**International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development 34**

Liv Torunn Grindheim Hanne Værum Sørensen Angela Rekers *Editors*

# Outdoor Learning and Play

Pedagogical Practices and Childrenʹs Cultural Formation

# **International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development**

Volume 34

# **Series Editors**

Marilyn Fleer, Monash University, Frankston, Australia Ingrid Pramling Samuelsson, Gothenburg University, Göteborg, Sweden

#### **Editorial Board Members**

Jane Bone, Monash University, Frankston, Australia Anne Edwards, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Mariane Hedegaard, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark Eva Johansson, University of Stavanger, Stavanger, Norway Rebeca Mejía Arauz, ITESO, Jalisco, Mexico Cecilia Wallerstedt, Gothenburg University, Göteborg, Sweden Liang Li , Monash University, Frankston, Australia

Early childhood education in many countries has been built upon a strong tradition of a materially rich and active play-based pedagogy and environment. Yet what has become visible within the profession, is essentially a Western view of childhood preschool education and school education.

It is timely that a series of books be published which present a broader view of early childhood education. This series seeks to provide an international perspective on early childhood education. In particular, the books published in this series will:

The series will cover theoretical works, evidence-based pedagogical research, and international research studies. The series will also cover a broad range of countries, including poor majority countries. Classical areas of interest, such as play, the images of childhood, and family studies will also be examined. However the focus will be critical and international (not Western-centric).

Please contact Astrid Noordermeer at<EMAIL_ADDRESS>to submit a book proposal for the series.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/7601

Liv Torunn Grindheim Hanne Værum Sørensen • Angela Rekers Editors

# Outdoor Learning and Play

Pedagogical Practices and Children's Cultural Formation

*Editors* Liv Torunn Grindheim KINDknow Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures Western Norway University of Applied Sciences Bergen, Norway

Hanne Værum Sørensen VIA University College Aarhus, Denmark

Angela Rekers Institute of Education and Humanities University of Wales Trinity Saint David Carmarthen, UK

ISSN 2468-8746 ISSN 2468-8754 (electronic) International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development ISBN 978-3-030-72594-5 ISBN 978-3-030-72595-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72595-2

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021. **Open Access** This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. This book is an open access publication.

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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

# **Foreword**

It is a unique experience to fnd a book of such a great timing. When the authors and editors of the book started their work, little did they know how the world would change and how their commitment to the topic of outdoor learning and play could be read as a response to an unexpected critical event. Suddenly, in 2020, the COVID-19 virus caused a myriad of changes to children's and teachers' lives all over the world. The pandemic is a crisis for today's children: the event and the responses to it may follow them for the rest of their lives, from their early learning to their social skills and bodily and mental health. It is our responsibility, as adults, to disprove the hypothesis that they will see themselves as a lost generation, whose lives will forever fall in the shadow of a global pandemic.

We know that transmission is higher in densely-packed indoor spaces, and the danger is ever-present in educational settings because children may become carriers who transmit the virus to the most vulnerable members of society, such as their grandparents, and children and adults with underlying diseases. Living in isolation under quarantine may have some serious consequences – delaying children's cognitive, emotional, social and gross motor development. Disadvantaged children will probably pay the greatest price, as resources like indoor space, gardens and transport to outdoor spaces will vary between families. We all need the discussions in this book to remind and inspire us when planning and policy is developed in the early childhood educational feld in the future.

During crises and diffcult times, notice must be taken to maintain Article 31 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). This article states the specifc right of all children to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to their age, and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. During the COVID-19 pandemic, it has been demonstrated that access to playgrounds, parks, open green spaces and landscapes has had an enormous positive impact on those with the opportunity to spend time in them in small cohorts and in fresh air. The unavailability of such places could be damaging for children and families.

People need to meet others, even in diffcult times and crises, and doing so in smaller groups seems to be the way to go. Therefore, urban planning and areas for

children in kindergartens and schools must consider universal access to green spaces, open landscapes and outdoor 'garden rooms' in every neighbourhood. Parks, playgrounds and other green areas provide people with the much-needed opportunity to escape household confnement and enjoy the positive effects of green spaces on their health and well-being, to holistic education, and to create childhood memories.

This book offers a unique set of articles that set out a cultural-historical approach to outdoor learning and play. It can be read as an alternative to a 'sheet, pencil and paper' skills-centred approach to early learning and play. An approach where literacy and numeracy are associated with indoor desk work, even for very young children, seems to have increased worldwide over the years, and we need books like this one to set out alternative narratives of valuable early childhood theorising and practices more in line with sustainable goals and holistic development approaches.

Rewarding it is, therefore, to read a book in which literacy and numeracy are not ignored as such, but rather included in a broader holistic view of child development. With wonderful case studies and interesting results, the authors create new knowledge, vivid images and inspiration for pedagogical practices where cultural formational ideas and design also have a place. The authors also kindly remind us about critical situations for children such as air pollution. Despite knowledge of the outdoors as a benefcial site for young children's education, the status of outdoor activities varies in and within different cultures for different reasons. With the increasing awareness caused by the pandemic, policymakers and educators have, with this book, got additional food for thought, planning, and acting upon outdoor spaces for children. In dense neighbourhoods, decrease in air pollution is an urgent requisite to reduce health concerns, while both for urban and rural areas, the outdoor learning and play will give richness and prosperity to children.

The book makes it possible to see more clearly how early years education is not only culturally and historically conditioned, but also conditioned by the availability of nature and outdoor landscapes. The interests in this book highlight the relations and possibilities between humans and their environment, and place-based play and learning. It contributes to my understanding of how humans interact, play, and learn within outdoor spaces and on local places, and how both cultural and natural conditions constitute the content of kindergarten activity. The ideas and manifestations inspire me to think about the possibilities and richness to be found in outdoor education. When children are given access to diverse landscapes, biodiversity and various sensory and bodily experiences, we can hope they also acquire attention, curiosity and care for their relations and environment, and thereby build bodies and minds that can cope in current and future crises.

Director of KINDknow Research Centre, Elin Eriksen Ødegaard Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Bergen, Norway

# **Acknowledgments**

Funded by Western Norway University of Applied Sciences.

We acknowledge support from The Research Council of Norway; Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures (KINDknow) (project code 275575); Western Norway University of Applied Sciences; VIA University College, Denmark; and The University of Wales Trinity Saint David.

# **Contents**

Contents

x

# **About the Contributors**

**Sylvia Christine Almeida** is a senior lecturer in environmental, sustainability and science education in the Faculty of Education at Monash University with strong global teaching experiences across India, Africa, USA and the Middle East. Her research interests include working with young children, educators, leaders and policymakers to understand their perceptions of environmental and sustainability education. Her research aims to foreground alternative, non-dominant worldviews in shaping environmental and sustainability education and their impact in shaping future discourses to mitigate policy practice gaps. She has numerous publications including two books on teacher education in environmental and sustainability education focusing on India and Australia.

**Åsta Birkeland** is a professor in early childhood education at Western Norway University of Applied Sciences (Bergen, Norway). She received her PhD in interdisciplinary childhood studies from the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim. Her research interests have focused on conditions for children's exploration and cultural formation in an international perspective, teachers' cultural formation and professional development in international partnership programmes, and early childhood education for sustainability (ECEfS). Her work has been published in journals such as the *Journal of European Early Childhood Education and Care Research*, *Research in Comparative and International Education*, *Policy Futures in Education*, *Cultural Psychology* and *Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science*.

**Natália Meireles Santos da Costa** is a psychologist and a PhD student at the University of São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto Campus, Brazil. She is a researcher at the Brazilian Centre on Human Development and Early Childhood Education (CINDEDI). Her work focuses on locomotor socio-perceptual development of under-two infants and toddlers taking place in relational everyday settings, mainly in collective educational contexts.

**Marilyn Fleer** is an Australian Research Council laureate professor and holds the foundation chair of Early Childhood Education and Development at Monash University, Australia. She was awarded the 2018 Kathleen Fitzpatrick Laureate Fellowship, is a former president of the International Society of Cultural-historical Activity Research (ISCAR), and holds the positions of: honorary research fellow in the Department of Education, University of Oxford, second professor in the KINDknow Centre at Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, and honorary professor at the Danish School of Education, Denmark. She was presented with *the 2019 Ashley Goldsworthy Award* for outstanding leadership in universitybusiness collaboration.

**Liv Torunn Grindheim** is a professor of early childhood pedagogy at the Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures, Western Norway University of Applied Sciences. She received her PhD in social studies of childhood from the Norwegian Centre for Child Research, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway. Her research interests are play, conditions for children's exploration, cultural formation, children as citizens and sustainability in ECE. Her research has been published in journals such as *Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood* and *European Early Childhood Education Research Journal*. She has also published chapters in scientifc anthologies by Springer and Brill.

**Min He** is an associate professor of early childhood education at East China Normal University (Shanghai, China). She received her PhD in educational principle from the Education Department at East China Normal University (Shanghai, China). Her research has focused on early childhood education principle, early childhood education curriculum, young children's science learning and 0–3 year old children's nursery and education. Her work has been published in journals such as *Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science*, *Journal of European Early Childhood Education Research*, *Chinese Early Childhood Education Journal*, *Shanghai Nursery and Education Journal* and so on. She is involved in some international research cooperation with Nordic countries, as well as projects sponsored by Shanghai Education Committee. She was also working as a professional counsellor on Early Childhood Education for the Chinese offce of Save the Child.

**Marianne Presthus Heggen**, PhD, is a professor at Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Norway. She has a PhD in ecology from the University of Bergen. She teaches early childhood teacher education on topics in natural sciences, outdoor learning, environmental issues and education for sustainability. Her research foci are on education for sustainability and environmental education in early childhood, with particular interest on children's refections and contributions within these. She leads the work package "Being and becoming eco-citizens" at KINDknow – Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures. She works to keep her research close to the children, and has published several articles on early childhood education.

**Liang Li** is a senior lecturer in early childhood education in the Faculty of Education, Monash University. Her research focuses on cultural-historical studies, infant-toddler's education and care, children's play and pedagogy, family studies, teacher education, visual methodology, and STEM education in play-based contexts. She has recently been involved in the early childhood care and development evaluation program in China, Vietnam and Nepal. Dr Li publishes widely in international journals such as *Learning, Culture and Social Interactions, Early Years*, and *International Journal of Early Years Education* and collaborative books.

**Anne Myklebust Lynngård** is an associate professor at Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Norway, and has a background in ecology. She is an experienced teacher in early childhood teacher education on topics in natural sciences and outdoor learning. Her research foci are on how pre-schools are working with natural science in nature, and she has an interest in harvesting and farming activities as learning activities. She is part of the work package "Being and becoming ecocitizens" at KINDknow – Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures.

**Ana Maria de Araujo Mello** is a psychologist. She has obtained her master's degree and PhD from the University of São Paulo (Ribeirão Preto – USP) and conducted her postdoc at the Centre Universitaire Experice of Université Sorbonne-Paris Cité/Paris 13. She has worked in day-care centres and pre-schools since 1979 and as director and supervisor since 1983. Ana was one of the founding co-workers and directors of the Daycare Carochinha USP/RP. She has worked at the Application School of the University of São Paulo. She was a co-founder of the Brazilian Centre on Human Development and Early Childhood Education (CINDEDI) at the FFCL-USP/Ribeirão Preto. Ana is a member of the Brazilian National Campaign for the Right to Education.

**Wanqiu Meng** is an assistant lecturer in preschool education Faculty at Shanghai Normal University TIANHUA College (Shanghai, China). She received her master's degree in preschool education from East China Normal University. Wanqiu is a PhD candidate in service at Northern Arizona University. Her research has focused on outdoor play, drama in education and psychological development of disadvantaged children. Wanqiu has been to Norway for academic exchange, participated in some international research work with scholars from Norway, Denmark and Luxembourg. She was one of authors of the book *Social Ecology of a Chinese Kindergarten: Where Culture Grows* (Switzerland: Springer, 2020)

**Elin Eriksen Ødegaard** is professor and director of KINDknow – Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures – at Western Norway University of Applied Sciences. She is also visiting professor at UIT – The Arctic University of Norway. She defended her doctoral thesis in 2007 at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. Since then, she has published extensively on children's exploration and cultural formation, play and collaborative narrative meaning-making and "'becoming". Her research embraces global and local perspectives and teachers' pedagogies and changing practices. Within these areas, she supervises PhD students. She received research grants from Research Council Norway (RCN) (2007, 2009–2014, 2018–2023), was supported by Nordic Council of Ministries (2015, 2016, 2017). Her latest book publications are: Hedegaard, M. & Ødegaard, E.E (eds) (2020). Exploration and cultural formation. Dordrecht: Springer and Ødegaard, E.E & Borgen, J. S. (eds) (2021): Childhood Cultures in Transformation – 30 years with UNCRC in Action Towards Sustainability, Brill-Sense Publication/Brill open.

**Gloria Quiñones** is a senior lecturer in the Faculty of Education at Monash University, Australia. Gloria's research focuses on studying affect, emotions, play and pedagogy and visual methodologies in early childhood. Recent research has focused on infant and toddler educators' affective pedagogies and educators' and children's emotional well-being.

**Angela Rekers**, PhD, is a lecturer in health, social and childhood studies at Neath Port Talbot Colleges Group, Wales. Angela holds an MSc in environmental education for sustainability and has worked in the feld of experiential and outdoor learning for 20 years. Her research interests include education for social and ecological justice, multimodal literacies, inclusive participation and inclusive research methodologies.

**Avis Ridgway**, PhD, is an adjunct research associate in the Faculty of Education at Monash University, Australia. Avis writes, edits and publishes nationally and internationally. Her recent collaborative publications (Springer International) include *Peer Play and Relationships in Early Childhood 2020*. In *Video Journal of Education and Pedagogy*, she published an article titled "Video Capture of symbolic activity in toddler initiated play 2019*".* Avis' research takes a cultural-historical approach using visual narrative methodology to focus on peer play, infant-toddlers educators and family relationships in early childhood practice pedagogies.

**Maria Clotilde Rossetti-Ferreira** has graduated in philosophy, has specialization in clinical psychology, obtained a PhD in psychology from the University of London and has completed her postdoc at the Institute of Child Health, London, and Laboratoire de PsychoBiologie de l'Enfant, Paris. She is emeritus professor at the University of São Paulo, Brazil. Maria is a founding member of the Brazilian Centre on Human Development and Early Childhood Education (CINDEDI). Her research has focused on the development of affectionate relationships, insertion of babies into day care, babies' interactions, promotion of quality in ECECs, adoption and foster care. She has published several papers, books, and chapters and produced a series of videos on early child education and adoption and foster care.

**Alicja Renata Sadownik**, PhD, is associate professor at the Western Norway University of Applied Sciences (Bergen, Norway). She received her PhD in social sciences from the University of Gdansk (Poland). Since the last 6 years, her research focuses on childhood(s), early childhood education settings and parental cooperation in the context of migration and socio-cultural diversity. Her works has been published in journals such as *European Early Childhood Education Research Journal* and *Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood SAGE Journal*, among others. She is also one of the editors of *Parental Involvement in ECE around the World* (London: Routledge 2021) and *Young Children in the World and Their Rights 30 Years with the UNCRC* (Springer 2021).

**Hanne Værum Sørensen** is an associate professor at VIA University College, Aarhus. She holds an MA in child psychology and a BA in social education. Her research interests focus on conditions for children's outdoor playtime, children's explorative activities and children's readiness for school. She is an experienced teacher in early childhood teacher education in Denmark since 2001, and in Norway, where she has 4 years of experience from doing research and teaching within the area of ECE education. Hanne has published articles in Danish, Nordic and international journals as well as book chapters in Danish, English and Norwegian.

**Jane Waters-Davies** is associate professor and applied research lead (education) at the Institute of Education and Humanities, University of Wales Trinity Saint David. She received her PhD in 2011 from the University of Swansea, UK. Jane's research interests lie in early childhood education, pedagogical framing, and young children's agency, voice and experience of outdoor spaces. Her work is published in journals such as *Early Years*, *Wales Journal of Education*, *European Early Childhood Education Research Journal*, *Professional Development in Education* and *Asia-Pacifc Journal of Research in Early Childhood Education*, among others. She was co-editor of the book *Exploring outdoor play in the early years* (McGraw-Hill, 2014) and has written many chapters for edited collections including the theoretical chapter concerning affordance theory for the SAGE *Handbook of Outdoor Play and Learning* (SAGE, 2017).

# **Chapter 1 Outdoors and Nature in Pedagogical Practices and in Cultural Historical Theory**

#### **Liv Torunn Grindheim , Hanne Værum Sørensen , and Angela Rekers**

**Abstract** Despite the increasing awareness of the outdoors as a benefcial site for young children's education, the status of outdoor activities varies in and within different cultures. Aiming to broaden and challenge presupposed understandings of education and care in the outdoors, we consider the empirical fndings from all the chapters in this volume in order to identify a range of conditions for cultural formation in outdoor practices both within and between different cultures. Building on Mariane Hedegaard's approach to cultural historical theory and Ødegaard and Krüger's approach to cultural formation, our analysis is performed by identifying conficts and alignments between the values and motive orientations of the individual and those interpreted from the contextual conditions and demands of institutions and society, particularly in relation to the perception of nature. In doing so, we depict how culture and nature are interrelated from a socio-cultural perspective, and argue that perceptions of nature shaped by institutions and society play a signifcant role creating conditions for cultural formation. The opportunity for play, learning and cultural formation in nature appears rich within all the represented cultural spaces described in this volume, although whether these opportunities are supported consistently within wider mainstream culture is regarded as an area of tension in some chapters. Based upon our analysis, we suggest that both pedagogical practices

L. T. Grindheim (\*)

H. V. Sørensen VIA University College, Aarhus, Denmark e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
A. Rekers Institute of Education and Humanities, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, Carmarthen, UK e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© The Author(s) 2021 1

L. T. Grindheim et al. (eds.), *Outdoor Learning and Play*,

International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development 34, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72595-2\_1

KINDknow Kindergarten Knowledge Centre for Systemic Research on Diversity and Sustainable Futures, Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Bergen, Norway e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS><EMAIL_ADDRESS>
and cultural historical theory need to take the outdoors and nature into consideration when emphasising pedagogical practices for children's play, learning and cultural formation.

**Keywords** Cultural formation · Cultural- historical theory · Early childhood education and care · Outdoors · Nature

# **1.1 Introduction**

The status of outdoor activities in educational practices like Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) varies within and between cultures and countries; in some, outdoor activities are highly emphasised, whereas in others, outdoor activities have limited importance and/or fewer opportunities are provided. In Scandinavian countries, for example, outdoor activities are central to the everyday lives of young children and are promoted across the institutions of the home, ECEC and nature kindergartens as important for children's health, well-being, learning and development (Aasen, Grindheim, & Waters, 2009; Sandseter & Kennair, 2011; Sørensen, 2013). In countries such as China, however, which has high levels of pollution, children are not encouraged to be outdoors for lengthy periods (Birkeland & Sørensen, 2021). We aim to broaden and challenge existing understandings of outdoor provision by presenting this collection of research on the outdoor environment as an arena for cultural formation through outdoor and environmental education activities. The content of this chapter is, therefore, structured around the research question: *What conditions for cultural formation through outdoor and environmental education activities can be traced in practices both within and between different cultures?*

We build on a cultural historical approach, understanding children's activity as embedded in the culture of which children are a part; thus, play in outdoor spaces or activities using natural materials is also seen as cultivated. The elaborated knowledge from the chapters draws upon empirical examples from Australian, Chinese, Brazilian, Welsh, Norwegian and Polish cultures. The main aim is to identify a variety of possibilities or obstacles that the outdoor context represents as a condition of children's activity, thereby contributing to broadening the understanding of educational politics and educational practices in ECEC. Our analysis depicts that both possibilities and obstacles point to more than the outdoor environment itself. Individuals as well as institutions, presented here as teachers, parents or grandparents, ECEC settings as well as the institutional values embodied in the training of educators, are shaped by cultural values, expectations and demands. Thus, they have the potential to create possibilities and opportunities for children's development in outdoor spaces or to constrain possibilities. We, therefore, surface how cultural formation shapes perceptions of nature and subsequent opportunities for young children's development in the outdoors.

#### 3

# **1.2 Theoretical Approach**

Our theoretical and epistemic framework begins with Vygotsky's (2016) and Hedegaard's (2009, 2020) understandings of children as active agents at the core of learning and cultural formation. Children's learning and cultural formation is seen as contextualised, situated, mediated and embedded in their given cultural context. Children's development is seen as dynamic, in dialectical reciprocity with societal conditions (Hedegaard, 2009). Hedegaard (2020) argues that if researchers only study children's development by considering 'a fxed sequence of developmental stages', it is diffcult to capture 'the diversity that is connected with cultural traditions in different societal institutions' (p. 2). Hedegaard and other researchers employing cultural historical perspectives have criticized research approaches that study child development without consideration of the individual as a participant in dialectical life contexts, thereby neglecting the cultural-historical conditions for children's development. Hedegaard (2009) argues that 'demands for a scientifc approach have led to several one-dimensional conceptions of development, where the focus has been on the development of different psychological functions and competencies' (p. 64) with little regard for the participation of the child in activity settings shaped by cultural content. In line with sociologists and anthropologists (Corsaro, 1997; James, Jenks, & Prout, 1998; Rogoff, 2003), Hedegaard emphasizes the need to study children localized in time and space, and to take participants' values and motivations into consideration. Hedegaard (2020) asserts that it is the dialectical relationship between societal and institutional (cultural) values, expectations and demands and the child's developing motive orientation that contributes to the child's development within and across institutions in everyday activities and routines called *activity settings*.

Similarly, Ødegaard and Krüger's (2012) concept of cultural formation is understood to be an 'ever present and continuous process' (p. 21). Ødegaard and Krüger (2012) present cultural formation as a descriptive concept that portrays the acts of humans in relation to the conditions in their given culture. Both the process (act) and the result of being a part of the activity are embedded in the process of cultural formation. The individual appropriates, negotiates and challenges cultural formation, thus both shaping and being shaped by institutional values and demands. Employing a cultural historical perspective on children's development and cultural formation in activities, this anthology seeks to expand upon the cultural-historical tradition of studying children in classroom and home activities to consider children's cultural formation in outdoor spaces or in sustainability practices. In line with Vygotskian theory and Winther-Lindqvist (2019), the authors in this volume see children's development as the result of a complicated interplay between the agentic child and their environment, which, we argue, includes the socio-material affordances provided both in- and out-of-doors in early childhood provision (Rekers-Power, 2020).

The arena for cultural formation in this anthology is predominantly the outdoor environment, which ranges from urban spaces to woodlands to gardens outside the home. These areas vary in forms and conditions for cultural formation in and within cultures and countries. We, therefore, take into account that even if children have access to outdoor activities, how, where and in what forms this may be accessed, differs. In addition to cultural – and subcultural – differences, the situation, the artefacts involved, the relations among the participants and the institutional values and demands also infuence children's outdoor play. Thus, children's activities are culturally and situationally constructed, and children are both co-constructers and reconstructers when exploring their social, cultural and material environments.

# **1.3 Methodological Approach**

To trace conditions for cultural formation within and between different cultures presented in this volume, we present analysis of the activities and fndings presented in each chapter to consider cultural formation as an always present, ongoing process, involving both non-human and human actors. We build our analysis on Hedegaard's (2009) model for analysing the interconnection between children's activities/routines (activity settings) and the values, expectations, demands and motive orientations at the personal, institutional and societal perspectives, as illustrated in Fig. 1.1. This interconnectivity provides the basis for cultural formation.

The natural world or outdoor environment is not an explicit part of Hedegaard's model. Since the context for the activities in this book focus upon use of the outdoors or education about the outdoors, we elaborate her model by including the *perception of nature* as an overall contextual perspective in line with *culture*, as illustrated in Fig. 1.2.

**Fig. 1.1** Illustration of the relations between society-practice and persons with cultural traditions and activity settings as mediating links. (Redesigned from Hedegaard, 2009, p. 73)

**Fig. 1.2** Illustration of the relations between children as active agents and participants in different societies and institutions in dialectic relations with nature and culture

In line with cultural historical theory to date, Hedegaard does not formulate explicitly how non-human nature is perceived as part of her person-institutionsociety model (Fig. 1.1). Therefore, we see an opportunity for drawing out the socio-material interactions as well as the sociocultural intentions in early childhood practices that focus on nature or those that take place outdoors. In this chapter, we begin by surfacing conceptualisation of nature as embedded in all three perspectives of Hedegaard's original model. From the individual perspective, we regard humans as biologically as well as culturally constructed. From the institutional perspective, valuing nature is in the pedagogical or family practices with traditions for and prioritizing of outdoor activities and environmental education. From a societal perspective, we consider values that assert the positive infuence of nature and outdoor activities on children's health, wellbeing, learning and development, as well as belief systems that regard nature as dangerous or dirty, not for girls, or not suitable for schoolchildren. These contradictions surface tensions and conficts between the expectations for teachers to take children outdoors for play and demands about children's safety, learning and development that are embedded in the given culture.

The elaborated model (Fig. 1.2) frames our analysis. We look for confict and alignments between the values, motives and competences of the individuals and the contextual conditions and demands in *the perspectives of persons, institutions,*  *society* to include the *perception of nature* as a condition for cultural formation (Grindheim, 2020). These conficts or alignments surface the conditions for cultural formation arising from the activities that are presented in each chapter in this book. Thus, assertions from all the chapters form a part of the analysis in this chapter. The ways the involved participants deal with these conficts or alignments are understood as ways of exploring and interpreting the individual's motive orientations together with conditions and demands in their institutional, societal, cultural *and* natural context.

# **1.4 Analysis and the Depicted Conditions**

We consider each chapter, in order to trace conditions for children's cultural formation through outdoor activities within and between different cultures. We commence with the chapters that focus on babies and toddlers and the chapters concerning children from 3 to 6 years old in early childhood education and care settings. We then discuss those chapters that focus on children involved in family activities, and end our analysis with the chapters that consider early childhood teacher training and education. These chapters highlight the dynamic interplay between individual, institutional and societal values, expectations and demands that shape children's play, learning and cultural formation in outdoor activities.

# *1.4.1 Toddlers' Outdoor Play, Imagination and Cultural Formation*

In Chap. 2, Ridgway, Quiñones and Li investigate the activity of three toddlers engaging with the material and social affordances of the activity settings: playing hide and seek, imaginative engagements around a fairy door in a three, fnding and imitating a snail, and doing tai-chi. In this chapter, the children are viewed as explorers and active participants in their cultural formation, while exploring and engaging with their family relations and family heritages, their local cultural and natural spaces. The authors trace social and material conditions by discussing the adults' involvement and values, societal infuences such as the parks and backyards themselves, and the human and non-human materials encountered by the children.

In the *personal perspective* there appears to be an alignment between the child's motives and competences and the conditions and demands of the activity setting, as each child appropriates the conditions created by the family activities in which they participate. The children's embodied motivations and participation are supported and valued by their parents' and their grandparents' warm understanding and positive attitude. In the *institutional perspective*, here represented by home/family, the support from parents and grandparents creates conditions in which the motives of the children to be exploratory, playful, and imaginative co-collaborators may be seen as aligning with their parents and grandparents' motive orientation and ideas of what is important for their future life.

Similarly, in the *societal perspective* these motive orientations appear to be in alignment with those of the wider society in which they live, through which conditions for their participation has been shaped. For instance, the public parks encourage the practice of tai chi and also provide foliage for imaginative interactions and explorations around the fairy door in the tree. Also, the societal values may be seen in the neighborhoods in which the families live, enabling the children to explore the family garden and home renovation project in the semi-rural community. The *perception of nature*, as interpreted in the individual, institution and societal perspectives, is visible in the supportive social and material affordances of in the cultivated spaces of parks, and family- and community gardens. These spaces offer natural affordances of the grassy tussock, mulberries and insects, in addition to those opportunities that are more cultivated. In these outdoor activity settings, which are shaped by the natural, societal and familial conditions, the development of children's imaginative and exploratory play is encouraged.

# *1.4.2 Providing Outdoor Experiences for Infants and Toddlers: Pedagogical Possibilities and Challenges from a Brazilian Early Education Center Case Study*

In Chap. 3, Costa, Rossetti-Ferreira and Mello investigate babies and toddlers' activities in an ECEC institution in Brazil, located on a former farm on the outskirts of a city in São Paulo. The authors discuss outdoor activity in both the outdoor spaces that are attached to the child-care complex, providing possibilities to move between the indoors and outdoors, and the wider outdoor areas a short distance from the building. The authors consider these spaces, some of which provide opportunity for the children to move autonomously from the indoors to the outdoors, in terms of socio-spatial practices (Rutanen, 2012). The empirical material and its analysis fnd few conficts in the personal and institutional perspectives.

In the *personal perspective*, there appear to be alignments between children's motives and competences and the teacher's providing of conditions and demands, demonstrated by the teachers providing play materials and spatial access to outdoor spaces. Also, the staff were directing the infants' attention toward nature and the outdoor affordances for exploration in alignments to children's increasing walking onset and motor development, which provided an expanded range of opportunities for the children than the indoors on its own could provide. There also appear to be alignments between the parents' motives and competences for taking care and being involved with their child outdoors and the conditions and the demands represented by the daily routines and spaces for one-to one interactions between a parent and a child. As parents' use of the outdoors increased, so was their own relationship with nature enhanced.

In the *institutional perspective,* there appear to be alignments between motives among the staff and parents in this study that support access to embodied exploration and access to nature, demonstrated by the way the ECEC institution organises their daily practices involving children and parents to engage physically and sensory with the outdoors. This is presented as a contrast to many ECEC providers who are driven by demands for adult-centred provision with a focus on cognitive development, thus devaluing such outdoor provision.

Similarly, *the perspective of society* and *the perception of nature* as valued by the individuals and the institution are in confict. The conditions and motivations traced from Brazil's intense industrial and urban sprawl, and the inequity in income that condition the upper class to colonize the few green areas available, form a conficting contrast to motivations and conditions for young children's access to outdoor spaces. Although there is an expressed intention for outdoor activity in general, the lack of funding for infrastructure and maintenance limits the ability of ECEC institutions to provide quality outdoor experiences. Thus, young children's rights, motivations for bodily explorations and access to outdoor areas seem in confict with political agendas.

Children are identifed as active participants in their everyday life, through bodily interrelations with the staff, their parents, the artefacts, projects and nature that provide opportunities for a range of activities to emerge in alignment with their increasing skills. Thus, Costa, Rossetti-Ferreira and Mello point to how adults can be supportive of children's initiative and engagement in outdoor environments. From the alignments and conficts presented above, the socio-material opportunities created by the childcare setting and staff provide crucial conditions for the outdoors as an arena for cultural formation in this example.

# *1.4.3 Princesses (Don't) Run in the Mud. Tracing Child's Perspectives in Parental Perception of Cultural Formation Through Outdoor Activities in Norwegian ECEC S*

In Chap. 4, Sadownik investigates children's outdoor activities in ECEC1 as a condition for children's cultural gender formation that may challenge parental values and cultural heteronormativity. The activity settings described in this chapter take place in a Norwegian ECEC and are discussed by Polish parents that are immigrants in Norway. In *personal perspectives*, the values and motives of the Polish parents represent both gender-traditional perspectives and gender-liberal perspectives, although their former *societal perspectives* are more closely aligned with a gender-traditional approach; these tensions are surfaced in the interviews. Thus, in considering the *institutional perspectives*, there seems to be a confict between the values of

<sup>1</sup>ECEC institutions in Norway are for children from 1 to 6 years old.

gender-traditional homes, and the values, motives, conditions and demands to promote equity among genders in Norwegian ECEC institutions. The values of the gender-traditional parents were, therefore, in confict with the institutional values and expectations, as well as with their children's and the ECEC staff perspectives. So, too, did these parents consider cultural formation to be the sole responsibility for the adults, thus negating the motive orientation of the children themselves. This authoritarian view about upbringing presents a challenge to one of the fathers with gender-traditional expectations who eventually is able to consider the perspective of his daughter as a future companion on camping trips in the wilderness, something he himself enjoys.  This surfaces a confict between the father's motive orientations for his daughter's future and the daughter's own motive orientation for being a 'wild', nontraditional-gendered girl.

Sadownik suggests that looking at outdoor activities involving specifc persons (the father and his daughter) in a specifc activity (outdoor activities), brings the *personal perspectives* to the fore, and surfaces (perhaps conficting) value positions. This impacts upon the individual's interpretation of institutional demands for outdoor activity involvement which is non-gendered, as well as coming closer the child's perspectives. This exemplify how children develop across institutions and that moments of confict help us to interpret the child's perspective. We also interpret *the perception of nature* as a strong actor for challenging traditional understanding of gender. The outdoors is more accepted as arena for cultivating masculinity by the gender-traditional parents; yet, the outdoors is considered an arena for gender equity in the Norwegian contemporary approach. Thus, the use of the outdoors in ECEC informs the conditions for cultural formation that challenge heteronormativity.

Children's perspectives are considered as actively challenging their parent's heteronormative views; simultaneously, ECEC and cultural values and motivations are important conditions for children's subjectivity. Cultural formation is mapped as a process of intersubjectivity. Both personal perspectives and institutional perspectives relating to outdoor activities are highlighted as conditions for challenging heteronormativity in cooperation with parents in ECEC.

# *1.4.4 Children's Play and Social Relations in Nature and Kindergarten Playground: Examples from Norway*

In Chap. 5, Sørensen investigates the conditions and demands for one 4-year-old child's interactions with peers, during outdoor play in the fenced playground and outdoor play in nature. In *personal perspectives*, the child's values and motives are to join in and play with peers in both the playground and the natural environment – a less cultivated space. In *institutional perspectives* the child's motivation is in line with the condition that the teacher-child ratio is higher in nature compared to the playground, thus teachers are better able to observe and interact if a child is struggling to join in with peers. Although the teachers may be equally motivated and engaged whether they supervise a larger group/number of children on the playground or in a natural environment, the conditions in natural environment allowed the teachers to join into children's play and activity. Similarly, this chapter's fndings demonstrated that the developmental goals for outdoor playtime on playground differ from the goals in nature. On the playground, the goals were geared towards independent play in larger groups and becoming accustomed to outdoor life, rather than experiencing risky play and teacher involvement in conversations with the children, as observed in the more natural setting.

In the *societal perspective*, the adult motivation and involvement with the children in the nature setting particularly align with the *societal* expectations for outdoor activities in nature that stimulate nature connection, since attachment to nature is considered a cultural phenomenon in Norway. This cultural phenomenon is in alignment with this ECEC's institutional profle that obligated them to spend the major part of their day outdoors, either in nature or in the playground. In *the perception of nature*, the conditions of the natural environment are shown to be more open, in terms of space, weather and the natural elements. These conditions are valued within the individual, institutional, societal perspectives; and, the *perception of nature* aligns with the child's motivations and competences.

Sørensen outlines how the conditions and demands in the nature setting formed the possibility for the involved child to create an imaginative play scenario that included more children who wanted to join in with his imaginative scenario. Children's involvement in imaginative, explorative play and adult engagement in children's play align with the teacher's motivations both in the playground and in the nature-setting, but this motivation faces more conficts when confronted with the conditions and demands in the playground. The child's experiences in the playground and in nature are compared in order to demonstrate how the child's efforts to be involved in play on the playground fail; however, the conditions of the nature setting, which include more actively engaged teaching staff as well as natural materials, provided enhanced opportunities for the child to be more successful in his attempts to be an active agent in peer play, learning and cultural formation.

# *1.4.5 Utilisation and Design of Kindergarten Outdoor Spaces and Outdoor Activities*

In Chap. 6, He and Meng outline and discuss children's outdoor activities using different terrains and materials situated in kindergartens, in Bergen, Norway and in Anji, China. This chapter points to terrain and material for play, as well as societal and cultural differences in relation to education for young children that form conditions for children's cultural formation. These conditions are surfaced and discussed by comparing and contrasting the two kindergartens.

Contrasts are found in the *individual perspectives*. Teachers in Anji mainly observe and do not direct or interfere with children while they are in the outdoors. Instead, children's learning is emphasized by collective, teacher-initiated refections after outdoor play, designed to build upon children's existing competencies and support further concept development; these refections highlight alignments with children's motivations and competences. In Bergen, the teachers stress situated engagement with individual children while in the outdoors and in doing so, seem to focus on what the children 'already know', rather than trying to achieve further outcomes or objectives.

In the *institutional perspectives*, there are differences in terrain and materials in the Anji Play setting and the Bergen setting. The Anji Play setting's outdoor arena is artifcially designed to represent the multiple features of less cultivated natural spaces, thus demonstrating a motive orientation to recreate the affordances of more wild spaces in less urban areas. Additionally, many objects have been introduced by the adults for play materials, more in line with adventure playgrounds, whereas in Bergen, natural elements like stones, hills and sticks are the most important resources for play. Therefore, there is the institutional condition in Bergen of using what is already in the outdoor environment and travelling from the setting to explore new outdoor spaces. However, in the Anji Play example, the adults in the setting are creating conditions for children's play outdoor by bringing in materials for exploration.

Another difference between the kindergartens in the *institutional perspective* is the ways in which teachers in Anji stresses social motives, refections, learning and interaction in the collective, while the teachers in Bergen pursue individual competences and motivations. These differences refect the *societal perspectives* in the two cultures. While *societal perspectives* in Bergen are shaped by a cultural heritage of individual competencies in outdoor spaces, these competencies are not necessarily valued by Chinese culture. Certainly, the authors assert that Anji Play is transforming the nature of children's outdoor experiences in society, enabling these independent competencies to fourish on a physical level. However, the societal motive orientation for collective pursuit still underlies Anji Play provision.

In *perception of nature* we might say that although the human infuences on resources are less visible in the Norwegian kindergarten than the Anji Play setting*,* both settings support children's exploratory play outdoors with multiple features that invite exploration and risky play and support holistic development. Certainly, in the Norwegian kindergarten, *perceptions of nature* as a cultural value can be traced to valuing the terrain in its unmodifed state, whether in urban areas or in the mountains that surround Bergen. In the Anji kindergarten, teaching staff 'recreate' natural features thus reinforcing the boundaries to remain inside the kindergarten grounds; in the Bergen kindergarten, children are taken beyond the kindergarten grounds to explore what terrain is available in the locality.

In both kindergartens, children are valued as active exploring participants in their cultural formation. Also, the outdoor environment as a site for children's play, learning and cultural formations is valued in both kindergartens. The chapter exemplifes and maps the integration of culture, heritage, institutions and nature in children's outdoor play in ECEC.

# *1.4.6 Children's Outdoor Play Activities in Kindergartens in China and in Norway*

In Chap. 7, Birkeland and Sørensen outline and discuss children's outdoor activities in early childhood education institutions (kindergartens) in China and Norway for children from 3 to 6 years old, with focus on time regulation as an institutional condition for cultural formation and outdoor exploration. In *personal perspectives* the authors outline how children and teachers in both kindergartens are motivated to spend time outside. The time regulations form conditions and demands for Norwegian children to learn to dress up independently and in accordance to the temperature and weather, in order to meet both teachers and children's motivation to stay outside for a longer time. For Chinese children, time regulations of two short periods for outdoor play, such as following music signals, form conditions and demands for a collectively and effciency transition from inside to outside and vice versa. In *institutional perspectives* there seems to be alignments in institutional conditions and demands both in the tight schedule in the Chinese kindergarten and the more open time schedule in Norwegian kindergartens, and motives for spending time outside and competences for meeting these demands. In *societal perspectives* it is depicted that the time schedules in both countries are shaped due to cultural and societal values and traditions; in Norway, outdoor activity as an established tradition serves as a reason for the emphasis on more time spent outside, while valuing outdoor education is a more recent approach to education in China. The lack of conficts may be explained as both children and the teachers in the study have developed alignment to the routines, conditions and demands in their institutions and their society. In contrast, *in the perception of nature* we trace conficts between children's and teacher's motives for outdoor education and the natural conditions like many cold, rainy days in Norway and days with high degree of air pollution in China.

Children are identifed as active participants in their socialization, adapting their institutional and cultural conditions and demands. Time regulating is depicted as an important condition *for* outdoor activities, as well as *being* conditioned in line with cultural heritage. By looking at two different cultures' approaches to regulating time – that can easily be taken for granted – time regulation is depicted as a major condition for shaping practices in both cultures. The perception of nature seems to be the perspective that disturbs well-prepared didactical practices. From this we suggest that nature can represent an opportunity for exploring unexpected ways of doing outdoor activities, such as bringing nature activities indoors.

# *1.4.7 Exploring and Discussing the Taken for Granted Advantage of Outdoor Play in Norway*

In Chap. 8, Grindheim investigates how outdoor activities are taken for granted in Nordic contexts. Her analysis is based upon videotaped activities of children's outdoor play, interviews with teachers, political documents, and earlier research. In the *personal perspective,* there seems to be a confict between the teacher's beliefs about all the benefts of outdoor play and their statements about the need for the present, educated, conscious and well-trained teacher in outdoor activities. In the *institutional perspective*, three conficts occur. First, a confict is highlighted between valuing educational activities in nature compared to the valuing of institutional activities undertaken indoors. Secondly, a confict arises between the teachers' valuing of children as peer groups independent of adult interference, and an emphasis on the dependency between generations. Thirdly, a confict is surfaced between teachers' 'taken for granted' values and motivations for outdoor activities and the demands for more administrative tasks. In the *societal perspective*, a confict occurs between expectations of specifc, measurable learning outcomes from parents and politicians and the 'taken-for-granted' cultural values for more unstructured outdoors activities. In the *perceptions of nature,* two conficts occur. The frst is a confict between perceiving nature as inherently innocent or good and perceiving nature as dangerous. The second is a confict between considering nature as valuable in itself as opposed to valuing nature as a tool for meeting human needs.

Children as active participants in outdoor activities seems to be valued in all perspectives. The traced conficts depict conditions and demands impacting upon provision, such as the limited number of qualifed teachers, the economic aspects of education asking for early interventions for structured, teacher-led learning activities with explicit academic aims, and increasing administrative tasks for teachers. Although all these conditions and demands are infuencing teacher's choices for their didactical practices, the author points to the 'taken for granted' approach to nature as an important condition to challenge. Taken for granted approaches can neither be improved nor cultivated if not identifed and conceptualised in relation to practice. This chapter, therefore, contributes to starting a process of improving and cultivating didactical practices for outdoor activities.

# *1.4.8 'All the Wild' in Wales*

In Chap. 9, Rekers and Waters investigate children's playful activity in muddy puddles at Forest School, a programme for children's outdoor activity in the United Kingdom. Forest School is often delivered in addition to a more traditional, predominantly indoor approach to early childhood care and education, on setting premises or in local woodland spaces. In this chapter, Forest School is set within a local woodland away from the primary school setting of the reception year (ages 4–5)

class. The tensions Rekers and Waters surface are frst highlighted by the conficts in *personal perspectives* that seem to occur between the children and teacher. The children's motives and competencies for social, exploratory muddy play include wading, splashing and throwing; this conficts with the classroom teacher's perception of their water play as 'too wild' and her interpretation of this play as lacking self-regulation and social competences. Rekers and Waters argue that these conficts may be attributed to the teacher's lack of confdence in and understanding of play's capacity for learning skills, such as self-regulation. The teacher's perspective has also been shaped by societal demands for self-regulation as an indicator of school readiness.

Thus, a confict in *institutional perspective* can be traced from the way children's explorative muddy play is met by their teacher's disapproval to the expectations and demands of the early years curriculum. This curriculum, the Foundation Phase Framework, is intended to shift pedagogical practice from one based on achievement of specifc curriculum outcomes to one that requires a play-based approach, in which outdoor play is expressly valued. However, play, whether adult- or childinitiated, is still shaped by institutional expectations for measurable competences that are applied to children's activity, whether in- or out-of-doors.

In *societal perspective*, we trace the confict in Wales between motives and values for children's rights to participation, well-being and meaningful achievement, and the demand for the Foundation Phase Framework to contribute to reducing the attainment gap between disadvantaged children and more advantaged children in Welsh society. In *the perception of nature*, we see that playing in nature, to a certain extent, appears as a shared value and a motivation for the children, Forest School and the Foundation Phase, and for society at large since nature is seen as a suitable arena for education for the involved children. On the other hand, the cultural demands and conditions for having a good life are closely connected to government policy for education to unify a diverse population towards communal goal of civic engagement, opportunity and responsibility; these conditions infuence perceptions of learners' existing competences and future achievement. The 'wild' socio-material affordances of the muddy puddle, appropriated by the children, creates tensions in how adults perceive the formation of self-regulated children.

We suggest that playing in the muddy puddle involves children as active participants in their cultural formation, while exploring peer-relations, play, verbal and non-verbal communication, interactions with their teachers and the nature. We trace conditions of peer interactions, teachers' professional confdence and training opportunities in outdoor play, and the multifactorial and contradicting expectations of and for schools in relation to children's developmental outcomes. In addition, nature offers the combinations of mud, dirt and water that form conditions for 'wild' play in communities of peers. Being met with discontent of their teacher from school when playing in an explorative way during the 'forest school class' can be problematic for children's cultural formation, and, as we interpret it, not in accordance with the purpose of inviting the children into the forest in order that they may have exploratory, experiential education in nature, as an alternative or supplement to the classroom.

# *1.4.9 E-STEM in Everyday Life: How Families Develop a Caring Motive Orientation Towards the Environment*

In Chap. 10, Almeida and Fleer investigate children's participation in everyday routines in the home and across their outdoor communities in order to better understand how E-STEM (Environmental –Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) learning in everyday practice positively contributes to the caring of the environment. Almeida and Fleer point to everyday activities and routines like walks, cooking, Skype conversations and digital searches, and building and gardening with extended family. They also point to agentic practices like creating cloth bags at home to support children's interests in reducing use of plastic bags. In addition, they highlight organised and planned educational interventions such as experiments and educational visits off-site. In *personal perspectives* children's motivations are in alignment with involved family members with a demand for promoting sustainability by E-STEM learning. Almeida and Fleer point to conditions in adult-child interaction to support learning of E-STEM concepts as performed both by direct and indirect adult-child instructions, implicit and explicit E-STEM experiences conceptualized both by everyday concepts and STEM concepts.

In *the institutional perspectives* represented by family as an institution, children's motivations for a range of different activities are conditioned very differently – by everyday routines, agentic practices and organised activities to support abstract learning. In *societal perspectives* children's motivation are met with conditions and demands for cultural formation toward caring for their environment. *The perception of nature* as an important arena to approach sustainability is traced from the emphasize of experiences in the outdoor environment during everyday walks and excursions where children are building experimental understanding of nature and E-STEM concepts, the local biodiversity, weather, the water cycle, rainbows, lava and volcanos. We suggest that nature is perceived as a condition for children's motivations that again are cultivated and in alignment with parents, siblings and the extended family motivations.

Children are identifed as active participants in experiencing E-STEM related activities and concepts in intergenerational family practices. There are no conficts to trace between children's motivations and competences and their family's conditions and demands. The conditions provided by families' everyday routines serve as experiences for further activities and investigations for supporting children's E-STEM learning. Thus, the understanding of cultural formation seems to be experiences embedded in familial everyday practices, and thereby form a complement to traditional understanding of teaching as classroom practice. Such everyday practices in the home, close to children's motivations and perspectives, demonstrate how an alignment in home and early childhood care settings forms conditions to children's cultural formation, in which sustainability is valued.

# *1.4.10 Curious Curiosity – Refections on How ECTE Lecturers Perceive Children's Curiosity*

In Chap. 11, Heggen and Lynngård focus on the perspectives of higher education lecturers who deliver teacher training. They see the conditions of teacher training as important for pedagogical, outdoor practices in ECEC, since teachers gain their competences from their own education. This training and teachers' competencies, therefore, impact on content and methods in ECEC. In *personal perspectives* all the interviewed lecturers valued both curiosity and wonder, although they did not make clear distinctions between the two. The lecturers were more likely to express an understanding of curiosity as bodily expression, rather than oral expressions like questions. All the lecturers agreed that children are born curious; however, they also agreed that ECEC teachers need to stimulate curiosity as an important condition and demand in ECEC. They argue that outdoor spaces provide enhanced teaching conditions for both sensory and intellectual exploration, as well as expanding the role of the teacher to also be curious and to be a conversation partner. Spaces for curiosity as conditions for children's play, learning and cultural formation are described as rich, variated, and nature is described here as such an environment. Conditions for curiosity are also shaped by opportunities for children to exercise curiosity together with other children.

In *institutional perspective* the lecturers' values and motivation for developing curiosity and wonder seemingly contrasts with conditions like the mandatory reading literature for ECEC teacher students, in which theories about curiosity are poorly covered. Lynngård and Heggen found that the ways in which curiosity is understood by the lecturers differs among the disciplines. Yet, the lecturers highlighted the importance of nurturing curiosity in the teacher training students themselves and fnding ways of lecturing in order to stimulate the teacher trainees' own curiosity. *The perception of nature* is traced from the authors concerns about teacher's ability to recognize and support children's curiosity, since curiosity is understood to be an important condition for children's outdoor learning, play and cultural formation. The authors, therefore, investigate how curiosity is understood by lecturers from different disciplines.

This chapter highlights lecturers' understanding of children as important contributors in outdoor play, learning and cultural formation. The authors assert that conditions for this to happen include education for trainee teachers that provides knowledge and theories about these phenomena, and understanding the didactical ways to stimulate children's curiosity. Curiosity is understood to be both a value and a motivation, and as a condition and a demand in both ECEC institutions and in ECEC teacher education. However, Lynngård and Heggen demonstrate how there are tensions between the valuing of curiosity and the conditions for learning about or experiencing curiosity in ECEC teacher education.

# *1.4.11 Conditions for Cultural Formations in the Ten Chapters*

From the analysis we trace conditions for cultural formation in outdoor activities *in personal perspectives* as children motivations, participation, exploration, curiosity in relation to the motive orientations of peers as well as teachers, parents and grandparents. Children's experiences in outdoor activities can form conditions for challenging adult expectations, such as parental heteronormativity in Chap. 4. We also fnd conditions for cultural formation in teacher's personal and professional motivations for curiosity and involvement, for collective or individual refections and learning, and in their professional confdence and in professional development opportunities. Similarly, the motive orientations of parents, grandparents and extended family creates conditions for children's learning, play and cultural formation.

In *institutional perspectives* we trace the conditions whereby such personal motivations meet societal values and are expressed in material and symbolic artefacts, such as a fairy tale door in a tree, terrain and substances, loose parts and low structured materials, tai-chi, accessible areas where toddlers can move between indoor and outdoor spaces, diverse spatial arrangements and time regulations. In this perspective, however, lies the multifaceted and contradictory expectations for ECEC teachers to provide particular conditions for children's development. Expectations and demands on professionals in terms of achievement outcomes, qualifcations, ratios, interventions for structured, teacher-led, learning activities with explicit academic aims and goals for 'school readiness', and increasing administrative tasks combined with fnancial strain shape the conditions for adult interactions with children and the children's development. In addition, early childhood teacher education and continuing professional development is an important condition for teachers' understanding of curiosity and exploration and how to scaffold these in their daily outdoor practices. Also, everyday life in families is asserted to be valuable as an institution for children's cultural formation and learning.

In *perspective of society* we trace the social and material conditions, such as public parks, local woodlands, foliage, family gardens, home renovations and living in a semi-rural community which provide access to nature, or the contradictions, such as conditions like politics forwarding intense industrial and urban sprawl that limit inclusive access to nature. Cultural values and motivations for concepts such as sustainability, children's democratic rights and gender equity are also important conditions for children's development and cultural formation in the outdoors, along with the intent and content of teacher training. In addition, societal value systems regarding outdoor education as good, necessary or not of interest, form cultural conditions for children's outdoor activities.

In *perceptions of nature* we trace conditions regarding embodied movement and play in conjunction with natural materials, elements, substances and creatures e.g., mud, dirt, water, stones and sticks, as well as snails, mulberries, grass, rain, wind, and pollution. Playing in nature is also asserted to be a formative condition for less gender-specifc play, more involvement from teachers, more inclusive play between peers and in the neighborhood, and increased opportunities for sustainability education.

# **1.5 Perceptions of Nature as an Arena for Cultural Formations**

We see that the perception of nature as an arena for cultural formation differs within and between the presented cultures as depicted in the examples described in this volume. Individual, institutional and societal perceptions of nature, as well as the opportunities afforded by natural materials and spaces themselves, all contribute to children's cultural formation in outdoor activity. Different cultures place different value on children's outdoor exploration; these societal framings shape how children interact with nature with early childhood education and care.

The outdoor environment or nature in the activities presented from Australia in two of the chapters, demonstrates how these particular children's experiences are in alignment with family expectations. The children's motivations align with the family values and demands, regarding conditions for imaginative and explorative play and E-STEM experiences and learning. This lack of confict creates a harmonious situation of development, which is also in alignment with practices at school. In Brazil, the perception of outdoor and nature as important for young children's cultural formation are pointed to, but rarely implemented, apart from in ECEC education. Babies and toddlers often have limited access to move both indoors, outdoors and in nature, in their domestic practices. The perception of nature as a gendered arena for cultural formation in confict with their daughter's enjoyment of playing in nature, is depicted as a possibility for challenging Polish parent's gendernormative values and expectations in a Norwegian ECEC context.

The perception of nature in China as *polluted air*, and in Norway as *cold and wet*, seems to be a perspective that causes conficts in both countries in relation to institutional practices of time regulation and cultural formation in outdoor activity. The perception of nature is also evident in how the terrain and material in kindergartens is viewed by practitioners. Although both Bergen and Anji kindergartens consider nature and outdoor play as important, their respective cultural understandings of nature impact on both outdoor materials for play and the outdoor terrain for play. In Wales, outdoor education is seen as arena with the potential to provide opportunities for disadvantaged urban children; yet, opportunities can be constrained by the demands for certain ways of behaving. Expectations for behaviour can be in confict with the 'wildness' afforded by muddy puddles. This confict demonstrates tensions for professionals in the Foundation Phase, in which understandings of play's potential for meeting learning and developmental outcomes is challenged by often conficting demands on teachers. The perception of nature as an important arena for children's curiosity highlighted conficts raised for lecturers in Norwegian ECEC

teacher education programs in relation to theorising and conceptualising curiosity and ways of performing curiosity in their teaching. Also, the often 'taken for granted' understanding of nature as an advantage for children's cultural formation in Norway, on one hand, is a condition that can limit the quality of outdoor education and, on the other hand, provides valuable conditions for building social relations among children beyond the outdoor playground.

When categorizing the different perspectives, the societal perspective and the perception of nature often seems to be connected and overlapping. Natural infuences on cultural formation are apparent in the activities that are undertaken in ECEC, in relation to in materials for creative activities, in literature, affordances for risky play and so on. In the same way, cultural infuences are apparent in the outdoor environment; in parks, playgrounds and woodlands or the grounds of the education/ care setting, children's activities are shaped by cultural expectations. Therefore, the content and setting of the play are shaped by both cultural activities and the natural surroundings as indicated in Fig. 1.2.

Due to the overlapping and connecting parts of culture and nature in early childhood education, we conclude that *perceptions of nature* play a signifcant role in creating conditions for cultural formation. The opportunity for play, learning and cultural formation may be seen to be richer in nature in and within all the represented cultures in this volume. On the other hand, the societal and institutional emphasis on school readiness and defned aims for education highlight the problem of educators planning from the children's perspective, leading to conficts between intentions and practice. These overall fndings indicate that politics and educational practices in ECEC should recognize the outdoor environment as an important arena for cultural formation, which is not necessarily out of alignment with societal demands and values. Indeed, in light of global climate crisis, the consideration of nature as a vital arena for cultural formation is essential. Widening cultural-historical and cultural formation theories to not only include, but focus upon, perceptions of nature as an everyday agent in children's development is a vital step forward for research and pedagogical practice.

# **1.6 Summing Up**

The analysis underlines how all the perspectives are intertwined; the activities undertaken in ECEC institutions can be traced to cultural heritage and traditions as well as to personal intent. These are identifed in this volume by surfacing activities across and within cultural contexts. Additionally, in some chapters, researchers undertook their studies in cultural contexts different to their own, which also surfaces new understandings of cultural formation. For instance, Birkeland and Sørensen, both Scandinavian, considered how time regulations condition outdoor play in Norwegian and Chinese kindergarten. Similarly, in chapter four, He and Meng, both Chinese researchers, have studied the differences in performance and material in outdoor play in China and Norway. Investigating more than a single cultural context reveals that the same aims can be obtained by different conditions.

Outdoor education is presented as a relevant arena for education in all the chapters. This supports the aim of the book to explore children's cultural formation in outdoor activity settings across different cultures. Although the use of the outdoors is considered by many theorists to be a Scandinavian approach, its importance for cultural formation specifc to and across different cultures is demonstrated in these chapters.

By sampling and analysing all the chapters, we can also see that children are active participants in cultural formation. Due to our theoretical frame and epistemological approach, the children's active participation in their own and others' play, learning and cultural formation becomes evident. Children both align with the cultural heritage reifed in educational institutions and families, and participate in ways that surface new or perhaps unexpected ways of meeting the affordances of both the natural and cultural spaces. Indeed, the elements of nature that are considered 'noncontrollable', such as mud or weather, interrupt didactical practices, thus challenging that which is 'taken for granted'. In exploring these challenges and conficts, practitioners and policymakers may be better able to understand how outdoor experiences provide cultural formation that allows for a decentralization of the relationships around the adult's proposal, and an integration of human and non-human nature.

# **References**

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# **Chapter 2 Toddlers' Outdoor Play, Imagination and Cultural Formation**

**Avis Ridgway, Gloria Quiñones, and Liang Li**

**Abstract** Discussion on toddlers' outdoor play practices in various cultural spaces is rare in literature. In Australia, toddlers' physical development and well-being is promoted but less attention is given to cultural nuances of outdoor play. We ask the question: *How does outdoor play impact on toddlers' imagination and cultural formation?* Conducted in three Australian long day care (LDC) sites, an ethically approved project *"Studying babies and toddlers: Cultural worlds and transitory relationships"* examines the process of three Australian toddlers' outdoor enculturation. The concepts of imagination and play from Vygotsky's cultural-historical theory are drawn upon in relation to Hedegaard's institutional practices model, to link contextual relations between society, community and family. Cultural formation processes in toddlers' outdoor play, we argue, are more completely understood when daily life across home and local community is acknowledged. Data fndings illustrate complexity of movement and experimentations in cultural conditions, where different spaces hold possibilities for imaginative transformations in toddler's play. Implications suggest toddlers' imaginative and culturally responsive outdoor play aligns with availability of interested adult/peers, shared family and community values, and varied local spaces. In this way, affective and dynamic outdoor interactions imbue cultural formation of toddler's play and imagination with local personal meaning.

**Keywords** Toddlers · Outdoor play · Imagination · Cultural formation

Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS><EMAIL_ADDRESS><EMAIL_ADDRESS>
© The Author(s) 2021 23

International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development 34, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72595-2\_2

A. Ridgway (\*) · G. Quiñones · L. Li

L. T. Grindheim et al. (eds.), *Outdoor Learning and Play*,

# **2.1 Introduction**

…no development – that of the child included – in the condition of modern civilized society can be reduced merely to the development of natural inborn processes and the morphological changes conditioned by the same: it includes, moreover, that social change of civilized forms and methods which help the child in adapting itself to the conditions of the surrounding civilized community. (Luria, 1994, pp. 46–56)

The aim of this chapter is to consider how the child changes socially and transforms according to the surrounding community; specifcally the local outdoor environment, the home, and the local community. The social changes referred to by Luria (1994) include interactions and relationships occuring with family members. These socially interactive changes bring unique qualities to the morphological changes, embodied by toddlers in our study. These changes happen when toddlers use their bodies and relationships with others, to imaginatively transform themselves and the adults they relate to.

The focus of the chapter is on exploring and imagining the outdoor social environment that surrounds three Australian toddlers; two in Australia and one visiting China. A recent trend in research of outdoor spaces and outdoor environments suggests that these are dynamic places which afford many learning opportunities for children's (toddlers) exploration (Little, Elliot, & Wyver, 2017; Mackey, 2017). Such outdoor learning opportunities offer toddlers a chance for connecting with adults in relation to place, and for deep engagement with the beyond human-world (Robertson, Chan, & Fong, 2018). The outdoor environment and dimensions of place are also critical in relation to the quality of toddler's play explorations (Jeavons, 2017). Parents and teachers are most important for engaging in supportive and respectful conversations with toddlers and the decisions they make about the natural world, where a consideration of the cultural context is vital (Mackey, 2017). Therefore, we argue, that in studying outdoor play and the imaginative social environment in which toddlers engage, consideration of cultural formation in their natural worlds, is highly relevant (Mackey, 2017).

The purpose of this chapter is to contribute to understanding how cultural formation involves many perspectives and dimensions of toddlers' imagination in outdoor play activities. Outdoor play interactions have an affective and temporal reference point for new considerations of the processes of toddlers' cultural formation in outdoor play.

This chapter is situated in a multicultural societal context, and involves three families living in Australia, who draw on different cultural histories and practices. The term multicultural societal context in Australia refers to the notion that citizens have multiple cultural backgrounds. We fnd that the most recent Australian Census data (2017) shows nearly half Australians (49%) were born overseas or one or both parents had been born overseas. This highlights the rich cultural diversity of Australian Society, recognized as central to national identity. Australian Children's Education and Care Quality Authority (ACECQA) (2019, p. 1–3) guides national quality standards with statements that support the positive experiences for very young children being in the natural outdoor environment. Learning and development are promoted in statements like: *"*early opportunities to engage in natural outdoor play*"* (2019, p. 2) can support toddlers' sense of belonging to the world, and be foundational to their exploratory interests and sensory experiences.

We argue in this chapter, that Australian and Chinese traditions of outdoor life may be used as a basis for exploring the question: *how does outdoor play impact on toddlers' imagination and cultural formation?*

# **2.2 Theoretical Grounding**

A number of cultural-historical researchers have studied and questioned children's worlds and their everyday lives shared with others (Aronsson, Hedegaard, Hojholt, & Ulvik, 2018). In particular, Hedegaard (2018) suggests young children actively contribute to their learning through participation in different institutional practices across home and daycare settings. Young children not only contribute to their families' everyday activities, but families also have traditions that relate to their particular society (Hedegaard, 2018). While Hedegaard's (2018) argument suggests that traditions can also bring demands, tensions and conficts, we notice that when toddlers explore their environment, this also leads to what is referred to as motive orientations that are directed towards an aspect of everyday life. Motives infuence a person's action (Kravtsov & Kravtsova, 2014) and in toddlers, the dynamic aspects of their active play are culturally embodied in their learning (Sikder, 2017). In very young children, Trevarthen (2011) emphasizes that family values and intuitive abilities are present from birth. Vadeboncoeur, Perone, and Panina-Beard (2016) locate the expression of active play practices and the values that support them, within a young child's everyday social conditions. In this chapter, we examine how three toddlers actively express their bodily transformations through innate impulses, intuitions, imaginative choices and aesthetic inclinations, in outdoor play.

The social environment is a source of development for the young child's learning (Veresov, 2017). The social environment, both indoors and out, is the toddler's social world. The relations that occur in the social environment are a point for starting to think about the toddler's social situation of development (Edwards, Fleer, & Bottcher, 2019). The social situation of development was an important concept for Vygotsky's theory as it foregrounded both the young child's cultural and institutional context and lived experience in their social environment (Fleer & Hedegaard, 2010; Hedegaard, 2019).

# *2.2.1 Socio-cultural Experience*

The social environment has a unity of personal and environmental characteristics that give rise to awareness or consciousness (e.g. Veresov, 2017). Therefore, the social situation of development includes the sociocultural environment that brings qualitative changes in the toddler through their awareness and interpretation. We argue that this is represented in the toddlers' outdoor environment and forms part of family culture and community settings.

Parker-Rees (2017) proposes that researchers think more about how 2 year olds, (the age of the participating toddlers) are "encouraged and enabled to participate in social communities" (p. 1). He introduces the notion of 'minding' as being more than the conventional meaning of, for example, caring. He brings focus to the shared attention and intention in the toddler's daily interactions with others. In particular, the way toddlers negotiate meaning is considered to fow backwards and forwards. In this ebb and fow of the toddler's meanings and interests with others, there grows an understanding of the group. Similarly, the feeling of togetherness is achieved when the toddler is in concert with others as a "collective subject" (Kravtsov & Kravtsova, 2014, p. 46). Therefore, it is important to know more about how toddlers interact with others and negotiate their ideas in outdoor activity.

# *2.2.2 Imagined and Embodied Transformations*

Much of the toddler's sociocultural environment is formed creatively and with imagination that is considered central to cultural continuity and change (Vadeboncoeur et al., 2016). Imagination weaves past memories and experiences with what is imagined possible for the future, therefore enabling young children to act in their current environment (Vadeboncoeur et al., 2016). Imagination is essential for human activity and gives rise to creative expressions, contributing to cultural transformation of the individual. Culture also involves experiences, artefacts and narratives that enable young children to collectively imagine with others (Vadeboncoeur et al., 2016).

Vygotsky (1966) explains that young children's play "is imagination in action" (p. 3) and there exists a dual affective plane that embodies the child's own ideas, feelings and actions. The imaginary actions of the play situation affect them, and through that, they make their meanings. Extending this idea, the toddlers' affective actions trigger imaginative responses as they fnd ways to embody, coordinate and respond to new and imagined social situations (Quiñones, Li, & Ridgway, 2017, p. 176).

In the situation of giving sensitive support to a toddler in a playful event, a parent for example, can bring together interpretation and personal imagining that refects the special kind of responsive reciprocity that unifes external activity into internal thinking. This process becomes embodied in consequent responses for toddlers (Ridgway, Quiñones, & Li, 2017). Parents or grandparents usually have specialized cultural knowledge present in their natural locations; therefore, toddlers and families can realize cultural learning through shared actions (Ridgway et al., 2017).

The next section provides an account using visual methodology to illuminate stories that capture toddlers' outdoor play in different sociocultural environments that show impact on their imagination.

# **2.3 Method: Visual Narrative Methodology**

Research data from a project *"Studying babies and toddlers: Cultural worlds and transitory relationships"* (Li, Quiñones, & Ridgway, 2016) undertaken in an Australian setting, is used in this chapter to elaborate enculturation processes embodied in toddlers' outdoor play participation. The project studied babies and toddlers relating to their world in the frst 3 years of life and explored how these frst relations with the world are important for learning and for understanding their perspectives.

The three researchers were in a socially unique position methodologically to undertake this research. Each researcher came from a different cultural background, yet had shared time, visual methods and theoretical thinking together. Rich discussions on play, family life and pedagogical practices accompanied by frequent sharing of video clips, enabled multiple interpretations from differing perspectives. Trust and collegiality characterized the researchers' interactions and their shared intentions grew.

Visual narrative methodology uses images paired with home video transcripts and rich descriptions of play (Ridgway, Li, & Quiñones, 2016), to capture toddlers' outdoor play in a variety of local spaces. Data illustrate the complexity of movement and explorative experimentation in outdoor spaces within different cultural conditions. The outdoor spaces all hold possibilities for imaginative transformations through toddlers' play actions. Importantly, such spaces embrace available social interaction for toddlers.

In the case examples, toddlers' relations to their outdoor environments involve change and transformation, which in turn, motivate their new activity and new learning. Data of toddlers' interactions with their social environment, generated through use of video and still images were recorded by the research team and included 1.5 h of interview data with each family. When reviewed in collaboration by the research team, these data illuminated the toddlers' active explorations of local spaces and their orientation towards imaginative and expressive embodiment of what they noticed closely in new outdoor places.

The Australian toddlers aged 20-months to 2 years came from different cultural backgrounds. Their families were visited at home and interviewed there with one or more family members present. They were video observed at home and in routine outdoor play with family members present. Families shared their toddlers' experiences that included participation in neighborhood walks, community parkland play, playground activity and exploration of a home garden. Outdoor cultural experiences in the toddlers' daily routines usually occurred within proximity of adult or peer support, in family, home and community contexts. Adult and/or peer presence extended the conversations initiated or prompted toddlers' explorative activity, reactivity and responses to outdoor experiences.

The following three vignettes from our research data, illustrate the different cultural contexts of the participating Australian toddlers. To contextualize these activities meaningfully, the research reported is based on spontaneous family and community activity data, collected by research team in daily life naturalistic settings. The research team observed that when the toddlers' daily activity was anchored in locally situated outdoor spaces, each toddler became embodied and wholly oriented to the immediate world being experienced. The three participating toddlers' stories are interwoven in this chapter.

# **2.4 Story One: Toddler Luci (2 Years Old)**

Luci is an Australian born toddler whose parents and grandparents were also born in Australia. Her family home although close to the city, is located opposite community parkland and playgrounds familiar to her. This local parkland offers two enclosed playgrounds specially designed, with one for toddlers and the other for older children. The choice of where to play however is made spontaneously by toddler and adult and can depend on whether or not there are other children in the particular playground. All ages use both playgrounds. Grandparents also bring toddlers there.

Winding pathways and grassy plantings in both playground spaces invite exploration both off and on the gravel pathways and areas covered by tanbark (Fig. 2.1). Both playgrounds, internally defned with surrounding grassy tussocks and lowgrowing fowering plants, are used for hiding games and insect searches. The

**Fig. 2.1** Hide and seek in grassy tussock with grandpa

playgrounds comply with council regulation fencing and there are contained areas (Fig. 2.2) surrounded by grassy treed areas for active running, dancing and ball play. The parkland located around the two playgrounds has a central barbeque area. This area encourages community and family gatherings and is frequently used for barbeques and picnics. These outdoor facilities adjoin a walking track that leads to a community garden. Luci's mother has a plot in the community garden where local families share collectively grown vegetables and herbs, and harvest from established fruit trees. This is a long-held community tradition of providing allocated food growing spaces for families who live in the area. The community garden is well fenced (Fig. 2.3).

Luci sees a ripe mulberry in the garden (Fig. 2.4). She stretches up to reach the ripe fruit. With the mulberry's purple colour already on her fngers and around her mouth, she expresses with her whole physical being, a look of joyful anticipation of further taste rewards that mulberry fruit can bring.

Curiosity is a driving force and evident in toddlers. One morning Luci noticed that something new had appeared in the park opposite her home. A familiar playground tree had been transformed with a little door and a sign that read Fairy Door. Luci's hands clasped together refecting delight and excitement.  In order to explore further she climbed up to the seat that surrounded the tree for a closer look. The tiny construction attached to the tree now included a small door, entrance garden with fowers and a Fairy Door sign above it.

Luci's response is visible in her animated stance and gestures. The surprise, excitement and the sheer magic of this moment, was transformative for Luci and her family.

**Fig. 2.2** Enclosed playground

**Fig. 2.3** Community garden

**Fig. 2.4** Luci picked a mulberry

Over the next days and weeks, further additions continued to transform the imagined yet real tiny fairyland community. It began a life of its own in the community park space. One day Luci brought a torch to shine on this growing Fairy Door world, to shed light on the tiny details (Fig. 2.6). Small blue rocks had appeared as pavers in the little fairy garden yard and a miniature mushroom was placed in there. Each day Luci's wonderment unfolded in the magical ongoing changes that created further curiosity and anticipation. The fairy world was real for her. The park tree and its platform now had a new purpose and new meaning for Luci. It transformed how

**Fig. 2.5** Luci noticed a fairy door

she played and her imagination. From the process of physically climbing onto the platform and walking around the tree, she reworked the physicality of this, and with her new experiences, entered a conceptual, abstracted and culturally imaginative fairy world. The intriguing fairy door tree brought new surprises, as over time, community users of the park added little blue paving stones and a miniature toadstool to the fairy door garden. Luci shone her torch to look closely at the fairy door and its changing garden (Fig. 2.6).

The design of the fairy door space and its carefully constructed placement in an area known to local children, gives rise to the notion of magical and imaginative learning spaces that transform and nurture young children's imagination and who might provide them. The community *caring* and *minding* that Parker-Rees (2017) refers to is exemplifed here. The impact of this community experience is culturally embodied in Luci's expressions and her whole personal demeanor.

# **2.5 Story Two: Silvia (2 Years Old)**

Silvia was born in Australia into a Mexican immigrant family. Silvia's home is located in a semi-rural community in Australia. Local places for experimentation and exploration are the home environment with a growing garden. The outdoors is an environment that offers Silvia freedom of movement and experimentation with the land. Silvia participates with her family in the garden and visits the community park, cemetery and train station. The family garden is expansive, as her parents have undergone a recent renovation in their family home. On these days, they focus on taking out weeds, moving materials. Silvia explores the garden alongside her dad and mum, while singing, moving about and fnding insects. Silvia is curious and imagines how insects move and in particular, she imagines the physical embodiment of snail movements.

The following case example shows the toddler's daily activities anchored in family life. In the case example, the daily activity shows toddler embodiment and imaginative expressions and experiences with garden snails. The outside garden offers many possibilities for exploration and over time, it became part of the family's values. Silvia spends considerable time outdoors, and is able to experience and observe frst-hand the family home physical changes in the outdoor garden. Dad comments, *"I spend a lot of time outside with her… a lot of things we've been through with the renovation and all that… But Silvia I think, I don't know, she's learning with us how too… she knows the – daddy's materials… She understands… and she brings her own child tools"* (Father's interview).

The following example takes place in the afternoon. Silvia has already played in the park with her mum and now they join dad who is working outside in the garden. Silvia was playing outside while her dad was pulling weeds from the outdoor patio tiles.

Silvia said in excitement (Fig. 2.7): *a boing!*

**Fig. 2.7** Silvia and dad on patio pulling weeds and placing swing in tree

Dad: *a boing?*

Mum said to dad and then to Silvia: *Yes, a boing's that is how she calls the swing. Just like the one in the park Silvia!*

Dad continued placing the swing and said, *I think this branch is strong; we can place it here.*

Silvia explored the space and dad continued to place the swing. While this happens, Silvia continued singing and looked at the patio tiles as she picked weeds. She stopped for a moment, she looked at the foor, and she found a snail.

Silvia looked at the snail closely (Fig. 2.8) and asked her mum: *what is it, what is it?* There is much silence and contemplation, when her mother did not answer. She was trying to think what it was. They both looked at the snail.

**Fig. 2.9** Silvia moves like a snail

**Fig. 2.10** Silvia moves like a snail and says hello to the snail

Silvia narrated very slowly to her mum: *she moves, she moves, she moves her tail* and then physically and imaginatively, Silvia embodied the snail's movements (Fig. 2.9).

Silvia's embodied movements were as if she was being the snail (Fig. 2.9).

Silvia: *She moves her tail, she moves her tail.*

Mum looked surprised at the unexpected embodiment, laughed and smiled saying: *oh darling!* Silvia smiled back. Silvia looked at her mum with excitement and pointed to the snail.

Mum: *She moves the tail, the snail. How does the snail move?*

#### Silvia to mum: *yes!*

Silvia now related and talked to the snail: *hello!* Then she sang a song. She looked at what her dad was doing. Mum and dad's discussions related to the recycled windows that dad was moving. Silvia's mum and dad joined with Silvia in singing: *where is mum*, *where is dad, here he is, here she is? Where is dad? There he is? Where is the moon? Here is the moon?*

Outdoor play and exploration were present in Silvia's everyday life. Silvia imagined and related to the snail and related to her parent's everyday interest of being in the family's expansive garden. Silvia's cultural formation involved being with her family exploring outdoors, showing cultural interest in materials and being curious towards creatures that surrounded her family home. Contemplating and observing the snail were important moments for Silvia. Silvia's mother's silence and surprise about Silvia's snail embodiment was present when mother says, *Oh darling!* rather than providing a response to Silvia, she asserts that she moves like a snail.

# **2.6 Story Three: El (2.7 Years Old)**

El was born in Australia from a Chinese immigrant family. El travels to China to visit his grandparents once a year during a family holiday. On his second visit to China, when El was 2 years and 7 months old, he visited his grandparents for 2 weeks. He became very interested and curious about grandpa's daily Tai Chi play. His grandparents live in a small community with four high apartment buildings, in a capital city in Northeast China.

The people living in the community have a regular exercise time every day after dinner. Grandpa routinely played Tai Chi. El went to the community playground with grandpa every day after dinner. Grandpa started playing Tai Chi when particular background music came through an MP3 device.

 Grandpa said, Tai Chi. It is very good for our body and health. <太极, 对我们 的身体非常好>.

El observed closely and saw how grandpa moved his body.

Then El started to initiate his own movements by following the musical rhythms and responding to grandpa's movement (Fig. 2.11).

Figure 2.11 shows El's slow movement and his happiness in the shared moment. With a smile, he follows Grandpa's actions and said to his Mum: *Mum, Look at me!* <妈妈, 看我!> Then El kept moving with continued curiosity (Fig. 2.12) and amazement (Fig. 2.13) at the Tai Chi movements. Figure 2.14 showed El's aesthetic feelings of grace that guided him to explore his own movement with confdence. El's mum responded with a smile, *Very good movement!* <你做的好棒哦!> El enjoyed every movement with Chinese music and sounds in the environment. Many people from the community walked around after dinner.

**Fig. 2.11** El embodies and imagines Tai Chi movements

**Fig. 2.12** El's curiosity

Tai Chi is one representative of Chinese traditional culture, which "appears to have its roots in systems of exercise and self-defence designed over the centuries to prevent illness of body and mind…for a method of living in harmony with the various overwhelmingly powerful forces in the world" (Kauz, 1974, pp. 10–11). In recent years, playing Tai Chi is a very popular practice for older people in China, who participate in groups in the community park or playground. It is often observed early in the morning or later in the afternoon, as part of Chinese people's everyday life. Young children experience and explore community play with the older generation in the park. For El, it was his frst time to observe and perform Tai Chi. His

#### **Fig. 2.13** El's amazement

**Fig. 2.14** The aesthetic feeling of grace

grandpa explained to him that 'Tai Chi is very good exercise in Chinese culture to support our health and well-being'. El told the story of his feeling about exercising with Tai Chi; a story, which can be perceived by his grandpa through the responsive performance, embodied actions and shared expressions, creatively imagined by El.

The playground with traditional Chinese decoration harmonised with the exercise of Tai Chi, which represents the Chinese culture. This infuences young toddler El's sense of belonging and understanding of his heritage cultural knowledge transformed in his imaginative embodied actions.

# **2.7 Discussion**

Insightful stories of everyday experiences (Jornet & Steier, 2015) help the researchers emphasize and analyze practical examples of toddler relations with different outdoor environments. Toddler's cultural, aesthetic, ephemeral, imaginative and embodied transformations, are the focus of our discussion. In this chapter, the child's outdoor world making is frst introduced from the toddlers' perspectives including activities that characterize their choices, and their embodiment in varied cultural routines and contexts. In the three stories, we discover the toddlers' access to diverse outdoor spaces: Australian (Luci; Figs. 2.4 and 2.5) and Chinese (El; Fig. 2.11) community playgrounds, city community garden (Luci; Figs. 2.3 and 2.11) and family garden (Silvia; Fig. 2.7). All these shared places and moments with family offer potential affordances and opportunities for cultural formation, embodied imagination and learning. Cultural formation is achieved through children's exploration with adults together in the family practices. As explorers, three toddlers make meanings of their surroundings under the support of the adults, while they also achieve their cultural identity and learning.

# *2.7.1 Cultural Formation in Toddlers' Outdoor Environment*

Hedegaard (2018) suggests that early participation relates to the children's world making which is explicitly anchored in daily life. Hedegaard notes how traditions bring demands to children and lead to creation of motive orientations that are aspects of everyday life. Toddler's motives as interests, are created with the family interest of their particular familial outdoor culture. The three toddlers' daily lives are wholly embraced within the cultural characteristics of family, home and community life. As Trevarthen (2017) proposed, "they (toddlers) are motivated to explore life in a community that will cultivate artifcial cultural habits." (p. 201).

Taking into account the toddler's perspectives, as explorers, each of the three toddlers made meaningful understanding of their family traditions which formed part of their cultural formation in outdoor environments. Luci explored and played in the community playground and garden (Figs. 2.1, 2.5 and 2.6). Silvia's everyday world consisted of being curious to learn about creatures and materials and exploring with her family the garden surrounded by recycled materials for the house. She explored the garden (Figs. 2.7 and 2.8) with family, making imaginative transformations e.g. her embodiment of the snail (Figs. 2.9 and 2.10). El's interest in his family culture and Tai Chi for body and mind, imaginatively and joyfully embodied the movements (Figs. 2.12, 2.13 and 2.14) that he learns are good for health and wellbeing in the Chinese community.

In cultural-historical accounts of learning, mediated activity, driven by a child's curiosity in spaces of interest, is what Bligh and Crook (2017) refer to as Learning Spaces. The toddlers' playful and companionable family activities, characterized by choice and family relationships can take in the animate and non-animate, proceed over time and space, include human and non–human elements, and involve aesthetics and memory. Adding to cultural-historical theory with a dialectical contextualization of space, place, and temporality, a perspective that uses a 'critical ecological ontology for inquiry' (Payne, 2017, p. 122), may bring further understanding of how the cultural contexts of the three toddlers' embodied engagement in outdoor activity, can bring wholeness of meaning to their everyday lives. Luci's imagined fairy world in the local parkland, Silvia's home life curiosity where she notices the non-human life of a snail on the outdoor tiles, and El's engagement, in grandfather's embodied actions and cultural movements of Tai Chi, all illustrate how cultural knowledge is imaginatively transformed in outdoor play. Three toddlers' exploration of community life confrmed that, "the development of shared cultural knowledge gives objects and actions social or moral values as well as practical or aesthetic ones" (Trevarthen, 2017, p. 202). The three toddlers' cultural formation included family traditions where curiosity and embodied imagination were present.

# *2.7.2 Family Members' Encouragement of Toddler's Imaginative Transformations Through Active Exploration in Outdoor Environments*

The outdoor environment is a sociocultural place where toddler's culture and lived experiences are explored and formed in the social world outdoors (Fleer & Hedegaard, 2010; Veresov, 2017; Vygotsky, 1998). We argue that the outdoor environment provides an active space for toddlers to express their own imaginary individual transformations. In toddlers' imaginary choices, aesthetics and impulses are present. They are often created with family members who can encourage their toddler's active outdoor explorations.

Family members can collectively imagine with the toddlers. Movements, imaginary actions and embodiment are creative expressions that contribute to the toddlers' individual transformations in outdoor environments. For Luci, the enclosed playground provides space for active exploration of the outdoors where she imagines hiding herself from grandpa in the grassy tussocks. Luci is also curious about the Fairy Door in her playground where she imagines playing in a fairy world. Silvia learnt that her mum keenly observes and contemplates her imaginary choices of embodiment of a snail. Silvia's mum showed her surprise and acknowledgement of the snail movements, as embodied imagination that allowed Silvia to imagine what it feels like to be a snail. Similarly, El was curious noticing the musical rhythms, embodied actions and movements of Tai Chi with his grandfather with his mother commenting on his good movements. As Parker-Rees (2017) suggests in the context of toddlers' participation, enabling and encouragement are important in social communities.

We extend and show through case examples, that curious noticing by toddlers requires an attentive gaze in order to transform their everyday world and further conceptualize and embody imaginary transformation. For example, we noticed Luci's active imagination of fairies living in a local tree (Figs. 2.5 and 2.6) and Silvia's imaginary embodied movement of snails, greeting the snail in the family garden (Fig. 2.10) and El's embodiment of Tai Chi moves (Figs. 2.11, 2.12, 2.13 and 2.14) that bring health and well-being into the toddler's life. All examples are illustrative of the sociocultural nature of outdoor environments because each story involved family members' active encouragement in exploration of the outdoor environment with the curious and imaginative toddlers.

The sociocultural outdoor environment enables children to imagine and act in their local environment. It offers them a place to enjoy interactive moments. Toddlers not only live their everyday lives with interested family members but they also imagine what is essential for their own interest and activity. As Vadeboncoeur et al. (2016) suggest this gives rise to individual creative expression and cultural transformation. The three toddlers joyfully, enthusiastically and with appreciation of their outdoor environment, give us an opportunity to refect on cultural formation. As adults, we notice their embodied imagination, evident in the example of Silvia's mother who stays in silence and contemplation, absorbed by the moment, yet still able to encourage Silvia to move like a snail. The responsive movements between El and his grandpa encouraged El to experience shared joy, and thereby transform how he experiences himself and how people might interact with others in different ways.

# **2.8 Conclusion**

This chapter sought to determine how outdoor environments impacted on toddlers' embodied multi-cultural imagination and cultural formation in play. It was found that each outdoor play environment afforded the toddlers' imaginative exploration, which plays a vital role in their cultural formation. The three toddlers engaged in imaginative interactions, initially with fairy door land (Luci), then snail movement (Silvia), and lastly Tai Chi practice (El). The three toddlers also explored their local communities and engaged in the local outdoor environment with nature when, for instance, Luci went on an imaginary adventure in parkland, Silvia explored the family garden and El engaged with a cultural inquiry in a community space when he visited China. This study concluded that outdoor play in the community offered a pedagogical tool to support toddlers' exploration of their culture and importantly, that their play was also supported by the presence of adults in culturally bound local environments.

Implications are that the development of toddlers' imaginative, culturally responsive outdoor play, aligns with availability of interested adult/peers, shared family interests and community values, that occur in varied local spaces. Affective and dynamic outdoor interactions imbued the cultural formation of toddler's play and imagination with local personal meaning. Having access to diverse outdoor spaces, therefore offers potential opportunities for toddlers' personal expression, imagination and cultural learning.

**Acknowledgements** We wish to thank all participating families and toddlers. Ethical approval was granted by Monash University (CF14/2789 –<PHONE_NUMBER>: Studying Babies and Toddlers: Cultural Worlds and Transitory Relationships), and the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development (Project ID 2014\_002500).

# **References**

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# **Chapter 3 Providing Outdoor Experiences for Infants and Toddlers: Pedagogical Possibilities and Challenges from a Brazilian Early Childhood Education Centre Case Study**

**Natália Meireles Santos da Costa, Maria Clotilde Rossetti-Ferreira, and Ana Maria de Araujo Mello**

**Abstract** Intense urbanization process in Brazil and Latin America has increasingly limited young children, since birth, to access outdoor spaces, especially green areas. Moreover, as conceptions of babies in domestic care support confnement practices, apprehending infants' constitutive specifcities as being intertwined with broader socio-cultural contexts requires further investigation. Notwithstanding the challenges, Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) institutions can be promising places to provide babies with daily contacts and appropriation of external areas amid an expanded collective experience. This chapter tackles the process of insertion and appropriation of outdoor spaces for infants and toddlers. We bring a case study from a Brazilian daycare centre with planned multiple outdoor environments, diversifed spatial arrangements and natural elements. The empirical material, referring to the transition year of a group of under-twos, includes monthly recordings of everyday routine, interviews, feld notes, institutional documents. We describe and analyze various outdoor spaces and socio-spatial practices of the daycare centre based on the cultural-historical perspective of the Network of Meanings. In the frst semester, environments organized in semi-open areas connected to closed spaces were more frequently used. Whereas mainly in the second semester, given walking onset and greater motor resourcefulness, the going and appropriation of green areas unfolded as a gradual process not short of struggles. Substantial planning, projects and educational situations put forward by multiple social actors within a multidisciplinary approach modulated alternation of spaces and facilitated exchanges with peers, older children and adults – including family members.

N. M. S. da Costa (\*) · M. C. Rossetti-Ferreira · A. M. d. A. Mello

CINDEDI (Centre for Research on Human Development and Early Childhood Education), University of São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS><EMAIL_ADDRESS><EMAIL_ADDRESS>
L. T. Grindheim et al. (eds.), *Outdoor Learning and Play*,

International Perspectives on Early Childhood Education and Development 34, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72595-2\_3

**Keywords** Outdoor environment · ECEC · Infant-toddler · Socio-spatial experiences

# **3.1 Urbanization in Latin America and Children's Access to Outdoors**

Brazil is a tropical country of continental dimensions, being the largest in Latin America and occupying nearly half of South America. It has an extensive coastal area and spans several climatic zones and biomes. The total population is estimated at 211.755.692 inhabitants (IBGE, 2019) that are heterogeneously distributed across 26 states and the federal district. The Southeast region comprises 42% of the population and is composed of four states, among which São Paulo stands out as the most populous (45,919,049 inhabitants), most demographically dense (166.23 inhabitants/km2 ) and most urbanized one.

Following Latin America's historical trend, Brazil underwent intense industrial and urban sprawl, starting mainly from the 40s/50s (Rossetti-Ferreira, Ramon, & Barreto, 2002). Currently, 89% of the population lives in urban areas where medium and large cities prevail, and constructions and vehicle traffc are prioritized in the urban scenery, hindering social life in open areas and contact with the natural landscape (Montero, García, & Francesa, 2017).

In this panorama, the population struggles with unequal opportunities of access to green areas and high-quality public spaces in their daily lives, as these are distributed irregularly in cities and mostly concentrated in upper-class zones. Also, in the logic of the real estate market, gardens and green areas are usually restricted to residencies and private properties, where people of higher income enjoy exclusive use of them (Montero et al., 2017). Therefore, the issue of access to external spaces tackles the historical challenges of structural socio-economic inequality.

As participants of a socio-historical matrix (Rossetti-Ferreira, Amorim, & Silva, 2007), the present scenario affects the (in)accessibility of children to external areas and nature (Dowdell, Gray, & Malone, 2011), so that despite all environmental and climatic wealth and nature-related cultural heritage, younger generations in Brazil experience ever declining time outdoors. In the case of babies, their absence becomes socially naturalized. Due to crystalized adult-centred socio-cultural, concepts and confnement practices "privatize" infants to the domestic environment and shuns them away from mainstream research and public policy agendas (Silva & Neves, 2020). Henceforth, not only practices intensify children's confnement, especially those under the age of two, but also the feld lacks investigations that discuss outdoor provision for this age group (Kemp & Josephidou, 2020; Kernan & Devine, 2010; Tiriba & Barros, 2018). Moreover, infants' social life becomes restricted to child-specifc "islands" (Kernan & Devine, 2010), such as homes, leisure centres or even institutions, where spatial clusters and "relational asepsis" may separate children from the outdoors and everyday life in society.

Nonetheless, as "the context is (…) a constituent component of the very fabric of development" (Andenæs, 2011, p. 51), due to their collective and educationallyintentional nature, Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) settings and their socio-spatial practices stand out as promising research sites. Such contexts unveil the social world of children and the many personal, political and social issues related to childhood, such as values, rules, symbols of culture and ideology present in the subtlety of everyday life (Rutanen, 2012). Hence, ECEC centres, notably those articulated with public stances, hold the remarkable potential to foster children' cultural formation and identity as integrated to a social group, a territory and an ecosystem by promoting connection with the local community and articulating spaces as networks within an expanded coexistence (Kernan & Devine, 2010).

However, even ECEC settings may fall short of outdoor provision due to a series of structural challenges. In Brazil, despite the historical endeavour of constructing national legislation and guidelines that legitimize the importance of outdoor spaces (Brasil & COEDI, 2006; Tiriba & Barros, 2018), a signifcant portion of ECEC units suffer from precarious infrastructure and maintenance, being unable to offer natural and open-air environments of quality. Moreover, these spaces are devalued in pedagogical practice and overshadowed by the adult-centric schooling and cognitive learning model, which: separates thinking from the body; channels practices, routines and institutional time according to this logic; favours children's confnement; and, narrows down access to external spaces mostly to moments of recreation, purposeless leisure, or transitional breaks (Tiriba & Barros, 2018).

# **3.2 Research Question and Objective**