkːa-b middle-middle-n)
	- n. *mah-mahle, raχ-raχle* 'sometimes, rarely' (< *raχle* 'if')

### **7.3 Manner adverbs**

Sanzhi has a productive way of deriving adverbs of manner from demonstrative pronouns. These adverbs have the meaning 'like this/like that'. They are formed by adding the suffix *-itːe* to the demonstrative pronouns in the singular (Table 7.4). Their meaning is again transparently built on the semantics of the demonstrative pronouns as described in detail in §4.2 and summarized in §7.1.1 above.

Since these adverbs are used when an action or event is compared to another event, the adverbs based on the *heC*-series in the second column are far more common than those from the other two series given in the first and in the third column. The most frequent forms in my corpus are *hel-itːe* 'like that, away from the speaker and/or close to the hearer' and to a lesser extent *hež-itːe* 'like this, like something close to the speaker' (22), but other forms such as *het-itːe* 'like that, like something further away, unspecific distance', *hek'-itːe* 'like this/that above' and *heχ-itːe* 'like this/that below' as well as very few occurrence of *ižitːe* (23), *hilitːe* (24), and *ilitːe* are also attested.

### 7 Adverbs

Table 7.4: Manner adverbs derived from demonstrative pronouns

There is another rather small group of four manner adverbs with a similar meaning that are also derived from demonstrative pronouns: *itwaj*, *hetwaj*, *hitwaj*, and *ižwaj* 'like that, and so'. Their usage is illustrated in (25), (26).

Other manner adverbs are usually formed by suffixing *-le* to a root, for example *bahlal* 'slowly', *halak-le* 'fast', *χʷal-le* 'greatly, much, a lot', *imanne* 'patiently', *ʡaˁħ-le* 'well', and so on. This is described in the next section (see also §9.6.3).

### **7.4 Degree adverbs**

Adverbs of degree express the degree of a quality and modify adjectives or other adverbs. They precede the modified item (28). From the formal perspective, degree adverbs are a

7.5 Formation of adverbials with the suffix*-le*

heterogeneous group of items. Some are simple stems (*arindan*, *bara*), but most of them contain the adverbializing suffix -*le* also used to derive manner adverbs (27) (§7.5); for comparative constructions involving degree adverbs see §30.1.

### **7.5 Formation of adverbials with the suffix** *-le*

Manner adverbs and some other adverbs are easily derived by means of the suffix *-le* (allomorphs *-l* after vowels, *-re* after *r*, *-ne* after *n*, and occasionally -*lle*). This suffix is attached to the underived short adjectives (13), (22), (29) (§5.2) and to nouns in the absolutive or in spatial cases (30) as well as to spatial adverbs bearing the essive case (§9.6.3). The same suffix is added to verbs (usually bearing the preterite or the imperfective converb suffix) in order to form simple converbs (§18.1.1). More examples of its use can be found in §9.6.3.

(29) deadjectival adverbs

(31) other adverbs

*xurc-le* 'barefoot' (\**xurc*; *xurχ b-iχʷ-ij* 'become barefoot')

## **8 Postpositions**

Sanzhi has spatial and non-spatial postpositions. Some of the spatial postpositions also have temporal readings. The majority of the spatial postpositions are widely used as adverbs and then occur without a dependent noun phrase (§7.1.2). Thus, the distinction between postpositions and adverbs is rather blurred. The distinction between postpositions and spatial cases is, by contrast, relatively clear-cut with respect to the morphosyntax, although there are no clear intonational and often also no clear semantic differences. Most postpositions govern the genitive case; otherwise two spatial cases or the absolutive case are used (Table 8.1). This is in contrast to spatial cases, which are suffixed directly to the nominal stem or to the oblique/ergative suffix. Furthermore, only the postposition *sa* has a clear cognate form used as spatial case (§<IP_ADDRESS>). The postposition *sa* is shown in (1a); examples with the cognate spatial case are given in (1b) and (1c).

	- ∅-ik'ʷ-ar m-say.ipfv-prs

'In front of his house there is also a good area, he says.'

c. it that ca-w=ra refl-m=add hel-i-sa that-obl-ante sa-ka-jsː-un-ne ante-down-lay.m.pfv-pret-cvb 'he himself also slept in front of it (a horse, in order to watch over it)'

ʡaˁħ-ce good-dd.sg ca-b cop-n

There is another class of morphemes with which postpositions formally and semantically overlap, namely spatial preverbs. The postpositions *sa*, *hitːi*, *či*, *b*-*i* and *tːura* also occur as location preverbs (§11.6.1) that can be combined with the postposition or case marker or occur on their own. In example (1c) both the spatial case *-sa* and the preverb *sa-* are used.

This chapter explores spatial postpositions (including those with temporal meanings) (§8.1) and non-spatial postpositions (§8.2).

### **8.1 Spatial postpositions**

Table 8.1 displays the spatial postpositions and the cases they govern (in the last column). Most postpositions govern the genitive case, which is typical for Dargwa varieties. Postpositions can be inflected for directional cases. The inflected postpositions in brackets can be elicited, but are not commonly used.

### 8 Postpositions

Table 8.1: Spatial postpositions

### **8.1.1** *sala* **'in front of'**

The postposition *sala* has only spatial meaning, but the cognate adverb has spatial and temporal readings (e.g. *salar(ka)* 'formerly, in former times'). It governs the genitive.

b.  When having a spatial reading it governs the genitive (3a). With the temporal meaning 'ago it governs' the absolutive (3b). The ablative *sar(ka)* is more commonly used as temporal adverb with the meaning 'before, earlier, until' (§7.2).

	- b. χatːaj-la grandfather-gen xːunul woman r-ebč'-ib-il=de f-die.pfv-pret-ref=pst ʡaˁb-c'al three-ten dus year sa-r ago-abl 'Grandfather's wife died 30 years ago.'

8.1 Spatial postpositions

### **8.1.3** *hila* **'behind, after'**

The postposition *hila*, which governs the genitive, has spatial and occasionally temporal uses. It is sometimes followed by *hitːi* and it is widely used as a spatial and temporal adverb (§7.1.2).

	- b. tum-la hill-gen hila-b behind-n srazu immediately majdan field ʁuna eq k'e-b exist.up-n 'There behind the hill there is immediately something like a field.'
	- c. marka-la rain-gen hila-b behind-n cuχaˁb rainbow 'a rainbow after the rain' (E)

### **8.1.4** *hitːi* **'after, behind'**

This postposition has spatial and temporal semantics. There are examples that allow for both readings, e.g. (5b) is a sentence from the *Family Problems Picture Task* (San Roque et al. 2012) and it can refer to the spatial ordering of the pictures on the table or to the temporal ordering of the events that the pictures are illustrating. There are two examples with spatial meaning: in both examples *hitːi* is preceded by *hila* and thus it might be *hila* that, in fact, provides for the spatial interpretation (5c). It governs the genitive and mostly occurs with a preceding demonstrative pronoun and the meaning 'after this/that', e.g. *hežila hitːi*. There are also lexicalized variants of such phrases, e.g. *helila hitːi* > *helilitːi*.

(5) a. caj-na one-time marka-la rain-gen hitːi after če-r-uq-un spr.up-f-go.pfv-pret ca-r cop-f qar up qal-sa house-ante qʷaˁrš sweep b-arq'-ij n-do.pfv-inf

'Once after the rain (she) went up to sweep in front of the house.'

b. het-i-la that-obl-gen hitːi after ka-d-irxː-an-te down-npl-put.ipfv-ptcp-dd.pl ca-d cop.npl heštːi these d-ilʡ-aˁn-te npl-steal.ipfv-ptcp-dd.pl

'After this (one) must put these, these where they steal.'

c. urči-la horse-gen žilixʷa-la saddle-gen hila behind hitːi behind b-iχ-un n-tie.pfv-pret '(He) tied it behind the saddle.'

### 8 Postpositions

In addition, *hitːi* is widely used as a temporal adverb (§7.2), including temporal adverbial clauses (§18.2.5), and the short encliticized version *=itːi* occurs within compound verbs (§12.2.2, example 20).

### **8.1.5** *xːar(i)* **'down, at the bottom, under'**

This postposition has exclusively spatial meaning 'to the bottom, down, under' and governs the genitive (6a–6c). It is semantically close to the spatial case *-gu* (§<IP_ADDRESS>) and the spatial case marker can be suffixed to the postposition in which case the meaning is solely 'under'.

	- b. w-ag-la m-waist-gen xːar down w-aˁħ-un-ni=de m-get.wet.pfv-pret-msd=pst 'From the waist down I (masc.) was wet.'
	- c. heχ dem.down urx-m-a-la sea-pl-obl-gen xːari down balnicːa-b-a-j hospital-pl-obl-dat r-ax-ul f-go.ipfv-icvb 'I was going to the hospital down at the sea ...'

### **8.1.6** *qari* **'at the top, above, on, about'**

This postposition, which governs the genitive, means 'at/on the top, above' and is the counterpart to *xːar(i)* (7a–7c).

	- 'The lamp hangs above the table.' (E)

In combination with the postposition *či* (§8.1.7) it is also used to express the topic of a conversation or the contents of thoughts (8a), (8b).

(8) a. ʡaˁrz complain r-ik'-ul f-say.ipfv-icvb ca-r cop-f iχ-i-la dem.down-obl-gen qari=či-r at.top=on-f 'She is complaining about him.'

8.1 Spatial postpositions

b. cinna pause.filler d-iχ-ub-t-a-la npl-be.pfv-pret-pl-obl-gen qari=či-d at.top=on-npl b-urs-ij n-tell.pfv-inf 'to talk about what had happened'

### **8.1.7** *či* **'on, above'**

This postposition, which is often pronounced together with the complement nominal as an enclitic, normally governs a spatial case, the loc-series (9a), (9b) (§<IP_ADDRESS>), but it can, in principle, also be used with the dependent noun bearing the genitive (9c). When the loc-series is used, then the direction markers of the case and of the postposition need to coincide, i.e. both are marked for the essive (9a), lative, or ablative (9b). The postposition can be encliticized to *qari* when referring to the content of conversations or thoughts (8a), (8b).

	- b. urči-le-r horse-loc-abl či-r on-abl ka-jč-ib-le, down-occur.m.pfv-pret-cvb w-i-ka-ag-ur m-in-down-go.pfv-pret ca-w cop-m kur deep kur-ri-cːe pit-obl-in 'He fell down from the horse into a deep pit.'
	- c. dubur-ra mountain-gen či-b on-n dirixʷ fog k'e-b exist.up-n 'There is fog on/above the mountain.' (E)

Since Sanzhi also has a preverb *či-* with a very similar if not identical meaning (§11.6.1) it is sometimes not easy to decide whether an occurrence of *či* functions as postposition/ adverbial or as preverb. Thus, instead of (9b) with *či-r* as postposition, we can also write it together with the verb and interpret it as preverb (10). But we can also manipulate the constituent order in (9b) and place the verb before the postpositional phrase (11) or have both the postposition and the preverb (12). In (11) and (12), *či-r* is unambiguously a postposition.

### 8 Postpositions

### **8.1.8** *urkːa* **'between, among, within, in the middle'**

The postposition *urkːa* has spatial and temporal meanings. For the spatial reading only genitive marking on the dependent noun is admissible. When used with nouns and noun phrases denoting a plurality it means 'between, among' (13a–14a).

	- b. k'ʷel=ra two=add qič'-m-a-la rock-pl-obl-gen urkːa between hek' dem.up qːarqːa stone b-uc-ib-il n-keep.pfv-pret-ref ʁuna eq musːa place k'e-b=q'al exist.up-n=mod

'A stone kept between two rocks or the like is up there.'

c. na now xːun-re woman-pl ču-la refl.pl-gen urkːa-b between-hpl qit.qit whisper b-ik'-ul hpl-say.ipfv-icvb ca-b cop-hpl

'Now the women are whispering among themselves.'

However, it can also occur with singular nouns and the meaning 'in'. The following minimal pair illustrates the difference:

	- b. qal-la house-gen urkːa-w=da between-m=1 'I am in the house.' (E)

With the temporal reading the postposition governs the genitive (15a) or the absolutive (15b). When reduplicated the postposition can be used as an adverb with the meaning *urkːa urkːa-b* 'from time to time, sometimes'.

'After two months they were doing (the medical treatment) ...'

8.1 Spatial postpositions

### **8.1.9** *b-i* **'in, inside'**

The postposition *b-i*, which only has spatial meanings, contains a gender/number prefix agreeing with the absolutive argument of the clause to which the postpositional phrase belongs. In all examples from natural texts the postposition governs the in-series or the loc-series (depending on the noun employed, see §<IP_ADDRESS> and §<IP_ADDRESS>) (16a), (16b). However, in elicitation the genitive is also available (16c).

	- b. du 1sg ala 2sg.gen sunduq'-le-w box-loc-m w-i-w m-in-m le-w=da exist-m=1 'I (masc.) am inside your box.'
	- c. qal-la house-gen r-i-r=da f-in-f=1 'I (fem.) am inside the house.' (E)

### **8.1.10** *šːule* **'at side, next to, near'**

This postposition exclusively expresses spatial meanings. It requires the dependent noun to appear in the genitive case. Examples (17a–17c) show the postposition inflected for the essive case. In (17d), the postposition bears the ablative case suffix.

(17) a. šːi-la village-gen šːule-d at.side-npl qič'a-la rock-gen baˁʡ-li-gu-d wall-obl-sub-npl k'e-d exist.up-npl nišːa-la 1pl-gen χːuˁrbe tomb.pl

'Next/near to the village down at a stone wall, there is our graveyard.'

This postposition probably originates from the noun *šːal* 'side'. Although it looks like it could be the loc-case of this noun, this is synchronically not the case, since the loclative of the noun is *šːal*-*le* and not *šːu(l)le* (18). Nevertheless the origin from a spatial noun explains why the postposition governs only the genitive.

### 8 Postpositions

(18) a but du 1sg rjadom next.to Isaq'adi-la Isakadi-gen šːal-li-cːe-w side-obl-in-m hej this b-aʔ-le-w=da n-edge-loc-m=1 'And I am at the side of Isakadi, at this end.'

### **8.1.11** *tːura* **'out, outside'**

This postposition governs the genitive (19a–19c). However, it more frequently occurs as an adverb and as a spatial preverb with preceding nouns in the in-ablative or locablative (§7.1.2, §11.6.1).

	- b. qːapu-la gate-gen tːura-r outside-abl wahi evil ʁaˁʁ-la scream-gen t'ama sound ha-d-eʁ-ib up-npl-do-pret ca-d cop-npl 'From outside the gates an evil scream was made.'
	- c. heχtːu there.down šːi-la village-gen tːura-b-te outside-hpl-dd.pl χalq' people liil=ra all<hpl>=add 'also all people outside of the village'

The postposition *tːura* also expresses the non-spatial meaning 'apart from, except for'. In this case the governed nominal can be not only in the genitive (20a), but also in the locablative (20b), (20c). For instance, if a demonstrative pronoun precedes the postposition the whole phrase reads as 'besides, and what is more, moreover'.

	- that.loc-abl outside word spr-m-say.ipfv-icvb n-want.ipfv-icvb cop-n il that qaˁb-la neck-gen w-aˁq-ij m-hit.pfv-inf 'Moreover, he defamed (him) and wanted (him) to be beheaded.'
		- c. Rasul-la Rasul-gen / / Rasul-le-rka Rasul-loc-abl tːura outside cara=ra other=add sa-č-ib=da hither-lead.pfv-pret=1 'Apart from Rasul I also brought another one.' (E)

8.2 Non-spatial postpositions

### **8.2 Non-spatial postpositions**

### **8.2.1** *b-alli* **'together, with'**

This postposition, which seems to be a cognate of the preverb *b-al* 'matching, together, in unison', governs the comitative (21a), and with young speakers the in-ablative case (21b). It has a gender/number prefix and agreement is controlled by the absolutive argument of the clause to which the postposition belongs. Both nominals, i.e. the governed one marked for comitative or in-ablative and the noun in the absolutive, can be absent.

If the governed noun phrase is overt it mostly precedes the postposition (21a), (21b), although it can also follow it (22a) or occur in another non-adjacent position (22b). If the governed noun is absent, the noun in the absolutive frequently takes its position right before the postposition (22c).

	- b. w-alli, m-together di-la 1sg-gen hej this juldaš friend w-alli m-together le-w=de exist-m=pst di-cːella 1sg-comit 'Together, my friend was together with me.'
	- c. ulbasne glasses d-alli npl-together ha-d-iqː-a-di=q'al up-npl-carry.ipfv-hab-1=mod '[If I had known that I will look at pictures], I would have brought my glasses.'

Because of the general closeness of adverbs and postpositions, examples such as (22a), (22b), in which *b-alli* and the case-marked noun occur in the reverse order and/or not immediately following each other can be treated as adverbial uses. Similarly, in (22c) a full postpositional phrase would be 'glasses with me', but the governed nominal is absent from the clause and thus the example rather represents the adverbial use.

### 8 Postpositions

### **8.2.2** *canille* **'together, with'**

This postposition, which probably originates from the numeral *ca* 'one', can also govern the comitative case (23). However, more frequently it is used as an adverb with the meaning 'together' (24).

### **8.2.3** *bahanne/bahandan* **'because of'**

This postposition originates from the noun *bahana* 'reason'. It governs the absolutive.

(25) a. qili-b home-hpl ruc-be sister-pl b-iħ-ib-le hpl-wrestle.ipfv-pret-cvb b-už-ib hpl-stay-pret ca-b cop-hpl hel that qix nut bahanne because.of 'At home the sisters were apparently arguing because of the nut.' b. ušːa 2pl bahanne because.of caj-na one-time ka-∅-jž-ib=da down-m-remain-pret=1 'Because of you I sat in prison once.' c. "Allah bahandan w-at-abaj!" ∅-ik'-ul ca-w

Allah because.of m-let.pfv-opt.3 m-say.ipfv-icvb cop-m '"For God's sake, let me!" he says.'

### **8.2.4** *akːʷar* **'without, except, apart'**

The participle form of the negative copula with the meaning 'not being' is used in constructions that have a meaning similar to adpositions like 'except, without'. The crosscategorical suffixes -*ce* or -*il* can be added to it without changing the meaning (26b–26d). The governed nominal is in the absolutive because of the verbal origin of *akːʷar* as a copula that governs the absolutive case.

(26) a. e, yes hel that ʡaˁlibatir Alibatir akːʷ-ar, cop.neg-ptcp di-la 1sg-gen pikri thought ħisab-le, account-advz han remember w-akːu m-cop.neg dam 1sg.dat 'Yes, except Alibatir, in my mind, I do not remember.'

8.2 Non-spatial postpositions

### **8.2.5** *q'atːin(na)* **'for the sake of, because of'**

This postposition governs the absolutive. There are no examples of this postposition in my corpus, but (27a–27c) show three elicited sentences.

	- b. du 1sg q'atːin for.sb's.sake ma-w-ax-utːa! proh-m-go.ipfv-proh.sg 'For my sake do not go.' (E)
	- c. ħaˁžimurad Hazhimurad q'atːin for.sb's.sake Muslimat Muslimat heštːu here sa-r-eʁ-ib hither-f-go.pfv-pret 'For the sake of Hazhimurad, Muslimat came here.' (E)

### **8.2.6** *ħaˁsible* **'according to'**

This postposition is almost exclusively used in the phrase *dila pikri ħaˁsible* 'in my mind' (26a), (28a), but it can also be used with other nouns that always occur in the absolutive (28b). It was originally borrowed from Arabic *ħaːsib* 'counting', which has a similar meaning.

(28) a. di-la 1sg-gen pikri thought ħaˁsible following hel-tː-a-la that-pl-obl-gen ʡaˁbal three litru-la liter-gen balun can čaˁʁir-la wine-gen le-b=de exist-n=pst

' In my mind there was their 3-liter can with wine.'

### 8 Postpositions

b. a but iš-tːi this-pl juldašː-e, friend-pl ce what b-ik'-ul=el, n-say.ipfv-icvb=indq tolko only hel that sːurrat picture ħaˁsible following b-aχ-ij n-know.pfv-inf a-w-irχʷ-ar, neg-m-be.able.ipfv-prs w-irχʷ-an-ne=w? m-be.able.ipfv-ptcp-fut.3=q

'And these friends, what they are saying, only by means of the picture, (one) cannot know, can one?'

## **9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes**

This chapter discusses the morphosyntactic properties as well as the semantic and pragmatic functions of predicative particles, conjunctions, temporal enclitics, pragmatic particles, and cross-categorical suffixes. They do not form a part of speech or a homogeneous category, although they can be subgrouped into relatively coherent classes:

They are mainly treated together in one chapter because they either do not fit into any of the previous chapters or because they have a special relevance for the grammar of Sanzhi such that a separate treatment is legitimate.

### **9.1 Predicative particles**

In recent studies of Dargwa varieties researchers have introduced the term "predicative particles" to refer to a closed class of grammatical elements that fulfill the functions of copula-like auxiliaries (e.g. Sumbatova & Mutalov 2003; Kalinina & Sumbatova 2007; Sumbatova & Lander 2014). This means that they function as heads of nominal predicate clauses and similar clauses that do not contain other verbs, and that they are used in analytic verb forms together with non-finite verb forms in order to form full main clauses. In other words, they are responsible for the finiteness of certain clauses, and their use depends on the clause type and the TAM form. In the following, I discuss these particles

### 9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes

for Sanzhi. I employ the label "predicative particles", but my analysis diverges from the analysis put forward by Sumbatova and colleagues.

Table 9.1 presents the predicative particles of Sanzhi. They are enclitics because they cannot form their own phonological word. They always need a host to which they attach, but unlike suffixes they can be added to various parts of speech or phrase types, that is, to verbs, but also to nominals (noun phrases), adjectives, or adverbs.

Due to this freedom in host selection they can be used in term focus constructions (§27.3.2). However, most commonly they occur in the position in which auxiliary verbs (e.g. auxiliaries expressing aspect or modality) occur, namely following the lexical verb. In copula clauses they are normally attached to the head of the predicate (§22.2). They partially express verbal categories such as person or tense, but they are not verbs themselves.

Sumbatova & Mutalov (2003: 138–140) and Sumbatova & Lander (2014: 153–163) include in their list of predicative particles three more items: the standard copula, the negative copula, and locational/existential copulas. For Sanzhi these are the copula *ca-b* (§16.1), the locational copulas *le-b*, *te-b*, *k'e-b,* and *χe-b* (§16.2), and the negative copula *(b-)akːʷ-* in its present tense and past tense forms. However, I consider these copulas to be verbs with defective paradigms that overlap in their functions with the predicative particles because they also occur in copula clauses and analytic verb forms, but they diverge from the enclitics in Table 9.1 in a number of ways.

First, they are not genuine enclitics; they can occur on their own without a host and can form their own clause, though some of them may also be used in the form of enclitics. Second, they express far more verbal categories than the predicative particles. The negative copula shares a great number of inflectional forms with standard verbs (e.g. it can inflect for habitual present and habitual past, masdar, etc.). The copula and the locational copulas have the same gender/number agreement affix as other verbs (even though all other verbs have gender/number prefixes and not suffixes). They convey present time reference, third person agreement, and are specified for affirmative polarity. Third, the predicative particles can be attached to the copula and to the locational copulas, including those particles that express verbal categories (i.e. the person enclitics and the past

### 9.1 Predicative particles

tense enclitic), so that all copulas can express first and second person agreement or past tense (5), but the person enclitics and the past tense enclitic strictly exclude each other.

The predicative particles can be divided into two groups. The first consists of the enclitics that express categories, which are most commonly marked on the verb (person enclitics *=da* and *=de* and the past tense enclitic *=de*), and the second group are the pragmatic markers (modal particle, interrogative particles). The two groups differ in their properties:

### **Verby predicative particles (person enclitics, past enclitic)**

### **Pragmatic predicative particles (modal particle, interrogative particles)**

Predicative particles of the two groups can co-occur with each other (1), (2); the verby particles always precede the pragmatic particles, and (most) other discourse particles. This means that the interrogative markers and the modal enclitic normally occur together with a person enclitic, the past enclitic or some kind of copula, and their function is primarily pragmatic (e.g. to convey a certain modal meaning or interrogative illocutionary force) and syntactic (for the interrogative markers).

(1) itːu there a-r-ax-an=da=q'al, neg-f-go-ptcp=1=mod sːa yesterday ag-ur=da go.pfv-pret=1 ʁubza emph 'I will not go there, I went yesterday.'

9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes

(2) hel-i-la that-obl-gen ʁaj-li-j word-obl-dat qili home arg-ul=de=w go.ipfv-icvb=2sg=q u? 2sg 'Are you going home because of what she said?' (lit. 'because of her word')

There are two types of clauses that may require the use of a predicative particle instead of a copula or another type of auxiliary verb. The first type is copula clauses (§22.2) and the second type is main clauses with analytic tense forms (Chapter 14). Thus, person enclitics and the past enclitic in the sentences in (3–5) cannot be replaced by copulas or other auxiliary verbs without changing the semantics of the clause or verb form or even making the sentence ungrammatical. The copula can be added to the clauses (3a), (3b) without noticeably altering the semantics or pragmatics of the sentences, but not to (4a), (4b). An example is provided in (5). This means that in the analytic verb forms the copula can never co-occur with the person markers or with the past tense enclitic.

### **First and second person or past time reference**

	- a. du 1sg ustːa=da master=1
		- 'I am a master.' (E)
	- b. du 1sg ustːa=de master=pst 'I was a master.' (E)
	- c. u 2sg ustːa=de=w? master=2sg=q 'Are you a master?' (E)
	- a. du 1sg ħaˁħaˁ laugh r-ik'-ul=da f-say.ipfv-icvb=1 'I am laughing.' (E)
	- b. du 1sg ħaˁħaˁ laugh r-ik'-ul=de f-say.ipfv-icvb=1 'I was laughing.' (E)
	- c. u 2sg ħaˁħaˁ laughter r-ik'-ul=de=w? f-say.ipfv-icvb=2sg=q 'Are you laughing?' (E)

### 9.1 Predicative particles

In clauses with third person agreement controllers the copula is normally used (6), (9). However, it can be omitted when the pragmatic predicative particles are used if the concomitant pragmatic meaning needs to be conveyed (7a), (7b) or if the speaker wants to utter a question (7c), (7d).

### **Third person non-past time reference**

	- a. ij this badra-cːe-d bucket-in-npl d-i-d npl-in-npl hin=q'al water=mod 'In this bucket there is water.'
	- b. di-la 1sg-gen arc=el money=indq hel-tːi that-pl 'That is probably my money.' (E)
	- c. it that ustːa=w? master=q 'Is s/he a master?' (E)
	- d. ij, this ča=ja who=q iž? this 'This, who is it?'
	- a. ij this ħaˁħaˁ laugh r-ik'-ul=q'al f-say.ipfv-icvb=mod 'She is laughing.'
	- b. it that ce what r-ik'-ul=e? f-say.ipfv-icvb=q 'What is she saying?'
	- c. heš-tː-a-l this-pl-obl-erg sud trial b-irq'-ul=el n-do.ipfv-icvb=indq 'They are probably making a trial.'

It is always possible to add the copula. Thus, the following two examples show copula clauses and analytic verb forms with copulas and additional predicative particles. In (10) the negative copula together with the modal particle and the affirmative copula with the indirecet question marker encliticized to it are used.

9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes

'The girl also does not know if that is a mill or not.'

Without the predicative particles (or a copula or another type of suitable auxiliary) the copula clauses would be ungrammatical:

Clauses with analytic verb forms are not ungrammatical, but they can only be used as subordinate clauses because of the non-finite verb forms (14).

(14) u 2sg ħaˁħaˁ laugh r-ik'-ul, f-say.ipfv-icvb ka-r-iž-ib-le=de down-f-sit.pfv-pret-cvb=2sg 'You (fem.) are sitting and laughing.' (E)

### **9.2 Conjunctions**

Sanzhi does not have native conjunctions, and this is typical for East Caucasian languages. The main way of conjoining phrases is the use of the additive enclitic (§9.4.1), and at the clause level converbs are employed (§25.1). However, there are a number of borrowed conjunctions whose use varies.

The monosyndetic conjunction *wa* 'and' occurs only in translated texts. The disjunctive particle *ja … ja* 'or', 'and', 'either … or', 'neither … nor' mostly occurs in the disjunction of clauses (15) or more rarely of phrases (16). Usually both disjunctions are introduced by *ja*. However, sometimes there is only one clearly identifiable disjunction member in which *ja* occurs, and in such examples *ja* can also function as a conjunction (17). The complex form *ja=ra* (or=add) is used as well (16). See §26.1 and §26.2.4 for more information on the disjunction of phrases and clauses and their syntactic properties.

9.2 Conjunctions

' These are probably their pumpkins or watermelons.'

(17) ha-b-eʁ-ib-le, up-hpl-go.pfv-pret-cvb ja and il that kaxʷ-ij kill.pfv-inf a-b-iχ-ub neg-hpl-be.able.pfv-pret 'They went and they could not kill him.'

The conjunction *amma* 'but' introduces adversative clauses. Usually these clauses refer to situations that are contrasted with earlier mentioned events and the conjunction occurs in clause-initial position rather than between two clauses (20), but it can also be used like a normal clause conjunction between two main clauses (18) or very rarely at the end of the clause (19).

Moreover, it is employed to mark a switch of the topic of a conversation (20), just as Russian *a* is used (see examples (23), (24) below).

(20) [topic switch to back to the previous topic, namely the price of flour] amma but urek six darš-li-j, hundred-obl-dat urek six darš-li-j hundred-obl-dat wahi-l bad-advz akːu cop.neg garam=ra gram=add ' But for 600, for 600, that is not bad at all.'

The subordinating conjunction *raχle* 'if' is a native item with the morphological structure of an adverbial derived by means of the adverbializing suffix *-le* (compare *raχ-raχle* 'sometimes'). It introduces conditional clauses (21). Because Sanzhi has specialized conditionals for this function, *raχle* always co-occurs with one of the conditional forms

### 9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes

(Chapter 18.3). The use of *raχle* is optional, whereas the conditional forms are mandatory. There is another borrowed conjunction with a similar meaning, *egena* (< Persian *eger* 'if'), which occurs only in translated or elicited clauses.

(21) raχle if tusnaq-le-r prison-loc-abl tːura outside uq-ulle, go.m.pfv-cond.1 cik'al something a-b-iχʷ-ar, neg-n-be.pfv-cond.3 ʡaˁħ-le good-advz saʁ-le healthy-advz ... ' If I leave prison well, healthy, if nothing happens to me, [ I will probably become a dentist].'

Sanzhi also has a couple of conjunctions borrowed from Russian: *i* 'and', *a* 'and, but', *no* 'but', and *ili* 'or' (see Forker (2018c) for code switching between Sanzhi and Russian). Among them, *i* and *a* are very frequently used by speakers of all ages in various types of texts, most often to conjoin stretches of discourse (not necessarily sentences) in the case of *i*. The conjunction *a* is used to mark a switch of the discourse topic (23), (24). In addition, they coordinate clauses, but do not conjoin phrases, since in this function *=ra* is used (§26.1).

	- 'and/but you also already told the story of Alibatir.'

The Russian disjunction *ili* 'or' conjoins disjunctive clauses (see §26.2.4 for examples). Furthermore, it is employed in clause-initial or clause-final position when expressing uncertainty together with the indirect question marker (25) or an interrogative particle (26).

9.3 Temporal enclitics

### **9.3 Temporal enclitics**

Temporal enclitics, i.e. enclitics used in specialized converbal clauses and for the expression of other adverbial phrases, are a group of two particles that are encliticized to verbs and nominals. Their meanings are rather adverbial (27) but because they are phonologically dependent on a host and can be hosted by a variety of parts of speech (verbs, pronouns, nouns, adjectives) I do not categorize them as genuine adverbials but treat them separately. They most commonly occur with non-finite verb forms (participles and infinitive/subjunctive) in adverbial clauses, a usage which corresponds to temporal and non-temporal specialized converbs. This function is only briefly illustrated in the current section, and more information and examples can be found in §18.2.1 for *=qːel(la)* and §18.2.3 for *=sat/=satːin/=satːinna*.

(27) a. *=qːel(la)* 'when, while, because' (simultaneity, anteriority, causality) b. *=sat/=satːin/=satːinna* 'until, before, as much as, as long as'

(posteriority, manner)

The enclitics are not subordinating conjunctions even if their meaning corresponds to subordinating conjunctions in other languages, because they do not fulfill the function of syntactic subordination as genuine subordinating conjunctions or complementizers would. From a morphosyntactic point of view, they can occur in subordinate clauses because they are added to non-finite verb forms that are used to function as heads of subordinate clauses due to their non-finiteness. The enclitics themselves only contribute to the semantics of those clauses, not to their syntactic properties.

One might argue that the enclitics resemble case markers or postpositions, but in contrast to the former they are not added to oblique stem forms, and in contrast to the latter they do not govern any cases. They have phrases in their scope and they are normally encliticized to the head of the phrase that they scope over, e.g., to the noun in a noun phrase (35), (36), (97). They share this property with the focus-sensitive particles such as the additive and the modal particles (§9.4). In the following, I will describe the functions of the two enclitics in more detail, concentrating on the uses with non-verbal hosts.

The particle *=qːel(la)*, of which the short form is used more often than the long form, is encliticized to the preterite and modal participle and to the negative copula (usually in its participial form), and expresses temporal simultaneity (28) and occasionally anteriority or causality.

(28) w-ebč'-ib m-die.pfv-pret χatːaj grandfather wer-c'a seven-ten nu well wer-ra seven-num dus year ∅-iχ-ub=qːel m-be.pfv-pret=when

' Grandfather died when he was 77 years old.'

Temporal simultaneity is also expressed when it is hosted by nominals such as demonstrative pronouns, nouns, numerals or adjectives and by adverbs. In the first place, the

### 9 Predicative particles and other particles, conjunctions, and cross-categorical suffixes

enclitic is attached to demonstrative pronouns yielding the deictic meaning 'at that time, then', which transparently derives from the meaning of the demonstrative and the meaning of the enclitic (29). As can be seen in example (30), the enclitic can be preceded by the additive, which indicates that it is not a derivational suffix that forms temporal adverbials, but rather a syntactically independent item that scopes over the entire combination of demonstrative and additive.

(29) socijalizma=de socialism=pst het=qːella, that=when het=qːella that=when het=qːella that=when het=ʁuna that=eq parjadok order le-b=de exist-n=pst hetːu-b there-n

' Socialism was at that time, order (tidiness) like this was at that time there.'

(30) it=ra=qːel that=add=when ca one ʁuna=w? eq=q

'(Is it) that time also one and the same (shirt)?'

More rarely the enclitic appears on nominals with and without additional case markers (31), and also yields the meaning 'when'. For instance, a noun denoting a profession to which *=qːella* is added is interpreted as 'when performing the relevant profession'; a noun denoting a location plus *=qːella* leads to the meaning 'when being in that location' (31). Furthermore, the interrogative adverb *ceqːel* 'when' can diachronically be analyzed as *ce* 'what' and *=qːel*, and the indefinite pronouns *ca=qːel* and *ca-ca=qːel* 'sometimes, from time to time' as *ca* 'one' plus *=qːel*.

The enclitic *=sat/=satːin/=satːinna* occurs in three different variants that are functionally equivalent, but differ in their frequency of use. It originates from the postposition *sa* 'in front, ago'. When it is used with the infinitive/subjunctive the meaning is 'before,

until' (33), i.e. temporal posteriority, which corresponds to the meaning of the postposition from which it is derived. When the enclitic occurs with the modal participle the meaning is 'as much as, as long as' (34). More examples can be found in §18.2.3.

9.4 Discourse and modal enclitics

The latter meaning is also attested when the enclitic follows nouns (35), (36). As both examples prove, the enclitic is directly attached to the stem (after plural suffixes) without additional case marking and therefore does not qualify as a spatial case. Furthermore, it has the entire noun phrase in its scope.

Finally, the enclitic can be added to demonstrative pronouns and forms manner demonstrative pronouns that are used in comparison 'like this, like that, such':

(37) hel=sat that=as.much χːula big r-eʁ-ib-le f-go.pfv-pret-cvb r-už-ib-le f-be-pret-cvb hel that rucːi sister ' ( From her small finger he pulled out his parents), so big was his sister.'

### **9.4 Discourse and modal enclitics**

### **9.4.1 The additive enclitic**

The additive enclitic *=ra* covers all of the functions typical for additives in East Caucasian languages and other language families: