8 The discursive perspectives emphasize the symbolic dimension of the concept of "masculinity", formulated within a multidimensional understanding of gender. Any specification of hegemonic masculinity usually involves the formulation of cultural ideals; however, it should be considered only as a cultural norm. Gender relations are also constituted through political practices, including wage labor, housework, and child care, as well as through thoughtless routine actions [19].

9 The multidimensional model of sustainability is adopted, highlighting its social, ethical, economic and legal-political dimensions. Namely, the social dimension shelters the fundamental rights that depend on public and non-excludable policies. The ethical dimension, in turn, dispenses with empathic solidarity, concerned with interpersonal support and assistance. The economic dimension informs those productive relations must be guided by anti-discriminatory principles. And the legal-political dimension points to the need to guarantee the well-being of present and future generations. Such dimensions are intertwined and interdependent. Therefore, for there to be sustainability necessary [20].

### **Author details**

Veyzon Campos Muniz1,2

1 University of Coimbra (UC), Portugal

2 Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS), Brazil

\*Address all correspondence to<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

### **References**

[1] Cardoso AR. Female Work in Portugal: Valuing Women in the Economy or Valuing the Economy with Women? CITE; 1997. p. 33

[2] Costa S, Santos SM. Stereotype of Women in Portugal and its Relationship with Sexual Discrimination at Work. CITE; 1997. p. 12

[3] Marks S. The human right to development: Between rhetoric and reality. Harvard Human Rights Journal. 2004;**v**:17

[4] Nieto M. El derecho al desarrollo como derecho humano. CODHEM; 2001. p. 60

[5] Piovesan F. Right to Development. II International Colloquium on Human Rights. PUC/SP; 2002. p. 6

[6] UN. Vienna Declaration and Program of Action. 1993. http:// www.oas.org/dil/port/1993%20 Declara%C3%A7%C3%A3o%20 e%20Programa%20de%20 Ac%C3%A7%C3%A3o%20adoptado%20 pela%20Confer%C3%Ance%20 World%20from%20Vienna%20 about%20%20HumanRights%20in%20 June%20from%201993.pdf

[7] UN. Discrimination against women. Information Sheet on Human Rights. 2004;**22**:19-39

[8] Arendt H. The Human Condition. Forense; 2003. p. 17

[9] Facchi A. Brief History of Human Rights. Loyola; 2011. p. 87

[10] Cisne M. Feminism and marxism: Theoretical-political notes to address social inequalities. Serviço Social

& Sociedade 2018;**132**:211-230. DOI: 10.1590/0101-6628.138

[11] Gouges O. Declaration of the rights of women and citizens [1791]. International Interdisciplinary Journal Interthesis. 2007;**4**(1):2

[12] Nussbaum M. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge Press; 2000. p. 35

[13] ILO. Report V – Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: From Commitment to Action. BIT; 2012. p. 7

[14] Nussbaum M, Sen A. The Quality of Life. Clarendon Press; 1993. p. 3

[15] Sucasas A. Women's Equality at Work Can Generate 27.2 Trillion Reais in Profits. 2017. https://brasil. elpais.com/brasil/2017/01/27/ cultura/1485512033\_886853.html

[16] Nussbaum M. Capabilities as fundamental entitlements: Sen and social justice. 2017. http://www. lse.ac.uk/humanRights/aboutUs/ articlesAndTranscripts/Constitutions\_ and\_Capabilities.pdf

[17] Nussbaum M. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge Press; 2001. p. 5

[18] Duarte F. New Law Forces Companies to Expose the Difference between men's and women's Wages in the UK. 2017. http://www.bbc.com/ portuguese/geral-39515235

[19] Connell RW, Messerschmidt JW. Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender and Society. 2005;**19**:829-859

[20] Freitas J. Sustainability: Right to the Future. Fórum; 2012. p. 53

[21] Donaggio A, Midori F. The Value of a Woman in the Labor Market. 2017. http://epoca.globo.com/economia/ noticia/2017/07/o-valor-de-uma-mulherno-mercado-de-trabalho.html?utm

Section 4

## The Body That Performs

#### **Chapter 11**

## Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women

*Vani Tendenan*

#### **Abstract**

This paper offers the perspective of dance as a manifestation of body resistance so as to produce a theological and practical basis for voicing and fighting violence against women in Indonesia. The author chooses dance as a resistance medium with a feminist dimension because dance has a relational character that forms a connection to the existence of the body and is open to shape each individual's experience, including the reality of suffering. Some of the theories that will be used are dance theory from Kimerer L. LaMothe and ritual theory from Roy A. Rappaport. The two perspectives will have a constructive dialog to show dance as an embodiment of defense against violence against women. This paper is divided into several sub-topics. The first is introduction, the second is the research methods, the third is the meaning of resistance, the fourth is the theoretical study of dance as a ritual practice, the fifth is the character of openness and relational dance, the sixth is dance as a feminist ritual medium for resistance, and seventh is the conclusions.

**Keywords:** dance, resistance, embodiment, feminist theology, violence against women

### **1. Introduction**

Violence against women in Indonesia is a form of violence that continues to increase. Based on the 2022 Annual Records of Violence against Women, 338,496 cases of gender-based violence (KBG) against women were collected with details, complaints to Komnas Perempuan 3838 cases, service agencies 7029 cases, a significant 50% increase in KBG against women, namely 338,496 cases in 2021 (from 226,062 cases in 2020) [1]. The increase in the number of violence against women shows that in Indonesia, women lack protection and security space to defend themselves from various forms of violence. If women do not get a safe space, it will open up space for violence.

Violence against women in Indonesia is not only a social or cultural issue, but also a significant theological problem for common life. Serene Jones from the point of view of feminist theology sees that the issue of violence against women is also

intertwined with other forms of oppression, such as racism, poverty, exploitation, heterosexism, ageism, and discrimination [2]. Violence against women then becomes a problem of theological research because violence causes oppression as well as restraints on the existence of the human body. The issue of violence against women then raises the question that is there a source of theology that has the resilience to deal with violence? Or how can a theological perspective study be used to respond to violence against women?

This paper offers the perspective of dance as an embodiment of body resistance as a theological and practical basis for voicing and fighting violence against women in Indonesia. Dance as a ritual practice can communicate an inner experience that is expressed through body movements and expressions [3]. LaMothe shows that dance has the power to express human experience not with words, but through movements that signal an experience. The author chooses dance as a resistance medium with a feminist dimension because dance has a relational character that forms an appreciation for the existence of the body; is open to shaping each individual's experience; has the potential to open a language space that frees women to express themselves and even becomes a medium for self-defense in voicing the reality of suffering.

Some of the theories that will be used are dance theory from Kimerer L. LaMothe and ritual theory from Roy A. Rappaport. The two perspectives will have a constructive dialog to show dance as an embodiment of defense against violence against women. This paper is divided into several sub-topics. The first is introduction, the second is the research methods, the third is the meaning of resistance, the fourth is the theoretical study of dance as a ritual practice, the fifth is the character of openness and relational dance, the sixth is dance as a feminist ritual medium for resistance, and seventh is the conclusions.

#### **2. Research methods**

The research method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a feminist approach and literature studies. Qualitative methods investigate, find, and describe in a narrative a meaning that originates from the actions of everyday life [4]. Research with qualitative methods uses human experience or action as a significant research location to produce meaning. Data collection and processing of qualitative data as research methods do not focus on numerical data, but on empirical data that require interpretation of an action, human behavior. The author chooses to use a qualitative method because this approach to human experience is relevant to the feminist approach, which is also used as the focus of the research method in this paper.

The feminist method also uses an approach to human experience, specifically the subject of women as a source of knowledge. Jennie Barnsley quotes Linda Hogan seeing two relations that emerge in the investigation of the feminist method, namely "women experiences of oppression under patriarchy and 'engaged action for change" [5]. The feminist method originates from the problem of oppression of women's experiences, which gives rise to an action to transform the meaning of experience. In this paper, a feminist method approach is used to understand violence against women as part of women's experiences that require theological construction through a cultural dimension, namely dance. Dance can be a medium of transformation to speak out against the reality of violence against women.

*Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109681*

#### **3. The meaning of resistance**

Violence against women occurs in various forms and social contexts of human life. B. Rudi Harnoko in his article entitled Behind Acts of Violence Against Women agrees that violence does not only include physical damage, but also includes threats, pressure, suppression of the actualization of human's mental abilities and thinking power [6]. Harnoko showed that violence against the physical body is the same as violence against the individual's soul, which destroys the individual's ability to develop. Violence also refers to restraint on the actualization of the human body, which is the right of every individual in reality as a human being. If the existence of the body is not given the opportunity to actualize itself, then violence becomes a space for oppression of the body.

Accordingly, Jones, from a feminist theological perspective, sees violence as a widespread cultural and social practice. Jones saw "violence as systemic and structural, tolerated or accepted as "natural"-part of the human condition" [7]. Violence against women also becomes structured violence because it is supported by the social relations of human life. While, the systemic aspect shows that violence has been formed through the system of power in society. As a result, violence is normalized as part of human life practices.

Based on the context of violence, which is prone to occur in human relations, the author sees the meaning of resistance as a source of theory and practice in dealing with forms of violence. In terminology, Resistance means "a situation in which people or organizations fight against something or refuse to accept or be changed by something" [8]. Resistance describes an individual's ability to deal with problems, so the meaning of resistance is also closely related to efforts to resist. Next, Catherine Mills analyzes the meaning Resistance from Judith Butler. Mills saw "there is the linguistic vulnerability of the subject, so far as the subject is produced through language and hence is susceptible to its power to injure and wound" [9]. The linguistic dimension with resistance is in a vulnerability relationship. The emphasis on the subject as the agent of social transformation becomes vulnerable to injury when the subject is only formed in the medium of language. The intended language dimension also leads to verbal categories, which allow the production of a word to become uncontrollable, even language allows control over the subject so that the subject becomes helpless. Then Mills quotes Butler, who uses the concept of power from Michel Foucault to emphasize the meaning of Resistance through the subject.

*"Power acts on the subject in at least two ways; first, by making the subject possible, as the constitutive conditions of possibility of the subject and, second, as what is 'taken up and reiterated in the subject's own' acting" [10].*

Resistance can occur when the subject is placed in a power frame. Power is meant not as a passive subject, but as an active subject. Butler's perspective in Mills's writing describes Resistance as being confronted with efforts to bring subjects into action to survive through the power of existence. The subject is given space to perform actions that display the subject's self-existence. Power can be interpreted positively, namely to restore the rights of each subject to its existence in social relations. Resistance means strength as well as power to defend oneself against the suppression of one's reality as a subject.

In line with Mills's writings, Monique Deveaux outlines Foucault's agonistic concept of power to define resistance to violence. Deveaux sees "an agonistic model of power-the notion that where there is power, there is resistance" [11]. Agonistic power describes the strength of resistance based on the subject's desire to defend himself, to

show strength. Implicitly, Deveaux shows that without power, or the will to survive, it becomes difficult to practice Resistance because Resistance appears in the form of self-defense. The value of Resistance to violence can be understood as a form of the subject's struggle against oppressive power. Resistance also describes the power of the subject in an effort to defend against other powers.

Basically, Mills and Deveaux's perspective refers to the meaning of resistance that arises through the recognition of the existence of the subject. Resistance becomes resistance efforts because subjects, more specifically women who are vulnerable to becoming victims of violence, are not given space as subjects who have power over themselves. Women are actually used as objects that do not have the power or strength to act. Then, the meaning of resistance becomes an opportunity to see the ability, strength of women as subjects who are able to maintain their existence without any restraints and oppression. The author then chooses dance as the medium of resistance because the power of dance lies in the body's freedom to perform an action and has characteristics relational and openness.

#### **4. Dance as a ritual practice**

One of the works of art that involves body movement is dance.  Kimerer L. LaMothe in his book Why We Dance? A Philosophy of Bodily Becoming defines dance in three elements, namely "create and become patterns of sensation and response, cultivate a sensory awareness, and align our health and well-being with the challenges of the moment" [12]. LaMothe shows that dance is not just a moving body, but dance is formed in patterns that are identical to self-images. Dance patterns display sensations and body responses that are created based on the wishes of the dancers. Dance represents the dancer's experience and life. On the other hand, LaMothe shows that dance is formed in an awareness of the senses to participate through body movements and patterns. Dancing means being involved freely, and there is no element of coercion because every dance movement or pattern displays the dancer's own will. The sensory awareness element of dance also has an influence on the concept of sensation and self-response to human experience with its surroundings. In this case, dance is the awareness of the body's actions to move in response to efforts to align itself with circumstances. The circumstances or moments that LaMothe refers to also refer to the reality of suffering, pleasure, and the reality of self-experience in the world. Dance is a complex body movement because it implies self-existence with various experiences of human life.

Elsewhere in the book, LaMothe defines dance as a living entity that integrates reason with experience. LaMothe is in line with Gerardus van der Leeuw's perspective of seeing dance as "represents and brings into being as one—the complex webs of personal and communal experiences, symbolic and social relations that make the moment of performing" [13]. In dancing, individuals are formed in unity both personally and communally, which produce a performance. Basically, dance is an experience that is shown or manifested through symbolic actions, which can be done in groups or individually. The experience embodied in dance also involves the involvement of reason as a process of forming actions, so that dancing becomes a reasoning activity with bodily experience. Then, LaMothe emphasized that the unity of life meant was "dance enacts: bodily life and cultural life" [14]. LaMothe points out that dance is contextual because it consists of the experience of the human body with

#### *Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109681*

cultural life that influences dance practice. Bodily life refers to the media or means of dance that shape human life, namely the body. In this case, dance displays the experience of the body, which is the basis of human life. Meanwhile, cultural life leads to social relations and environmental influences that shape individuals in the process of acting. Then, dance becomes an act of performance that unites the experience of the body and the experience of human culture.

If dance is understood as body movements that represent human existence through performances or performances, then dance becomes part of ritual practice. Roy A. Rappaport wrote the ritual as "the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded by the performers" [15]. Rappaport sees ritual at the display or performance level as a series of actions that are not only understood by the performers of the ritual, but can also be communicated by others. Ritual itself becomes open to bring up new meanings because meaning is not determined by default by actors. In Rappaport's understanding, ritual means the arrangement of an action that is formed together to achieve an agreed meaning. Later, Rappaport listed several characteristics of the rituals. First, "encoding by other than performers, formality, invariance, and performance" [16]. Rappaport's ritual markers show that the actions in the ritual are structured and unchanging. Structured means directed and fixed. In addition, Rappaport describes the characteristics of ritual with performance because performance forms the meaning of a ritual. Without performances or practices, rituals are difficult to identify. The characteristics described by Rappaport are markers of various human activities that can be categorized as ritual practices.

Ritual is not only marked by several characteristic, Rappaport also shows ritual as a special form of communication. Rituals are specific actions [17]. Rappaport emphasized that ritual practices originate from actions, human experiences that are given a special space, meaning that rituals are distinguished from ordinary actions. If the ritual is understood as a special action, then the ritual explicitly also contains a special message or meaning. Then the ritual becomes a communication process marked by two things. "First, there are those in which actions achieve, secondly, there are those in which transmitters achieve effects by informing" [18]. Ritual is understood as communication because of actions to achieve something, actions that influence the formation of messages or meanings. As communication, ritual becomes a medium that transmits messages to recipients, and actions are formed to inform meaning.

Based on the ritual perspective from Rappaport, dance becomes a ritual practice because it contains elements of specific actions. First, dance as a ritual, embodied in the performance of bodily experience, in the sense that its reality is seen through the form of movement. Without the dimension of body embodiment, dance cannot be performed because the basis of the medium used is the human body. Second, dance is formed in an awareness to achieve certain patterns. As a ritual practice, dance involves reasoning awareness in producing movements, and there is a meaning or purpose that is achieved through dance. Furthermore, quoting from Judith Lynne Hanna's thoughts, dance as a ritual is "transformative performance" and "manifestation of many systems of belief" [19]. Hanna describes dance as a ritual practice that can transform both cultural processes and human experience. Dance does not mean standing body movements without a belief system, but dance rituals include the embodiment of a belief formed by humans. In this case, dance can be categorized as a ritual practice because it consists of a series of specific actions through body movements. Actions formed through a belief system to generate meaning.

#### **5. Character openness and relational of dance**

Talking about dance, one of the fundamental dimensions in dance is the experience of the body. As a nonverbal art, the body becomes the main focus in dance rituals to communicate messages or meanings. Kristin Kissel in her thesis entitled Dancing Theology – A Construction of a Pneumatology of The Body describes that the human body intertwined with various aspects of life, be it material, reasoning, beliefs, characteristics that allow for an action [20]. Kissell describes the body comprehensively because it is formed based on the units of human life. Through the body, humans can feel, know, and reason every reality of life. The body not only acts, but is also connected with reason so that the body becomes the medium for the unity of reason and action. Without a body, humans cannot channel reason with their actions.

Kissell's argument against the body implicitly shows that the body connects all tissues of human life. If the body is the main source in dancing, then dancing means that it is relational because it does not separate human existence, namely reason and action. Then dance can be understood to be relational in character because the body is formed in response to acting and reasoning, and the dimensions of the body relate to the complexity of human life. Kissell departs from the theology of pneumatology to elaborate on the relational aspects of the body.

*"Dance as an art medium and example of body, soul relationality can provide a new structure and a new way of imagining theology and a pneumatology of the body; for in dance and the choreographic process, there is no separation between body and soul, body and Spirit because all are part of the dancing whole" [21].*

Kissel seeks to bridge the distortions of the body and the soul in the world of Christian theology. For Kissell, the body is not only made up of physical matter. However, the reality of the body is integrated with the soul or spirit, which allows humans to connect with the Divine. Kissell's perspective supports the meaning of dance as a relational body involvement. Dance appears through the soul, the spirit that unites in the body. Dance is used as a theological medium because the meaning of the body is actively involved in unity with the soul. Through Kissell's thought, the relational nature of dance also shows an interdependent unity. A dancing body means showing a soul that is also dancing, so that dance becomes a medium for feminist rituals that shape the meaning of the body in relationality. A relationship that is established between oneself is also a relationship with God through the spirit, soul in the body.

Furthermore, from the perspective of feminist theology, Lisa Isherwood and Elizabeth Stuart use the body as a theological medium. "The body in its entirety is the site of experience" [22]. Isherwood and Stuart raise aspects of human experience as essential in interpreting the body. This is also done as an effort to equalize the primacy of reason or ratio. The body is the source and site for the formation of human experience, which means that the body moves in an inclusive manner. Inclusiveness leads to acceptance of the reality of diverse human experiences. Then, the body cannot be excluded only by rational use, but experience also becomes a major part of the body. If the body is the source of experience, then dance also means the arising of open experience. "The body is far more expansive and inclusive" [23]. The body includes reason with experience, but it is also broader because through the body, every reality of life is thoroughly processed.

Based on Isherwood and Stuart's argument, the body, which is the source of dance movement, can be understood as a site of openness for each individual. Dance

#### *Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109681*

displays the reality of the experience of the human body with various dynamics of meaning to be displayed. Dance is not limited to the verbal medium, but through dance, the body moves openly to be involved in movement patterns. Dance is a medium of resistance that displays human experience in openness with self-reality as well as experiences with the world around us. In addition, dance can be a medium of resistance for people who experience violence because the experience of injury, suffering can be expressed or communicated through the openness of body movements.

The meaning of the openness of dance is in line with the universal values of dance. LaMothe uses Gerard Van der Leeuw's perspective to see the correlation between the body and dance. LaMothe wrote "dance is the most universal of the arts because doing it requires nothing other than one's own body" [24]. In LaMothe's perspective, dance starts from the main source, namely the body. As the main source, dance does not use a medium or means outside the body, but through the body itself, each individual can start the dance. Then, dance is understood to be both open and universal because the body belongs to every individual, an essential possession in human life. Furthermore, the meaning of dance forms the meaning of the body in the space of equality because each individual can display his body's experience to communicate a meaning.

In more depth, LaMothe emphasized "every human being is a body moving, its movement is its life" [24]. The body as a universal medium for dance forms movement. LaMothe points out that the correlation between the body and dance is also present in the experience of movement. A moving body, a dancing body signifies human life. The correlation that is manifested through movement then produces dance not only in the meaning to be conveyed, but mainly in the body in selfexistence with the reality of experience. If the meaning of the body being a source of life, dance can also be interpreted as a source of openness to life experiences. An experience that is open to everyone and everyone can participate together. Then, the open and relational nature of dance as a ritual practice shows that dance is a source or medium of feminist resistance that displays bodily actions in an effort to defend oneself against various forms of violence against the body.

#### **6. Dance as a feminist ritual medium for resistance**

Dance is an experience of the body as well as a medium for feminist rituals that can shape efforts to resist violence against the body. As a ritual practice, dance implies an act devoted to the meaning of life. Specific actions refer to any movements, rhythms, or floor patterns that are displayed through the body, actions taken to show an unusual action so that movements, rhythms or floor patterns that are displayed through the body, actions taken to show an unusual action so that the dance becomes more meaningful.  Judith Lynne Hanna wrote three characteristics of dance as a form of communication.

*"Dance has grammar (a set of rules specifying the manner in which movement can be meaningfully combined), semantics (the meaning of movements), and vocabulary (steps and movement phrases which may comprise realistic or abstract symbols)" [19].*

Individuals can use dance as a medium to convey meaning or a message. The grammar of dance includes actions and body language that are formed regularly based on the will of the dancer. Dance also has a semantic character because everybody

movement has its own meaning. On the other hand, the character of dance as a medium of communication also implies vocabulary through the symbols displayed in movement. Hanna's perspective shows that the dimension of dance has relevant properties to become a tool in achieving something. In addition, Hanna described that the dimensions of the human body in dance are a central source of communication in conveying meaning.

From a feminist ritual standpoint, dance can be a medium of resistance that empowers and celebrates the lives of every individual. Feminist rituals display "use symbols and stories, images and words, gestures and dances, along with a variety of art forms, which emerge from women's experiences" [25]. Dance is a medium for feminist rituals that show the experience of the body as an aspect of women's experience, the movement of the body in unity with the soul.

Furthermore, the relational and open dimension of dance also forms bodily experiences that originate from women's experiences, namely the movement of body beauty as well as self-creativity. Feminism places the experience of women in respecting the experience of the body as a source of life. Feminist rituals through dance have the capacity to fight for equality, goodness for life together because the dimension of bodily experience takes precedence in practice.

Dance as a feminist ritual medium has a value of Resistance because each individual or community can maintain their own existence through movement, bodily actions in making sense of life. In addition, dance also has a feminist character, which is relational and open. Relational refers to the bond that unites the body and soul, connecting the reality of individual experience with the reality of the world around it, and more specifically dancing can connect the individual's relationship with God. Through dance, the body is no longer depicted as separate from the soul, but rather the body is connected, entwined with the soul as a resource for theology. Implicitly, the relational character of dance lies in the unity of the body, which expresses the soul, reason, and human action. The relational nature of the body also shows the body's openness to the expression of feelings with the mind in response to an experience. In dancing, the body is not limited only by the mind, but the dimension of feelings, human emotions are also manifested openly. In this case, the meaning of Resistance through dance becomes positive because it unites all aspects of human life in relation and openness. Dance involves human experience, including efforts to display self-defense power through movement and patterns of beauty of the body.

#### **7. Conclusions**

Dance as a ritual medium shows the practice of body experience, which is relational and open. In dancing, everyone can be open to express their body experiences. The body is no longer just a practice of thought but also a practice of action that connects humans with the reality of life experience. Reality also leads to the experience of oneself, with others, and also with God. Then, the feminist nature of dance becomes an effort to resist women's violence. Resistance is not an attempt to commit violence, but an effort to self-defense that respects, protects, and fights for self-existence through body movements in dance**.**

*Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109681*

### **Author details**

Vani Tendenan Toraja Church, North Toraja, Indonesia

\*Address all correspondence to<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

### **References**

[1] Perempuan K. Annual Records of Violence against Women 2022. Siaran Pers Komnas Perempuan Catatan Tahunan Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan 2022 [Internet], (Jakarta, 8 March 2022). 2022

[2] Jones SJ. Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace (Guides to Theological Inquiry). Minneapolis: Fortress Press; 2000. p. 6

[3] LaMothe KL. Why dance? Towards a theory of religion as practice and performance. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion. 2005;**17**(2):119

[4] Erickson F. The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research. California: SAGE Publications; 2018. p. 87

[5] Hogan L. From women's experience to feminist theology. In: Barnsley J, editor. Grounded Theology: Adopting and Adapting Qualitative Research Methods for Feminist Theological Enquiry. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press; 1995. pp. 110-111

[6] Harnoko BR. Behind acts of violence against women "Dibalik tindak kekerasan terhadap perempuan". MUWAZAH: Jurnal Kajian Gender. 2010;**2010**:183

[7] Jones S. Cartographies of Grace (Guides to Theological Inquiry). Minneapolis: Fortress Press; 2000. p. 90

[8] Cambridge Dictionar. Meaning of resistance [Internet]. 2022. Available from: https://dictionary.cambridge.org/ dictionary/english/resistance

[9] Mills C. Efficacy and vulnerability: Judith Butler on reiteration and resistance. Australian Feminist Studies. 2010;**2010**:268

[10] Mills C. Efficacy and Vulnerability. p. 270

[11] Deveaux M. Feminism and empowerment: A critical reading of Foucault. Feminist Studies. 2014;**20**(2):231

[12] LaMothe KL. Why We Dance? A Philosophy of Bodily Becoming. New York: Columbia University Press; 2015. pp. 4-6

[13] LaMothe KL. Between Dancing and Writing: The Practice of Religious Studies. New York: Fordham University Press; 2004. p. 180

[14] La Mothe KL. Between Dancing and Writing. p. 180

[15] Rappaport RA. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1999. p. 24

[16] Rappaport RA. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. pp. 32-36

[17] Rappaport RA. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. p.50

[18] Rappaport RA. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. p. 51

[19] Hanna JL. Dance and ritual. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance. 2013;**2013**:40

[20] Kissell K. Dancing Theology—A Construction of a Pneumatology of the Body. Loyola Marymount University; 2020. p. 16

[21] Kissell K. Dancing Theology – A Construction of a Pneumatology. p. 6

[22] Isherwood L, Stuart E. Introducing Body Theology. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press; 1998. p. 39

*Dance and Resistance: An Embodiment of the Body as a Medium to Fight Violence against Women DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109681*

[23] Isherwood L., Stuart E. Introducing Body Theology. p. 39

[24] La Mothe KL. Between Dancing and Writing: The Practice of Religious Studies. New York: Fordham University Press; 2004. p. 18

[25] Neu DL. Women's empowerment through feminist rituals. Women and Therapy. 2010;**2010**:191

### **Chapter 12**

Perspective Chapter: Patriarchy and Masculinity Represented in the Diaries of Seafarers Analyzed from the Perspective of Marxist Feminism – Domination Structure of Seafarers and the Marginalization of Women

*Yoriko Ishida*

#### **Abstract**

Looking at the human "body," which has existed in contexts beyond the distinction between men and women, there are "dominators" and "the dominated" in which a situation of "oppressor" and "oppressed" is created. A world in which this is most evident is that of seafaring. There, domination is not limited to one structure; rather, a twofold domination structure exists. One is the domination and oppression among men, and the other is the existence of women who have been marginalized in the industry. Marxist feminism has clarified that the oppression of women in capitalist societies is based on the connection between capitalism and patriarchy, and in the industry, the vector of domination is not necessarily "male → female," but rather "male → male → female." The purpose of this paper is to focus on the shipping industry, which has been constructed at the base of capitalism and to point out the kinds of oppressive structures that have developed there, using the textual analysis of "diaries of seafarers" as a methodology, by focusing on the "bodies" of men and women represented in the history of seafarers in the East and West, with *patriarchy* onboard ships and the *masculinity* of seafarers as keywords.

**Keywords:** patriarchy, masculinity, Marxist feminism, seafarers, shipping industry, body, sexuality, materialism

#### **1. Introduction**

When we look at the human body, which has existed in one world beyond the distinction between men and women, we realize that there are always "dominators" and "dominated" people and that situations of "oppression" and "othering" are created. The world in which this is most evident is that of "seafarers." There, the vector of domination is not limited to one; rather, a dual structure of domination exists. One is the domination and oppression that exists among men, and the other is the existence of women, who, as "concepts," have been relegated to the margins in the shipping industry. In particular, Marxist feminism has clarified that the oppression of women in capitalist societies is based on the link between capitalism and patriarchy, but in the shipping industry, "capitalism" and *patriarchy* are complex, as the vector of domination is not necessarily "male → female" but "male → male → female." The purpose of this paper is to focus on "seafaring," or the shipping industry—which has constructed the basis of capitalism—and to identify what kind of oppressive structures have developed in this industry. In particular, by focusing on the "bodies" of men and women as represented in the histories of seafarers in the East and West, with *patriarchy* on board ships and the *masculinity* of seafarers as keywords, I point out that, in the shipping industry, which can be called the authority of materialism, the domination of men by men ultimately oppressed and otherized women. I also indicate that the domination of men by men in the materialist world of shipping ultimately oppressed and othered women.

#### **2. Defining** *patriarchy* **and diversifying** *masculinity*

In this section, I clarify the definition of *patriarchy* and the diversification of *masculinity*. No term has been used more extensively than the term *patriarchy*, and since the 1970s, it has been a key term in feminist theory1 . However, the concept of patriarchy existed long before it became essential in feminist theory, and originally, it did not necessarily mean the domination of women by men. In Japan, as well as in Europe and the United States, it refers to a family structure in which the male members of the family, who hold patriarchal authority within the family, dominate and control the other family members. In other words, the "patriarchal system" is a system of "patriarchs." Thus, when discussing *patriarchy*, it is necessary to consider not only the "male → female" structure, but also the "male → male" structure. It is important that, regardless of the direction of the vector of domination, various forms of domination are preserved within the patriarchal system, and they become "culture" and form a strong ideology. In *Sociology of Domination* (*Soziologie der Herrsc*haft), Max Weber classifies the concept of domination into three types—legitimate domination, traditional domination, and charismatic domination—and argues that patriarchal domination is the purest form of "traditional domination" [2]. In Weber's theory of patriarchy, the primary stage of ruling control is the family, but the patriarchal family, in Weber's sense, is not a so-called "family" in general but "one that has non-related members and is managerial in character." Thus, "by extension, it is possible to discuss a certain type of political control by setting up a relationship between the sovereign and the administrative executives and subjects, with the patriarch and children." [3]. Consequently, patriarchy can be extended to a much greater extent than the "family" if the basic conditions of "absolute power" and the "reverence of the members" are met.

1 It is no secret that it was Kate Millett's *Sexual Politics* that first incorporated *patriarchy* into the construction of feminist theory. Millett focused on the fact that in most cultures and societies, it is men who are in control, and she called the system of male domination of women a patriarchal structure. Although feminist theory is not monolithic, such as radical feminism, liberal feminism, and Marxist feminism, there is no doubt that all of them are clubbed with the idea of "a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress, and exploit women" and "a totality of relations and norms in which power is distributed based on gender in favor of men and roles are fixedly allocated" [1].

#### *Perspective Chapter: Patriarchy and Masculinity Represented in the Diaries of Seafarers… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109693*

Masculinity, on the other hand, is often possessed by "men," and the term *masculinity* has been interpreted almost synonymously with "maleness" or "manliness." However, the latest masculinity research suggests that *masculinity* is not a monolithic quality that all men possess. In the 1970s, masculinology began as part of the academic field of gender studies in the West. The leading scholar in this field is Robert W. Connell. In *Masculinities* and *The Men and the Boys*, Connell considers masculinity not as a singular form but as a plural form (masculinities), and he examines gender not only in terms of feminine/ masculine contrast but also in terms of the interactions among the various masculinities. Thus, Connell refers to the plurality of masculinities. In addition to referring to the plurality of masculinities, Connell focuses on gender-based power relations by defining hegemonic masculinity as a form of hegemonic masculinity [4]. Just as *patriarchy* is not necessarily limited to the family or to the domination of women by men, so *masculinity* is not limited to male characteristics but is of a diverse nature, an interpretation that is presented to us more convincingly when we analyze seafarers' histories.

#### **3. The concept of seafarers and seafarers' culture in the west and Japan**

Before going into this essay, it is necessary to explain what kind of people *seafarers* were and why *patriarchy* and *masculinity* are associated with seafarers. Seventy percent of the earth's surface is covered by the sea, and for humans living in such an environment, *ships* have been an indispensable means of transportation since ancient times. It is the seafarers who move the ships. It is interesting to note that the impression of seafarers is the same in all ages, in all regions, in all times, and in all places. It is no exaggeration to say that a *seafarer culture* has persisted across borders and throughout the ages. In Japan and in the West, at least during the era of sailing ships and steamships, which, unlike today's automated ships, required a great deal of manpower to operate, *seamanship* and *manliness* were strongly associated with each other. It is no exaggeration to say that the ideals of masculinity were associated with seamen's labor, and there was no room or need to dispute them. As an occupation of maximum physical strain, it is not surprising that physical toughness was held in very high regard and as essential to the proper execution of the job [5].

Moreover, it is no exaggeration to say that in no other profession does class have so great an influence on the duties of a man as it does in the seafaring profession. In the nineteenth century, as depicted in the nautical diaries of Richard Henry Dana, the subject of the analysis in this paper. In England, in particular, the rapid population growth provided the British merchant fleet with an abundant labor force, but the crews were subjected to poor working conditions, including poor food and low wages on board. The poor conditions also affected the character and ethics of the seafarers, leading to the prejudice that they were socially and morally inferior. Barton notes that merchant seamen perceived their being called Jack Tar as a cause of "oppression" [6].

These prejudices had a profound effect on the relationship between seafarers and captains. To manage and control rough and rowdy seafarers to hold them down by force with a certain amount of authority. The question is not whether the seafarers were socially or morally inferior but whether such prejudice against them resulted in an increase in the captain's power. This is where the patriarchal system comes into play.

This was the case not only in the West but also in Japan, where the same rhetoric was used against seafarers. In Japan, one might say that the social and moral depravity of seafarers is represented by the stereotype that seafarers take part in betting and womanizing. This is not as simple as saying that they were simply prodigal and

incorrigible. This stereotype is not only a product of the capitalist system of modern shipping but also a symbol of the oppression that seafarers were forced to endure. The unique culture of seafarers gave the impression that seafarers were corrupt and that they were subject to the oppression of *deceptive substitution*, as if debauchery were the responsibility of the individual who favored it.

#### **4.** *Patriarchy* **and** *Masculinity* **represented in seafarers' histories**

This chapter points to the "patriarchal system" that persisted among men in the shipping industry, and how, through that patriarchy, *masculinity* was divided into *masculinity* of the dominant and of the ruled.

In *Women Seafarers and Their Identities*, Momoko Kitada points out that the definition of *patriarchy*, which has been referred to as a system that oppresses women, has a somewhat different meaning in the shipping world [7]. She further explains the unique patriarchal system on board the ship as follows.

This definition is a little different from the original meaning of patriarchy, which was based on the authority of [the] father over his sons in early societies in Western Europe (although the relationship between the two meanings is [self-evident]). It is relevant that the term "patriarchy" in its original sense can be applied to social relationships aboard single-sex (male) ships. The relationship between the Master (Captain) of a modern-day vessel and "his" crew (the rest of the seafarers) resonates strongly with the idea of an authoritarian father figure whose rule cannot be challenged but who is expected to act in the best interests of those in his "care." Within ship culture, the authority of the Master over the crew is absolute [7].

The concept of domination between men on board, Kitada argues, implies a relationship in the hierarchy of captain and crew; however, her argument does not go so far as to explain why this is important.

I believe that to clarify the concept of patriarchy among men in shipping, I must go back to the early histories of seafarers—that is, to the age of sailing ships in the West—and to the early Meiji period in Japan, when ships were modernized. In early seafarers' history, both in the West and in Japan, seafarers were not so much "seafarers" as "laborers." Shipping companies, or capitalists, invested capital in vessels and other assets to employ workers (seafarers) and earn profits. Naturally, since seafarers do not own assets, they are employed by the shipping company and work under the organization's command and order. Thus, a structure of domination between capitalists (shipping companies) and workers (seafarers) has already been established. In other words, it is clear that Marxist historical materialism has supported the world of shipping. However, what is noteworthy in the early history of seafarers is that the unique domination structure of the seafaring industry—"captain → crew" rather than the "shipping company → seafarer" domination structure—was firmly established.

It is well known that there is a great difference between an officer and a sailor. Therefore, it would be foolish to speak of the "histories of seafarers" as if they were all the same, but since the overwhelming majority of seafarers in the early days of shipping were sailors, it is thought that the contemporary image of seafarers has been formed mainly by sailors. For example, Richard Henry Dana's *Two Years before the Mast: A Personal Narrative*, published in 1840, is a true account of his 2 years as a merchant sailor from 1834 to 1836. The "misery" is brought about by the hierarchy of captain and sailor, a "distinctive patriarchal system," as he describes. In the record of August 1834, when the ship had just set sail, the following description appears.

#### *Perspective Chapter: Patriarchy and Masculinity Represented in the Diaries of Seafarers… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109693*

Yet a sailor's life is at best but a mixture of a little good with much evil, and a little pleasure and with much pain. The beautiful is linked with the revolting, the sublime with the commonplace, and the solemn with the ludicrous [8].

Dana's description indicates that seafaring was a demanding occupation during the era of sailing ships in the West. Industrialization was originally oriented toward using labor as cheaply as possible. In this sense, it is not surprising that seafarers were forced to work hard, but what makes the seafaring industry unique is that, because of the harshness of the work, a system and culture unique to the industry were created, and the traces of this system and culture have not disappeared even today. The image of the crew formed during the era of sailing ships remains a representation of all seafarers, even today. Furthermore, in the domination of seafarers by captains, we can read a "distinctive patriarchal system" in seafaring as well as the existence of a hegemonic masculinity held by the controlling captain and a subordinate masculinity held by the lower-ranking sailors. This is most evident in the tyrannical control of the ship's crew by the captain. In *Two Years before the Mast: A Personal Narrative*, Richard Henry Dana is on board a sailing ship in 1834 and witnesses the absolute power of the captain.

The captain, in the first place, is [the] lord paramount. He stands no watch, comes and goes when he pleases, is accountable to no one, and must be obeyed in everything, without a question even from his chief officer. He has the power to turn his officers off duty, and even to break them and make them do duty as sailors in the forecastle. Where there are no passengers and no supercargo, as in our vessel, he has no companion but his own dignity, and few pleasures, unless he differs from most of his kind, beyond the consciousness of possessing supreme power, and, occasionally, the exercise of it [8].

As discussed in the previous section, interpreting Weber's theory of patriarchy in a broad sense, an organization in which both "absolute power" and the "reverence of members" exist is a group under a patriarchal control structure dominated and controlled by the patriarch, regardless of blood relations. From the above description, it can be understood that the "patriarchal system" that Weber discusses is prominent in the relationship between captains and sailors, but what is particularly noteworthy is that captains who are on the controlling side in such a "patriarchal system" possess *hegemonic masculinity* without exception. The captain's power is the power to perform the duties of the ship's officers. The captain's power is not limited to the orders of duty on board the ship but emerges most clearly in Dana's narrative in light of the scene in Chapter 15, titled "Flogging," in which the body of the sailor is depicted.

When he was made fast, he turned to the captain, who stood rolling up his sleeves, getting ready for the blow, and asked him what he was to be flogged for. "Have I ever refused my duty, sir? Have you ever known me to hang back, or to be insolent, or not to know my work?"

"No," said the captain[.] "[It] is not that that I flog you for; I flog you for your interference, for asking questions."

"Can't a man ask a question here without being flogged?"

"No," shouted the captain[.] "[N]obody shall open his mouth aboard this vessel but myself," and he began laying the blows upon his back, swinging half round between each blow, to give it full effect. As he went on[,] his passion increased, and he danced about the deck, calling out, as he swung the rope, "If you want to know what I flog you for, I'll tell you. It's because I like to do it! Because I like to do it! It suits me! That's what I do it for!"

The man writhed under the pain until he could endure it no longer, when he called out, with an exclamation more common among foreigners than with us… [8]

The body of the sailor, who is flogged even though he has no right to be, symbolizes the contrast between the *hegemonic masculinity* of the captain, who occupies absolute power in a ship with a completely established patriarchal system, and the *subordinate masculinity* of the sailor, who has no choice but to submit to him.

#### **5. Seafarers' sexuality and the othering of women—complete separation of production and reproduction labor**

How did the "male → male" structure of oppression, or distinctive patriarchy in seafaring, as described in the previous chapter, affect women? This section discusses the ways in which the sexuality of seafarers turned women into others, using *From the bottom of the ship at 140 degrees Fahrenheit – Diary of a lowly sailor in the international Shipping Industry* as a primary source, as it has been considered a valuable seafarer's record in the early nineteenth century. This is the diary of Hachiro Hirono, a member of the engine department of Nippon Yusen Kaisha (NYK Line), which is commonly known as the "*Hirono Diary*" (named the "*Hirono Diary*" hereafter). This diary contains records from November 1928 to June 1931, when the author was on board the Akita Maru and Katori Maru as a lowly sailor of the engine department of the NYK Line. This diary conveys the actual employment conditions of pre-war seafarers (ratings). In the *Hirono Diary*, references to "women" appear frequently. For example, in his diary dated February 6, 1929, it is written as follows:

I have been tired of hearing our sailors talk about "women." For the first four or five days on board, I listened to them out of curiosity, but every morning and evening, I [have] been tired of hearing them to the point that I have calluses on my ears. They returned to the ship in the morning and were happy to talk loudly and blatantly about the whore and the girl they had last night [9].

In the *Hirono Diary*, the so-called "drinking, gambling, and prostituting" are frequently mentioned, which could be considered a common practice in seafaring and is based on cultural and financial patriarchal domination. What did this manifestation of culture mean for women? I do not intend to theorize that modern seafaring was unsuitable for women because of the hard work involved. It is not that simple. If hard work determined the unification of gender in the seafaring industry, then the problem of excessive gendering in the contemporary seafaring industry should have been solved by today's dramatic advances in technology and the high-technology nature of ships. However, the reality is that this has not been the case. It is not the harshness of modern seafarer labor that is significant but the impact of the patriarchal system that has supported such harsh labor.

It is noteworthy that the unique culture of seafarers was complicit in the gendering of the seafaring industry. The diversification of patriarchy and masculinity in the seafaring industry, which had constructed a "male → male" domination vector, became the basis of the shipping industry that supported the capitalist system, and the unique seafarers' culture that was established there suggested a unity of gender and produced discourses that "othered" and excluded women. In other words, the "male → male" domination structure has been established as a holistic concept constructed in a relationship in which women are regarded as others. In fact, as already explained, given the harshness of the seafaring industry and the tyrannical control of the captain over the crew, it is not difficult to imagine that the space on board was not a space in which women could enter. This shows how the shipping world was a space that excluded women. In other words, seafarers on board were defined by a monosexual

#### *Perspective Chapter: Patriarchy and Masculinity Represented in the Diaries of Seafarers… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109693*

living system, and because of this, their lives became monosexualized, and a culture of othering women was born.

Here, I need to go one step further. What was the effect of the presence of women on individual seafarers? I have already noted that the modern seafaring industry was fully integrated into the patriarchal system of domination, but what was the consciousness of the individual seafarers who were placed in that system? As is clear from the above quoted passage, the word "woman" in the *Hirono Diary* appears mostly as a word meaning "whore," "concubine," or "prostitute." Behind the word "woman," one can always see "sexuality." Considering the working and living conditions of modern seafarers, a ship was a closed space where only men existed, but this does not mean that it was "genderless." On the contrary, the difference between one sex and the other is strongly expressed in a space where sexual unification is the norm. Their working environment must have had a significant impact on their sexuality, but, as Hirono describes, many of the lowerclass sailors were single, so their sexuality was directed toward an unspecified number of women. This is where the concept of "prostitution" naturally emerges. The patriarchal system of domination that supported the seafaring industry not only excluded women but also helped to transform their status into that of being bought by men.

This is not limited to seafarers in Japan. In the history of British seafarers, the situation of seafarers' prostitution was more intense. In Japan, the extant sailors' diaries and other records indicate that sailors bought women when they disembarked in port and went out to brothels; there is no mention of large numbers of prostitutes boarding ships while they were at anchor. In England, however, it was more common for prostitutes to be brought on board; according to Suzanne J. Stark, in the early nineteenth century, when a ship came into port, there were hundreds of prostitutes on board until the ship sailed. This was not necessarily true of "merchant ships" alone but was more pronounced on "warships." However, given the blurring of the distinction between naval and merchant crews in the early days of British shipping, onboard prostitution was not uncommon on merchant ships either [10].

When examined in light of patriarchal structures of domination and the othering of women in modern shipping, prostitution has even greater profound implications. In feminist theory, so-called "sex work" is not seen as a "sexually depraved act" but as a kind of economic activity and labor. If "becoming a prostitute" is an economic activity for the women depicted in the seafarers' diaries, then the presence of "women" in the seafarers' histories is significant. The incorporation of sexuality into the labor of seafaring means that prostitution determines the roles of men and women in seafaring based on their sexual identities. In Marxist feminist theory, the patriarchal concept is analyzed materialistically and is based on the idea that the male "sexual domination" of women has a "material basis."

In "the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: Towards a More Progressive Union," Hartman argues that "…we define patriarchy as a set of social relations which has a material base and in which there are hierarchical relations between men and solidarity among them which enable them in tum to dominate women. The material base of patriarchy is men's control over women's labor power. That control is maintained by excluding women from access to necessary economically productive resources and by restricting women's sexuality" [11]. Due to patriarchal domination, the background of the domination vector of "captain → seafarer" is the composition of "seafarer (male) → female," and these vectors result in a materialistic foundation of profit for shipping companies. In the modern shipping industry, seafarers were the essential labor force for shippers and shipping companies to maintain their capital, while women were the devices for reproducing that labor force.

This is not to say that women were exploited by men through prostitution. As mentioned previously, insofar as "prostitution" is also an economic activity, men are "customers" for women, and as long as a transaction over sex is established, they are not being exploited. The problem is that patriarchal rule has in effect determined the behavior of seafarers (men) and women as role norms, the roles have been completely separated, with men as productive labor (seafarers) and women as reproductive labor bought by seafarers2 . In the contemporary era, prostitution was a reproductive device of the shipping industry, and the division of labor between male and female seafarers was determined, just as the division of labor in the modern era has been established as "male = outside production labor / female = inside reproduction labor."

At the basis of the patriarchal double structure of power and control, "captain → seafarer," there existed a stepping stone, even if only a small one, which was women. When women became "a prostitute" for seafarers, they were already relegated to a situation where they could only exist on the periphery of the shipping industry. The patriarchal system in seafarers' culture did not directly dominate and oppress women, but it was also a threatening system for women on an entirely different level.

#### **6. Conclusion**

Ships and women have been considered from opposing angles in Western maritime history. While women were considered harmful to ships and seafarers, disruptive to shipboard order, and an invitation to misfortune, they were also objects of worship [12]. In the latter, we can cite as examples the fact that, in English, ships are represented by the pronoun "she"3 and that, from the nineteenth century onward, many popular ship figureheads were represented by half-naked women [13]. In the West, there are records of women serving on pirate ships, warships, and merchant vessels as early as the eighteenth century. In this sense, the history of seafarers in the West may appear to be far more generous toward women than in Japan. However, even in the West, when we consider *patriarchy* as a key word, we still see that the ship was a completely gendered space.4

This paper has shed light on the structure of patriarchal domination in seafarers' histories. The concept of patriarchal domination has been a defining force in the histories of seafarers and has determined the nature of gender in the shipping industry. In other words, it is no exaggeration to say that the patriarchal system has supported the

2 In feminist theory, especially Marxist feminism, "reproductive labor" means free "domestic labor" in the private sphere. While domestic labor is "reproductive" in the context of the housewife being otherized from the market and producing the labor force of the "husband" outside the market, in this paper "prostitution" is interpreted as reproductive in the context of indirectly contributing to maintaining the labor force of "sailors" as "other" from outside the shipping industry, even though it is not free.

3 The reason for the ship being taken for a "she" is not clear. There are a number of theories, including that "the ship was controlled by a man, who compared the ship as his partner to a woman," or that "several men followed around, making a big fuss all the time." The following website has some interesting information: https://www.tabisen.com/tabisen/yutaka/post-2963.html

4 For example, there were women who accompanied their husbands on board as captains' wives. Some of them even took the place of their husbands as captains of ships. Some of them even sailed the ship in place of their husbands, the captains. The women who appear in the maritime history of Europe and the United States are not the main purpose of this paper and will be discussed in another paper. For more information on women on board ships from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, see the author's book [14].

#### *Perspective Chapter: Patriarchy and Masculinity Represented in the Diaries of Seafarers… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109693*

shipping industry in Japan. The memory of gender unification, which has been etched in the memory of the shipping industry for a long time, is surely inherited even today. Gender identity was the principle that maintained the order of the shipping industry, and it was believed that only men could be given subjectivity in seafaring. The image of the seafarer, which has been formed by the ratings in the histories of modern seafarers, may no longer be a relic of the past for large shipping companies, but it may still leave its mark on small companies. Even today, there are very few female ratings.

How can we dispel this and make the seafaring profession more open to women? It would not make sense to try to promote gender equality in terms of the ratio of numbers by establishing a quota system. After all, the author's proposal may not be in line with the general goal of increasing the number of female seafarers, as there are limits to increasing the number of female seafarers. The patriarchal system of domination that once existed among men may no longer exist, but it has changed in the modern era, as it has othered women on a different level. The reason for the high turnover rate of female seafarers is overwhelmingly due to family reasons, such as marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, and nursing care. As discussed in this paper, this is because the system of the "gender role division of labor" is determined by the patriarchal system. In other words, the seafaring industry, which requires long hours of work outside the home, is an occupation that promotes more masculinity in terms of gender roles in the division of labor, and it is the seafaring industry that has promoted the patriarchal system. It is not surprising that it is difficult for women to enter such a profession.

It is a well-known fact that the working conditions of workers after the Industrial Revolution were so poor that socialist thought aimed at abolishing the capitalist system was established. Marxist feminism was developed under these circumstances as a socialist ideology that aimed to change class relations between capitalists and workers, and materialism not only created class exploitation but also caused the exploitation of women. In other words, Marxist feminism, in its early stages, to shrug off the poor working conditions of women workers, found the cause of women's oppression in capitalist society, which had created such conditions. However, in light of the particularities of the seafaring industry, we see "another form of female oppression" in which women "cannot even become workers" in the shipping industry. There, as the original Marxist feminism found, we can find the cause of women's oppression in capitalist society (the shipping industry), which brought about a class-dominated system of capitalists and workers, or captains and sailors [15–18].

#### **Author details**

Yoriko Ishida National Institute of Technology, Oshima College, Japan

\*Address all correspondence to<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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[4] Connell RW. Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity Press; 1995

[5] Kirby D, Hinkkanen M-L. The Baltic and the North Seas. London: Routledge; 2000

[6] Howell C, Twomey R, editors. Jack Tar in History: Essays in the History of Maritime Life and Labour. New Brunswick: Acadiensis Press; 1991

[7] Kitada M. Women Seafarers and Their Identities. Cardiff: Cardiff University; 2010. pp. 14-16

[8] Dana RH. Two Years Before the Mast: A Personal Narrative. London: Sampson Low, Son, & Marston; 1869. pp. 28-29

[9] Hirono H. Kashi 140-do no funazoko kara: gaikoku-kouro no kakyu senin nikki (jou) (From the bottom of the ship at 140 degrees Fahrenheit - Diary of a lowly sailor in the international Shipping Industry, volume 1). Tokyo: Taihei Shuppansha; 1978

[10] Suzanne JS. Female Tar: Women Aboard Ship in the Age of Sail. London: Random House; 1996

[11] Sargent L. Women and Revolution: A Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism. London: South End Press; 1981

[12] Creighton MS, Norling L, editors. Iron Men, Wooden Women: Gender Seafaring in the Atlantic World, 1700- 1920. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press; 1996

[13] Cordingly D. Seafaring Women: Adventures of Pirate Queens, Female Stowaways, and Sailors' Wives. New York: Random House; 2007

[14] Ishida Y. Women at Sea beyond Gender Politics: Feminist Analysis on Femininity, Masculinity, and Sexuality in Bodies of Seafaring Women in Historical Discourse. Mauritius: Lambert Academic Publishing; 2019

[15] Connell RW. The Men and the Boys. Los Angels: University of California Press; 2000

[16] Demetriou DZ. Connell's concept of hegemonic masculinity: A critique. Theory and Society. 2001;**30**(3):337-361

[17] Eisenstein ZR, editor. Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. New York: Monthly Review Press; 1979

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#### **Chapter 13**

## Teacher Power and Gender in Libyan Language Teacher Education

*Reda Elmabruk and Nesrin Etarhuni*

#### **Abstract**

Teacher power (TP) is a function of teacher knowledge that makes teachers far superior over their students. How TP is exerted in language classrooms can influence students' emotional well-being and can hinder active participation. This case study employs a discursive approach- rather than a perceptive one- to explore how Libyan EFL teacher educators exercise power and whether such power is influenced by gender. Teachers' discourse is recorded and analysed quantitatively and qualitatively to determine the extent to which male and female teachers utilise pro-social or anti-social power how student–teachers respond to and perceive TP is also investigated. Six teacher educators (three males and three females) were observed over 18 lectures (22 hours) involving 47 students. Personal interviews were conducted with the educators, besides holding focus groups. The findings reveal convergent patterns of power with unique gender variances in TP ratios (anti-social: pro-social). Male power ratio (2.3:1) was much greater than the females' (1.5:1) who displayed command power, zero criticism, and zero coercion; Female power was distinguished by politeness, compliment and "command softening" whereas the students tolerated command, interruption, and questioning, unwarranted coercion and unconstructive criticism were met with silent protest. Balancing power was deemed crucial to foster affective stress-free learning.

**Keywords:** antisocial/prosocial power, classroom discourse, gender differences, Libyan language teacher education, teacher power strategies

#### **1. Introduction**

In Libyan, and Muslim culture at large, teachers are very much esteemed by both students and society [1]. It is because of the knowledge they possess and convey to others that teachers are rendered superior over their learners [2]. Notwithstanding how teacher superiority, or teacher power (TP), is perceived, learners as recipients of power are somewhat sensitive to how it is exercised. While learners react positively to constructive comments, teacher praise, or encouragement, they are endowed with a sensitive threshold to power, that is perhaps embedded in their culture. Excess power, for example, coercion, criticism, or over-interruption can harm the less-powerful learners, hence causing increased anxiety and/or avoidance of further class contribution [3].

When teachers are conscious of the adverse consequences of power, they will be able to mitigate power to reduce anxiety and promote a relaxed classroom environment. Mitigating TP using "command softening" expressions has proven successful in the present study. Therefore, a conscientious understanding of how to manipulate TP, appreciate how affective learning and learner contribution are influenced is indispensable for EFL teaching practitioners. Therefore "understanding power use in the classroom is essential to setting up positive, pro-social learning environments and avoid abusing (or the perception of) teacher power" [4].

#### **1.1 Related studies**

Earlier studies on TP were largely quantitative and based primarily on students' perceptions of exerted power (e.g. [5–8]). In particular, those studies reference the five power sources [9] as bases for TP measurement, which were not originally intended for classroom contexts and were founded on the perceptions of students, over whom power was exerted [5]. More recently though several qualitative case studies were carried out with emphasis on power relations and specific strategies of teacher power:

For example, a case study was undertaken to explore politeness strategies by Indonesian teachers and students in high school settings using video-recorded observations [10]. The results show that positive, negative, and bold forms of politeness, perceptions of teacher and students of power, as well as social distance all contributed to the politeness strategies used.

A later case study explored gender effects on politeness strategies by Iranian EFL teachers' classroom interaction [11]. The researchers carried out classroom observations of ten classes involving five male and five female teachers. Frequencies and percentages of politeness acts were worked out and then compared. The results showed that students' interaction and learning were positively influenced by the females' politeness strategies; moreover, the females were more interactive and supportive of student's mistakes; they asked more referential questions, complimented more, and used fewer commands. A direct relationship between polite strategies and learning processes was posited.

Another case study was conducted to examine Malaysian secondary school classroom discourse in which they used classroom observations and pedagogic discourse analysis [12]. It was found that discourse is characterised with teacher domination controlling discourse and student behaviour, e.g. in turn taking and in the types of questions posed.

An additional case study employed classroom observations of twelve EFL classes to analyse command strategies of Malay university teachers [13]. Their findings reveal that while lecturers do not always use directives, teacher talk dominates teaching and learning; the students on the other hand acknowledged adherence to teachers' orders.

Power relationships among teachers and students were explored in Filipino private universities [14]. Eight teachers and eight students were interviewed using openended and semi-structured interviews. Exceptional and convergent experiences of power relations emerged from the thematic analysis used. Both teachers and students revealed that their experience of power or lack of power could be described in terms of differences in knowledge and expertise. Several limits to teacher power were identified by both groups.

A further qualitative case study on politeness was carried out to analyse the realisation and choices of politeness strategies in an Indonesian EFL teacher education *Teacher Power and Gender in Libyan Language Teacher Education DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110578*

context [15]. The study used a framework of politeness strategies [16] to analyse the classroom discourse of thirty students and their teacher in two classes. The findings disclose positive politeness, negative politeness, and bald on record. Positive politeness was to maintain a close teacher–student relationship, negative politeness to minimise coercion, and bald on records to give explicit instruction. Sociological factors, e.g. distance, power, and degree of imposition, influenced choices of politeness strategies.

#### **1.2 The gap**

Whereas previous studies focused mainly on teacher power use in Asian countries, little emphasis was made on Arab EFL contexts. More specifically, to the authors' best knowledge, no research has been conducted in Libyan EFL teacher education or even higher education as a whole. This research, therefore, contributes to the field through a qualitative case study that explores the extent of teacher power use with particular emphasis on gender differences and the discursive strategies applied.

#### **1.3 Research questions**

Based on the underlying perspective set out thus far, three pivotal research questions have been posited to direct data collection instruments:

#### **2. Conceptual framework**

#### **2.1 Teacher power**

The source of power is invariably traced to possession of knowledge [2]. Broadly speaking, power is an individual's capacity to influence the behaviour of another person or group of persons [17]. That is, teachers are capable of applying power over their students due to the knowledge they possess [18]. "Power", "influence", and "control" are treated as synonymous in the relevant literature [19]. The view that power is control of action and cognition is sustained [20]. This means that teachers not only have the potential to limit the freedom of students but also to influence their minds through cognitive learning. More specifically, power is perceived as one's capacity to make a person do something that he/she would not otherwise do has he/she not been exposed to power [21]. Hence, "the teacher is considered superior in terms of his/her knowledge, experience, and judgements, whereas learners are the 'lesser' partners in the interaction" [1].

Further perspectives consider teacher power as "the teacher's ability to affect in some way the students' well-being beyond the students' control" [5], rendering them unable to avert its consequences. More importantly, teacher power is exerted through classroom discourse, and consequently, its impact will be felt by students in multiple

facets, in their affective learning [5], motivation to participate in class activities [22], and in their academic achievement [23].

An interrelationship of power with discourse is emphasised by advocating a "difference between knowing and teaching, and that difference is communication in the classroom" [24]. Power is then "linguistically expressed by teachers and presented in the classroom" [18]. Accordingly, teacher power discourse is expressed not only by content-knowledge alone but more specifically through the manipulation of discursive strategies: "We now realise that knowledge of content material is an insufficient condition to instruction; the practising teacher must learn the communication strategies that can control student behaviours requisite for learning" [6].

Since power is manifested through language, or put another way, language is power [25]; an assessment of teacher power must therefore be embedded in the discursive features employed by the teacher [1] instead of power as simply perceived by the students.

#### **2.2 Teacher power strategies**

Expressions of teacher power are identified through teacher power strategies (TPS) that embrace "behaviour alteration techniques" which teachers employ to control or modify student learning activities. When power strategies are not employed, or misused, the teacher's potential to enhance student learning is diminished. Thus, managing power strategies is critical to teaching effectiveness and to classroom management [6]. A discourse-based classification of TPS typically used in classroom discourse has been compiled from relevant literature.

The following classification provides eight sources for TPS that have been used in this case study to evaluate how power is revealed through teacher discourse. These are as follows:

#### **3. Command**

As one of the most common forms of classroom power [13], this strategy is typically associated with the use of imperatives to issue instruction.

#### **4. Questioning**

Questioning is an essential classroom activity which teachers use to elicit information, check comprehension, or to evaluate students. A teacher "has the right to give orders and ask questions, whereas the students have only the obligation to comply and answer" [25].

#### **5. Interruption**

This strategy is typically used by people with high-power status as a "device for exercising power and control in conversation" to interrupt other speakers and thus control discourse [26].

#### **6. Criticism**

Teachers legitimately possess power to be critical of students. Criticism, however, may have negative outcomes, for it can "discourage and intimidate the learner and may even stop him answering future questions" [1].

#### **7. Coercion**

Coercive power is known to have negative consequences on learning [5]. It is based on learners' expectations that they would be penalised if they do not adhere to requirements; thus "the strength of a teacher's coercive power is contingent upon the student's perception of how probable it is that the teacher will exact punishment for non-conformance" [5].

#### **8. Politeness**

Politeness involves using appropriate words in context, a tactic that is governed by social norms [12]. Hence, a teacher may mitigate power with forms of politeness to make learners feel more at ease.

#### **9. Compliment**

Offering compliment or praise is another strategy that reduces power. One common way of giving a compliment is positive feedback, which can "boost learners' sense of confidence and simultaneously decreases their language anxiety which is very common in FL classroom" [3].

#### **10. Reward**

This form of power "involves introducing something pleasant or removing something unpleasant, if the student does comply" [5]. Teachers may also use reward power, e.g. grades, prizes, or privileges, in different ways to influence learners' behaviour; however, that the influence of reward is associated with how desirable that reward is to students [27].

#### **10.1 Anti vs. pro-social power**

Teacher power exerted through classroom discourse can influence students positively or negatively [8]. A positive impact of power is attributed to pro-social strategies, such as politeness, complement, and reward, which have motivating effects on students [22].

**Table 1.** *Sources of anti and pro-social power.* Pro-social power is also said to assist in achieving learning outcomes [4]. Negative power, on the other hand, is associated with the exertion of anti-social strategies, e.g. interruption, coercion, and criticism, the overuse of which can lead to withdrawal from learning activities. Command, criticism, coercing, interruption, and questioning in various degrees do cause increased student anxiety [3].

**Table 1** classifies TPS into anti-social teacher power (ATP; 1–5) and pro-social teacher power (PTP; 6–8).

#### **11. Method**

The research methodology for this study is based on exploratory qualitative case-study design. An exploratory approach allows researchers to explore an event or activity through a variety of methods [28]. Further, a case study is characterised by in-depth inquiry where data describes and explains the explored phenomenon [29]. The typicality of case (commensurate with a sampling frame in quantitative research) is significant in qualitative research and has been described in the sense of singularity that is "expected in some way to be typical of something more general; the focus is the issue not the case as such" [29]. That is why the present case study is explanatory qualitative, for in pursuit of improving practice it seeks to explore or narrate a story [30] of how Libyan EFL teacher educators exert power through a display of classroom discourse.

Concerning generalisation from a qualitative case (parallel to external validity in quantitative research), the researchers particularly find the argument; "generalisation is a process in research, as much or more than it is a product of research… Welldesigned qualitative research can be just as useful for generalisation as well-designed quantitative research" [31] accommodating. Therefore, in accordance with this outlined methodology, the following data collection methods were pursued:

#### **11.1 Classroom observation**

Having obtained consent to carry out classroom observation, the researchers considered it necessary to initially conceal the exact purpose of the study. To guard against threats to internal validity, power behaviour needed to occur genuinely, not due to reactivity (e.g. [32]), otherwise known as the Hawthorne effect [33]; the process where subjects adjust their behaviour in response to being observed. It is recommended [34] that the Hawthorne effect is mitigated by gathering data through unobtrusive tactics such that participants are unaware of being researched as long as no harm is inflicted. When later debriefed, the case teachers confirmed they would have almost certainly moderated their power strategies in some way had they known the exact research purpose. Debriefing is the act of informing participants about the intentions of the study in which they just participated; during this process, researchers reveal any deceptions that occurred and explain why deception was necessary [35]. Following such debriefing, the case teachers consented to their transcribed data being anonymously reported.

#### **11.2 Teachers' interviews**

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with six Libyan EFL teacher educators (three males and three females). The purpose of the interviews was to understand their perceptions of power, and it is employed in teacher education classrooms.

Appropriate consent was obtained to record and anonymously report responses. Each of the interviews lasted between 30 minutes and 40 minutes.

#### **11.3 Focus group discussion (FGD)**

Seven focus group discussions were conducted involving 47 second-semester students who attended the observed lectures. Each FGs was associated with a particular skill subject taught (reading, writing, grammar, listening, vocabulary, and speaking). All the students volunteered to take part and consented to audio recording and having their responses reported anonymously. The discussion themes addressed students' perceptions of power and how anti- or pro-social power concern their emotional wellbeing and how they participate in class activities.

#### **12. Results and discussion**

A mixed-method approach to data analysis was adopted. Observed incidents of TPS were categorised as anti- or pro-social power, according to TP classification (**Table 1**), which were then transformed into percentages. TPS data (frequencies, per cent, and ratios) were compiled from observation data for each educator. On the other hand, content analysis was used to highlight relevant extracts from the teacher interviews and students FGDs, both of which were reported verbatim to preserve language competency and style. Where applicable, insertions in square brackets are added to clarify intended meaning; exclamation marks in square brackets indicate redundant words.

#### **12.1 Background data**

**Table 2** summarises the educators' background data including age, experience, subjects taught, and the hours observed. To maintain anonymity, the teachers are referred to alphabetically from A to F.

What follows is a discussion of observed power in 22 hours of classroom discourse. The flow of discussion addresses the research questions posed by the study: the extent and the proportions of manifested power, gender differences in power use, and the student–teachers' perception of and response to exerted power. The terms

#### **Table 2.** *Background data on the case teachers.*

teacher-educators, educators, and teachers are used as synonyms; the same applies to students and student–teachers (other alternatives though not used in this study are pre-service teachers, trainee-teachers, or trainees).

#### **12.2 Observed teacher power**

**Table 3** illustrates the case teachers' observed antisocial teacher power (ATP) contrasted with pro-social teacher power (PTP). The power strategies are displayed in descending order along with the ensuing TP ratio.

#### **12.3 Anti-social power**

Overall, the case teachers (males and females) exhibited a higher degree of antisocial (69.3%) with respect to pro-social power (30.7%), which works out at more than twice the ratio (2.3:1). Antisocial power was predominantly exerted through command (36.7%), i.e. using imperative forms, a finding that is consistent with previous studies, e.g. [13, 15].

• Command power was typically applied to issue classroom instruction, with which the students complied. However, the teachers' interview data revealed inconsistency with their practice. Teacher A (male) had claimed a preference for politeness over command, yet he was observed to exert the highest level of command power (68.2%).

*I prefer to ask my students politely. This [does] not mean that I do not give imperative[s], but sometimes. I prefer to ask politely; [for example] could you please answer this question (Teacher A; male).*

Further, he advocated balancing command power with polite instruction, which, again, did not materialise in his classes:

#### **Table 3.**

*Anti- and pro-social power ratios.*

*Teacher Power and Gender in Libyan Language Teacher Education DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110578*

> *I do not agree [like] this way (commanding) because some students feel sense [sensitive] from this way. Maybe the teacher must… mix between these ways, imperative and the other way [politeness] because some students need to make [follow] your way by strong [force]…other students [are] against that, so he must make [use] both ways not command only (Teacher A; male).*

Teacher C (male) also expressed opposition to the use of pure command. His claim is to accommodate for students' emotional needs:

*I do not agree [like] this way [using commands] because some students feel sense [sensitive] from [to] this way. Maybe the teacher must mix between these ways; imperative and the other way [politeness] because some students need to make [follow] your way by strong [force]…other students [are] against that so he [the teacher] must make [use] both ways not imperative only (Teacher C; male).*

That a teacher's behaviour contradicts his/her retort can only be attributed to "response bias", e.g. [36], where respondents attempt to portray a positive impression for themselves. The anticipation of such phenomenon was one reason for initially concealing from the case teachers the exact purpose of the study. The other reason is reactivity; the likelihood of participants altering behaviour upon being observed (see Method).

• Questioning (26.4%) was the second most frequent ATP used mainly for pedagogic purposes. Open-ended questions were posed more often than yes/no questions to engage students, who mostly responded in short phrases or sentence fragments.

This questioning excerpt is from Teacher C's (male) grammar class. The topic involved negative imperative construction:

1.*T: How can you form the negative form of imperative? S1: Not. T: Yes, but what comes before not? S2: Do not! T: Thank you! Do not or do not. Give me an example. S2: Do not come late. T: Very good, thank you.*

In a questioning routine by Teacher F (female), she followed through with probing questions to elicit appropriate responses. The topic under discussion was forms of life in the future, and she came up with a good idea herself:

2.*T: What do you think life will be in future? S1: Changing in technology. T: OK, change in technology in terms of what? S2: New style of living? T: Good!…like what? S2: How people communicate… S3: New video phones. S4: Maybe no mobile phones…use hand watch.* *T: You mean wristwatch! S4: Yes, wristwatch… wristwatch phone. T: Perhaps wrist-mobile.*

• Teachers' interruption, criticism, and coercion power (4.5%, 1.3%, and 0.4%, consecutively) together constituted a minor proportion (6.2%) of total antisocial power. Interruption was used primarily to correct students' grammar and pronunciation.

Being a grammar instructor, Teacher C (male) displayed maximum interruption power (13.5%); extracts 3–5 are cases in which he interrupts to correct or indicate errors:

3.*S: This word uncorrect.*

*T: uncorrect? S: Sorry! incorrect. T: Good, so this word is incorrect.*

4.*S: She is coming from France.*

*T: Shouldn't it be in the present simple.*

*S: She come from France?*

*T: She come?*

*S: She comes.*

*T: Correct.*

5.*S: This one match.*

*T: Add "es".*

*S: Matches.*

*T: Thank you.*

In (3), Teacher C interrupted by highlighting the wrong word (uncorrect) with emphatic stress. The student reproduced the correct form. The teacher initially ignored the missing verb "be" (is) as he focused on the word form, but later reiterated the sentence correctly, placing slight stress on "is". In (4), a student produced the present continuous form inappropriately. The teacher interrupted by asking the student to use the present simple instead; however, the verb "come" was missing an "s" which made the teacher re-interrupt. In (5), the teacher interrupted to correct the form of present simple.

Although error correction is viewed as a controversial issue in terms of immediate versus non-immediate or delayed correction, Teacher C (male) revealed a kind of response bias regarding interruption for he claimed a belief in letting students express themselves without being "cut off " [interrupted] to sustain the flow of information:

*[The] teacher must not interrupt… [he] must be [follow] step by step.

• Criticism at a low 0.4% was apparently used by Teachers A, B, & C (males) in association with a perceived lack of progress and failure to engage in class discussion:

6.*I think I've done [a] big effort but without any benefit (Teacher A; male)*

7.*You are university students… you aren't high school students (Teacher B; male)*

8.*You are not with us; you are sleeping (Teacher C; male)*

Teacher A praised himself for "doing big effort" (6) and criticised the class for lacking progress (without any benefit). Despite such unconstructive criticism, the students did not object or argue; they appeared to endure criticism in silence.

Teacher B (7) criticised his class for low competence by comparing them with high school students. Though the students were dissatisfied, they did not contradict the teacher, for he possessed the authority to criticise, be it unconstructively.

In (8), Teacher C caught a student "daydreaming". He asked her a question, and she looked in bewilderment. Her classmate tried to help by whispering something, but it was too late; the teacher had delivered his verdict. In all three cases of such criticism, the students protested in silence.

To a certain extent, tolerance or compliance to teacher power is by convention embedded in the Arab culture; students traditionally show respect by remaining silent and only speak when asked [37].

The reported incidents of criticism (6–8) appear unconstructive. They lacked a well-reasoned opinion and gave negative personal comments in a non-friendly manner. Such unconstructive criticism is associated with irresponsible teacher behaviour and can "harm the teacher–student relationship and fuel retaliation by the students as a response" [38]. Unconstructive criticism could also lead to "reduced motivation and limited engagement with future feedback" [39].

In (9) a strong, perhaps unwarranted, form of coercion (repeating Reading 2) was applied to reprimand a student who was looking at photos in her mobile phone during the lecture. Quite embarrassed, she put her phone away and looked down silently.

In (10), as the class failed to answer a question (What is the next word?), the teacher resorted to unwarranted coercion; this time to "fail all". The students objected silently, for premeditated silence can be interpreted as protest [40]. Silent protest meant the students withdrew from further class interaction.

Coercion recurred on a third, less harmful occasion; being thrown "from the window" if they do not bring their pencils (11). Grinning at each other, the students took this with some sense of humour (perhaps "humorous coercion").

#### **12.4 Pro-social strategies**

The pro-social strategies displayed by the case teacher (30.7%) suggest a moderate level of positive power.

• Politeness (20.5%) was affected with expressions, such as *please/ can/ could/ would you?* which helped to reduce the impact of command. According to Teacher A (male), who exhibited a low rate of politeness (3.1%), politeness can be applied in a pragmatic fashion:

*It depends on the type of student; some students need to be ordered… some of them, but most of them prefer to be treated politely (Teacher A; male).*

Such differential treatment by teachers may give the impression of unfairness or injustice.

Teacher B (male) expressed preference for using politeness, which he claims to apply, but at 24.7% rate of politeness power, this claim was unrealistic:

*I like to be more polite [when I] to use [use] these [this] power. As you know, they (the students) are adults and they need high respect. (Teacher B; male).*

The highest rate of politeness among the case teachers was demonstrated by Teacher D (female) at 30.2%. She confirmed:

*I want to give instructions with politeness or to see [the] difference between giving orders and giving polite structures. So, could, may… I like to use them a lot in my teaching, to be honest. (Teacher D; female)*

• Teachers' total complement power (10%) was used primarily to praise and motivate students, e.g. *good; that's good; thank you; well done; excellent*. When used, forms of praise encouraged the students to take part in class discussion/ activity without worrying too much about mistakes. Teacher E (female) acknowledged linguistically incorrect responses without bothering to correct. Teacher D (female) frequently used compliment to encourage contribution regardless of quality:

*I want you to answer questions with no worry; do not worry if you answer wrong way [wrongly], just try to express yourself (Teacher D; female).*

Error tolerance by teachers did encourage student contribution; it reduced anxiety and facilitated stress-free learning [41, 42]. Other teachers, e.g. Teacher A, rarely offered compliment (1.8%). A lack of complement, coupled with unconstructive criticism, raises anxiety and may harm affective learning [3].

The students were "promised" to pass to the next level of reading and "from now" if they could guess the topic for a given paragraph, which is neither practical nor acceptable.

A more pragmatic way to apply reward power was used by Teacher E (female); she offered extra marks to encourage student participation:

14. *You'll get ten marks for class participation (Teacher E; female).* Teacher F (female) also followed a similar reward tactic:

15. *If you need to collect more marks, you have to discuss and speak (Teacher F; female).*

#### **12.5 Teacher Power and gender**

**Table 4** demonstrates antisocial power and pro-social power by male and female teachers. It reveals case teachers' individual power strategies (a%–F%) and percentages (sum%). "Ratios" (across) represent TP ratios for each teacher.

Remarkable gender differences in TP have emerged. Anti-social strategies were applied less frequently (59.2%) by females than the males (77.6%). This finding is in agreement with previous studies, e.g. [13, 15, 43, 44]. Moreover, the females exhibited higher pro-social power (40.8%), which is almost twice as much as the males (22.4%). That is, the female teachers displayed a tendency to use more politeness, complement, and reward strategies than their male counterpart. This inclination towards positive pro-social power helped reduce learner anxiety and created a relaxed classroom atmosphere for the student–teachers, hence attracting active involvement [45], an observation that was less evident in the male classes.

**Figure 1** highlights gender differences concerning antisocial power strategies.

Commanding by the male teachers was more evident (49.3%) than the females (19.8%). The female teachers also mitigated command power through what was termed "command softening" by introducing attenuating expressions, such as *try to*

#### **Table 4.**

*Male versus female teacher power.*

#### **Figure 1.**

*ATP contrast by male and female teachers.*

and *just*…, which helped to mitigate the impact of command power, a technique that was not detected in the male teachers' discourse.

Interruption power was applied almost equally by both sexes (4.5% by males; 4.3% by females). Whereas criticism, unconstructive at that, was exercised 22 times (2.3%) by the male teachers, it was absent from the females' discourse, i.e. zero criticism. The same was also true for coercion power (zero coercion). This "uncritical non-coercive" tactic minimised female teacher power and created an increasingly relaxed and stressfree learning environment that supported active participation.

Contrasting male and female pro-social power (**Figure 2**) reveals more politeness strategies (21.5%) by the female teachers (14.8%), which is consistent with findings in [13, 42, 43] endorsing decreased female power.

Instead, the female teachers appeared to apply a much higher proportion of complement strategies (14%) than the males (6.3%), a result that conforms to those in [11, 43, 44]. Reward power was negligent and almost similar for both males and females (0.3% and 0.2% consecutively).

**Figure 2.** *PTP by the male and female teachers.*

Based on TP ratios (**Table 4**), it is apparent that the females adopted a far more balanced approach to teacher power than their male counterparts did. Remarkably, female Teacher D was the only one who manifested a higher rate of pro-social than anti-social power (0.6:1).

Teacher F (female), nonetheless, broke the pattern of female pro-social power dominance. She had displayed a higher anti-social power ratio of 4.2 to 1 by exerting a high level of command (32.6%) and interruption (12.8%).

Gender differences in teacher power as outlined in the findings could be explained in terms of masculine versus feminine discourse features. The male teachers tend to adopt a more masculine style of discourse demonstrated through the exertion of command power, which stretched to a relatively high 49.3% in contrast with the females' 19.8% (**Figure 1**). Moreover, the female teachers employed compassionate feminine features of discourse notably through expressions of politeness (25.8% against 15.3% for males) and compliment (14% as opposed to 6.3% by males) as **Figure 2** demonstrates.

#### **12.6 Student: teachers reactions**

The student–teachers' perception of and reaction to teacher power are discussed in terms of ant-social and pro-social power. Concerning antisocial power, tolerable and intolerable forms were discussed. When applicable, the number of students (out of 47) who preferred a particular aspect of power is included.

#### *12.6.1 Tolerable anti-social power*

Unanimously, the student–teachers acknowledged ATP and accepted that teachers have a privilege to exercise command, questioning, interruption, criticism, or coercion but at an appropriate tolerable level. The students believe that antisocial power can be tolerated when used for the following purposes: accomplish pedagogic objectives or maintain discipline (S1, S5, S8), get attention (S2, S5), issue instruction (S3, S5, S6), pose questions (S7), maintain respect (S8) or, to a certain extent, interrupt students (S6). The following excerpts reveal some of the students' attitudes to ATP:

*S1: [The] teacher must control students because there have [has] to be discipline in the class. [A]teacher without power, his students will not take him seriously.*

*S2: Power of teacher is very important to make students focus; [so that they] do not get to lose [lost] in the lecture.*

*S3: Sometimes power is good when it is about the lesson (giving instruction). [In that case] It is good. It is not bad.*

*S4: I think it's [asking questions] the key for understanding. If [the] teacher does not have [ask] any questions, the students will have the same thing [knowledge]. It's my opinion.*

*S5: I would prefer high power. It helps learning in class when [the teacher has] high use of power or authority. It will help [when] we are forced to concentrate, focus, grab your [our] attention…leads to better understanding.*

*S6: It [interruption] helps to give information; sometimes it is good when [a] student say[s] something wrong just to explain this point; maybe to correct your answer and put another idea for your answer so [to] help.*

*S7: Teacher power is [a] good idea to control the class. Students must be control [controlled] and maybe [make them] love [the] subject…to answer it [questions] in [the] final…to respect [the] teacher like dads and sons.*

#### *12.6.2 Intolerable anti-social power*

All the students opposed excessive use of anti-social power. For them, overuse of power (expressed as "power" or "high power") was unacceptable; it deeply harmed their emotional well-being, e.g. feeling afraid (S10, S11, S12); scared (S11, S12, S13); discouraged (S8); uncomfortable (S8, S9); unconfident (S10, S11). More importantly, excessive anti-social power affected students' cognitive development (S9, S12), keeping up with lecture (S8); asking questions (S9, S10, S11, S12); expressing opinions (S10); participating in activities (S8, S13):

*S8: High power will make us uncomfortable in [when] asking questions and in thinking [keeping up] with him [the teacher] and sharing ideas. It will affect [us] for sure, especially for [in] English learning.*

*S9: The teacher that has high power can make me feel afraid to speak and ask questions; afraid to say my opinion. It makes me hard [uneasy] to feel confident when speaking.*

*S10: It will be hard to ask questions to the teacher that have [who has] high power and hard to feel confident to talk with the teacher; [I] feel scared… afraid he will not accept my question.*

*S11: I think it [high power] will affect participation. It makes students scared to ask questions. If so afraid [to ask], they will not learn.*

*S 12: If [the] teacher was very powerful on [over] his students will be negatively affected by the teacher.*

*S13: When the teacher uses power too much, [he/she] becomes scary [and] of course, students will not participate; [they] will feel frightened. He should be [in] command but in a formal way, not over-control [over-powerful].*

Specific strategies of anti-social power, e.g. command were rejected by most students (39). Instead, they preferred a modified or mitigated version of command:

*S14: The student should feel being asked to do something not being ordered and that would make [a] difference.*

*S15: I do not like [the] teacher when [he/she] say[s] 'do that', 'not to do that'. I think 'please', 'could you', 'do you mind' is more politely [polite].*

Teacher interruption power was a thorny issue. A majority of the students (39) disliked being interrupted for no reason, especially when frequent. It could lead to a loss of focus and withdrawal from an activity.

*Teacher Power and Gender in Libyan Language Teacher Education DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110578*

> *S16: When the teacher interrupt[s] anyone [it] is not polite and I'll not be comfortable with [the] teacher who interrupt[s] me all the time. Ok, I will not focus, and I will not say anything.*

Teacher interruption for cognitive aims was nevertheless tolerated by most students (32), e.g. to supplement or rectify a response (S18), or to correct grammar/ pronunciation mistakes (S19).

*S17: Sometimes [it's] good for teachers, maybe to correct an answer and put another idea to help [the] student; to give him some words to him keep going. Sometimes [a student] [is] feeling shy, so interrupt[ion] maybe [may] help the student.*

*S18: I like [the] teacher when [he/she] correct[s] my grammar mistakes. I want [to] improve grammar to be [a] good teacher. Sometimes [the] teacher correct[s] pronunciation. In speaking, pronunciation must be in [a] good way.*

However, being interrupted for non-cognitive purposes, e.g. when making a presentation, expressing an opinion, or when engaged in an open activity or conversation was equally disliked by a majority of students (42), for they lose the point or ideas (S19, S20, S22), get confused (S19, S20), lose confidence (S20), feel unimportant (S21):

*S19: Teacher interruption confuse[s] me; I lose the point. That happens with me many times. [It] make[s] me confused.*

*S20: When [the] teacher interrupted [interrupts] that will interfere in our way; [the] students will not feel confident.*

*S21: It [interruption] makes me feel [that] what I say is not important and I do not have to participate again.*

*S22: When you talk about something and [the] teacher interrupt[s] you, your ideas going [vanish] and you cannot say anything else.*

One student praised her (female) teacher who encouraged her students to speak freely without paying attention to mistakes. Such attitude of error tolerance was praised by all students:

*S23: I like her way (Teacher D). She said we should speak with no worry about [the] mistakes we do. Now I feel confidence [confident] to speak in her class.*

Criticism was a sensitive issue for students. Now, criticism overlaps with interruption; a teacher may criticise immediately by interrupting a student while speaking, or later through delayed criticism. In either case, (immediate or delayed) criticality can be constructive or unconstructive, a topic of interest under corrective feedback.  I feel embarrassed; it's not good for me if [the] teacher [is] critical all the time; I stop talking.*

The students also thought that the teacher should have ample space to listen to them first, then criticise later (delayed criticism):

*S25: The teacher has got enough time to criticise or when he wants to say something. The teacher has to listen carefully and then respond and interact with the students.*

Criticising students for improper behaviour was deemed a teacher's duty by all students, so long as he/she deals with in a professional non-provocative manner.

In response to Teacher A's coercive power, the students reacted to two types of coercion. One was unwarranted (threat of being failed) which they met with silent resistance on two occasions and withdrew from further contribution, a counterproductive consequence to coercive treatment. Keeping silent was the only form of resistance whilst maintaining respect for the teacher. On a third coercive incident, a humorous variety of coercion (the threat of being thrown out of the window if they do not bring their pencils) emerged. The students took this unlikely threat with a sense of humour.

#### *12.6.3 Pro-social power*

Contrary to the students' views on high or anti-social power, they unanimously favoured teachers who exercised pro-social power more often, e.g. politeness and complement. Instead of exerting control purely to impose authority, they expected teachers to come down to students' level. The students argued that teacher politeness and praise make them feel less anxious and more motivated to participate. Such prosocial approach to power manifestation created a friendly and relaxed atmosphere (S27; S28; S30), facilitated a positive learning environment (S27; S28), and encouraged active participation (S28; S29).

*S26: Teachers who minimise [power] are better; this makes you love [the] teachers more and appreciate and respect them more.*

*S27: Less power helps to feel relaxed in the lecture, [the result of which is] asking and understanding more.*

*S28: Politeness is very good to use because [it] make[s] [the] teacher have [a] relationship like father and sons. I like this teacher to learn and participate with.*

*S29: The students will feel comfortable with the teacher and they will not get embarrassed because they will feel relaxed; the students feel being asked to do something not ordered and that would make [a] difference.*

#### *12.6.4 Balance of power*

The students clearly disapproved of excessive teacher power. It raised anxiety and negatively affected class contribution. Surprisingly, however, a high degree of prosociable power was unfavourably perceived. It emerged from the focus group discussions that a balance of power was appropriate. Teacher power should neither be too high to depress and dissuade active participation nor too low to drop teacher respect:

*S30: When [a] teacher does not have power, I will not understand or I can understand but not like one [who] has power in teaching. At the same time over of power [overpower] it [!] will not help the student; so [it should be] in the middle.*

*S31: Not too low [power], not too high level, because I need to feel that person in front of me is a teacher and he deserves respect because of his position.*

*S32: I hate [it] when [a] teacher become [becomes] closer [too close] to students because they would not be so polite with him; he will lose place [status].*

*S33: I prefer the medium between them [anti and pro-social power], because eventually he is a teacher, and he is on the top of students [has higher status]; I think he should be in the middle.*

#### **13. Conclusion**

Teacher power manifestation, overall, was loaded with anti-social power more so than pro-social power, resulting in over double the ratio (2.3:1). Command (36.7%) was the most commonly used power to give instruction and maintain control, questioning rated second (26.4%) with more open questions to engage students. Interruption appeared much less (4.5%) mainly to correct mistakes. Occasions of unconstructive criticism (1.3%) and unwarranted coercion (0.4%) were unwelcome and confronted with silent protest.

Remarkable gender differences emerged. The females revealed far less antisocial power in terms of command, but employed questioning techniques that motivated student interaction. The impact of female command power was mitigated by "command softening". Little gender differences occurred regarding interruption or reward. On the other hand, a higher ratio of politeness and compliment was observed which. In combination with zero criticism and zero coercion and a tolerance for error, notably reduced student anxiety and facilitated livelier class participation.

The findings align with those by [46, 46] who assert that females utilise feminine communication strategies, e.g. hedging, polite forms, and question intonations. In contrast, men dwell on a masculine style of discourse where they use less polite language and are insensitive about question intonation. Therefore, to enhance teacher–student communication and inspire positive learning environments, it is strongly recommended that teachers, males in particular, revise their classroom practices of power use and their perceptions of how power strategies influence learning.

The students acknowledged the teachers' privilege to exercise power, e.g. command and questioning to facilitate instruction. Interrupting was welcome to augment response or correct mistakes, but not while engaged in dialogue or a presentation.

The students tolerated endured unconstructive criticism and unwarranted coercion with silent resistance. Whereas excessive anti-social power discouraged contribution, teachers with low power risked losing students' respect. Teachers should therefore balance their act of power in such a way that it is not too anti-social to trigger anxiety and discourage participation, nor should it be highly pro-social to lose control.

#### **14. Implications**

Libyan EFL teachers and educators are encouraged to undergo a shift in attitudes from traditional and inefficient teacher-centred approaches to learner-centred pedagogy that is based on "students' needs and shared power relations" [47]. Since teacher power strategies are critical to effective teaching [6], teachers should employ them consciously to facilitate learning and advance learner cognitive development. Accordingly, teachers must self-monitor their teaching styles and how they exercise power in order to facilitate not dominate.

According to the notion of affective filter hypothesis [48], factors such as anxiety, motivation, and self-confidence influence learning. Therefore, teachers are advised to minimise anti-social power, e.g. unnecessary interruption, unconstructive criticism, and unwarranted coercion, which hinder learner motivation and self-confidence. Using command softening techniques to mitigate power also reduce anxiety and contribute to creating positive affective learning. It is not how frequent anti-social power occurs that is consequential; it is the impact on students' emotional state of well-being that is at stake. Silent resistance, commensurate with Libyan Arab culture, in response to unconstructive criticism or unwarranted coercion, is a point in case.

Notwithstanding the apparently frequent mistakes reflected by the students' verbatim quotations, a tolerance for error in EFL teacher education is an issue of concern since the objective is to produce competent language teachers. While error tolerance has been shown to encourage stress-free engagement in speaking lessons, it may be argued that tolerance for grammar errors, particularly in the teaching of grammar, can be counterproductive since the student–teachers are expected to teach grammar after graduation.

Therefore, a skill-oriented error tolerance approach could be tuned to harmonise with certain teaching activities. For example, in teaching speaking, students are infrequently interrupted, but not so in teaching grammar or writing. In the latter case, students are often required to respond in short target-structure form; hence, teacher interruption does more good than harm.

#### **15. Limitations**

The authors acknowledge the fact that the case study is based on a small number of teachers (six). Arguably, a case study typically entails a small sample of participants within a reasonably controlled environment [49], where "the experiences, features, behaviours, and processes of a bounded unit" are understood in context [50]. More specifically, case study research pursues to answer questions of "how a phenomenon is influenced by the context within which it is situated" [51], an issue that cannot satisfactorily be answered through quantitative enquiry. Additionally, this study investigates, for the first time as it happens, how teacher power is truly manifested through Libyan EFL teacher educators discourse. Research is invited to expand the scope and reliability of the current findings to encompass other faculties of education and/or pedagogic contexts within Libya or beyond.

*Teacher Power and Gender in Libyan Language Teacher Education DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110578*

#### **Author details**

Reda Elmabruk1 \* and Nesrin Etarhuni2

1 Faculty of Education Tripoli, University of Tripoli, Tripoli, Libya

2 Faculty of Education Janzour, University of Tripoli, Tripoli, Libya

\*Address all correspondence to<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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