But once again, citizenship education must be able to bring about a change in pupils and students, who will be the citizens of the future – this implies a guarantee of a certain quality of teaching and learning. Quality in education remains a major issue in Francophone West African school contexts compounded by low levels of enrolment and decreased quality of initial and in-service teacher training. Recently, the duration of teacher training courses has decreased significantly and teachers' satisfaction is often low. Furthermore, insufficient mastery of educational content and low levels of pedagogical competence affects student learning outcomes (Akyeampong et al. 2011). Even if the competency-based approach was implemented in national educational systems several years ago, getting pupils or students actively involved in complex tasks is challenging due to oversized classes and the traditional teacher-dominated instructional practices which emphasize recitation and memorisation (Lauwerier 2018):

We cannot use traditional teaching methods, which are limited to "knowledge transfer", for that. We believe that we should enter a transformative learning system, making use of transformative pedagogy that leads to real personal and social change (cf. Sterling 2014). This in turn is another major challenge for Cameroon to face: to have consequently qualified trainers. And that is another story (Foaleng 2015, p. 22).

Since quality education is a primary instrument for citizenship, it is essential in the context of Francophone West Africa to raise the issue of the language of instruction. Indeed, despite the students, teachers and teacher trainers poor French language proficiency and the attempts to introduce national African languages in basic education systems, French remains the official medium of instruction. As a result, Lauwerier's (2018) study showed that few pupils adopt a proactive role or volunteer to answer the teacher's questions. Although they do repeat words or sentences when asked to, they do not always understand the meaning of what they are repeating. Despite these language comprehension difficulties, teacher do not encourage the use of the pupil's mother tongue since all school materials, including national assessments and examinations are in French. This highlights the importance of mother tongue education to effectively implement active citizenship education and form pupils who are capable of thinking about what it means to be a citizen in their own contexts (Lauwerier 2018).

After arguing that considering issues of citizenship and the quality of education should be prerequisites for implementing GCE in Francophone West Africa, we now reflect on the 'global' aspect of the concept.

#### **The Issue of Global**

Behind the concept of global citizenship is the idea of the place and role of citizens in an increasingly global world. However, we know that in this globalized context, there are winners and losers, and that the balance is generally tilted against Africa, which does not fully enjoy the supposed benefits of the new global economy:

While we have achieved, through massive economic, cultural and technological globalizations, which by and large, has benefited wealthy northern countries and their corporations, there has been much devastation on the immediate lives and overall ecological locations of Indigenous populations (Abdi et al. 2015, p. 3).

In this context, can African people really feel part of a global community?

Yet, Youemura (2015) believes that the concept of global citizenship makes sense in Africa, given the continent's challenges for the planet: "The rising issues, such as population growth, youth bulge, urbanisation, climate change and inequalities have urged policymakers to re-prioritise their policies" (p. 74). Nevertheless, how will GCE support this transformation? Generally speaking, GCE, including in the Global North, has been considered within a minimalist framework, which at best would view global citizenship as a salve to solve the social and ecological challenges of globalization:

The common sense of education has been limited to the skills and knowledge that best serve market interests and practices. Given neoliberalism's embrace of possessive individualism, citizenship around the globe has been conflated to narrowly define common good as being solely based upon self-interest (Torres and Dorio 2015, p. 5).

In this way, GCE fits into neoliberal logic and is not unrelated to the aims of education at the global level, and in particular, those of the international organisations operating in Francophone West Africa. If we take the case of the World Bank, omnipresent for decades in this context, economic growth is at the heart of its concerns for education: "Simply put, investments in quality education lead to more rapid and sustainable economic growth and development" (World Bank 2011, p. v). In this respect, globalization, increasing in importance over time, will validate the World Bank's emphasis on education: "At the same time, the stunning rise of new middleincome countries has intensified the desire of many nations to increase their competitiveness by building more skilled and agile workforces" (World Bank 2011, p. 2). From this point of view, the organisation's priority is not to bring about profound transformations in response to global social and environmental issues. National governments in the present context often blindly repeat the discourse of international organisations, implying that GCE will remain at a superficial level. If we consider the discourse related to environmental issues from the World Bank, education would rather prepare students for a tsunami than suggest an alternative ecological model: "Comparing countries with similar income and weather conditions, those countries with better-educated female populations are more capable of coping with extreme weather events than countries with low levels of female education" (World Bank 2011, p. 13). Even UNESCO, less powerful in Africa than the World Bank but very active on GCE issues, seems to be uneasy with the conflict between economic growth and ecological issues as the organisation is concerned with the link between investing in education and its effects on economic growth (Lauwerier 2017). As Swanson (2015) suggested, it is imperative to distinguish neoliberalised approaches to GCE from criticaly engaged forms of GCE:

Global citizenship education has a task of educating, not only for global citizenship in its institutionalized and historically normalized categories, but as well or even more importantly now, for global social justice as part of being a citizen with undeniable basic rights irrespective of where you reside on planet earth (Abdi et al. 2015, p. 3).

In addition to this neoliberal vision of education, some authors consider the conceptions of the GCE as uncritically embracing "the normative teleological project of Western/Enlightenment humanism, which is deeply invested in the production of rational unanimity and unequivocal knowledge in regard to conceptualizations of humanity/human nature, progress and justice" (De Oliveira Andreotti and de Souza 2012, p. 2). For instance, on ecological issues, it is important to note that traditional beliefs such animism, still practiced in many African contexts, are respectful of the environment. However, here again, globalization that has resulted in massive urbanisation and the use of intensive agriculture has generated environmental degradations and downplayed society's values of respect for nature.

Another criticism of GCE and its 'global' nature concerns the usual classroom practices in Francophone West Africa. Indeed, GCE implies not locking oneself into simply local issues but instead opening up to the rest of the world. However, Lauwerier (2018) study in Senegal shows that there is a gap between what the curriculum suggests in terms of learners' decentration and classroom practices. In addition, the study shows that teachers struggled to cover topics in curricula such as the philosophy of the Lumières and Pasteur's vaccine of which they had little knowledge. In this respect, the majority of teachers that took part in this research stated that they mainly covered issues related to Senegal, as they were not well informed about foreign issues, even in neighbouring countries.

While taking into account these criticisms, we believe that the concept of GCE provides some relevant ideas to today's global challenges – for example, that the world is not binary. The dynamics of society's construction invite us to accept that concepts such as the GCE can make sense in contexts where they have not necessarily emerged. As suggested by Kane (1961) in his book "Ambiguous Adventure", African society is torn between the desire maintain to cultural roots and the desire to embrace thoughts and values coming from elsewhere, including from the colonising countries.

It is interesting to note that the concept of GCE has already been incorporated into many reports and declarations at the national and regional levels in Africa as we can see in the two following examples:

The GCE framework adopted in the Kigali Declaration at the end of the Ministerial Conference on Education Post-2015 for Sub-Saharan Africa that took place in Rwanda in February 2015:

Priority areas highlighted in the statement include equitable and inclusive access for all; inclusion, equity and gender equality; teachers and teaching; educational quality and learning outcomes; science, technology and skills development; education for sustainable development and global citizenship education; youth and adult literacy, skills and competencies for life and work; financing, governance and partnerships; education in crisis situations (ADEA 2015).

We can see that GCE is explicitly listed as a key priority and therefore considered relevant for Francophone West African educational policies.

On a more concrete level, UNESCO-Dakar has implemented GCE related programs in West Africa and the Sahel on issues such as migration and the challenges of integrating refugees and migrants in host countries. These programs cover different policy areas, including the protection of human rights and migrant employment as well as national security and social cohesion. UNESCO-Dakar implementation strategy focuses on capacity building for decision-makers, teacher trainers, curriculum development and advocacy (UNESCO-Dakar 2018).

Beyond the question of whether GCE is a fruitful concept for Francophone West Africa, it is perhaps more interesting to look at the key aims of GCE. From this point of view, we can see that many of its principles are historically rooted in African thought.

For instance, the non-governmental organisation (NGO) Oxfam's international framework for GCE aims to use a transformative approach based on social justice and by proposing key elements for 'responsible global citizenship':

These elements do not a priori contradict the idea of having global objectives that do not come into contradiction with African values.

In this respect, Geldenhuys (2013) and Waghid (2018) identified three aspects in the various existing definitions of GCE that are similar to what is said in African discourses: "a participatory form of human attunement in relation to recognising people's rights and identities; a human rights discourse that counteracts war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace in an atmosphere of an openness to culture and democratic public life; an equal moral respect to all humans discourse" (Waghid 2018, p. 98).

Beyond the possible application of GCE in Francophone West Africa, we can also highlight existing theories and practices in sub-Saharan Africa that are similar to the concept of GCE. Indeed, it is more interesting to see which concepts build a bridge between common values rather than focusing on GCE in itself: "It is important to consider that Indigenous knowledges and practices have rich traditions regarding citizenship and education" (Quaynor 2018, p. 373).

From this point of view, according to the recent UNESCO report (2018) *Taking it Local*, there are national/local/traditional concepts whose purpose is to promote ideas that reflect those at the heart of GCE. Two examples in the African context can be taken from this report. The first one refers to the Charter of Manden in Mali:

Born from a context of diversity of ethnicity and faith, the Charter of Manden provides guidance on how to respectfully and peacefully interact with other cultures and societies, thereby illustrating notions that are key to GCED, namely respect for diversity and solidarity (UNESCO 2018, p. 3).

The other example mentioned by UNESCO is the South African concept of *Ubuntu*, which means 'I am because we are – we are because I am'. This concept has also been linked to GCE by other authors:

*Ubuntu* philosophy, with its emphasis on a social African humanism and spiritual way of collective being, provides the possibilities for replacing, reinventing and reimagining alternatives to the current destructive path of increasing global injustice, as it also offers opportunities to decolonize recuperative global citizenship discourses and coercive Western epistemologies (Swanson 2015, p. 33).

Thus, we believe that GCE is not a completely abstract concept for the context of Francophone West Africa.

#### **Conclusion**

Despite its exogenous nature, we have seen that GCE can be considered a promising concept for Francophone West African educational systems and can be linked to related African concepts such as *Ubuntu*. Nevertheless, GCE programs can not overlook the challenges of citizenship (internal conflicts, citizens' rights, types of pedagogy,…) and globalization (global inequality, in-depth change,…) in Francophone West Africa, which could potentially undermine its spread.

To further understand these challenges, we are currently conducting research to shed light on the potential relevance of this concept in Francophone West Africa, particularly in Senegal. To this end, we are analyzing to what extent the Ministry of education has integrated international discourse to propose relevant guidelines in national policy documents. We will complete this analysis through interviews conducted in Senegal with officials from the Ministry of Education on the one hand and representatives of international organisations, particularly UNESCO on the other. This will enable us to better understand their conceptualisation of GCE and its potential operationalisation.

We would like to conclude this chapter by identifying Francophone West Africa's many educational challenges that we have not addressed. For instance, access to basic education still remains a major issue throughout the region. After more than 50 years of independence, West African countries have made significant progress in access to basic education, moving from a net rate of no more than 10% in the 1960s to a rate of 70–90% today. Nevertheless, these advances mask the fact that there are still too many out-of-school children and important gender inequalities and rural/ urban disparities.

The region also faces serious challenges in terms of pupils' learning outcomes as many children struggle to become literate despite having had access to schooling. The findings from the Programme for the Analysis of Education Systems of CONFEMEN (PASEC) on Francophone Sub-Saharan countries show large disparities between regions in terms of pupils' learning outcomes. Indeed, on average in the 10 countries covered by these studies, more than 70% of the children in second grade were below the sufficient competency threshold in early primary language (47% in mathematics). Moreover, 12.4% of the pupils had great difficulty (below the first level of this test) in language (16.2% in mathematics). By the end of primary school, two out of three students did not have sufficient proficiency in French. The same ratio was true for their competencies in mathematics as 27% of students had great difficulty in this subject (PASEC 2015). These results are indisputable evidence of a learning outcomes crisis in the majority of Francophone Sub-Saharan countries despite the efforts made in terms of access and resources allocated to early education. We therefore would like to conclude with the following reflection:

We are here in a society with schools that have 3 out of 4 students who would have difficulty reading; with predominantly illiterate adults who are abandoned to themselves in terms of education; in a society where the notion of citizenship has no meaning for the many and where resignation and resourcefulness reign as the main features of African postcolonial societies. How to proceed in such a society in order to hope that people can efficiently gain access (that is to say, in a transformative manner) to global citizenship? (Foaleng 2015, p. 21).

#### **References**

Manby, B. (2009). *Struggles for citizenship in Africa*. London: Zed Books.

Oxfam, G. B. (2006). *Education for global citizenship* (A Guide for Schools). Oxford: Oxfam GB.

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## **Part V North Africa**

## **Chapter 9 Citizenship Education in Post-conflict Contexts: The Case of Algeria**

#### **Naouel Abdellatif Mami**

**Abstract** In most post-conflict contexts, weakened by the large scale of destruction, efforts are often directed towards rebuilding society through preparing citizens to manage conflictual relationships and rebuild at both social and identity levels. This obviously requires the support of citizenship education that models attitudes and civic practices as well as building civic competences.

This chapter focuses on two post-conflict periods in Algerian history. Firstly, we consider the post-colonial period characterized by the need of Algerian society to unite behind a national identity and achieve what the former president Houari Boumedien called "l'Etat – Nation" (the Nation State). From this perspective, we examine the historical complexities around citizenship education in Algeria comprised of three-identity components, namely 'Algerianity', Arabization and Islam. Secondly, we analyze the challenges of citizenship education following Algeria's 'Black Decade' civil war that ended at the start of this millennium. At that time, civic identity was very much influenced by a growing rejection of religious extremism. Finally, we discuss multi-level case studies of educational reforms related to citizenship education as well as changes in the Algerian educational system in terms of participation, conceptions of citizenship, an openness to discuss controversial issues linked to freedom of expression, human rights issues, the participation of women and contextual values of development.

**Keywords** Citizenship · Education · Globalization · Algerian educational system · Post-colonial conflicts

#### **Introduction**

In ancient Greek society, citizenship referred to a person's status as a member of a city. Access to citizenship status granted privileges that other inhabitants such as slaves were denied. In its modern sense, the concept of citizenship has evolved to recognise legal members of a sovereign state who assume duties and enjoy rights.

N. Abdellatif Mami (\*)

© The Author(s) 2020 113 A. Akkari, K. Maleq (eds.), *Global Citizenship Education*, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44617-8\_9

Mohamed Lamine Debaghine, Sétif 2 University, Setif, Algeria

Therefore, the concept of citizenship is linked to the nature of the state and its jurisdiction.

Wider definitions of citizenship are based on a democratic legal rational and include both social and human components that ensure equality without distinction of gender, race or religion.

According to Sarr (2010), citizenship confers equal civil, political, social and economic rights for all. It also defines obligations within the framework of a given political community and allows power sharing and participation in decision-making. Citizenship is therefore expressed through civic behavior involving a set of moral qualities and civic duties considered necessary to smoothly govern the city, where each citizen accepts the common rule of law. Defined as such, citizenship is an essential component in the creation of society (Bendif 2016), generating the need for citizenship education.

Today, citizenship education pays a key role in schools with the aim of both building and training citizens. Indeed, through socialization and education children acquire the knowledge, skills and values necessary to develop and evolve in their community, affirm themselves as free individuals, act responsibly and respect the legal framework that defines individual rights and duties.

However, this initial socialization period should not simply result in strict compliance with the established social norms and models (Rocher 1970). Children's characters are fostered by active debate between various components of their social environment. At times, active citizenship may lead to opposing or even rebelling against what can be considered inappropriate, unjust or unacceptable.

The difficult behavior that some young people may display during adolescence can be linked to a feeling of social exclusion or a citizenship crisis but can also be a phase of intense self-realization and affirmation. This can explain some of the difficulties that occur between the school system and young people. The resulting tensions are partly explained by the inadequate responses of the schooling system to the learners' inherent physical, psychological and social needs. For this reason, it is not only necessary to uphold the educational system but to adapt citizenship education to critical periods of development.

Citizenship education also plays an important role in regulating behavior during traumatic and post-traumatic situations. In this context, it is essential to train teachers to incorporate the principles of democratic citizenship education in their practice.

In recent years, citizenship education has been the subject of international attention, including two major cross-national studies (Jaramillo and José 2009). However, few reviews of citizenship education include research from post-conflict societies (Robertson 2011), a regrettable omission since post-conflict situations offer distinct challenges in terms of instilling both democratic norms and a sense of social cohesion.

This chapter will focus on two post-conflict periods in Algerian history by first considering the post-conflict period following decolonization and analyzing the historical complexities around citizenship education in Algeria during this time and the need for society to unite behind a national identity comprised of three components, namely 'Algerianity', Arabization and Islam. Then, we will examine the challenges

for citizenship education following Algeria's 'Black Decade' civil war and the fight against religious extremism. Finally, we discuss citizenship education in national educational reforms and issues related to freedom of expression, human rights and women's participation.

#### **Definition of Citizenship Education**

Citizenship education plays a significant role in the development of informed and responsible citizens aware of their duties and rights. To this end, school curricula often includes civic education, religious education or citizenship education. Despite the disparity of these subjects, the implicit or explicit objectives sought through civic, moral or religious education are similar as they all inculcate social behaviors associated with respect of social and legal norms.

It is however important to underline that citizenship education is not exclusively a matter of school curricula, it is also constructed or deconstructed under the influence of educational and pedagogical values that are linked to the economic, political, social, cultural, and institutional practices. It is influenced by context and by social, political and human paradigms.

UNESCO (1998) defines citizenship education as educating children, from early childhood, to become clear-thinking and enlightened citizens who participate in decisions concerning society.

In a democracy, citizenship education seeks to educate citizens who will be free to make their own judgements and hold their own convictions. Compliance with existing laws should not prevent citizens from seeking and planning better and ever more just laws. Respect for law, which is one of the objectives of civic education, calls not for blind submission to rules and laws already passed but the ability to participate in drawing them up (UNESCO 1998, p. 1).

UNESCO (2010) defines citizenship education as the development of skills including "a willingness to investigate issues in the local, school and wider community; a readiness to recognize social, economic, ecological and political dimensions of issues needed to resolve them; and the ability to analyse issues and to participate in action aimed at achieving a sustainable future" (UNESCO 2010, para. 1).

#### **Citizenship Education in Algeria**

To understand citizenship education in Algeria, it is essential to mention a set of components that come into play. Firstly, the concept of citizenship has different connotations and is highly context-dependant. It can therefore have a vast and varied scope depending on territorial context (the Algerian territory defined by national borders) or national context and identify components such as 'Algerianity', Arabization, Tamazight (Berber), and Islam. If we consider Algerian citizenship as a sense of belonging to Algeria and consider the country's historical, economic, sociological and political environment, we can distinguish three levels of identity in the Algerian society:

It is important to understand that these three levels of identity are not sufficiently integrated or harmonized at the national level, which is why we have chosen not to adopt the concept of "Nation" in this chapter. Indeed, it could be said that these levels function independently, each with their own logic and political, economic, diplomatic and strategic management, sometimes clashing violently, creating armed conflicts as was the case during the 'Black Decade' civil war. In this respect, these three levels of identity, imposed or rejected, constitute a problem of integration and harmonization.

Secondly, considering the different dimensions of citizenship education, a larger problem emerges linked to the lack of a shared conceptualization of Algerian citizenship. This hampers the promotion and development of citizenship education. In fact, educating the learner to democratic citizenship hardly creates consensus.

Thirdly, it seems hard to link the pedagogical objectives of citizenship education and global citizenship education (GCE) with the current educational discourse in Algeria. Moreover, the gap between discourse and reality hampers the implementation of educational reform projects such as the PARE reform which was initiated in 2002 and a second reform in 2014 in favour of citizenship education. In order to address these intricate issues, it is important to understand Algeria's historical background and analyze the country's current post-conflict situation.

#### **Citizenship in Algeria: A Historical Debate**

Citizenship is a fundamental issue in postcolonial educational systems. Since the country's independence, there has been little opportunity for people to express themselves freely and few possibilities for plural expression. In fact, citizenship education has only very recently become a popular subject. Following the decolonisation process in Algeria, political measures were mainly aimed at building resilience after 132 years of colonization and the war of independence that lasted more than 7 years. Less consideration was given to the social and civil needs of the people and, as a result, the educational sector was not a priority.

Algerians suffered from the French colonization which dispossessed them of their lands and wealth, but also prevented access to education by closing all the country's Koranic schools (Medersa). The horror of colonialism remains in Algeria's collective memory, in particular the massacre 8 May 1945 that Zoubir (2011) describes as "the fierce campaign that was conducted on behalf of the French state [that] has made tens of thousands of victims. The number has never been accurately determined, although our national memory recorded symbolically 45 000 martyrs" (p. 2). This was followed by many other tragic events such as the massacre that took place on 11 December 1960 and the murders committed by the Secret Armed Organization (OAS) between 1960 and 1962.

Moreover, colonialism has left Algerian society deeply scared. The French colonialism not only affected Algerian society in general but also the people's dignity, religion, identity and citizenship. One example of the French denial of Algerian citizenship is the "code de l'indigénat" which placed Algerians on the same level as slaves. The colonial conquest was also responsible for the impoverishment of Algeria. As stated by Zoubir (2011), "The famine and impoverishment that followed the colonial conquest, [resulted] in the loss of one third of the native population between 1830 and 1870" (p. 2).

We believe the identity issues that the Algerian people experience today are directly linked to the French government's refusal to recognize the crimes committed during colonization. This lack of recognition is regarded as an open wound and as continued denial of Algerian national identity and citizenship. For instance, up until 1999 the French government referred to the Algerian war as simply policing. It is fair to say that Algerians do not adhere to France's appalling claim that colonization was a civilizing mission and a means to prosperity for the Algerian population.

During the colonization of Algeria, the French colonial power massively invested in the country's integration into the French economy, which influenced the territorial organization and in turn upset local social, economic, cultural, and military organization (Abedellatif 2014). This resulted in an unequal geographical distribution of the population with 60% of the current population concentrated in only 4% of the territory, leaving the Highlands and the South sparsely populated (Bendif 2016). This massive urbanization represents an important social and educational challenge.

It is undeniable that French colonization damaged the Algerian spirit at all levels (Abdellatif 2014) and had a considerable impact on citizenship and citizenship education. In this respect, Algeria directed its efforts towards creating a sense of national belonging following the decolonization. To do so, it was necessary to promote a shared vision of the '*Umma*' Algerian Nation. At that time, the President Houari Boumediene's policy aimed to create a balanced identity as well as fair and functional administrative, economic, industrial, social and cultural organizations. The cultural homogeneity and the multidimensional political equilibrium created in 1971 was the most credible factor of consciousness and national unity.

Since the county's independence, leaders have created a discourse that depicts the national territory in a quasi-sacred way. Despite the political will to fairly create basic infrastructure, provide services, as well as distribute employment and resources, the means to achieving this were not sufficiently thought out and

unfortunately generated disparities and regional imbalances that have led to divisions in national unity at the level of citizen consciousness.

An important element that must be taken into consideration in Algeria is Islam. Algeria has a rich and diverse cultural heritage stretching from the regions of the great South, the southern and northern slopes of the Atlas to the Mediterranean coastal strip and the High Planes. The environmental diversity and specific historical context have created cultural diversity. Despite this, Islam as the common denominator has shaped the context of everyday life and united the national conscience of Algerian citizens.

The first government after independence restored Islam and the Arabic language. Articles 4 and 5 of the 1963 Constitution stipulate that Islam is the religion of the state and that the Arabic language is the national and official language. This was a legitimate and expected reaction after the oppressive practices of French colonialism but this political act denied the existence of the Tamazight-speaking Berber who constitute a third of Algeria's population (Abdellatif 2016). Thus, postcolonial Algeria has imposed an Arab-Islamic ideology, opposing all forms of cultural and linguistic diversity. The legislative proposals of Colonel Houari Boumediene (President of Algeria from 1965 to 1978) focused on the goal of creating an "authentic Algeria" (Déjeux 2008, p. 5) based on a unified national culture that aimed to reinforce the Arab-Muslim national identity.

In this context of "linguistic purification" (Abdellatif 2014, p. 45), an educational approach based on 'Algerianity', Arabization and Islamic citizenship was adopted. An ideology of monolingualism began to take hold and many feared the loss of the country's diverse linguistic heritage. The post-colonial government introduced an Arabization policy into primary schools through citizenship education and tensions among the population began to spill over into the political scene and violent clashes between students erupted.

The design of the national citizenship education curriculum reflected the values of the 'Nation' and a certain ideological, socialist and cultural approach which excludes Tamazight language and Berber culture. Under the presidency of Colonel Chadli Benjedid, the Algerian Parliament adopted on 19 August 1986 a law 86–10 creating the Algerian Academy of the Arabic Language (Grandguillaume 1997). This forced Arabization was later recognized as a serious political mistake.

In 1995, steps were taken towards the recognition of Tamazight with the introduction of a number of schools and universities in the Berber region. Nevertheless, the socio-political situation was not favourable to finding a definitive solution to the Berber issue and has remained an unresolved source of conflict regarding citizenship and citizenship education.

In June 1990, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) won its first democratic municipal elections and a state of emergency was declared. At the same time, President Chadli was able to pass the Arabization Act on 16 January 1991 but it was postponed several times before he was deposed by the army on 11 January 1992. After the High Security Council (HCS) cancelled the results of the elections and appointed Mohamed Boudiaf head of state, Algeria faced a destructive spiral that became known as the 'Black Decade'. During his short mandate, Mohamed Boudiaf

announced that the Algerian population should speak 'Algerian Arabic' (Derdja) and combat radical Islamism, and the efforts made towards recognizing cultural diversity and fostering citizenship were weakened.

President Abdelaziz Bouteflika acceeded to power in April 1999 and started a policy of national reconciliation and openness to the Western world. On a linguistic level, President Bouteflika often spoke French and demonstrated a certain amount of cultural freedom. Finally, in April 2002, the Algerian parliament changed the constitution to recognize Tamazight as a national language. Since then, Tamazight is taught in primary schools and high schools and a Tamazight bachelor degree has been created in the Universities of Bejaia and Tizi Ouzou. A further revision of the constitution in 2016 gave the status of "national and official" language to Tamazight which was introduced into all schools in Algeria (Constitution of Algeria 2016).

Overall, from a sociological perspective, we can see that since Algeria's independence, Colonel Boumediene's plan to build an educational system based on a 'pure Algerian identity' or an 'authentic Algeria' has never been fully accomplished. The reason being that the break with colonial schooling has had incalculable repercussions on individuals, society and the Algerian educational system as a whole. The relation between national politics and citizenship were defined in the 1963 constitution. From then on, the educational debates revolved around the development of curricula in line with the new principles of an independent Algeria. However, like other colonized countries, the Algerian educational system was a copy of the French system adopting a neo-colonial approach.

We can see that the intricacies of Algerian history and the country's cultural and linguistic diversity has complexified the search for national identity and weakened the basis of citizenship education.

#### **Citizenship in the National Educational Debates**

Fully formed citizens succeed in making their own demands heard but know how to listen to others, to be prepared to compromise while refusing to be compromised, to confront certainties and rigid or dogmatic mindsets, even those in their own cultural and religious community. This is not easy to achieve and requires time, patience, empathy and determination.

After more that 2,00,000 people died in the 'Black Decade' civil war that ended in 2002 the generation which had not witnessed colonialism nor experienced the glories of independence had to face a form of black out in relation to their identity and historical truth. They felt that their history had been betrayed and that they needed to find peace, not only with the past, but also with the present.

In the aftermath of the 'Black Decade', citizenship education was introduced in schools at all levels of instruction aiming to create a coherent framework within a 'triple harmonization strategy', linking knowledge, pedagogical practices, didactic approaches and concrete practices. Unfortunately, despite these efforts, the design was inadequate to meet the needs of a modern and open society. Abdellatif's (2014) analysis of middle school citizenship education textbooks revealed that they have not benefited from the 'triple harmonization effort', rather they have adopted formalistic approaches to citizenship that carry the risk of favouring perverse forms of citizenship to the detriment of autonomous and responsible citizenship.

Not only do citizenship education programs in Algeria have to combine different levels of citizenship, they are exposed to what Selye (1956) described as sources of stress. One is situated in the environment and the social context in which the learner operates and the second is found in the post-trauma of civil war.

It is also true that since the country's independence, development efforts have not been sufficiently integrated, implemented or evaluated. Consequently, the country has experienced rapid social changes that have been insufficiently controlled. Population pressure in terms of birth rates and geographical mobility have provoked regional and social imbalance, posing, among other things, a challenge for spatial planning.

Furthermore, post-independent Algeria faces new social and economic challenges resulting from globalization. Traditional values of patriarchy and agrarian production clash with the demands of economic, social and political modernization. This has resulted in a multifaceted growth crisis, which destabilizes economic and social development.

In view of these rapid changes, citizenship education programs have registered a number of shortcomings in their compliance with the new socio-economic needs of the country and policies strive to respond to the socio-economic openness of the international market and promote both a change in mentality and in ideological practices while preserving Algerian identity.

In the midst of the 'Black Decade' civil war, a reform was launched in 1998 to improve the educational system and save national education from drifting. A multidisciplinary team aimed to support the development of educational content and develop tools to keep students in school, away from ideological influence. The mission was consistent with the introduction of other educational reforms and the overhaul of educational programs.

A few years later, the trauma causes by the civil war and the socio–economic repercussions engendered by globalization required a new comprehensive educational reform to prepare students for a new sense of citizenship. The national reform launched in 2003 had to face the challenge of unifying educational debates in order to overcome what Avanzini (1998) described as "the crisis of representations and social models" and necessitated serious reflection on the objectives to be achieved in terms of equal opportunities. According to Toualbi-Thaâlibi (2005), the 2003 educational reform was the result of a critical reflection that aimed to reconcile various questions about the new goals of education.

The introduction of a 'smart school' focused not on teaching citizenship education as a national concept but on teaching about citizenship as an international vehicle for intercultural dialogue. With this objective in mind, the new textbooks published in 2014 introduced the concept of GCE for the first time.

With the recent reforms, there has been a concerted effort to promote cultural and religious diversity in new textbooks. The decentralization of Arabization was the starting point of this reform, which is part of a larger initative: "as countries in the Arab world embark on the long road toward political transition and attempt to build more open and pluralistic political systems, the need to prepare citizens to become contributors to democratic societies has become increasingly urgent" (Faour 2013, p. 3).

Today, Algeria's educational system is clearly oriented towards the promotion of a new identity for students based on global citizenship. New educational programs have been introduced focusing on human rights issues and the role of women in the establishment of a prosperous society.

#### **The Struggle of Women in Algeria and Citizenship Education**

The current crisis of citizenship, calls for urgent measures to reshape schooling in general, and citizenship education in particular. Nevertheless, the challenge is to conceive of a more realistic, active and methodologically sound approach to citizenship education.

Indeed, according to Perrenoud (1997), the Nation State, which historically exercised more control over its citizens, is no longer the only means of establishing civil society. A greater ability to objectify information, knowledge and values, made possible by human and technological progress in all fields, has fostered more critical and independent thinking. New worldwide approaches in favour of Human Rights have proposed indicators for citizenship education based on respect and sustainability.

Algeria, along with Tunisia, ranks top of Arab countries in recognizing women's rights in their constitutions. Female activists have long challenged marginalization in conservative male-dominated environments and Algerian women's struggles go back to the revolutionary war of 1954–1962. Progressive statements promoting gender equality in a free Algeria have faced opposition from nationalists not well accustomed to female activism.

Salhi (2003) explains that "the challenge of Algerian women during the liberation struggle was on two fronts: it was, simultaneously, a rebellion against the colonial occupation of Algeria by France, and against the restrictive attitudes of traditional Algerian society" (p. 27). In fact, gender discrimination was widespread until the middle of the twentieth century and was inspired by patriarchal values common to monotheistic religions. When the first legislation on citizenship was adopted in 1963, women had not yet gained equality in terms of citizenship rights, not only in Algeria but also in many other parts of the world.

The latest reforms of citizenship laws in Algeria, mainly the 2016 constitution, have improved women's rights in the country. Algeria is the only country in the Arab world to give women the right to pass on their nationality to a foreign husband.

Gender equality in the Algerian educational system and citizenship education in the second-generation textbooks in Algeria enables Algerian pupils to use the powerful tools of education and civic participation in order to empower women to become leaders in their own right.

One important measure taken in favor of women's empowerment in Algeria is the development of networks to drive the advancement of women and increase their participation and visibility in key sectors of society. Based on the belief that development hinges on the sustained participation of women in socio-economic spheres at all levels and across all sectors, citizenship education includes the construction of networks, underpinned by a philosophy of citizen engagement at the national level.

Overall, progress on individual rights in Algeria has mainly resulted from the collective struggle of women. The reforms adopted in education have allowed women to feel more legitimate and determined to make changes in society in order to advance citizen equality and global citizenship.

Social science has identified a link between women's empowerment and improvements in society. Gender equity programs must therefore include GCE and help women participate in global initiatives and fight against violence, child abuse and discrimination. Indeed, countries with strong women are generally better advocates against all forms of human rights abuse as explained by Brysk *(*2009).

#### **Conclusion**

Since independence, Algeria has expressed an interest in the ways in which its youth are prepared for citizenship and how they learn to take part in the 'Nation's' civic life. Today, that interest might better be described as a growing concern, particularly related to young people's search to build a democratic society. Perhaps no country has yet achieved the level of understanding and acceptance of the rights and responsibilities of all its citizens required for the maintenance and improvement of a constitutional democracy.

The performance of the Algerian school system is therefore not reducible to its sole capacity to inculcate knowledge but measured by its ability to empower pupils and students. It should also consider the education and training of knowledge and attitudes, compatible with all the constituents of an Algerian identity and supported by a non-exclusive and coherent historiography, far removed from strategic and ideological visions. Thus, the Algerian school system should articulate a capacity for interaction and exchange with the values of modernity, universality, globalization, democracy, and the ability to create and manage stabilizing social consensus.

One should not consider that any of the components the Algerian identity, namely 'Algerianity', Arabization, Tamazight and Islam as a threat to citizenship education. On the contrary, the government and the society at large should draw inspiration from theoretical data, favourable to the development of constructive and responsible critical capacities, in order to create a balance between the theoretical values studied and those experienced in everyday life. This dimension of citizenship education goes beyond the school itself to challenge the whole Algerian society in order to achieve global citizenship.

We can argue that the efforts undertaken by the Algerian state in post-colonial crisis succeeded in offering a new educational perspective to make sense of the existing dilemmas of multiculturalism and national citizenship deficits. Nevertheless, more research must be carried out to explore the concept of GCE in relation to multiculturalism and address the three main topics which affect education in multicultural societies in a globalized world: solving the issue of diversity in relation to creating citizens, the issue of equality and social justice in democratic societies, and the tension between the global and local in a globalized world.

Lessons can be learned from each of the two post-conflict contexts in Algeria. GCE offers not only a unifying theoretical framework but also a set of policy recommendations aimed at achieving national unity which could be multicultural, multiethnic and diversified, and where all categories of society participate, including women. Progress in individual rights has already been made in Algeria and the Berber population is the living proof of it. However, all categories of Algerian society feel the need to be globally legitimate, and are determined to pursue their mission towards change.

Algeria is on course to achieve political modernization and although the path is not smooth, the country is forging ahead towards a better future. Algerian youth have already passed the test; the protests of 22 February 2019 are a lesson to be learned by societies that hope to witness democracy. After several weeks of street protests, the president Bouteflika stepped down and many prominent figures of the regime were arrested on corruption charges. However, street demonstrations have continued and political negotiations are ongoing in August 2019. It is therefore obvious that full Citizenship for each Algerian is a prerequisite for a better tomorrow.

#### **References**

Abdellatif, N. (2014). Approche nationale de la diversité religieuse en Algérie : situation scolaire dans le secondaire. In Conseil de l'Europe (Ed.), *Education et Diversité Religieuse en Méditerranée Occidentale* (pp. 43–77). Strasbourg: Conseil de l'Europe.

Abdellatif, N. (2016). *Dialogue des religions : situation scolaire en Algérie*. Alger: Editions Djitli.

Grandguillaume, G. (1997). Arabisation et Démagogie en Algérie. *Le monde diplomatique, 515*(3).

Jaramillo, R., & José, A. M. (2009). Citizenship education as a response to Colombia's social and political context. *Journal of Moral Education, 38*(4), 467–487.

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## **Chapter 10 Women's Rights, Democracy and Citizenship in Tunisia**

#### **Halima Ouanada**

**Abstract** The gap between the role that women have played in Tunisian history and their current position in public and political life makes it difficult to address the issues of woman's rights in relation to citizenship and democracy in Tunisia. Since the foundation of the ancient Phoenician-Punic city of Carthage, women have played a crucial role in the establishment of modern-day Tunisia endowed with a unique destiny. However, over the centuries, this role has often been obscured and undermined by politicized approaches to history with a deliberate attempt to conceal the women's contribution. This chapter will examine the role of women in Tunisian society from the perspective of women's identity, caught in a dichotomy between secular and religious worlds. Furthermore, we will examine women's major contributions to the founding of Tunisia, providing an insight into the country's current issues and challenges. We believe that the analysis of the role and place of women as citizens in the democratic process in Tunisia is the *sine qua non* condition to better understand the persistent ambiguities, barriers and issues the country currently faces.

**Keywords** Democracy · Women's rights · Citizenship · 'Jasmine Revolution' · Code of Personal Status

#### **Introduction**

This chapter postulates that the debate on citizenship education and global citizenship education (GCE) in Tunisia are directly related to democracy and women's rights. Indeed, Tunisia has experienced a tumultuous relationship with citizenship. Following the end of the French protectorate in 1956, the country embarked on a path of cultural modernization (notably by granting rights to women) but political power was marked by authoritarianism up until 2010.

H. Ouanada (\*)

University of Tunis El Manar, Tunis, Tunisia

© The Author(s) 2020 125

A. Akkari, K. Maleq (eds.), *Global Citizenship Education*, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44617-8\_10

The Tunisian revolution of 2011, also known as the 'Jasmine Revolution', was a peaceful demand for change and genuine democracy led by young people and women and strongly influenced by social media and women's movements. It was hoped that the long-standing dictatorship would surrender and give way to the long-suppressed desire for freedom of speech, equal citizenship and gender equality. Unfortunately, in the aftermath of the revolution, the divide between women's rights defenders and those who advocated a return to the traditions and values of Islam was stronger than ever. In this strained context, inconsistencies, paradoxes, opposing viewpoints and double discourses came to the forefront in public debate as the government struggled to conceive a new Democratic project for Tunisia.

The Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet, composed of the Tunisian General Labor Union (Workers' Union), the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Handicrafts (Employers' Union), the Council of the National Bar Association of Tunisia and the Tunisian League for Human Rights, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize 2015 for its major contribution to the democratic transition. It is therefore important to understand the democratization process within the process of globalization as three components of this quartet are influenced by global forces but do not necessarily share a coherent ideological position. The workers' union denounces an unbridled globalization supported by international organizations and the employers' union supports a greater integration of Tunisia in the global economy while the Tunisian League for Human Rights has benefited from the continued support of the international community. From a broader perspective, multilateral and bilateral cooperation, often funded by the EU, the World Bank and Western countries, influences the debate on gender equality in Tunisia.

In this chapter, we will analyze the current situation of women in Tunisia but before doing so, we will examine their contribution to the founding of this nation. This brief historical overview aims to provide an insight into current issues and challenges. In other words, analyzing the role and place of women as citizens in the democratic process in Tunisia is, in our opinion, the *sine qua non* condition to understanding the persistent ambiguities, barriers and issues facing women within the dichotomy between secular and religious worlds.

#### **An Exceptional Female Destiny**

Because of its remarkable history and the legends associated with its foundation, Tunisia is seen as a fascinating exception. Indeed, Carthage the Phoenician-Punic metropolis of the Mediterranean, whose Punic name was *Qart Hadasht* (new town), was not founded by a God or a hero but by Elyssa (814 B.C.), a Tyrian princess of extraordinary beauty. First born of the King of Tyre (in present-day Lebanon), Elyssa, in order to avoid civil war, fled atrocity and the greed of her brother Pygmalion and traveled to the coast of present-day Tunisia (Bonnet 2011).

In contrast with the dominant position of male leaders throughout history, often said to be guided by divine forces such as Pythian Apollo who expresses himself through the oracle of Delphi (Detienne 1998), Carthage can be seen as a true gynarchy, exemplified by its wealth and independence among the Phoenician counters.

However, the incomplete and generally mixed results from excavations (Jaïdi 2014) have relegated Elyssa to the sphere of legend and collective imagination. This idea was reinforced by historians, archaeologists, writers and artists who while fascinated and inspired by the beauty of Elyssa, paradoxically gave less credit to her political status as a leading female figure. For instance, the renowned Latin writer Virgil depicted her as a neglected and grieving princess, voluntarily ignoring her status as the founder of a powerful city. Other authors often portrayed her as a grieving lover who, after being seduced and abandoned by the Trojan Aeneas, committed suicide by setting herself on fire.

Today, Tunisia has restored the founding myth of Elyssa to reflect both her political and economic genius and reaffirmed her historical importance.

#### **The Democratic Heritage of Carthage**

Carthage was considered to have an excellent form of government and constitution (814 BC) and was praised by Isocrates at the beginning of the fourth century BC, comparing the Carthaginians to the Greeks "who were the best governed" (Bunnens 1979). A century later, Aristotle valued the Carthaginian, Spartan and Cretan constitutions as superior to others in many respects.

A true model of a balanced "constitution with the best characteristics of the various types of political regimes, combining elements of the monarchical (kings or suphet), aristocratic (Senate) and democratic (people's assembly) systems" (Aristotle 1963, p. 11) characterized the political organization of Carthage. Its reputation for excellence seems to have been continually reaffirmed by authors in antiquity. An important characteristic of this ancient city was its cosmopolitan population that included Phoenicians, Greeks, Berbers, Iberians and others. Mixed marriages were frequent and widely contributed to the development of Carthage's specific civilization.

Unfortunately, because of the loss of Phoenician and Punic literature, we can only rely on Greco-Roman texts, that are patriarchal and biased sources *par excellence*, and do not inform about the participation of women in the Carthaginian city.

#### **Tunisian Female Figures in Antiquity**

Looking at Tunisia's historical milestones and democratic heritage, it is possible to believe in effective democracy in a Muslim country. The stelae in the Tophet of Carthage reveals that Carthaginian women enjoyed a degree of independence as they could exercise many professional activities and make sacrifices (Dridi 2006).

In this respect, Women's rights and democracy in Tunisia must be understood in the light of what Justin (1979) called the "female protection" when referring to Carthage, its "a-typical" history and long-standing involvement of women in the democratic process (Camau 1987; Krings 1994). Indeed, the historical destiny of modern Tunisia has to a certain extent been shaped by Elyssa, the founder of Carthage as well as other prominent female figures who have played important roles throughout the country's history.

However, because of its selective and patriarchal nature, history has kept only some examples of women who ended up being outstanding mythical figures. As well as Elyssa (879 BC), Sophonisbe1 (235 BC–203 BC); the Berber and warrior queen Dihia,2 also called Kahena (686–704 ADC); El Djâziya El Hilalia,3 (973–1148) the main hero of the hilaly epic; Saida Manoubia (1180–1257) known for her charity to the poor; Aziza Othmana4 (1606–1669) princess and protector of the poor and unfortunate have all influenced their times by their courage, intelligence, generosity and independence.

Since then, many other female figures, such as Fatima El Fehrya (also known as Oum al-banîn), founder of Al-qarawiyîn University in Fez (the oldest and still operating University in the world) and Tawhida Ben Cheikh the first woman doctor in the Arab world who founded the first hospital service providing family planning and birth control as well as the first clinic specializing in birth control, ensured that the issue of women rights in Tunisia remains a priority, more than in all the other counties in the Maghreb (Camau and Geisser 2004).

#### **Tahar Haddad and the Code of Personal Status**

Tahar Haddad, a trade unionist militant trained at the Great Mosque of Zitouna, conducted a socio-historic study of Tunisian society. His work shed light on a prestigious feminine past and the influence of the reformist movement of the nineteenth

<sup>1</sup>Daughter of the Carthaginian general Hasdrubal Gisco, Sophonisbe, she was renowned for her legendary beauty. She initiated the ties between Carthaginians and Numides by marrying King Syphax. Sophonisbe

<sup>2</sup>Zenet Berber warrior queen of the Aures who fought the Umayyads during the Islamic expansion in North Africa in the seventh century. She was a Berber warrior queen who unified the Amazigh tribes to counter Islamic invasions. She won two battles against Muslims and succeeded in reigning over the entire Ifriqiya for 5 years. She was the only woman in history to fight the Umayyad empire.

<sup>3</sup>Princess Jazia was probably the most important character of the tenth century. This heroine, whose beauty, sensuality and femininity were legendary, engaged in all male activities. Rider and warrior, poetess and adventurer, she was also a tragic character thanks to her feminine power and her love for Emir Dyab, her brave knight.

<sup>4</sup>She was a Tunisian princess belonging to the Beylical dynasty of the Muradites. Aziza Othmana, granddaughter of Sultan Othman Dey and wife of Hamouda Pasha. She freed slaves and war prisoners, offered all her property for charitable works and participated in the financing and building of the current Aziza Othmana Hospital.

century initiated by many defenders of the idea of modernism such as Kheireddine Pasha5 and Ibn Abi Dhiaf (Camau and Geisser 2004). Published in 1930, his book entitled "*Muslim Women in Law and Society*" drew attention to the need for changes for women in society, in line with a constantly evolving situation in the country. Tahar Haddad examined the condition of Muslim women and the main issues related to their emancipation (Sraieb 1999) and developed a program of societal reform, particularly through education for women. He advocated the liberation from the ancestral customs and traditions blocking Tunisian women from progressing. He also argued that that Islam was not an obstacle to their emancipation. In this respect, he invites the *Ulemas* (Muslim scholars) and legal experts to return to *Ijtihad* (independent reasoning to interpret the founding texts of Islam and reform Muslim law) to guarantee women's rights.

Admittedly, the enlightened and progressive ideas of Tahar Haddad encountered fierce opposition from *Ulemas* and were subject to a denigration campaign from conservative groups. Nevertheless, his work inspired those who designed and drafted the Code of Personal Status, issued on 13 August 1956 (Sraieb 1999). Today, he remains a contested figure and his grave was desecrated and his statue destroyed after the Tunisian Revolution.

#### **Women's Movement in Tunisia: From State Feminism…**

Following the independence movement that brought an end to the colonial protectorate, the first President of the Tunisian Republic, Habib Bourguiba, promulgated the Code of Personal Status (CPS) and launched a vast program to modernize society (Bessis 1999). This set of progressive laws included the right to divorce and the prohibition of polygamy, repudiation and forced marriage.6

Tunisian women first obtained the right to vote in 1959 and the right to abortion in 1973, giving Tunisian women unprecedented rights in the Arab world. However, it should be noted that the promotion of these rights was not solely thanks to Habib Bourguiba, but also supported by several women who had accompanied and assisted the national struggle for independence. It was during this struggle for the country's independence in the 1940s that they were given the opportunity to be actively militant. Several women of the Tunisian bourgeoisie participated in the national liberation movement by collecting donations for Tunisian resistance fighters, opening reception centers for children and most importantly demanding their rights to citizenship (Camau and Geisser 2004). However, once independence was achieved, they were immediately disillusioned by the establishment of a one-party political power that not only betrayed the causes for which it had long fought, but also blocked all initiatives for

<sup>5</sup>As early as 1868, Kheireddine Pasha wrote '*The Safest Way to Know the State of Nations*' in Arabic which argued that the future of Islamic civilization is linked to its modernization.

<sup>6</sup>Previously a bride's consent was not required, only her father's consent was deemed necessary.

democratization and emancipation. Habib Bourguiba made the best use of Tahar Haddad's enlightened ideas, which forged his image as the "father of the fatherland" and "liberator of Tunisian woman". It should however be noted that his policy sought to limit the social and political significance of Islam rather than to truly dissociate himself from the religious system that created patriarchal attitudes and gender-related stereotypes.

At that time, the CPS was considered a bold act in favor of gender equality in many areas but unfortunately its promises remained unfulfilled.

Habib Bourguiba's successor Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fueled ambiguity as to the place that women should occupy in society. He criticized what he saw as the "secular excesses" of his predecessor while glorifying Tunisia's Arab-Muslim identity, but nevertheless declared his attachment to the CPS following pressure from academics. "There will be no questioning or abandonment of what Tunisia has been able to achieve for the benefit of women and the family". (Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, cited by Mahfoudh and Mahfoudh 2014, translated from French).

In fact, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali sought to please both the modernists who wanted to maintain the CPS, a symbol of the country's modernity, and the conservatives who called for its revision. In the end, after some hesitation, he embraced both modernity and its contradictions by building, perhaps more than his predecessor, his reputation on his policy towards women (Bessis 1999). However, as he was not entirely committed to the women's cause and was rather more careful of the demands of the Islamists, he invalidated a series of decisions previously taken (Khiari 2003). This helped preserve the conservative mindset of a segment of Tunisian society strongly influenced by the rise of Islamism during the 1980s.

The principle of equality between men and women was nevertheless confirmed by the 1988 National Pact and the principle of a couples' joint family responsibility was introduced in 1993. Tunisia also ratified the United Nations Convention on the Prohibition of all Discrimination against Women. With the creation of the Centre for Research, Studies, Documentation and Information on Women and the creation of the Ministry of Women and Family Affairs, Tunisia has now structures dedicated to women defending their citizenship rights. Furthermore, the amended Labor Code has affirmed the principle of non-discrimination between men and women in all aspects of work (access to employment, equal pay), both in the public and private sectors.

Thus, having supported "a greatly varying feminism" the two leaders, Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, demonstrated political expediency (Khiari 2003). Habib Bourguiba, leading the way in the Arab World, promoted universal education and public health and created a true jurisprudence in terms of women's emancipation. However, his governing led to a real 'obstruction of politics', mainly by suppressing any hope for a democratic transition in Tunisia. Camau and Geisser (2004) draw attention to the inherent contradictions in his policy: both emancipative and moralizing, advocating new rules of behavior while allowing conservatism to persist, affirming equality between men and women but turning a blind eye to new forms of discrimination.

#### **…to Autonomous Feminism**

In the 1970s, women organized autonomous feminism under the banner "us by ourselves" and came together in the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (*Association Tunisienne des Femmes Democrates*) (ATFD). Unlike State feminism, embodied by the widely criticized National Union of Tunisian Women, the ATFD denounces and reports discriminations based on gender, patriarchy and social practices endured by women. This militant association also aims to deconstruct the "submissive Arab woman" stereotype (Mahfoudh and Mahfoudh 2014) and contests former President H. Bourguiba's status as the "liberator of Tunisian women". They believe he instrumentalized women rather than liberated them.

Admittedly, the State has always rendered the autonomous feminist movement invisible and hindered its action by taking credit for its gains. Thus, conservative political speeches, reported by newspapers, describe the freedom of Tunisian women as a gift from President Bourguiba and assert that women "did not fight to win their rights and therefore they do not weigh their value" (Mahfoudh and Mahfoudh 2014, translated from French). This is not a fair representation of the role of Tunisian women who actively engaged in the National Liberation Movement, with prominent figures such as Bchira Ben Mrad, founder of the first feminist movement in Tunisia in 1936, and Radhia Haddad, one of the first women parliamentarians in Tunisia. Other women including Dorra Bouzid, the first Tunisian woman journalist, also marked history with the publication of articles such as the "Appeal for the right to emancipation" (13 June 1955) and "Tunisian women are of age" (3 September 1956). The Fayza magazine, with the symbolic name meaning "winner" or "laureate" in Arabic, published between 1959 and 1969, was the first Frenchspeaking Arab-African women's magazine and as such has remained renowned.

#### **Revolution and Post-revolution: Political Divides**

The 'Jasmine Revolution' of 2011 helped citizens regain their rightful place and paved the way for democracy in Tunisia. But more importantly, it lifted the veil on the political regime and brought to light a politically divided and socially unegalitarian Tunisia. In this context, the CPS constantly resurfaced in debates and became a source of conflict between conservative and progressive parties on the future societal project for the country. Consequently, the political divide between those wishing to consolidate and maintain the in-progress modernist project initiated by former President Habib Bourguiba and those wishing to abolish the existing constitution and revise the CPS became clear.

Following the collapse of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's government, the Islamist Ennahda party won a plurality of votes in the first democratic election of the National Constituent Assembly and their first demand was to revise the CPS, which they considered to be an undesirable foreign import. The new constitution was an opportunity for them to call for conservative reforms, the application of *Sharia*, the creation of Koranic schools and the establishment of the Caliphate (Mahfoudh and Mahfoudh 2014). The tensions ran high and some went as far as negating the ancient pre-Islamic history of Tunisia and destroying in 2012 historical remains and monuments, even Islamic sacred sites (*zouias*).

In the wake of the 'Jasmine Revolution', many new associations were created by both autonomous feminist activists and by more conservative and religious groups of women who were persecuted (or the wives of persecuted men) during the rule of former Presidents Bourguiba and Ben Ali. The more extreme conservative groups rejected the country's modernist project, in particular the CPS they considered to be inconsistent with 'Arab-Muslim identity', and aspired to Islamize women and families through a patriarchal, archaic, misogynistic, violent and discriminatory discourse. Supported by the Islamist party in power, they organized public events where Wahhabi preachers from the Gulf States and Egypt were invited to promote cultural practices foreign to Tunisia such as female genital mutilation, the wearing of headscarves by young girls, the *niqab*, the separation of boys and girls at school and polygamous marriage. Fortunatly, given the anti-democratic nature of these events, the civil society mobilized to block them. It should be noted that many conservative associations are more moderate and support the achievements of the CPS and the democratic transition even if they do not prioritize women's rights.

The current Tunisian constitution, adopted on 26 January 2014 by the Tunisian Constituent Assembly, recognizes Islam as the religion of Tunisia but does not mention Islamic law as a source of law-making and enshrines parity between men and women in the political sphere. One of the great disappointments after the Revolution was the division of Tunisian women into conservative and progressive groups that do not defend the same values or the same project for society.

#### **Women in Civil Society**

It is interesting to observe that the emblematic female figures such as Elyssa, El Kahena and Saida Manoubia have been instramentalized not only to support the political agenda of progressive women committed to universal values, equality and women's rights but also by conservative women who support a 'pro-family' project without gender equality and women's rights in conformity with the instructions of *Sharia* (Ouanada 2017), becoming the voice of what is now referred to as 'Islamic feminism' (Siino 2012).

Despite this polarization, there seems to be a common desire among these women to occupy the public space through associative work, the only space not dominated by patriarchal power. They have also turned to social networks and civil society to counterbalance power, much like the women in eighteenth century French Salons, to find a way to exercise their influence.

During the 2011 elections for the National Constituent Assembly, progressive associations forced the principle of parity and alternation between men and women in electoral lists; this allowed Tunisia to be one of the countries in the world with a high rate of women parliamentarians. While there is parity in the number of women candidates, women were largely excluded from the top lists due to a biased voting system (Chékir 2012)*.* Furthermore, Tunisian women still encounter difficulties related to patriarchal attitudes that prevents them from accessing positions of responsibility in many areas (Elbouti 2018).

Overall, we can see that Tunisian women, while enjoying equal citizenship with men, still have to fight for legal, social and economic equality, which is strongly opposed by conservative groups. Although Tunisia can be proud of the significant steps it has taken towards education for all as well as the country's public policy in favor of the economic empowerment of women and their active participation in the economic sector, their representation in civil society still lags behind. Women represented 37% of employees in public service in 2016 and 46% of the total workforce, which is low compared to those of the G20 countries. Furthermore, Tunisian women represent approximately 60% of university students and educators at different levels of education (Chékir 2012) but are underrepresented in decision-making positions.

Gender-based discrimination in the workplace still exists, creating a glass ceiling that limits women's access to positions of power. Moreover, after the revolution of 2011, the unemployment rate of women with tertiary education reached alarming levels and reinforced the gender gap (Présidence du Gouvernement Tunisien, ONU Femmes & MAEDI 2017).

Under the government led by Beji Caïd Essebsi between 2014 and 2019, women gained the right to marry non-Muslim partners and a law protecting women from violence was adopted. A new inheritance bill guaranteeing equality was passed but as it opposed Quranic law, which specifies that women inherit only half as much as male relatives, it was severely criticized by the Islamist party and subjected to fierce debate.

In June 2018, the Tunisian Commission on Equality and Individual Freedoms, promoted the idea of harmonizing the country's legislation with international human rights standards and current trends in the human rights and public and individual freedoms agenda (Human rights watch 2019).

#### **Citizenship Education**

From 2010, citizenship education began to be the subject of multiple national and international initiatives in Tunisia (Mouhib 2019). Thus, as part of a joint initiative of the Tunisian Government, the Arab Institute for Human Rights, local NGOs and United Nations agencies, Tunisia has created school clubs on human rights and citizenship in 24 primary and secondary schools. The objective is to educate the Tunisian youth about their democracy and to disseminate the values and principles of human rights and citizenship, using participatory pedagogy through "citizenship projects" (UNESCO 2015).

The low participation of Tunisian youth in the 2011 and subsequent elections justifies the need and urgency of such initiatives. However, efforts are still required to adequately improve school curricula. As suggested by Zaoui (2016), the official high school curriculum includes 'learning to live together' and solidarity but youth and citizen participation in decision-making and political life is under-represented.

#### **Conclusion**

The corpus of progressive laws that were adopted over time in Tunisia helped to establish gender equality, allowing women to get a divorce more easily and banning forced marriages and polygamy. Thanks to the CPS, which evolved over the years, Tunisian women enjoy the highest status of any women in the Arab world. However, Tunisia's policies on women's rights and family rights are still based on a series of ambiguities and progressists struggle to break with the patriarchal order, facing resistance from conservative groups.

Along with the legacy of former president Habib Bourguiba central to the development of a post-independence state in which women have revolutionary rights, Tunisia has a long tradition of female independence activists and women's rights activists. This tradition, which capitalizes on a series of achievements and gains along with the synergy of a civil society, brings hope of an inclusive approach. In Tunisia, *res publica* is today no longer the privilege of men, quite the opposite, graduates to illiterate and poor women have moved into the public space.

Although Tunisia has long been seen as a pioneer for women's rights in the Arab world, the country is still torn between conservatives and progressives. In this respect, the fight for greater gender equality is no longer a legal matter but one where attitudes must be revolutionized.

In the private sphere, that Tauil (2018) considers as a political space, the genderbased distribution of home and care duties remains an issue around the world. She states that as long as there is no true equality in the private sphere, women will not be able to claim real gender equality in the public sphere (Tauil 2018).

In the current Tunisian context, there is a strong revival of conservatism, and an urgent need to emancipate women's rights in relation to 'Arab-Muslim identity', which traditionally assigns women to a lower legal status. Overall, we can see that the Tunisian government is cautious when it comes to the issues of women's status, as it fears fueling political polarization. Despite having made significant progress towards equality on legislative matters since the country's independence in 1956, resistance to true equality is expressed by many conservative Tunisians. Viewed as not bold enough for many women and too progressive by others, the Tunisian regime is attempting to navigate between these two groups who have different aspirations and do not share a collective project of modernity (Bessis 1999).

According to Charfi (2012), Tunisia should take into consideration the composition of society and build a democratic system which guarantees broad participation of all social categories. This democratic model should have the ambition to guarantee dignity, freedom, equality, social justice, solidarity, evolution, scientific, technical and artistic creativity. This ambition can be fulfilled only if they manage to liberate all capacities and potentialities present in civil society to allow creativity and social mobilization and political engagement (Charfi 2012). Hence the importance of citizenship education at national and global levels.

#### **References**

Aristotle. (1963). *Politica*. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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## **Part VI Europe and North America**

## **Chapter 11 Global Citizenship Education in Canada and the U.S.: From Nation-Centric Multiculturalism to Youth Engagement**

**Sarah Ranco, Alexis Gilmer, and Colleen Loomis**

**Abstract** This chapter examines the historical and current uses of global citizenship education (GCE) in Canada and the U.S. in public schools from primary through secondary levels, with attention to Canada as well as similarities and differences within and across the two countries. We assess how social and political contexts have influenced the definition and operationalization of multiculturalism, civic studies, and global studies in curricula, noting that the neo-liberal perspective has focused on making people an economic powerhouse rather than socially concerned global citizens. In our examination of educational approaches that relate to GCE, we present decolonizing pedagogies, the multiculturalism approach in Canada, as well as culturally responsive and anti-racist pedagogies. To illustrate these issues, we offer an example in the Canadian context and raise the need to prevent GCE from becoming yet another tool for hegemony by the Global North on the Global South, as dominant groups have long defined citizenship. We conclude by proposing that to realize GCE in these two countries, teacher/practitioner and local, national, and international actors must engage youth, and in doing so, power imbalances that prohibit becoming global citizens will be addressed.

**Keywords** Multiculturalism · Identity · Civic studies · Global studies

S. Ranco (\*)

Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
A. Gilmer University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Canada e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
#### C. Loomis Wilfrid Laurier University and Balsillie School of International Affairs, Waterloo, Canada e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
#### **Introduction: A History of Citizenship Education**

What it means to be Canadian or American has been shifting for nearly two centuries. Citizenship education, in contrast, has remained mostly nation-centric with little connection to other countries or to how local views are connected and interdependent to a global worldview. Citizenship curricula have been primarily focused on developing a national identity for primary and secondary school students. This inward attention helped establish the two countries as independent of the United Kingdom, but also contributed to slavery and the development of Indian Residential Schools, which forced Indigenous children's assimilation. Our review of how Global Citizenship Education (GCE) has been used reveals gaps that prevent it from contributing to establishing world peace, human rights, and equality, as well as most of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to be achieved by 2030 (United Nations 2015). Successfully meeting this international agenda depends on quality education (SDG 4) (Vladimirova and Le Blanc 2016), which, we argue, includes a perspective and implementation of GCE that transcends nationalism. While this chapter pays particular attention to how GCE and other educational pedagogies play out in the Canadian context, examples and histories from the U.S. are interwoven throughout and act as points of comparison.

We begin with an understanding of the tragedies, limitations and accomplishments of previous educational conceptualizations related to GCE in Canada and the U.S. One of the main goals of citizenship education in many countries is to create an allegiance to the nation-state. It was in the eighteenth century when Immanuel Kant introduced the idea of the cosmopolitan citizen who valued an interconnected community across the globe (Evans et al. 2009; Nussbaum 2010). During this period, public schooling was an appealing concept, which focused on teaching national citizenship through a national language, civic values, and national history. Additionally, students from working-class families were expected to use this education to understand and maintain their position in social hierarchies. This process resulted in those in power, shaping the minds of future society to serve their ends and retain control over cultural and ideological narratives (Osborne 2000). This selective approach to citizenship has also been used to oppress marginalized populations. For example, while slaves in both countries built the economies and industries, they were not considered citizens by the dominant group and did not have the right to vote or to obtain an education. The abolition of slavery (1834 in Canada and 1865 in the U.S.) did not grant full citizenship rights. This skewed understanding of citizenship continues to impact contemporary educational systems in both countries through the structuring of school curricula.

Since formation, Canada and the U.S. have developed and imposed a nationcentric education curriculum. In the mid-1800s, both countries established Native American boarding schools and Indian Residential Schools. This schooling forced assimilation and striped Indigenous children of their culture intending to turn them into a colonialist rendition of Canadian citizens (Osborne 2000). Indigenous children were removed from their homes, forbidden to speak their native languages, and subjected to physical labor and abuse. Many children died in these residential schools. In the U.S., the passage of the 1975 Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act was the beginning of protecting native languages and tribal involvement in education. In Canada, residential schools continued to operate until 1996, and in 2008, the Canadian government made a Statement of Apology to former students. Although considerable work remains to ensure culturally relevant, quality education for all Indigenous Peoples, the inclusion of more than the national languages in schools (English and French in Canada and English in the U.S.) is starting to be found in both countries. While not yet universal, Indigenous languages, practices and beliefs are present in some pre-primary through postsecondary education systems. Diversifying school content can have many tangible benefits for students. For example, Canada's use of heritage languages in schools improves learning outcomes for pupils (Cummins 1992) and contributes to the agenda of multicultural education by exposing all children to multiple languages. However, despite a review finding that multilingualism is associated with increased learning (e.g., Akkari and Loomis 1998), the U.S. has an ongoing and protracted debate about the use of languages other than English for instructional purposes, and beyond. The history of education as nation-centric and assimilationist has been pervasive.

The beginning of citizenship education itself in the U.S. could be situated in the act of assimilating all individuals living in America into the Anglo-Saxon culture (Banks 2008, 2009). Legal qualifications for citizenship provided the backdrop to schooling on the topic. In the late 1800s to early 1900s non-immigrant white men who owned property were the only citizens allowed to vote. No others had these privileges and rights, including white male immigrants. The history of the Amendments to the U.S. Constitution on voting and citizenship rights are many and varied, so we note only a few. The 14th Amendment (1868) guaranteed citizenship to all male persons born or naturalized in the United States. The 15th (1870) required states to accept votes regardless of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude." Women were not allowed to vote until 1920 (19th Amendment) and in the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act guaranteed the right to citizenship and voting for all Native Americans. Despite Amendments, from 1870 for the next 95 years, some states denied access to voting to racialized groups. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 protected voter registration for racial minorities; however, it was not until 1984 that all U.S. states counted all women's votes, including racialized and Indigenous. In 1918, Canadian women who were proxies for men (e.g., by being wives or sisters) or servants in war, such as nurses, had the right to vote. It was not until 1960 that Canadian women (white, racialized, and Indigenous) obtained the right to vote.

With mass immigration in both countries, immigrants were taught to be shameful of their home culture, family, and language (Banks 2009). For example, Mexican-Americans were punished for speaking Spanish within the classroom (Banks 2008). However, in the late 1960s, the report, An Examination of Objectives, Needs and Priorities in International Education in United States Secondary Schools (written by Becker and Andersen 1969 as cited by Cook 2008) directed more attention towards international education that was initially conceptualized as learning about other cultures and languages. Additionally, the ethnic revitalization, freedom movement, and civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s saw advocacy for cultural democracy and demanded institutions become more inclusive of needs across ethnicity (Banks 2008, 2009).

It is generally accepted that "global education" was first termed in 1975 by Hanvey as the following five elements: perspective consciousness, knowledge of world conditions, cross-cultural awareness, global systems dynamics, and knowledge of choices (Cook 2008). Kniep (1986) redefined the field, distinguishing four main features: the study of human values, global systems, global issues and problems and global history. In Canada, major national issues including the Quiet Revolution in Quebec and claims by Indigenous Peoples for land rights in the second half of the twentieth century opened an avenue to increase interest in citizenship education. Students learned about the complex cultural identity of Canada, including Anglo-Francophone relations, relations between Canada and the U.S., and the history of displacement of Indigenous Peoples (Evans et al. 2009). Indeed, the first expressions of what would become global education took place with a series of educational Royal Commission Reports in the late 1960s to early 1970s (Cook 2008). According to Cook (2008), the Hall-Dennis Report published in 1969 in Ontario was most influential, which advocated for large-scale education changes in Canada.

Furthermore, the movement toward international development, from 1960 to 1970 in Canadian schools, led to a greater focus on global citizenship. Reflective of these shifts, from the 1970s to 1990s, there was significant momentum towards GCE in Canada, with the development of new theories, methods, and models of teaching. Also, by the mid-1970s, there was an expansion of federal support and funding for development aid such as through the funding of the Canadian University Service Overseas, and the establishment of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA; Cook 2008). By the mid-1980s, CIDA placed pressure on provincial ministries to sanction global education in the mandated curriculum, as CIDA was funding global education across Canada (Cook 2008). However, since the curriculum is provincially mandated rather than federally, there is no consistent mandate involving the inclusion or emphasis on GCE across provinces and territories within Canada (Evans et al. 2009). As such, while post-secondary educators were advocating for a unified education approach, mandated curriculum was much slower in incorporating global citizenship into Canadian public schools (Mundy and Manion 2008). While the creation of a civics course in 1999 demonstrated a need for citizenship training within public education systems (Cook 2008), by the mid-1990s, global education had begun to lose momentum and was primarily shifted to post-secondary education.

#### **Global Citizenship Education Since 2000**

In the U.S., GCE tends to be taught in social studies classes and is often underrepresented in the curriculum (Rapoport 2009). A study by Rapoport (2010) found that GCE was not mentioned in textbooks, nor were teachers familiar with the content. Additionally, teachers felt that they did not have time to cover the topic and that they required more significant support to teach GCE appropriately. Finally, teachers noted that it would be useful if GCE were mentioned in curriculum standards. Myers (2010) conducted a study of a five-week international studies program focusing on globalization and global citizenship which suggests that students recognized two themes connected to the purpose of global citizenship as (a) a moral commitment to improving the world, and (b) requiring legal status. Additionally, the students in Myers's study defined a global citizen as a natural condition of all human beings, but one that required specific characteristics, such as a commitment to bettering the world. These studies showcase that while teachers may not feel confident teaching GCE material in the U.S., in some cases, students can still develop an understanding of global issues and citizenship.

Like the U.S., GCE in Canada is typically taught in social studies-related courses and differences are vast because the curriculum is provincially mandated. In the early 2000s, global education began to receive more support from Canadian government actors, particularly from those working on elementary curricula (Mundy and Manion 2008). In 2001, a report entitled Education for Peace, Human Rights, Democracy, International Understanding, and Tolerance, was released by the Council of Ministers of Education Canada, which described themes of GCE (Evans et al. 2009). Although policies were increasing, GCE was still not well represented in the classroom. Components of GCE can be found scattered across provincial curricula, typically within social studies courses (Evans et al. 2009).

Indeed, a curriculum analysis across seven provinces, suggesting that the extent to which GCE is addressed in the mandatory curriculum is quite variable. For example, while the provinces Alberta, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, and Yukon have mandated a specific grade in which students learn about global issues, Ontario and Quebec curricula mention GCE themes but do not place a strong focus on these issues. Additionally, while most officials agree that GCE should be a mandatory part of curricula, it is up to the teachers' discretion to incorporate the content (Mundy and Manion 2008). From teachers' perspectives this is problematic, since provincial curricula do not provide enough support or context for introducing GCE into the classroom (Mundy and Manion 2008; Schweisfurth 2006). However, some teachers have felt that the Ontario curriculum has provided ample opportunity to discuss global issues, and they had no problem finding space to incorporate these topics (Schweisfurth 2006). This experience implies that the incorporation of GCE in Canadian classrooms often requires motivation at the individual teacher level and without it, global issues may not be discussed.

Research shows a need for professional development for teachers in GCE. Although programs exist for teaching candidates to develop their understanding of global citizenship and how to interpret this in the classrooms, these programs are voluntary and thus, not all teacher candidates will access such experiences. In a study of 29 Grade six teachers, Leduc (2013) found that while teachers were discussing similar social justice concepts related to global citizenship, there was an identified need to improve the quality of GCE preparation for teachers. For example, McLean (2008) evaluated a program in Ontario consisting of events such as

weekend retreats, conferences, and resource fairs, and found that the most likely candidates were women with previous education in peace and global education. Identified barriers to teaching GCE included minimal support from supervising teachers, lack of confidence in the material, and difficulty integrating GCE material into curriculum guidelines. Many non-mandated resources have been developed in Canada to aid educators teaching GCE such as the guide CIDA developed in 2007 titled the Global Classroom Initiative (Evans et al. 2009) and Educating for Global Citizenship in a Changing World: A Teacher's Resource Handbook (Evans et al. 2004). Resources such as these can help prepare teachers for conveying GCErelated topics not focused on in provincially mandated curriculum and act as needed supports that complement the training of teachers in service.

We acknowledge that GCE curricula sit within the context of globalization and are influenced in North America by the neo-liberal perspective focused on making people economic contributors, rather than global citizens, in both countries (Andreotti 2014; Hartung 2017). Although conceptualizations of Canada tend to characterize the country as not focused on being an economic powerhouse, educational reform in the 1990s mandated that curricula must address "perceived economic priorities" (Osborne 1992, p. 375). These policies have been revised, rewritten and now re-introduced, most recently in the province of Ontario. Within this political context, in addition to training a workforce, we note that Canada is a reference for promoting cultural tolerance within the nation, although not (yet) globally, and that this work is being implemented through different educational approaches related to GCE.

#### **Teaching Global Citizenship**

Moving past the rationales and history contextualizing GCE development in the U.S. and Canada, we turn to how educators are teaching global citizenship in schools. Broadly, global citizenship has been defined as "awareness, caring, and embracing cultural diversity, while promoting social justice and sustainability, coupled with responsibility to act" (Pierce et al. 2010, p. 167). Osborne (2000) suggests that citizenship education from a national perspective involves seven main elements: a sense of identity, awareness of and respect for the rights of others, the fulfillment of duties, critical acceptance of social values, political literacy, necessary academic skills, and personal reflection on these components. While there is a general agreement that educating youth is essential to citizenship, there are disagreements regarding how citizenship should be taught within the education system. For example, in Canada, some argue that the most impartial way to teach citizenship is to provide information on the debates surrounding Canada's national history, such as injustices faced by Indigenous Peoples, and Anglo- versus Franco-identities, while others have argued that instead, GCE should focus on character and service to ensure social stability (Osborne 2000).

Teaching global citizenship has also been informed by traditional citizenship education, borrowing five main themes: a familiarity of related concepts; an identification with civic communities; an understanding of civil, political, socioeconomic, and cultural rights; personal reflexivity regarding citizen thinking; and an identification with values that lead to engagement in civic affairs (Evans et al. 2009). Furthermore, an analysis by Goren and Yemini (2017) suggests that between the two countries there are differences in how GCE is framed, as well as the dominant themes focused on by educators. For example, they highlight how Canadian GCE teaching strategies have focused on multiculturalism, immigration, and promoting tolerance, while U.S. approaches have focused on world political changes, understanding the global world, and maintaining the country's status of "world leader."

#### **Educational Pedagogies Related to GCE**

Beyond core curricula components and themes, GCE also merges with the educational pedagogies that influence school systems. Many GCE approaches advocate for world-mindedness, cross-cultural awareness, respect for the rights of others, and a social justice-oriented approach (Cook 2008; Eidoo et al. 2011; Evans et al. 2009; Osborne 2000). These values are especially relevant for the U.S. and Canada given the diversity of their populations, the complex intersections of race, ethnicity and culture, as well as the need to acknowledge and respond to legacies of colonization and systemic injustices. However, dominant, Eurocentric groups have long held the privilege of defining citizenship and structuring education systems to reflect their perspectives (Andreotti 2014; Young 1989). This context and history have resulted in the development of several educational approaches.

The importance of these pedagogies as they relate to GCE becomes apparent when you consider how GCE is currently taught in schools. Most GCE in public schools is woven into pre-existing subjects, such as social studies and civics, rather than existing as stand-alone course content (Orr and Ronayne 2009; Rapoport 2009). This lack of an explicit place in curriculum standards leaves educators with minimal institutional support for teaching GCE, many of whom may already be unfamiliar with the topic as it is, which consequently can lead to teachers postponing GCE education in favor of required content or presenting a superficial understanding of GCE packaged into more familiar concepts (Leduc 2013; Rapoport 2009, 2010). For example, while the curriculum in Ontario, Canada provides many opportunities to discuss global citizenship, there is no emphasis on the topic when compared to other curricular demands. As such, only those who choose to prioritize GCE may seek out opportunities to integrate it into their classes (Schweisfurth 2006). Because contemporary GCE is mostly unstructured in the curricula, and it is subject to the knowledge and dedication of individual teachers, the pedagogies that inform educational systems can help support GCE and promote similar values. While present in both countries to differing degrees, the following pedagogical approaches are presented mainly within the Canadian context and include decolonizing pedagogies, a multiculturalism approach, as well as culturally responsive and anti-racist pedagogies.

#### *Decolonial Pedagogies*

Decolonizing pedagogies highlight the White, Eurocentric agenda of contemporary education systems, while also calling to attention their modes of colonization. As conceptualized by Orr and Ronayne (2009), where they refer to decolonial education as Indigeneity education, four elements are needed to promote Indigenous values within citizenship education. These include: Indigenous Traditionalism (the return to traditional Indigenous values); Harmony with Mother Earth (the defense of Indigenous land and focus on the significance of the environment); Indigenous selfdetermination (through decolonizing colonial mindsets, repositioning issues in ways that are relevant to Indigenous Peoples, and taking back control of decisions that have been made oppressive); and People to People and Nation to Nation (recognizing the importance of peace between Peoples and nations). Orr and Ronayne argue that many GCE initiatives still uphold the colonial harm of dominant cultures and as such, may not always be a suitable approach in education. Focusing on Canada, their research concludes that while Band-operated schools (i.e., schools that are under the political jurisdiction of First Nations governments) tend to be supported by policies that facilitate the inclusion of Indigenous knowledge, provincial education policies are currently structured such that teaching these four pillars of Indigeneity is left to the discretion of teachers. This absence of a system makes it difficult for all Canadian students to be exposed to Indigenous issues in school, resulting in recommendations for more support from school boards and teacher education institutions so that schools can collaborate with Indigenous organizations to promote a decolonial framework.

#### *Multiculturalism*

In Canada, provincial curricula have been endorsing a multiculturalism approach since the 1970s, with a focus on embracing cultural diversity (Raby 2004). Multiculturalism seeks to highlight differences among groups in positive ways but often takes an apolitical, ahistorical stance, opting instead for a focus on celebration and an assumption of an egalitarian society where all groups are treated equally (Kishimoto 2018). While this approach may have been developed to promote empathy and acceptance, it has suffered from many shortcomings. Educational strategies that exclusively focus on celebrating culture run the risk of de-politicizing racism discourse, homogenizing cultures to create "us" versus "them" binaries, as well as reinforcing harmful power structures and the continual centering of White experience (Bedard 2000; Eidoo et al. 2011; Kishimoto 2018; Raby 2004). Eidoo et al. (2011) argue that GCE is already strongly linked to a multiculturalism approach because global education is seen to be inherent in cultural education. This link means that GCE can be susceptible to the same critiques leveled against multiculturalism, whereby a superficial focus on the similarities of individuals can ignore realities of power dynamics and oppression as well as support an underlying neoliberal, Eurocentric bias (Andreotti 2014; Eidoo et al. 2011; Hartung 2017). However, a GCE framework done critically can contribute to a stronger version of the multicultural approach by providing a nuanced understanding of settlement, immigration and pluralistic identities by acknowledging and addressing the dynamics between marginalized and dominant cultures (Eidoo et al. 2011).

#### *Culturally Responsive Pedagogy*

An alternative educational approach that is finding traction is Culturally Responsive Pedagogy, which focuses on respecting and understanding the complexities of student difference as well as integrating a student's prior knowledge and experience into the classroom (Gay 2000; Ladson-billings 1995; Ontario Ministry of Education 2013). Culturally responsive teaching is closely tied to youth engagement through its commitment to having students view themselves as valuable contributors to their communities, as well as its promotion of student empowerment by having youth use their experiences and culture to foster positive environments (Grant and Asimeng-boahene 2006; Ladson-billings 1995). Connecting culturally responsive pedagogy back to GCE, this approach has been directly linked to GCE by researchers in the U.S. as they explored the incorporation of African proverbs into citizenship education curriculum for urban schools, as a way of encouraging educators to implement teaching strategies that reflect the cultural traditions of their students (Grant and Asimeng-boahene 2006). Furthermore, culturally responsive pedagogy has a social justice-oriented standpoint that emphasizes the use of teaching to promote student equity, which is similar to anti-racist educational approaches.

#### *Anti-racist Pedagogy*

Given the limitations of the multiculturalism approach, some scholars have argued for the incorporation of anti-racist pedagogy into educational systems. Informed by Critical Race Theory, an anti-racist approach requires a political stance, aligning itself with social justice by critically reflecting on the power dynamics and institutional contributions that sustain racism (Kishimoto 2018; Raby 2004). The integration of an anti-racist approach provides the opportunity for a deeper engagement with concepts such as racism and seeks to diversify our understandings of race, nationhood and what it means to be a national citizen, using history and critical

analysis to illustrate how these concepts have been shaped to benefit dominant groups (Bryan 2012; Dei 2000; Kishimoto 2018; Raby 2004; Skerrett 2011). Research has shown that there is support among teachers for a stronger focus on anti-racism approaches, but there is currently a lack of structural support from schools for promoting anti-racist education (Skerrett 2011).

The aforementioned educational strategies all seek to center diversity in one way or another with culturally responsive pedagogy and anti-racism taking explicitly political stances towards a social justice orientation, thus connecting to fundamental core values of GCE (illustrated next).

#### **Case Example: Racialized Students' Relationship to Canadian Curricula**

When implementing GCE into public schools, educators need to be attuned to the diversity of their students and actively seek to understand and ameliorate the power dynamics and oppression marginalized students face in mainstream education. Not doing so means that you run the risk of not just reducing the efficacy of your teachings but, more importantly, contributing to the systemic-based harm students experience in school. A one-size-fits-all approach to GCE only serves to gloss over these issues, reduces students' critical engagement in their learning, and does a disservice to the core values GCE claims to uphold. As an example of the problems with not addressing core biases and generalizations, we turn to the Canadian school system and its contributions to perpetuating racism towards racialized students.

The Canadian public education system continues to be limited by its inability to work for all students, mainly being influenced by a White, Eurocentric curriculum at the cost of marginalized students (Dei et al. 2000; Kishimoto 2018; Parhar and Sensoy 2011; Zinga and Gordon 2016). Education has a direct impact on the lives of many people, and it continues to be a factor helping to produce and maintain racism in society (Bryan 2012). For instance, being in a school space can expose racialized students to acts of racism or negative stereotyping by peers or staff, where experiences of discrimination are linked to adverse academic and psychosocial outcomes for youth (Codjoe 2001; Deutsch and Jones 2008; Livingstone and Weinfeld 2017). Additionally, the existence of institutional racism in Canadian schools has been well-documented, where racialized youth are often subjected to exclusionary educational practices, misrepresentation, and having their experiences challenged while those from dominant groups are recognized (Codjoe 2001; Parhar and Sensoy 2011; Zinga and Gordon 2016).

These issues can be compounded by narrow, individualized understandings of racism, which allow for systemic or subtle racism to be downplayed or denied (Bryan 2012; Raby 2004; Zinga and Gordon 2016). The negative effects of this conceptualization become apparent when youth engage in discussions about racism. In two separate studies documenting Ontario secondary students' perceptions of

racism in their schools, Zinga and Gordon (2016) and Raby (2004) found that students denied or downplayed racist incidents in their school environment, even while providing examples of racism. This tendency was the case for the majority of all the students, although racialized students were overall more aware and open to discussing racism than their peers. Furthermore, students in both studies often attributed racist events to individual factors without acknowledging or perceiving connections to systemic racism. It is because of this pervasiveness of racism, and its negative effects on students, that the education system needs to adopt educational frameworks that openly acknowledge these concerns and seek to rectify the situation with more responsible and intentional pedagogical approaches.

One way to implement anti-racist education into schools, as well as promote youth engagement, is through youth-adult partnerships that focus on social justice and power. Previous research has acknowledged that youth care about their school environment because many of them spend a large part of their lives in educational settings and they seek to be included in decision-making processes related to equity (Checkoway 2011). Some partnerships between youth and adults have helped spur on GCE-related dialogues in educational settings by developing community events and awareness campaigns that center on racism and human rights (Cooper et al. 2013). School-based partnerships is a research area in its infancy, with studies still trying to identify core elements for successfully implementing and sustaining these groups in authority-driven school settings (Cooper et al. 2013; Deutsch and Jones 2008; Linds et al. 2013). The above illustration leads us to broaden the conceptualization of GCE to engaging youth as a means for realizing global peace, human rights and equity.

#### **Youth Engagement**

We reason that in the U.S. and Canada the most effective approach to GCE is through youth engagement, which can be broadly conceptualized as involving young people in their institutions, communities and decisions (Checkoway and Gutiérrez 2006). Western discourses on GCE are already closely linked to the concept of youth engagement (Hartung 2017), and act as a way of combatting common public perceptions of youth as unmotivated in civic engagement or failing to contribute to political activities (Ballard et al. 2016; Youniss et al. 2002). Barring youth from contributing to major decisions that affect their lives has often been justified by characterizing them as lacking expertise or an understanding of the negative impacts of ill-informed decisions (Blanchet-Cohen et al. 2013; Bulling et al. 2013). When negative messages are disseminated from authority-level adults, these beliefs can become internalized by young people, reducing their capacity to see themselves as agents of change in their own lives and contributing to their disengagement (Checkoway 2011; Checkoway and Gutiérrez 2006; Finn 2001). Citing a lack of competency and initiative to justify excluding youth only further contributes to their isolation, preventing opportunities to develop competencies and discouraging young

people from seeking out involvement (Bulling et al. 2013). GCE's focus on youth engagement contrasts this perception by representing youth as responsible, democratic members of the world who can meaningfully contribute to the social and political arenas in which they have been typically excluded (Hartung 2017).

The outcomes of youth engagement can be seen at the local level in organizations and communities that provide opportunities for meaningful youth involvement. Young people are in the best position to understand their rapidly evolving world, including how it intersects with advancements in technology and social media. As such, their involvement in political and social spheres can provide valuable insights, increase youths' sense of community and allow young people to act as agents of change, positively impacting both themselves and community development (Checkoway and Gutiérrez 2006; Perkins et al. 2001; Wong et al. 2010; Zeldin et al. 2005; Zimmerman et al. 2011). In school settings, involving youth in decisionmaking processes have contributed to the sustainability and long-term impacts of school-based programming (Menesini et al. 2012; Paluck et al. 2016), as well as fostered students' relationships with influential adults (Mitra 2004; Wong et al. 2010). Transformative youth-adult relationships, such as those developed out of these opportunities for youth engagement, can also be a resource for well-being acting as a protective factor against psychological and social problems, especially among marginalized youth (Sterrett et al. 2011; Ungar 2013). At a broader level, youth participation has been shown to increase public knowledge and encourage future democratic action (Zeldin et al. 2013). Researchers have proposed that how older generations conceptualize political engagement may no longer be relevant, with a growing interest by youth in unconventional forms of civic participation and a willingness to mobilize for issues directly related to their generation, such as environmental justice, educational reform, and internet laws (Ballard et al. 2016; Checkoway et al. 2005; Shaw-Raudoy and Mcgregor 2013; Youniss et al. 2002). The widescale impacts of these types of issues link youth engagement in these areas to the tenants of GCE discussed previously in this chapter.

As an example of the effects of youth engagement at the global level we turn to immigrant-led youth movements in the U.S. that engage in border activism. Primarily organized by Latino youth, young people have been advocating for the rights of undocumented immigrants and protesting the militarization of the U.S.- Mexico border through large-scale protests, developing national activist networks, sit-ins along the border and at immigration offices, as well as public demonstrations of undocumented youth crossing the border back into the U.S. (Burridge 2010; Ribero 2018; Solis 2018; Zimmerman 2011). Furthermore, these movements are situated within an era flooded with technology, where social media can play a significant role in broadening the impacts of social movements by facilitating the creation of support networks as well as the dissemination of non-dominant discourses (Mundt et al. 2018). In our current example, youth have been utilizing technology in novel ways to encourage the public to reconceptualize citizenship. Young people are using social media platforms to get their voices into the discussion, while the internet provides opportunities for organizing by building up advocacy networks nationally and across the globe (Zimmerman 2011). By focusing on international

human rights, nation-imposed borders, and immigration justice, youth-led border activism acts as an exemplar for how youth engagement can be scaled up to influence conceptualizations of citizenship as well as address multinational issues.

A crucial component for meaningful youth participation is having supportive adults acting as resources and allies, thus making youth-adult partnerships a vehicle for youth engagement (Shaw-Raudoy and Mcgregor 2013; Zeldin et al. 2013). Youth-adult partnerships involve multiple youth and adults collectively working together over time to promote social justice (Zeldin et al. 2013), which connects with the core tenants of GCE. While many partnership best practices can be found in the literature, we want to highlight the need for additional considerations when working with marginalized youth, where social and political contexts may make collaborative environments unsafe. For example, while racialized youth want to be involved in participatory projects, adults need to be critically aware of power dynamics and willing to invest more effort to gain trust, build relationships and secure buy-in (Fine et al. 2003; Ginsburg et al. 2002; Wong et al. 2010). Furthermore, while youth engagement in GCE may have the potential to foster innovation and empowerment, it comes with several unique challenges. One barrier, found in partnerships, involves a misguided understanding of power-sharing dynamics.

Given that adults often come in with a disproportionate amount of power, members may fall into the trap of believing that to be equitable with power-sharing youth must do everything of importance. This misperception limits adults' ability to collaborate effectively and places the burden of responsibility on youth (Camino 2005; Evans and Lund 2013; Shaw-Raudoy and Mcgregor 2013). Another barrier is that the youth engagement field is new and lacks long-established research and practice base. As such, many institutions, such as education systems, view youth engagement, and their ensuring partnerships, as modern concepts and are reluctant to invest resources into them (Zeldin et al. 2005). Finally, properly doing youth engagement requires adequate time and flexibility (Shaw-Raudoy and Mcgregor 2013), which can conflict with the rigid structures and time limitations of a school environment. While difficult, addressing these challenges may help avoid common pitfalls or mitigate some of their harmful effects.

#### **Conclusion**

We began with an overview of the political, social, and historical contexts that have shaped how GCE is conceptualized and taught in Canada and the U.S. Given the lack of well-defined, supported curricula for global citizenship, an overview is instead provided of educational pedagogies that incorporate core GCE tenants. Components of GCE can be found in decolonial pedagogies, multiculturalism approaches, as well as anti-racist and culturally responsive pedagogies. From there, we recommend that GCE in Canada and the U.S. shift towards a youth engagement approach in the form of youth-adult partnerships. While challenges exist for promoting meaningful youth engagement, incorporating youth voice into the implementation of GCE holds the potential to increase the impact, relevance and sustainability of global citizenship curricula. If Canada and the U.S. were to move forward with incorporating youth engagement into GCE, it would need to be an intentional effort demonstrated by institutional support through the provision of clear guidelines, comprehensive resources, and adequate training for educators.

We agree with Akkari & Maleq (Chap. 1, this volume) that GCE can only be realized by applying, in ways adapted to local contexts, the three distinctive frameworks of education: sustainable development, citizenship education, and intercultural education. We also observe that these frameworks can contribute to realizing many of the SDGs. We argue for GCE curricula to focus on addressing gender equality (SDG 5), reduced inequalities (SDG 10), and partnerships (SDG 17) across countries, within countries and across the generations, particularly with youth. We propose that youth engagement is a critical factor in rendering GCE relevant to local contexts as well as to the international sustainable development agenda.

When developing a GCE curriculum for Canada or the U.S., we suggest considering the following questions. How will the learning objectives influence more broadly the next generation of voters, policymakers, politicians, and world leaders on issues such as gender equality, poverty, and social justice? Will GCE build borders around nationality and citizenship or will it build bridges across countries that support the mobility inherent to global trade? From a global worldview, what is the relation between mobility, immigration, migration, peace and security? A highquality GCE will address these questions, and many others, including the role that citizenship plays in governing nations (for more information see *Globalizing Citizenship* by Kim Rygiel 2010). While we suggest the pathway of youth engagement for Canada and the U.S., it is critical that any future GCE conceptualizations move from a traditional nation-centric stance to one that fully embraces and supports the "global" in global citizenship.

#### **References**

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## **Chapter 12 Global Citizenship Education in European Multicultural Contexts: Opportunities and Challenges**

**Myriam Radhouane and Kathrine Maleq**

**Abstract** Deep societal changes resulting from globalization, increased cultural and ethnic diversity and the expansion of ICT (information and communication technology) have generated interest in the concept of global citizenship resulting in a growing body of literature on global citizenship education (GCE).