for the case of tsunamis, the Chilean society is currently looking at records of tsunamis from the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century (Aranguiz 2015), the Japanese are usually going back until the seventh century (San Carlos et al. 2017), and the Greeks are attempting to gain insights from as far back as the end of the Minoan Civilization (2000–1400 BCE) and the volcanic eruption of Santorini (circa 1646 BCE) (Pareschi et al. 2006). Essentially, individuals currently alive think about the consequences that these events will have on their descendants and on the long-term survival of their culture and traditions, something that tends to weigh quite heavily on the cultural conscience of many humans.

Finally, geological time scales are typically outside the calculations of even the more advanced societies, and represent acts of society-level *force majeure* from which it is thought impossible to protect or adapt, at least under present technology levels. These are often disregarded by individuals, given the difficulty in relating to the time scales involved.

The discussion of time scales in implementing effective disaster risk reduction is particularly important, although not explicitly stated, in the most recent global disaster risk reduction framework – the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. The framework's goal is to "*prevent new and reduce existing disaster risk through the implementation of integrated and inclusive economic, structural, legal, social, health, cultural, educational, environmental, technological, political and institutional measures that prevent and reduce hazard exposure and vulnerability to disaster, increase preparedness for response and recovery, and thus strengthen resilience"* (UNISDR 2015). The framework promotes that societies should understand their risks and then plan and act accordingly, in order to absorb known and unknown shocks and disturbances. This involves understanding the retrospective and prospective intricacies of risk across time scales.

The framework has four priorities for action: (1) understanding disaster risk, (2) strengthening disaster risk governance to manage disaster risk, (3) investing in disaster risk reduction for resilience, and (4) enhancing disaster preparedness for effective response and to "Build Back Better" in recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction (UNISDR 2015). All four priorities are to be implemented at the local, national, and global scales with emphasis on promoting long-term resilience towards disasters. The time scales in which disasters could occur enable the proper framing of preventative actions and strategies in implementing these priorities for action.

In the present chapter we discuss how these different time scales impact the framing of disaster preparedness and risk reduction using two different case studies. The first relates to tsunami disaster risk management in Japan, and the second to sea level rise using the point of view of low-lying islands and coral reefs as an indication of how time scales affect the perception of the problems involved.

# **7.2 Natural Hazard Return Periods: Tsunami Classification in Japan**

On March 11, 2011 a large earthquake of magnitude 9.0 on the Richter scale occurred off the northeast coast of Japan, generating a devastating tsunami that inundated over 400 km2 of land, and caused large numbers of casualties (Mori et al. 2012, Mikami et al. 2012; Ogasawara et al. 2012). Along the Sendai plain in northern Tohoku the maximum inundation height was 19.5 m, and the tsunami propagated as a bore around 4–5 km inland, with maximum run-up-heights of 40.4 m being measured (Mori et al. 2012). Widespread devastation ensued, as the waves engulfed entire settlements, with everything but the sturdiest of buildings being completely washed away (see Fig. 7.1). This event is now known as the *2011 Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami*.

This event has transformed the way that the Japanese engineering and coastal zone management community think about tsunamis. Their approach to time scales is discussed in detail in the rest of this section.

## *7.2.1 History of Tsunamis in Northern Japan (Tohoku region)*

Historically, the *2011 Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami* was one of the worst tsunamis that has affected Japan since records began. The Sanriku coastline, which extends northwards from the city of Sendai, has been frequently affected by tsunamis. The recorded history in the region goes back over 1000 years, and five major destructive tsunamis are all well documented (Watanabe 1985):

In fact, the *2011 Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami* has been described as a one-in-a-1000-year event, resembling the *Jogan Tsunami* in A.D. 869 (Sawai et al. 2006). The description of this *Jogan Tsunami* actually appears in a historical document known as the *Sandai-Jitsuroku*, which documents how the wave flooded a wide

**Fig. 7.1** Coastal settlement of Arahama, formerly located in the vicinity of Sendai City, Japan. All residential buildings in the town were destroyed by the power of the tsunami

coastal area of Tohoku (the northern region of Japan that encompasses the Sanriku coastline and the Sendai plains, amongst other areas), killing some 1000 people (though population density at the time was significantly lower than at present). There are no records concerning the *Jogan Tsunami*, though some tsunami deposits found in sediment layers in the Sendai Plain, as well as along the Sanriku Coast, have allowed researchers to identify the area which was likely to have been inundated by this event (Minoura et al. 2001).

Since the Edo Era (1603~1867), the number of written records increased substantially, and thus tsunamis have been better documented. The Keicho *Tsunami* (1611), which attacked a wide coastal area from Hokkaido to Sanriku, was one of the most destructive tsunamis in this period, and in the Tohoku regions waves travelled up to 4 km inland (Sawai et al. 2006). Since the beginning of industrialization during the Meiji Era (1868–1912), the Sanriku coast has experienced three major tsunamis. The first of these three tsunamis is known as the *Meiji-Sanriku Tsunami*, which caused some 22,000 casualties. Although the magnitude of the generating earthquake was comparatively modest, the maximum tsunami height reached as high as 20 m. The second tsunami is referred to as the *Showa-Sanriku Tsunami*, which caused around 3000 casualties along the Sanriku coastline. Finally, the 1960 *Chile Tsunami*, which was triggered by an earthquake of magnitude 9.5 on the Richter scale in Chile, reached the Sanriku coastline and caused over 100 casualties.

## *7.2.2 New Tsunami Classification System*

The *2011 Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami* led to major discussions within the Japanese coastal engineering and management community about whether hard measures (such as breakwaters or dikes) are preferable over soft measures (such as tsunami warning systems and evacuation plans) to protect the coastline and the communities situated next to it (Shibayama et al. 2013). Eventually, the concept of Level 1 and Level 2 tsunamis emerged based on ideas concerning time scales and the likelihood of an area being affected by such events. These concepts are widely used today, and formed the cornerstone of reconstruction philosophy in the aftermath of the event (as will be expounded upon later in this chapter). It is important to note that this classification is based on the frequency of these events, and that the exact period of return of each of the events has yet to be fixed, though there is a clear feeling that one of them relates to human life-spans, and the second to civilization time scales. The two levels would be:

*Level 1 Tsunami* Events with a return period of several decades to 100+ years (essentially, the Japanese expression which has been used in coastal engineering discussions would translate as a return period from 50–60 to 150–160 years). Although the height of the wave would depend on the event and location, Level 1 Tsunamis refer to waves which are *comparatively* low in height, typically less than 7–10 m.

*Level 2 Tsunami* These events have return periods of between one hundred to a few thousand years. The tsunami heights are much higher, and encompass waves over 10 m in height, and sometimes even up to 20–30 m. Clearly, both the 2004 *Indian Ocean* and 2011 *Tohoku Earthquake Tsunamis* fall under this category.

It is important to note that given the nature of the propagation process, a given event might represent a Level 2 tsunami for a certain area or country, yet only a Level 1 event for other places. For instance, the 2011 *Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami* was clearly a Level 2 event in northern Japan, though by the time it reached Chile the tsunami was only a Level 1 event.

Events such as meteorite impacts or underwater landslides, which can cause devastating waves over 50 m in height, are outside the scope of this classification. These types of hazards would have return periods of tens or hundreds of thousands of years, and would completely devastate a coastline, reaching dozens of kilometres inland and probably rendering useless any evacuation strategy in place. One could actually talk about "Level 3" events, and it is unclear whether present day technology is advanced enough to protect human society from them. To the authors' knowledge, no strategies are currently in place anywhere in Japan (arguably the country in the world which has invested the most (Mori et al. 2012) in improving resilience against natural disasters in general, and tsunamis in particular) or any other country to protect against such events. This highlights how the time scales involved in an event dictate the type of actions (or complete lack of actions, for events with very high return periods) employed to improve resilience and mitigate the consequences of a given hazard.

# *7.2.3 Implications of Time Scales on Measures to Improve Resilience*

The debate on whether hard or soft measures are better suited to protect against coastal hazards has used the concepts of Level 1 and Level 2 tsunamis to understand the role that each type of countermeasure has on improving resilience. At present, the idea that hard measures alone can always protect against the loss of life is no longer accepted; instead, it is thought that coastal structures should play a role in attempting to protect property against Level 1 events. Thus, the function of safeguarding human life should fall onto soft measures, which should be designed against Level 2 tsunamis. Nevertheless, hard measures might aid evacuation, and their influence can be considered when thinking about the design of evacuation systems. For example, an assessment of the effectiveness of Kamaishi Bay mouth breakwater shows that the structure could have contributed to reducing inundation heights by around 40 to 50%, and could have provided extra time for local residents to evacuate (data from the Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami Joint Survey Group and PARI 2011, also see Shibayama et al. 2013).

However, it is important to note that the cost of using hard measures for tsunami protection is often rather high, and their effectiveness against Level 2 tsunamis is unclear, though a number of lessons have been learnt after the 2011 event (Jayaratne et al. 2016). It is also important to consider whether coastal areas are a place for recreation, or the source of potential threats. Japan is a country that regularly experiences many different types of coastal natural disasters, and countermeasures against typhoons and tsunamis require the construction of coastal defences, river embankments and other engineering structures (such as landslide countermeasures, which can take place because of high precipitation (perhaps even 150 mm of rain in 1 h) during the passage of a typhoon). Thus, important decisions must clearly be taken by society about which areas should be designated as residential areas, how those areas should be protected, and the consequences to the rest of the country if one of these areas suffers from a natural disaster (Table 7.2).

## *7.2.4 Case Study: Otsuchi Town*

In order to illustrate reconstruction patterns and how this classification of Level 1 and Level 2 tsunamis affects the way of thinking about future hazards, it is worth looking at a case study of one city in Japan. The town of Otsuchi was particularly devastated by the 2011 event, with recorded inundation heights of 10–14 m and runups of around 25 m (Mori et al. 2012). The initial wave arrived just 34 min after the earthquake (Yamao et al. 2015), which explains the large numbers of casualties and the challenge that it represented from the long-term demographic sustainability of the town. Prior to the 2011 event, Otsuchi had a nominal population of around 16,000 people, and out of these 803 people died, 431 are still missing, and a further

**Table 7.2** Summary of the philosophy regarding the use of hard and soft measures to protect against Level 1 and Level 2 tsunamis in Japan

50 lost their lives because of the indirect consequences of the tsunami (e.g. in the aftermath of the disaster some people died because they lost access to medicines needed to treat chronic illnesses (Esteban et al. 2015). Regarding the damage, 3359 buildings were completely destroyed and another 713 suffered major or partial damage (Esteban et al. 2015).

It is worth noting that the town has a long history, and thus prior tsunamis have been well documented, as it served as a provincial capital during the Edo era. By 1948 the central downtown area was concentrated on the side of one of the hills, with the areas close to the sea left undeveloped, given that they were destroyed by previous tsunamis such as the 1896 *Meiji-Sanriku* and 1933 *Showa-Sanriku* events, and thus local inhabitants had a strong cultural memory of such types of disasters (Esteban et al. 2015; Esteban et al. 2013). Nowadays, economic activities are based around the service sector, with a significant contribution of salmon fishing, aquaculture of scallops and seaweed, and the fish processing industry to the local economy.

Local authorities are aware that the tsunami walls protecting the town were unsuccessful in stopping the tsunami wave, and that the only inhabitants that survived were those that evacuated or were in areas that were not at risk. Thus, this classification of tsunami levels and the need to further emphasize evacuation were accepted, as the ultimate objective should always be to preserve lives (Esteban et al. 2015). Nevertheless, the types of interventions that are currently being considered can be classified into three different layers of protection:

Essentially, the idea is to move towards a more resilient and flexible system that relies on multi-layer (Tsimopoulou et al. 2012, 2013).

Given financial consideration and guidance from the national government, following the concepts of Level 1 and Level 2 tsunamis described earlier requires that Layer 1 coastal defences should be rebuilt against a Level 1 tsunami, but not necessarily against a Level 2 tsunami. Prior to the 2011 event, the highest tsunami walls in the town were built up to a height of +6.4 m T.P.1

Simulations carried out by the national and prefectural governments indicate that the *meiji-sanriku* tsunami should become the benchmark for a level 1 event (which flooded otsuchi to a level of around +11.5 m t.p.). Nevertheless, because the town is located close to Kamaishi city it was decided that most of the tsunami walls would be built to the same inundation height as that expected in Kamaishi, i.e. to a level of +14.5 m t.p. Simulations of the 2011 event indicate that even for such a wall partial overtopping is possible, allowing some water to flood the land behind it. Thus, Layer 2 countermeasures, in the form of "land adjustment," are also necessary. Under the new land use maps. The areas immediately adjacent to these walls can only be utilized for fishing industries and parks.

However, in some neighbourhoods in Otsuchi, local residents decided that the wall should be rebuilt to the same height as that which existed prior to the tsunami (+6.4 m T.P.), much lower than the walls protecting the main downtown area, in some cases for aesthetic reasons (Esteban et al. 2015). It is important to note that such considerations can be quite important for the mental well-being of the population, as the connection to nature and the sea is usually very important for communities living close to the coastline. Also, the economy of the area has a significant component of tourism, and thus in many cases thinking about how to preserve the natural beauty of the land is also necessary. Nevertheless, in order to compensate for this, Layer 2 countermeasures have been significantly improved by raising the entire residential areas by over 8 m, to bring them to a height of almost 15 m above sea level, which is higher than the inundation height during the 2011 tsunami. Aside from these special areas, the entire central part of Otsuchi has been elevated by at least 3 m (see Fig. 7.2). This would mean that, in combination with the Layer 1 measures described earlier, the town would not be flooded if an event like the 2011 event were to recur. Paradoxically, this seems to imply that the defences have been planned against a Level 2 tsunami, which poses significant questions regarding the long-term sustainability of the Japanese country as a whole (Can the government of the country afford to financially protect all communities in Japan to the same degree?). However, considering such question is outside the scope of the present chapter.

1These heights are presented relative to Tokyo Peil (T.P. corresponds to mean sea level of Tokyo Bay).

**Fig. 7.2** The entire downtown area of Otsuchi is being elevated, as part of the strengthening of Layer 2 countermeasures

# **7.3 Sea Level Rise and Low-lying Lands**

Climate change and sea level rise are expected to pose considerable challenges to human civilization in the coming centuries, and their consequences in the course of the twenty-first century alone are widely discussed in media and academia. However, the problem posed by sea level rise depends on the time scales on which it is considered. Though present-day society concerns relate to the likely sea levels within the lifespan of those alive today, it is important to remember that such changes will not stop by the year 2100. Hence, when considering the sustainability implications of sea level rise, it is important to keep this factor clearly in mind, as it will influence how to deal with the issues involved. To illustrate how time scales influence the choice of adaptation strategies, the authors will describe the problems being faced by low-lying coral islands, which traditionally depend on coral reefs to supply the materials necessary to compensate for sea level rise (Yamamoto and Esteban 2014).

# *7.3.1 Past Sea Level Rise and Twenty-First Century Projections*

The International Panel on Climate Change fifth Assessment Report (IPCC 5AR) mentions how surface temperatures have oscillated for millions of years following glacial cycles. This in turn has influenced sea levels, which have risen and fallen according to such variations in temperature (because of thermal expansion of the oceans and the melting or accumulation of water in polar caps). During most of the twentieth century the global mean sea level rose by around 1.7 mm per year on average, though this intensified to 3 mm per year towards the end of the century (IPCC 5AR). The IPCC 5AR estimates that sea levels could rise by between 26 and 82 cm by 2100, substantially higher than the 18–59 cm projections that had been given by IPCC 4AR. So-called "semi-empirical methods" (see IPCC 5AR) such as those by Vermeer and Rahmstorf (2009) provide more onerous predictions, indicating sea level rise for 1990–2100 could be in the 0.75–1.9 m range.

There is little doubt that climate change – and consequently sea level rise, as it is greatly affected by global temperatures – is mostly being driven by the release of greenshouse gases into the atmosphere. Current world efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, centred around the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change (UNFCCC), have not yet convincingly managed to halt their increase, despite the signing of the Paris Agreement in 2015. However, even if emissions were to reduce, the IPCC 4AR points how "if actions are taken to reduce the emissions, the fate of the trace gas concentrations will depend on the relative changes not only of emissions but also of its removal processes" (Bindoff et al. 2007). This means that it could potentially take a very long time for the Earth to revert to its current condition. As CO2 emissions continue unabated, global temperatures will inevitably continue to rise unless drastic action is taken to curtail them. Such effects can very well lead to the flooding of low-lying deltaic areas such as the Mekong delta (see Nguyen et al. 2013; Takagi et al. 2014; Nobuoka and Murakami 2011) or atoll islands (Yamamoto and Esteban 2014), unless significant adaptation measures are implemented.

The IPCC 5AR discusses the long-term climate change and commitment up to the year 2500. Essentially, if greenhouse gas concentrations rise to between 500 and 700 ppm CO2, sea level rise could exceed 1.5 m by the year 2300; or if concentrations were to exceed 700 ppm CO2 sea level rise could surpass 3 m by 2300, reaching almost 7 m by 2500. Essentially, the most optimistic scenarios related to sea level rise require a positive outcome of UNFCCC efforts and negotiations. The entire Earth climate system, however, exhibits a certain lag, due to the thermal inertia of the oceans. The oceans will gradually absorb heat from the atmosphere, and this will lead to the heating of the top layers, gradually extending deeper into the ocean. Even when air temperatures stop increasing, the heat absorbed by the oceans

will be slowly released, meaning that the oceans would become a "very weak heat source" and dampen the decline of surface atmospheric temperatures (Schewe et al. 2011). Hence, the effects of current increases in CO2 concentrations will manifest themselves in the future, much in the same way that present climate change is being caused by past CO2 emissions. Also, the process of CO2 removal from the atmosphere is quite complex, and although more than half of the CO2 emitted is removed within a century, a fraction remains in the atmosphere for millennia. Another mechanism that slows down global cooling is the change in oceanic convection, which enhances ocean heat loss in high latitudes and reduces the surface cooling rate by almost 50% (Schewe et al. 2011). In this sense, greenhouse gases released at present "commit" us to certain future effects, as yet unfelt.

Simulations by Schewe et al. (2011) suggest that if a maximum warming of 1.5 °C is reached by middle of the twenty-first century (for CO2 concentrations of just over 550 ppm), then temperatures will likely decline slowly afterwards and reach present-day levels by 2500. This would be achieved by GHG concentrations peaking in 2040 and declining subsequently to become negative after 2070. If this is achieved, the rate of sea level rise caused by thermal expansion (where the volume of the seawater would increase due to the change in temperature) would continue for over 200 years after the peak in air temperatures and stabilize around 2250. The rate of temperature decrease is significantly slower than the current rates of temperature rise, and are on average around −0.16 °C per century. This slow rate of cooling is quite significant, and highlights the need to rapidly reduce emissions of greenhouse gases and the importance of current climate negotiations between different countries. Not achieving these objectives could result in global warming continuing for much more prolonged periods of time. Another scenario by Schewe et al. (2011) shows how CO2 concentrations of almost 1500 ppm by 2100 can see warming of up to 8.5 °C and result in 1.3 m of sea level rise due to thermal expansion alone by 2250 and a 2 m rise by 2500 (though some of the ranges given in the IPCC 5AR are much higher, as noted earlier).

Past geological records of sea level rise indicate that sea levels could very well have been much higher than current levels. For example, during a period known as the marine isotope stage 11 (MIS 11, 401 to 411 ka), global temperatures may have been 1.5–2.0 °C higher than those on the planet today, with sea levels possibly also being 6–15 m higher (IPCC 5AR). Also, during the last interglacial period, temperatures might have been 1–2 °C higher than pre-industrial levels, with sea levels several metres (around 4–8 m, see IPCC 5AR) higher than at present. Since then, in the late Holocene (some 12,000 years ago) it is likely that global sea levels rose 2 to 3 m to near present-day levels. All this indicates the necessity to factor time scales into the framing of the problems that coastal areas face because of sea level rise.

Finally, it is worth pointing out that these projections have only been made at the global level and on general, average terms. Although islands are expected to be most vulnerable to sea level rise, precise information about how much sea level rise a particular island or island state will experience are yet unavailable. Due to this, it is important to further discuss the particular impacts of sea-level rise on coral islands and the communities that inhabit them.

## *7.3.2 Island Communities*

While environmental factors such as the natural survival of islands are important in predicting the sustainability of the communities living in them, recent studies about the impacts of sea-level rise have highlighting social factors, such as human adaptation, as a greater determinant (Perch-Nielsen et al. 2008; Gibbons and Nicholls 2005). However, given the lack of climate projections at the local level, time-scales are also important in understanding the impacts of climate change and the ways that communities can adapt to them. In particular, when considering the survival of island communities, differentiating between short-term (decades) and long-term (centuries) impacts, as well as potential short-term and long-term adaptation strategies is critical (Fig. 7.3).

In the long-term, mass migration theory suggests that, because of land loss, entire populations could be driven out of their homes (Yamamoto and Esteban 2014). However, in the short-term, the theory also argues that, due to disruption in food and water supply through saltwater intrusion, mass migration could also happen well before total land loss (Keener et al. 2012). Although this theory is dominant in the discussion surrounding sea-level rise adaptation, historical and empirical evidence so far indicates otherwise.

**Fig. 7.3** Low-lying coral islands are particularly vulnerable to the consequences of sea level rise, unless coral species can successfully adapt to changing ocean conditions

**Fig. 7.4** Adaptation strategies to rapid relative sea level rise in small islands in the Philippines, caused by earthquake induced land subsidence (see Jamero et al. 2016)

Historically, the world's biggest coastal cities have been able to prevent tidal flooding through engineering methods and land use planning (Nicholls and Cazenave 2010). A case study from the central Philippines also provides evidence that it is indeed possible for island communities to adapt to changes in sea levels of less than 1 metre, even if they happen quickly as a consequence of earthquake induced land subsidence (Jamero et al. 2016). Essentially, the 2013 Bohol Earthquake in the Philippines caused a number of small islands to immediately subside by up to 1 metre, which means that they are now flooded during high tides. The strategies implemented by these communities, mainly on a self-funded basis, are designed to accommodate the effects of tidal flooding, including building stilted houses (see Fig. 7.4) and raising the roads and floors of important community buildings (such as schools and chapels). The communities have also changed their evacuation behaviour to protect lives from the potential risks of passing typhoons (including high waves and storm surges; see also Jamero et al. 2017).

However, pressure from coastal settlements and bleaching events due to high ocean water temperatures are causing large-scale damage to many coral systems around the planet. Essentially, from the point of view of a human's lifespan, largescale mortality and devastation will take place in these fragile ecosystems in the coming decades. Biologists fear that thermal stresses caused by sea water warming and ocean acidification – brought about by the absorption of CO2, which reduces the ability of corals to produce their skeletons – will result in more prolonged episodes of bleaching and increased mortality. Veron et al. (2009) estimate that by the 2030s coral reefs could very well be in severe danger throughout the world, which could create many problems for small island nations, given the reduction in sediment supply that this would represent. Given that these islands are geomorphologically very dynamic, it is unlikely that they would disappear (Kench et al. 2009, Webb and Kench 2010), though this could lead to greater damage due to high waves and the need for substantial adaptation strategies. Nevertheless, evidence proves that it is indeed possible for coastal communities to adapt to changes in sea levels of less than 1 m, even if those changes happen quickly (Jamero et al. 2016).

However, when looking at a time scale of several centuries, the situation changes. Sea level rise will not stop by the year 2100, and it would be increasingly difficult for the inhabitants of small islands to adapt to changing water levels if all the coral dies. This could eventually lead to societal collapse in the islands, forcing their inhabitants to migrate (Yamamoto and Esteban 2014, 2016).

When looking at a longer time frame, it is clearly possible that coral communities will somehow adapt to these new changes (through the recruitment of new, better-adapted species, Kench et al. 2009), and there is evidence that coral reefs have adapted in the past to changing conditions (Kench et al. 2009). The Census of Marine Life (2010) found relics of cold water corals off Africa's Mauritanian coast extending over 400 km in waters 500 m deep in one of the world's longest reefs. This highlights how corals have continuously evolved to adapt to changing ocean conditions, and this will likely continue to happen in the future, though the time frames involved are unclear. From an evolutionary point of view, coral diversification has occurred in pulses, and mass extinctions have caused bottlenecks in the evolution of corals (Simpson et al. 2011). It is thus possible that major increases in coral mortality also retard the time it takes the species to re-adapt to the new environmental conditions, as a less diverse coral population has less of a genetic base from which to re-adapt. However, such evolution may already be taking place, and some evidence indicates that certain species around the Persian/Arab Gulf may have adapted or evolved to withstand higher sea temperatures, perhaps as much as 35 °C, that would normally prove fatal to corals elsewhere (Hume et al. 2016).

Researchers in Japan have also stated that there is large scale evidence that several major coral species have begun spreading polewards at speeds of up to 14 km/ yr. (Yamano et al. 2011), showing how species can also adapt by moving to other areas of the planet where they find more favourable conditions. Thus, these areas may serve as a refuge for tropical corals in an era of global warming and could later move towards the equator again if and when temperatures return to their present values. One absolute limiting condition to this shifting of species towards the poles may be acidity, as corals stop growing in pH concentrations of 7.7 or lower (Fabricious et al. 2011), although it appears that some coral species can survive in conditions of higher acidity. It thus appears that corals could somehow adapt to a changing environment (by evolutionary or migration modes), assuming that this lower level of ocean acidification is not reached. This adaptation happens even with gradually rising water levels, and there is some evidence that the Maldives may have originated during a period of sea level rise, as noted by Kench et al. (2005).

Thus, it is clear that a variety of time scales and mechanisms must be taken into account when considering the long-term sustainability of small low-lying island nations. Currently, scientific knowledge regarding what is mostly likely to happen is incomplete, and much depends on what happens to coral reefs along different time scales, which in turn will determine the types of adaptation strategies that are required. If corals adapt within decades, the morphological resilience of the islands may prove sufficient to avert disaster, as their inhabitants can resort to rising the islands using dredged materials or coral stones (providing that the biological limits of sediment supply are not breached). When considering longer time scales, it is more difficult to see how a good solution can be reached unless corals adapt, though a number of options could be available.

## **7.4 Conclusions**

In the present chapter the authors have attempted to show how the time scale through which a sustainability scientist looks at a problem will clearly influence disaster preparedness and management. Looking at these issues is indispensable for examining the sustainability of human life and well-being in the face of natural hazards, and for attempting to develop measures to improve the resilience of human societies. Such kind of measures should always carefully consider the different stakeholders and actors involved in order to attempt to arrive at a holistic assessment of the problem, taking into account present conditions and how things are likely to change in the middle to long term (hence once again the importance of looking at different time scales).

To illustrate the issues involved, the chapter presented two different types of hazards, namely that of tsunamis and the problems that will be brought about by sea level rise and ocean acidification (and the consequences it will have on coral reefs). Then, the case study of the reconstruction of Otsuchi town in northeastern Japan after the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake Tsunami and small islands of the coast of Bohol following the 2013 Bohol Earthquake in the Philippines, were presented. The discussion of both cases proved that the solutions to any given problem depend on the time scale considered, though much uncertainty exists about the likely future consequences and return periods of any given hazard. This highlights the need for more research on the topic of natural hazards taking into account long-term sustainability, in order to attempt to improve resilience and minimize the consequences of such events.

**Acknowledgements** A part of the present work was performed as a part of activities of Research Institute of Sustainable Future Society, Waseda Research Institute for Science and Engineering, Waseda University.

## **References**

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# **Chapter 8 Framing Food Security and Poverty Alleviation**

#### **Hirotaka Matsuda, Makiko Sekiyama, Kazuaki Tsuchiya, Chiahsin Chen, Eri Aoki, Rimbawan Rimbawan, and Tai Tue Nguyen**

**Abstract** This chapter addresses current problems of food security, which is considered as one of the most important factors in development strategies to alleviate poverty, by examining relevant policies on agriculture and by discussing different ways to frame food security strategies. The commonly applied framing of development strategies–including strategies for food security–has been the enhancement of market function, even though actual approaches have been changing with the

H. Matsuda (\*)

M. Sekiyama

K. Tsuchiya

Landscape Ecology and Planning Laboratory, Department of Ecosystem Studies, The University of Tokyo, Bunkyo, Tokyo, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
C. Chen National Cheng Kung University Museum, National Cheng Kung University, Tainan City, Taiwan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
E. Aoki

Faculty of Information Networking for Innovation and Design, Department of Information Networking for Innovation and Design, Toyo University, Bunkyo, Tokyo, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
#### R. Rimbawan Graduate Nutrition Study Program, Dept of Community Nutrition, Faculty of Human Ecology, Institut Pertanian Bogor/IPB University, Bogor, Indonesia

T. T. Nguyen Faculty of Geology, VNU University of Science, VNU Key Laboratory of Geoenvironment and Climate Change Response , Hanoi, Vietnam e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
Department of Agricultural Innovation for Sustainability, Faculty of Agriculture, Tokyo University of Agriculture, Tokyo, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
Environmental Epidemiology Section, Center for Health and Environmental Risk Research, National Institute for Environmental Studies, Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
recognition of unexpected results such as environmental degradation and nutrition problems. Implementation of these policies has caused a decoupling of production and consumption. As a result, agricultural policies that represent the production or supply side have been implemented apart from nutrition policies, which are relevant to the consumption or demand side. In other words, because agricultural policies and nutrition policies have their own framings and because these framings are not integrated, many problems have occurred. It must be considered how decoupled production or supply can be combined with consumption or demand. In this connection, people's understanding of value that should reflect the shadow price must be transformed. Psychological strategies of providing proper information must be implemented with the SDGs, which are assumed to combine selected aims and targets based on particular contexts by stakeholders such as national governments, local municipalities, private companies, and international organizations.

**Keywords** Poverty · Food security · Market function · Decoupled production and consumption · Development strategies

## **8.1 Introduction**

This chapter addresses current problems of food security, which is considered as one of the most important factors in development strategies to alleviate poverty, by examining relevant policies on agriculture and by discussing different ways to frame food security strategies. The purpose of development strategies for food security has been primarily to enhance market function. Although, as discussed later, new development strategies have been proposed and implemented after recognizing various newly arising issues to be considered, the above purpose has been essentially unchanged. In other words, the basic framing has remained the same. Development strategies should be supported by corresponding economic theories, which should have been also evolved so that they may support enhancing the market function. The transition of development strategies for food security and poverty alleviation are discussed hereafter along with the supporting economic theories.

Poverty alleviation has been put on the main development agenda at both the national and international levels. As indicated in a series of studies by Amartya Kumar Sen (Sen 1981; Drèze and Sen 1989; Sen 1999), the poverty issue must be investigated from the viewpoints of various dimensions including the amount of goods, services, and income as well as the freedom of utilizing them, people's behavior, and the state of human life. Thus, the framing for poverty alleviation must reflect these various dimensions. The most famous definition of sustainable development was provided in *Our Common Future* by the Brundtland Commission (UN 1987) as follows: *development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs*. This definition strongly implies the importance of the ethical dimension. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were announced on January 1, 2016, with 17 aims and 169 targets based on the achievements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (UN Sustainable Development website and UN 2015). SDGs are the latest and the most comprehensive summary of development strategies. Now, because the SDGs are available as a common action guideline, everyone is encouraged to design strategies in line with the concepts of the SDGs. Development strategies must be designed not only to enhance market functions, but also enhance many other dimensions as described above.

In any overview of development strategies prior to the agreement upon the MDGs in 2000, *structuralism* or structuralist economics (from the 1940s to 1960s) must have been mentioned first (e.g., Singer 1950; Prebisch 1959; Nurkse 1952, 1953). Its fundamental concept was that market functions, including the price mechanism, had not worked in developing countries. Therefore, they insisted that governments had to play an active role to make a "Big Push" for economic development (Rosenstein-Rodan 1943, 1961, 1984). A subsequent approach that relied on neoclassical economics emerged as the mainstream theory of development strategies. The core concept of the *neoclassical approach* was that market functions had worked in both developed countries and developing countries, and that intervention in markets must be strictly limited to occurrences of market failure (e.g., Schultz 1961; Lal 1983; Balassa 1989).

In the 1980s, development strategies aimed to enhance market functions based on the neo-classical economics. Structural adjustment loans (SALs) by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank (e.g., Hellenier 1987; Williamson 1983; World Bank 1990) are one of the most representative strategies. These development strategies were mainly composed of macro-economic policies. They were encountered by the Basic Needs approach of reformism which centered around the International Labour Organization (ILO), and also by the concept of "adjustment with a human face" by the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), which insisted on the importance of viewing poverty at the household or individual level (Oman and Wignaraja 1991, ILO 1976, Hunt 1989; Cornia et al. 1987). In addition, at the beginning of the 1990s, different types of market failures were recognized: (1) poverty; (2) environmental degradation; (3) unequal distribution of resources such as income, property, and food; (4) problems associated with women and children; and (5) infectious diseases such as HIV.

Both formal and informal institutions have played essential roles in responding to these issues. However, development strategies fundamentally remained with the market function approach via neo-classical economic theory, or to some extent a new institutional economy in line with neo-classical economic theory. The core concept of the theory is the way to achieve Pareto Optimum, which is the criterion for the most efficient resource allocation. Because of the two fundamental theorems of welfare economics, Pareto Optimum can be attained under competitive equilibrium and all possible Pareto Optima can be equal to competitive equilibrium through proper wealth redistribution (Arrow 1951; Debreu 1954, 1959; Mas-Colell et al. 1995). In other words, the market mechanism is theoretically guaranteed to play a critical role in achieving efficient resource use and equal allocation of the resource. Achieving perfect market is the pre-condition of the fundamental theorems of welfare economics. Therefore, neo-classical economics was considered to provide the proper rationale to the thought that enhancing market economy can contribute to poverty alleviation, even though the multiple dimensions of poverty were considered important. The approach from the neo-classical economics can be recognized as a framing of development strategy.

In addition to the economic bases as described above, food security has been a central issue in development strategy for poverty alleviation. Many reasons exist for this: (1) the threat of Malthus's world is becoming more of a reality, (2) many people are suffering from poverty in the rural areas of developing countries, (3) agriculture is the main industry in developing countries, (4) the number of undernourished people had remained virtually the same for several decades, and so on. Although the reasons for focusing on food security have changed over time, their fundamental policy has been the same: increasing agricultural productivity in a consistent manner. This policy has remained consistent, even though development strategies have evolved because of recognition of various negative factors such as environmental impacts (IAASTD 2008). Agricultural policies to alleviate poverty from the perspective of food security have been coordinated with economic policies in development strategies. This means that agricultural policy is oriented toward enhancing market function (World Bank 2008).

Enhancing market function decouples production and consumption. When the market function is enhanced, trading is expanded from the household level to local, national, or international levels. People have more potential opportunities to increase their production. Therefore, agricultural policies have primarily focused on the production or supply side. On the other hand, consumption is more related to nutrition policy. This decoupling of consumption from production often leads to not only the market failure but also mal-nutrition, and thus causes failure in poverty alleviation policies by the government. Agricultural policy dealing with production and nutrition policy dealing with consumption have different framings. Both policies are implemented separately and not integrated with each other because of decoupling consumption from production that results from development strategies.

In the following sections, we first give an overview of the impacts of the Green Revolution on poverty alleviation in developing countries. The Green Revolution began in the 1940s, and the development strategies associated with the Green Revolution were to enhance market function in agriculture. It impacted food security in the world tremendously through the decoupling of consumption from production. Second, we review how nutrition status was considered in development strategies. The impacts of the Green Revolution are discussed from the viewpoint of the production or supply side perspective. Nutrition status, however, is discussed from the viewpoint of consumption or demand side perspective. Third, we discuss the reasons for the failure of the market economy concept in neo-classical economic theory, as well as its implications. A summary of this chapter is provided at the end.

# **8.2 Impacts of the Green Revolution on Developing Countries**

## *8.2.1 Brief History of the Green Revolution*

The Green Revolution was named by William Gaud (1968), a former administrator of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). It was a process of increasing the yields of cereals, wheat, and rice by developing a high yield variety (HYV) or modern variety (MV) with modern inputs such as modern irrigation systems, chemical fertilizers, and pesticides. It appeared in 1940s, and proceeded from the 1960s to the late 1980s or early 1990s. Developments of HYV of wheat and rice marked the beginning of the Green Revolution. In the early 1940s, the whole world stood in awe of reality of the threat of Malthus's world. In 1798, Thomas Robert Malthus published a famous book, *An Essay on the Principle of Population,* and insisted in the book that human population increased in a geometric or exponential manner, whereas the ability to produce food increased only in an arithmetic manner. In other words, the population would outgrow the ability of the land to produce food. Food shortages would have been real.

Agronomist Dr. Norman Earnest Borlaug, the recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1970 and often known as the "Father of the Green Revolution," succeeded in developing HYV wheat at an institution in Mexico in 1943 under a variety improvement operation by the Rockefeller foundation, which had taken the initiative to counter potential food shortages. In the Mexican institute, the HYV wheat was developed by crossing Norin 10 from Japan onto an indigenous variety of spring wheat in Mexico. The developed HYV wheat variety was defused to Asian countries. To bring varieties from other areas, adaptation to differences in natural conditions was required. In the process of its diffusion among Asian countries, it was crossed onto area varieties through collaboration with National Agricultural Research Systems (NARS).

Agricultural research and development (R&D) systems, including NARS, were established through the process. The institute in Mexico became the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center, CIMMYT (Centro Internacional de Mejoramiento de Maíz y Trigo), which is an institution under CGIAR (Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research). In the case of the other main cereal *rice*, HYV rice was developed in an institute in the Philippines, which became an institute under CGIAR, IRRI (International Rice Research Institute) supported by the Ford Foundation after the Rockefeller Foundation. One of the representative types of HYV rice was IR8, which was developed in 1966. It was produced by crossing semi-dwarf rice varieties from Taiwan onto a rice variety from Indonesia in order to respond to chemical fertilizer and increase productivity.

Figure 8.1 indicates yield trends by region and compares yield increase between Asia and Africa. In the 1960s, yields of cereal were virtually the same in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. However, the difference has expanded since the 1980s, which came after the Green Revolution. In addition, when comparing the relationship

**Fig. 8.1** Regional yield growth. (**a**) Trend of yield growth (Source: World Bank (2008)). (**b**) Yield growth in Asia and Africa (Source: FAO 2006)

between yield increase and area expansion of farm land, the increase in yield in sub-Saharan Africa has been stagnant in spite of the expansion of farm land while Asia increased cereal yield sharply without expanding farm land.

When Fig. 8.2 is examined again, it can be found that HYV and inputs other than farm area significantly contributed to the increase in cereal yield in Asia. Agricultural lands, including both croplands and pastures, occupy approximately 38% of Earth's terrestrial surface; it is the largest land use on the planet (Foley et al. 2011). The expansion of agricultural land is often preceded by deforestation (Lambin and Meyfroidt 2011), which has greatly influenced various environmental issues such as increase in greenhouse gas emissions, destruction of biological habitats, and decline in ecosystem services (Bommarco et al. 2013). In addition, because of restrictions on the expansion of agricultural land use, it has been intensified through the introduction of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and through an increase in irrigation capacity to increase yield.

Agricultural land intensification impacts climate to a similar extent as land use changes (Luyssaert et al. 2014) and results in changes to local, regional and global biogeochemical and water cycles. It likewise has had major influence on biodiversity loss (Erb et al. 2013). Because choice of agricultural land management method greatly impacts the environment, interest in sustainable intensification has been increasing (Garnett et al. 2013; Tilman et al. 2011). Other inputs can be considered so-called modern inputs such as modern irrigation systems, chemical fertilizers, and pesticides. Though there are many reasons for the different results of various industrial policies, the differences observed between countries in Asia and in Sub-Saharan

**Fig. 8.2** Decompose of factors for yield growth. (**a**) Early Green Revolution Period, 1961–1980. (**b**) Late Green Revolution Period, 1981–2000. (Source: Made by author from Evenson and Gollin (2003))

Africa are not discussed in detail because such discussion goes beyond the main purpose of this chapter. However, let it suffice to say that the chemical industry could be fostered in Asia to provide rather cheap chemical fertilizer. The Green Revolution can be considered as a process to make sufficient preparation to enhance market mechanism in agriculture. Details of the process have been discussed from the perspective of the meaning of the Green Revolution in the context of development strategy in the next section.

# *8.2.2 The Meaning of the Green Revolution in the Context of Development Strategy*

The Green Revolution introduced the opportunity of applying the accumulated knowledge of science to agriculture. The Green Revolution preceded the development of HYV by purposefully breeding to enhance its yield with chemical fertilizers. Narrowing the gap between production in the actual field and the experiment field was made possible by the development of HYV, and by the accumulation of scientific knowledge such as the utilization of modern irrigation systems and the appropriate use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides. In another perspective, private sector actors (such as the chemical industry and the medical industry), who can use their accumulated knowledge and skill to produce pesticides, were able to take part in the agricultural industry after the Green Revolution. Market economics intruded into the agricultural industry after the Green Revolution. International organizations such as FAO supported this change by expanding international seed operations, i.e., International Seed Campaign (1957–1962), World Seed Year (1961), Improved Seed Development Plan (1973), among others.

Importantly, multinational companies entered the market. Multinational chemical companies and medical companies entered the seed industry. Multinational agribusiness companies together with food distribution and food processing companies also entered the seed industry. In addition, advances in breeding technology caused increased R&D investment and an increasing gap between large and small seed companies. Then, aggravation of M&A in the seed industry was caused by multinational companies who concentrated on a very small number of companies to address seed development and production in order to lower their risk. The multinational companies bought up existing seed companies rather than starting their own seed operations as newcomers, which would have required them to obtain genetic resources and acquire their own breeding technology to compete with other competitors in the market. In any case, the market economy penetrated and expanded into agriculture after the Green Revolution as a development strategy to alleviate poverty.

However, the Green Revolution also caused several problems of market or government failure, as did other aforementioned development strategies. High intensive input farming, which is one of features of the Green Revolution, typically involves monocrop fields and a package of modern seed varieties, fertilizers, and pesticides. It causes various problems such as water pollution, indirect damage to larger ecosystems, and inadvertent pesticide poisoning of humans, animals, and non-targeted plants and insects caused by mismanagement of irrigation water, injudicious use of fertilizers and pesticides, and excess chemical fertilizer use (World Bank 2008). Figure 8.3 indicates the growth of concern in agriculture.

With the various problems caused by the Green Revolution, as with other development strategies to alleviate poverty, unexpected and new issues have arisen and been recognized over time. In other words, these issues were from that framing in the beginning had been not enough. One of the important features of the market function under neo-classical economic theory detaches demand or consumption from supply or production. This can also be found in agriculture after the Green Revolution. Although problems caused after the Green Revolution are commonly recognized, those are only perspectives from supply or production.. The framing of development strategies in food security from the production perspective has changed to recognize unexpected impacts such as environmental degradation, although the framing of poverty alleviation, which is a general development strategy to enhance market function in food security, remained. To understand the features and results of development strategy framing, particularly enhancing food security to alleviate poverty, those perspectives are still insufficient. Although if all the market failures in production or supply side have been confronted properly, such efforts would still be insufficient to alleviate poverty. Another framing is needed for poverty alleviation in terms of food security. Demand side must be considered. The impact of enhancing market function in demand or consumption of agricultural production

**Fig. 8.3** Pathway to the current conception of modern agriculture. (Source: IAASTD (2008))

after the Green Revolution—in short, nutrition status—is discussed in next section.

## **8.3 Poverty Alleviation from a Nutrition Perspective**

## *8.3.1 Development Strategies for Nutrition*

Framing food security from the perspective of demand has changed with the recognition that previously implemented strategies failed and led to unexpected results, as is the case with the production perspective. In this section, transition of development strategies from a nutrition perspective is overviewed first.

The MDGs made poverty and hunger alleviation as their first target, aiming "to halve between 1990 and 2015 the proportion of people who suffer from hunger" (UN Millennium Project 2005). Global food production was more than enough to feed the global population, however 14% of the world population, including children, was undernourished in 2007 (FAO 2008). Nearly nine million children under the age of five died in 2007, and over one-third of those deaths were linked to undernutrition (FAO 2008). Consequently, it became recognized that alleviation of child undernutrition was the most unattainable goal among the MDGs because of the insufficient effort of the countries involved and the international community.

Under such a situation, the Lancet series on maternal and child undernutrition was launched in 2008, pointing out the urgent need to scale up the international nutrition governance system (Horton et al. 2008). The series also highlighted the short-term and long-term consequences of child undernutrition: child undernutrition affects not only disability, morbidity, and mortality during his/her childhood stage but also affects body size, intellectual ability, economic productivity, reproductive performance, and cardiovascular disease risk during his/her adulthood stage (Black et al. 2008). The final paper of this series stated that 'the international nutrition system comprised of international and donor organizations, academia, civil society, and the private sector–is fragmented and dysfunctional' (Morris et al. 2008). Provoked by this series, political commitment to child malnutrition increased (Table 8.1).

In 2010, Scaling Up Nutrition (SUN) was established to tackle stunting (low height-for-age, indicating chronic restriction of a child's potential growth) with a special focus on the 1000-day window of opportunity, from conception to a child's second birthday. The SUN movement currently has 54 member countries (Menon et al. 2014). In 2012, WHO issued a resolution at the 65th World Health Assembly endorsing a comprehensive implementation plan on maternal, infant, and young child nutrition that specified a set of six global nutrition targets by 2025. Importantly, one of those six targets was 'to ensure that there is no increase in childhood overweight', which was the first attempt to regard 'overnutrition' as an increasing form of malnutrition (WHO 2012). In 2013, first Nutrition for Growth (N4G) summit was

**Table 8.1** Global movement on nutrition issues

hosted by the governments of Brazil and the UK, yielding over 200 commitments to expand the reach of nutrition interventions during the 1000-day window, reducing stunting, and saving the lives of almost two million children under the age of five. Two months after the first N4G, the second Lancet series on maternal and child nutrition was published; in this series, the title was changed from 'undernutrition' to 'overnutrition', highlighting the increasing awareness of dual forms of malnutrition (Black et al. 2013).

In 2014, FAO and WHO jointly organized the second International Conference on Nutrition, which had a strong focus on tackling all forms of malnutrition including undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies, and overnutrition with a view to achieving global nutrition targets set by the World Health Assembly by 2025 (Haddad et al. 2015). To this end, unlike the MDGs framework, the 2013 High Level Panel on the Post 2015 Development Agenda explicitly recommends nutrition as an explicit feature of one of its proposed goals (Haddad et al. 2015). Consequently, in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) launched in 2015, 12 out of 17 targets included nutrition-related issues (IFPRI 2016).

UNICEF framed the nutritional status of children as determined by a range of immediate, underlying, and basic causes (UNICEF 1990), and different approaches addressing different levels of those determinants have been taken to tackle child malnutrition problem. Nutrition-specific interventions address the immediate determinants (i.e., dietary intake and disease) through micronutrient supplementation and fortification, improvement of breastfeeding and complementary feeding, and strengthening hygiene. Most of the intervention programs have been in the form of a nutrition-specific approach, which is highly project- or donor-dependent and is difficult for the local community to sustain.

A nutrition-sensitive approach addresses underlying determinants (i.e., food security, health access, healthy household environment, and care practices) through improving agriculture, water and sanitation, education, and social protection (Black

et al. 2013). Global interest in this nutrition-sensitive approach, which might offer sustainable solutions for local population, is recently increasing. However, so far, the evidence base is weak on how to make interventions that address more nutritionsensitive underlying determinants (Haddad et al. 2015). Masset et al., for example, systematically reviewed papers assessing the impact of agricultural intervention on improvements in child nutritional status and concluded that very little evidence was found for such intervention, because the prevalence of malnutrition was mostly caused by methodological weakness (2012).

The Global Nutrition Reports 2014 and 2015 provided some specific ideas for interventions on food systems and agriculture; however, evidence is limited to kitchen gardening and bio-fortification (IFPRI 2016). Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, global efforts to combat child malnutrition have until recently mainly targeted undernutrition. Many developing countries now, however, need to simultaneously solve dual forms of malnutrition such as undernutrition and overnutrition. Child overweight or obesity is rapidly increasing in those countries (Black et al. 2013). The basic driver of undernutrition is mostly limited food accessibility, availability, and affordability, whereas that of overnutrition is basically inappropriate dietary choices or behaviors.

Inappropriate dietary choices or behaviors relate to various socioeconomic factors such as subsistence patterns, local economy, food system, food environment, and health and nutrition education, which imply that multi-sectoral and transdisciplinary approaches are necessary to solve the problem. Solving the problem of undernutrition used to be the main target of development strategies in the context of food security. In terms of quantity of food, agriculture enhanced by development strategies after the Green Revolution contributed to food security. However, there have been many problems in terms of quality and nutrition intake. In addition, the unexpected issue of becoming overweight is now arising. At the same time, it has been recognized that dietary patterns impact environment, which is discussed in the next section.

## *8.3.2 Environment and Nutrition*

In 2010, FAO proposed the concept of a 'sustainable diet' – a diet with low environmental impact that contributes to food and nutrition security and to a healthier life for present and future generations (FAO 2012). Since that time, the amount of literature assessing the environmental impact of dietary behavior has been increasing. The review work of Auestad and Fulgoni about 'sustainable diet' found 31 papers examining sustainable diet mostly published from 2010 to 2014. Those papers assessed different indicators of the environmental impacts of different diet patterns such as greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, land capacity, energy/fossil fuel use, and water use (Auestad and Fulgoni 2015).

The health community also recognizes that environmental sustainability is increasing. WHO recently highlighted the importance of win-win approaches to health and environment, especially those that reduce GHG emissions and increase resilience to environmental change. For example, reducing saturated fat intake from livestock products has co-benefits for health and environment: 8–9% of global GHG emissions come from the livestock sector, which provides large amounts of saturated fat leading to increased risk of cardiovascular diseases (Friel et al. 2009). WHO recommends high saturated-fat, high calorie-meats and processed foods be substituted with more unprocessed foods, fiber-rich foods, and fresh fruits and vegetables. The Global Nutrition Report also recommends increasing dietary diversity, especially increasing fruits and vegetables in the diet (IFPRI 2016). Many developing countries, however, are shifting from subsistence farming to industrialized food production, leading to the gradual loss of biodiversity in local food varieties of legumes, fruits, nuts, seeds, and berries, and to an increased reliance upon simplified diets of imported food varieties or mass-produced staples. This change has led to diets that are energy rich but contain few vital micronutrients. Thus, more effort is urgently needed to provide locally sustainable solutions to improve nutrition and agricultural systems.

In recent years, data show how changes in dietary habits strongly affect health and the environment (Aleksandrowicz et al. 2016; Springmann et al. 2016; Tilman and Clark 2014). Erb et al. (2016) have been studying the effects of dietary habits at a global level and have shown that it is possible to nurture a growing human population without deforestation by combining the transition to a vegetarian diet and sustainable intensification. These scenario-based studies provide insights into potential pathways for food systems change. These studies, however, do not tell much about what policies or interventions will help to realize the illustrated scenarios. Because most of the future population growth is expected to occur in cities, it will be necessary to prepare a nutritious and environmentally-friendly food environment in newly developed areas and to transform the food environments of existing urban areas.

Enhancing market function was the main development strategy to alleviate poverty. As a consequence, decoupling of consumption from production occurred, followed by unexpected market failure and government failure as explained in detail in the next section. These undesirable situations were caused by an improper framing, where production/supply and consumption/demand were separately handled in the policy application. Namely, the food supply (production) was governed by neoclassical economic theories without consideration of environmental factors**;** and the nutritious demand for food (consumption) did not properly consider people's diet patterns. In fact, people's psychological response for the applied strategies/policies, preference for food, perception and values about food, among others are essential factors when actual strategies/policies are designed and implemented. In the next section, theoretical framework of people's value in the supporting theory of development strategies is overviewed.

## **8.4 Dysfunction of Framing in Poverty Alleviation**

## *8.4.1 Market Failure and Shadow Prices*

The market failure was a consequence of dysfunction in the market economy framing for poverty alleviation, and caused by several factors including externalities, public goods, scale economy, asymmetric information, and uncertainties. As explained in the previous section, the Green Revolution unearthed various unexpected environmental degradation issues. The dissociation of actual prices and shadow prices is one reason for this. *Shadow price* refers to the true social value or cost of a resource. Neo-classical economic theory assumes that people decide their behavior based on a sense of value, which is reflected on the price in the market through subjectivity to maximize utility.

Prices must reflect the real value of goods including the impacts on the environment. If a price does not reflect the real value, the resource may not be used properly and environmental degradation will occur. People should be aware of the mechanism of shadow price so that they can behave and use resources properly. The difficulty of estimating the shadow price of natural resources is often highlighted, but one reason for unexpected environmental degradation is that people behave without understanding the proper shadow price of the resource. Furthermore, shadow price can change dynamically by transforming the resources' sense of value in the society. In the implementation process of development strategies to alleviate poverty, food consumption or nutrition intake was detached from agricultural production after the Green Revolution. The pursuit of increasing agricultural productivity led to monocrop agriculture, which means transition from subsistence farming to industrialized food production. Under such a situation, malnutrition still coexists with overnutrition at household, local, regional, national and global levels. Overnutrition results from improper dietary choice or behavior based on the value reflected by shadow prices. The value of a resource in a society is often formulated by insufficient knowledge or information, and people cannot behave properly with improper knowledge. In the next section, potential interventions are discussed.

## *8.4.2 Social and Behavior Change*

Behavioral theories and models aim to extract psychological structures common to many behaviors, and to describe them as usually focusing on some specific core factors. However, human behaviors are often decided through many steps and various influential factors: intention, attitude, locust of control, self-efficacy, knowledge, opportunity, cultural habitats, social supports, among others. In addition, social determinants including knowledge, attitudes, social norms, and cultural practices from the individual level to the society level should affect the behaviors. Social and behavioral change communication (SBCC) programs have been well known as

powerful tools for fundamental understanding of human interaction (communication) that can strongly influence the social dimensions of health and well-being. According to SBCC, evidence-based communication programs can increase knowledge, shift attitudes and cultural norms, and produce changes in a wide variety of behaviors (Lamstein et al. 2014). Obtaining and providing scientific knowledge about these factors based on research is the first step of great importance, although some uncertainties about human behaviors always exist. Furthermore, SBCC emphasizes that communication goes beyond the delivery of a message, and encompasses the full range of ways in which people can individually–as well as collectively–identify the meanings of their behaviors, and raise the level of impacts on social and behavioral changes.

In a way, this type of change has a wider coverage than individual change. SBCC is the systematic application of interactive, theory-based, and research-driven communication processes that provides strategies for change at three levels: individual, community, and society. There are three main strategies of SBCC across these levels: (1) behavior change communication that applies multimedia and participatory approaches for change at the individual and community levels; (2) social and community mobilization that develop partnerships and alliances to influence the community level to the national level, and (3) advocacy that bridges different levels of approaches and their influences through political and social commitment. It is important to involve multiple stakeholders in a knowledge exchange and create platforms for that in order to design, implement and disseminate the scientific evidence. Multiple stakeholders broadly encompass local governments, local NPO/NGO, private sector, local residents, scientists, researchers, and mass media, including others who have been working on local issues.

Fujii et al. (2001) and Fujii (2016) proposed concepts of structural and psychological strategy for planning transportation systems, which implied many political issues. Structural strategy can be considered as a method for changing the social structure, which corresponds to enhancing market structure and reducing market and government failure. Psychological strategies influence psychological factors such as morale or recognition without changing the social structure. Providing proper information is part of this strategy. People's values define their behavior, and are reflected in shadow prices. However, formulated values are not always proper from various perspectives in development strategies and the value in itself must change as society changes. Thus, psychological strategy plays an important role alongside structural strategy, and the psychological approach can be applied to development strategies, including strategies relevant to food security.

## **8.5 Summary**

Food security was, and still is, a main issue in development strategies to alleviate poverty. The commonly applied framing of development strategies–including strategies for food security–has been the enhancement of market function, even though actual approaches have been changing with the recognition of unexpected results such as environmental degradation and nutrition problems. Agricultural policies that represent the production or supply side have been implemented apart from nutrition policies, which are relevant to the consumption or demand side. In other words, implementation of these policies has caused a decoupling of production and consumption. Because agricultural policies and nutrition policies have their own framings and because these framings are not integrated, many problems have occurred. Livelihoods used to rely on natural resources in the past, whereas consumption of food or nutrition intake is now detached from production or supply of food at household, regional, national, and international levels. People who used to live in self-sufficient economies now begin to purchase necessary goods and services with money they have earned by using their own resources including their own labor at the household level. At the same time, this transformation of the economy at the household level is enhanced through cross-regional and international trading.

Because of the multidimensional perspectives of poverty, enhancing market function as a general principle of development strategies–including strategies relevant to food security–appears a rational and palatable approach. Thus, structural strategies have been applied to reduce market failure and government failure. It must be considered how decoupled production or supply can be combined with consumption or demand. In this connection, people's understanding of value that should reflect the shadow price must be transformed. Psychological strategies of providing proper information must be implemented with the SDGs, which are assumed to combine selected aims and targets based on particular contexts by stakeholders such as national governments, local municipalities, private companies, and international organizations.

## **References**

United Nations (2015) The millennium development goals report

World Bank (1990) World development report 1990. Oxford University Press, Oxford World Bank (2008) World development report 2008. Oxford University Press, Oxford

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# **Part III Epilogue**

# **Chapter 9 Linking Framing to Actions for Sustanability**

**Takashi Mino and Shogo Kudo**

**Abstract** This chapter first introduces the aim of this book and explains the book structure that provides chapters on theoretical discussions and practical applications of different framing in specific cases. Secondly, the chapter provides summaries of all previous chapters. Thirdly, the chapter describes that sustainability science has two main roles based on a premise that sustainable development as a trajectorybased concept, that are (i) examining the past patterns of trajectories that have brought societies to their present state, and (ii) designing the future based on the actions of the current generation. Reflecting these roles, the authors argue that sustainability science examines the intended and unintended consequences of actions taken by various actors. Lastly, the authors remark that an attitude to be flexible and accepting to other's framings is extremely important in order to have collaborative actions for sustainability.

**Keywords** Framing · Sustainability science · Intended consequence · Unintended consequence · Collaboration

Graduate Program in Sustainability Science-Global Leadership Initiative, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Chiba, Japan

T. Mino (\*)

Department of Socio-Cultural Environmental Studies, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Chiba, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
S. Kudo

Graduate Program in Sustainability Science-Global Leadership Initiative, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Chiba, Japan e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
## **9.1 Chapter Summaries**

This book aims at examining the applied framing in sustainability research. The editors try to achieve this goal in the first three chapters by focusing on the theoretical discussions on framing itself, and in the subsequent five chapters introducing different types of practical framing on specific topics or empirical cases. The present volume does not allow a full coverage of all types of sustainability issues; however, the editors believe the book serves as an initial step for reviewing different types of framing applied in sustainability research and actions.

Chapter 1 by Mino and Kudo describes what framing is in general and why discussing framing in sustainability science is essential when addressing sustainability issues. Framing explains how people perceive, understand, and interpret a particular topic or event based on the assumptions, social norms, and values that people have in their daily lives. Framing defines what situations are relevant to people, who should be responsible for them, and who should take measures to improve the situation or avoid possible undesirable situations. Sustainability is essentially a normative concept and it requires people to frame what to sustain in society. In reality, when addressing a sustainability issue, multiple framings by different actors always exist and often conflict to one another. Hence, acknowledging the multiplicity in framing is critically important in sustainability research. Sustainability experts are expected to facilitate the communication among multiple framings posed by different groups of people and lead the discussion that results in concrete actions for sustainability. In this chapter, Mino and Kudo propose a conceptual framework that suggests key elements to be examined when addressing sustainability issues. The framework combines holistic treatment and trans-boundary thinking to incorporate multiple framings when understanding the complexity of a sustainability issue. The proposed framework also contributes to verifying whether the proposed actions reflect both global sustainability manifestation and unique values based on individual, case-specific contexts.

Chapter 2 by Jerneck and Olsson discusses pluralism and unification in sustainability research. They argue that pluralism allows collaborations among scholars and social actors for sustainability, and that it also ensures a more theoretically informed understanding of society. Pluralism is a better way to share understanding about the complex sustainability challenges from the points of various social actors, hence it helps addressing complex sustainability challenges compared to conventional views such as environmental determinism, functionalism, and rational choice theory to be tackled. The authors suggest 'social fields and natural systems' as a new framing concept that integrates social science theory and a systems science perspective. This framing aims to bridge ontological barriers between natural science and social science, and avoids three common weaknesses of knowledge integration–namely, the use of environmental determinism, functionalism, and rational choice theory–to explain social changes. Additionally, a new theoretical typology was suggested to show how sustainability visions and pathways are linked with

particular theoretical and methodological perspectives. The presented typology serves as a thinking tool for framing and reframing sustainability research.

Chapter 3 by Ness introduces four general approaches to frame sustainability challenges, which are DPSIR, causal look diagrams, multi-scale and multi-level perspective in transitions, and socio-ecological system framework. The chapter describes how these frameworks are taught at the international master's program in sustainability at Lund University (LUMES). The chapter provides reflections from teaching various framework approaches in sustainability science. The author suggests that multiple occasions to learn the approaches to frame complex sustainability challenges must be provided both within and outside of an educational program for students in order to obtain the key competencies required for becoming sustainability experts.

Chapter 4 by, Yokohari, Murakami, and Terada, introduces mixed patterns of land use by a case study of Tokyo. The authors argue that this mixed land use enhances the quality of living environment as well as resilience of cities by contributing to food security, especially at the time of natural disasters such as earthquakes. 'Value of grey' is the concept they use to describe such mixed pattern of land use in urban planning developed in Japan. Such strategy in land use has been developed in Japan in order to incorporate the particular condition of the country: frequent occurrence of natural disasters. This chapter argues that basic theories of modern urban planning initiated in Western Europe, where almost no threat of natural disasters is predicted, are not always applicable to Asian cities where natural disasters such as earthquakes, tsunami, and tropical typhoon disasters often cause serious damages.

Chapter 5 by Kudo discusses the meaning of rural sustainability in an aging and shrinking society. The chapter firstly reviews literature on past transition patterns of rural regions based on the multifunctionality discourse in rural studies. Then, the concept of placemaking, accompanied by a case study of *Monogatari* workshop conducted by the author, is introduced. This case study provides community-based perspectives about how a group of local youths collectively envision the future of their town. The chapter serves as an empirical study of framing at the communal scale. One framing tool that applies a retrospective view when envisioning the future state based on the present and the past of the town is introduced.

Chapter 6 by Onuki presents a case of Minamata disease, one of the most serious water-related pollution diseases that Japanese society has ever experienced. Because of its seriousness and its scientific as well as social complexity, multiple explanations on the cause of the incident were proposed by experts in environment-related disciplines. Unfortunately, it was these very multiple framings to the issue themselves that prevented prompt reactions to the possible causes of the disease and hindered relief measures to the affected people in the area. The case of Minamata disease provides an important lesson on the balance between the actions to the ongoing problems and the degree of emphasis on scientific investigation on the problems.

Chapter 7 by Esteban and colleagues presents two different types of coastal issues–namely tsunamis and sea level rise–seeking to examine the vulnerability and resilience of human life and society in the face of natural hazards through the reduction and management of risks. Their case studies examine the reconstruction of Otsuchi town in northeast Japan after the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake tsunami and small islands of the coast of Bohol following the 2013 Bohol Earthquake in the Philippines. Based on these cases, the chapter discusses how the time-scale through which a problem is scrutinized influences the framing of disaster risk reduction, and thus disaster preparedness and management.

Chapter 8 by Matsuda and co-authors elaborates on the current problems of food security as one of the most important development strategies to alleviate poverty. Relevant policies on food security and different ways to frame these policies are discussed. The unchanged frame of enhancing market economy is considered to be the main cause of decoupling of agricultural policies and nutrition policies. The consequence of such failure in the integration of market-based policies and the actual situation of agriculture on the ground has manifested itself in serious environmental degradation and poor health conditions.

# **9.2 Sustainability Science Examines Intended and Unintended Consequences of Framing**

As summarized above, the chapters in this book provide various perspectives to elucidate sustainability issues such as contextual, spatial, and temporal, perspectives. By incorporating these, sustainability science raises scientific inquiries to explore sustainable pathways for societies. One premise in this approach is that society evolves in a path-dependent ways; hence, sustainability can be viewed as a trajectory-based concept. This perspective implies two main roles of sustainability science: (i) examining the past patterns of trajectories that have brought societies to their present state, and (ii) designing the future based on the actions of the current generation. In other words, the first role is providing a structural understanding on how the human society of today has ended up being faced with a wide range of sustainability issues; and the second role is advocating sustainability as the guiding principle to design future societies through collaborations among various actors. Framing, the primary focus of this volume, affects both these roles of sustainability science significantly on how the present state is being interpreted and how the future directions are envisioned.

Reflecting these two main roles, sustainability science plays a key role in examining the intended and unintended consequences of framing. Various measures to achieve sustainability are undertaken based on the visions of ideal or preferred conditions of society. When those originally envisioned conditions are realized, the outcomes are considered as intended consequences. However, unintended consequences also appear because of the specifying nature and unexpected effects of

framing. Framing specifies what to be addressed and naturally prioritizes some issues over others. At the same time, framing may even slow down or prevent the envisioned conditions from being achieved because verifying what one framing brings is hardly possible prior to its application; hence, unintended consequences are often observed.

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) scheme by the United Nations is one example of framing that is likely to have both intended and unintended consequences. SDGs consist of 17 goals with 169 targets covering a wide range of sustainability issues. These goals are to be achieved by 2030 under the slogan of "no one left behind." Since their introduction in 2015, countries in both developed and developing regions have adopted the scheme and are now conducting local initiatives to achieve the goals. Examining unintended consequences is equally important to all efforts made to achieve SDGs. For example, one potential unintended consequence of setting the 17 goals is the fragmentation of individual goals despite the fact that many of them are interlinked in reality. For instance, Goal 1, "No Poverty", is a comprehensive goal that must include hunger, education, access to clean water, and many other dimensions of sustainable development. In fact, all other 16 goals of SDGs are either directly and indirectly related to Goal 1.

Additionally, issues not included in the 17 goals may seem less important despite the fact that they have equal or even greater impacts on human society such as aging, mental health, and regional focus on rural areas. Because the topics related to the goals are highlighted by policies at all levels, insufficient consideration to other sustainability issues may be observed as one unintended consequence.

By presenting 17 goals clearly, the SDG scheme assumes that sustainable development can be achieved by filling these pieces of the Sustainable Development picture. Such perspective stands on a premise that the whole can be understood and fulfilled by understanding and integrating the parts. However, in reality, how the whole works cannot be understood merely by a compilation of understanding how parts function. This is because the interactions among the parts create generic functions that contribute to the capacity of the whole. One unintended consequence of setting individual goals in the SDGs scheme is the missing discussion on the interlinkages among the thematic goals. A holistic approach in sustainability science should be reflexive to the intended and unintended consequences of various efforts for sustainable development; this will be an important process when linking framing to actions for sustainability.

## **9.3 Concluding Remarks**

The readers hopefully have learned from this volume what framing is theoretically, why it is relevant to sustainability, and how framing practically influences the actual implementation of countermeasures in overcoming the complex sustainability challenges. Framing is strongly influenced by past experiences, expertise and knowledge, social norms and values, and many other factors. Therefore, a difficulty in

understanding different perspectives often rises when collaborating with actors from various fields even though such collaborations across different academic disciplines and sectors are often described as an essential approach when addressing sustainability issues. An attitude to be flexible and accepting to others' framings is extremely important to make collaborative actions successful especially in the context of sustainability. In any case, the collaboration of experts may provide opportunities to expose themselves to a wide range of new framings, improve their ability to understand the complexity of sustainability issues, and identify diverse approaches through policies, measures, and actions that can guide society towards more sustainable direction.

**Open Access** This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence and indicate if changes were made.

The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the chapter's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.

# **Name Index**

#### **A**

Abercrombie, P., 60 Agrawal, A., 22 Aleksandrowicz, L., 165 Alkadri, M.F., 109 Amcoff, J., 100 Andersen, P.S., 101, 102 Aranguiz, R., 135 Arico, S., 18 Arrow, K.J., 155 Asai, H., 106 Ashihara, Y., 68, 85 Auestad, N., 164 Avelino, F., 44, 45

#### **B**

Baccarne, B., 36 Balassa, B., 155 Bammer, G., 9 Barbieri, C., 101 Barth, M., 20 Bell, S., 103 Benford, R.D., 8, 109 Berkhout, F., 22 Bettencourt, L.M.A., 5 Bidone, E.D., 41 Bindoff, N.L., 143 Björklund, J., 102 Black, R.E., 162–164 Blumer, H., 25, 26 Bommarco, R., 158 Borlaug, N.E., 157 Bourdieu, P., 25, 26, 103, 104 Bowen, R.E., 40 Brown, K., 25

Buhr, K., 36 Bulkeley, H., 44 Burns, H.L., 36

#### **C**

Caffyn, A., 100 Cash, D.W., 18, 36, 44 Cazenave, A., 146 Chapin, F.S., 5 Chong, D., 9 Clark, M., 165 Clark, W.C., 4, 5, 8, 20, 36, 99 Clarke, S., 22 Cornia, J., 155 Crnogaj, K., 44

#### **D**

Dabson, B., 100 Dahlstrom, M., 100 Daniell, K.A., 44 Dasgupta, P., 99 Debreu, G., 155 Devia, G.K., 27 Di Lucia, L., 44 Diamond, J., 22 DiMaggio, P., 25 Doheny, S., 102 Drèze, J., 154 Dupré, J., 22

#### **E**

Eckersley, R., 29 Erb, K.H., 158, 165

© The Author(s) 2020 T. Mino, S. Kudo (eds.), *Framing in Sustainability Science*, Science for Sustainable Societies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9061-6 Esteban, M., 134, 140–143, 145, 147, 178 Evans, J., 36 Evenson, R.E., 159

#### **F**

Fabricious, K.E., 147 Fast, S., 109 Fiksel, J., 4 Fligstein, N., 25, 26 Foley, J.N., 158 Fraser, J.C., 109 Friel, S., 165 Fujii, S., 167 Fujita, Y., 100 Fulgoni, V.L., 164

#### **G**

Gamson, W., 8, 26, 109 Gari, S.R., 41 Garnett, T., 158 Gaud, W.S., 157 Geels, F.W., 22, 44, 45 Giampietro, M., 8 Gibbons, S.J.A., 145 Gibson, C.C., 44 Gittleman, M., 87 Giupponi, C., 40 Goffman, E., 8, 109 Gollin, D., 159

#### **H**

Haddad, L., 163, 164 Hage, J., 19 Hägerstrand, T., 45 Harper, S., 98 Hatt, K., 23 Havlik, P., 101 Hay, C., 21, 23, 24 Hellenier, G.K., 155 Hibbert, P., 19 Hiramatsu, M., 5 Hollingsworth, J.R., 19 Holmes, J., 100, 101 Horton, R., 162 Howard, E., 59, 60 Howe, J., 89 Hruska, T.V., 47 Hume, B.C.C., 147 Hunt, D., 155 Huylenbroeck, G. Van, 101, 102

#### **I**

Ilbery, B., 100 Ionesco, D., 26 Isgren, E.A., 19 Ishimaru, N., 100, 106

#### **J**

Jacobs, J., 76 Jamero, L., 146, 147 Jayaratne, M.P.R., 139 Jerneck, A., 5, 19, 20, 35, 176

#### **K**

Kajikawa, Y., 5 Kallis, G., 29 Kates, R.W., 4, 5, 8, 19, 35, 41, 99 Kauffman, J., 18 Keener, V.W., 145 Kelble, C.R., 42 Kellert, S.H., 22 Kench, P.S., 147, 148 Kinzig, A., 4 Kljin, J.S., 41 Komiyama, H., 4, 5, 99 Kudo, S., 4–13, 98–115, 176–180 Kumar, P., 25 Kuramochi, H., 106

#### **L**

Ladyman, J., 10 Lal, D., 155 Lambin, E.F., 158 Lamstein, S., 167 Lang, D.J., 5, 19 Larsen, S.C., 109 Leach, M., 9 Leeuw, S. VanDer, 5 Lepofsky, J., 109 Leslie, H.M., 47 Levitt, P., 26 Luyssaert, S., 158

#### **M**

Mabee, W., 109 Mahoney, J., 25 Mäki, U., 22 Malthus, T.R., 156, 157 Marsden, T., 101, 102 Marshall, G.R., 47

Martens, P., 4, 99 Martin, J.L., 25 Mas-Colell, A., 155 Masset, E., 164 Matsumoto, R., 91 McAdam, D., 26 McGinnis, M.D., 47 Meadowcroft, J., 23 Meyfroidt, P., 158 Michelsen, G., 20 Middlemiss, L., 109 Midgley, M., 22 Mikami, T., 136 Milbourne, P., 102 Milestad, R., 102 Miller, T.R., 19 Mino, T., 4–13, 145, 176–180 Minoura, K., 137 Mitchell, S.D., 22 Mitomo, N., 108 Miyachi, T., 106 Molinos-Senante, M., 44 Mooney, C., 109 Morgan, S.L., 102 Mori, N., 138, 139 Morris, S.S., 162 Morse, S., 4, 103 Murakami, S., 143, 177 Murayama, A., 72, 73, 84

#### **N**

Naess, A., 29 Nakai, N., 82 Nakamura, Y., 84 Nakazono, M., 106 Ness, B., 35–51, 177 Nevens, F., 36, 44 Newton, A., 22 Nguyen, D.T., 143 Nicholls, R.J., 145, 146 Niinuma, S., 100, 106 Nisbet, M.C., 109 Nobuoka, H., 143 Noguchi, K., 100 Norgaard, R.B., 22 Norton, B., 8 Nurkse, R., 155

#### **O**

Ogasawara, T., 136 O'Higgins, T., 42 Okata, J., 72

Oldenburg, R., 108 Olsson, L., 5, 18–30, 176 Oman, C.P., 155 Ostrom, E., 4, 40, 46, 47

#### **P**

Pareschi, M.T., 135 Parnwell, M.J.G., 105 Parrish, B.D., 109 Parsons, M., 22 Partelow, S., 47 Perch-Nielsen, S., 145 Phillips, J., 4 Phillipson, C., 100 Pierce, J., 109 Pothukuchi, K., 87 Potter, C., 101 Prebisch, R., 155 Price, V., 8, 109

#### **R**

Rahmstorf, S., 143 Rametsteiner, E., 103 Reis, S., 42 Renting, H., 101, 102 Rice, J., 29 Rigg, J., 105 Ritzer, G., 25 Rosa, E.A., 28 Rosen, R., 4 Rosenstein-Rodan, P.N., 155 Rothenberg, D., 29 Rotmans, J., 45

#### **S**

Sachs, J.D., 22 Sala, S., 18 Salas-Zapata, A., 20 San Carlos, R., 135 Santorini, D., 135 Sasaki, H., 100 Satanarachchi, N., 4 Sawai, Y., 136, 137 Scharf, T., 100 Schewe, J., 144 Schiller, N.G., 26 Schneidewind, U., 36 Schoolman, E.D., 5 Schultz, T.W., 155 Scott, W.R., 26 Sen, A.K., 154

Senno, M., 98 Shahadu, H., 5, 18, 19 Shibayama, T., 138, 139 Shinobe, H., 106 Siedlok, F.F., 19 Silverstein, M., 100 Simpson, C., 147 Singer, H.W., 155 Sioen, G.B., 89 Sluyter, A., 22 Snow, D.A., 109 Sonnino, R., 101, 102 Spangenberg, J.H., 5, 19, 20 Springmann, M., 165 Stern, N., 29 Stevens, C., 103 Stillman, T., 167 Swart, R.J., 4

#### **T**

Tacoli, C., 100 Tahara, S., 87–89 Takagi, H., 143 Takegawa, T., 100 Takeuchi, K., 4, 90, 99 Tamasato, E., 106 Taylor, P.W., 29 Terada, T., 58–93, 177 Thelen, K., 25 Thören, H., 19, 22 Tilzey, M., 101 Tsimopoulou, V., 141 Tsubota, K., 84 Tsutsui, K., 100

#### **V**

Valdivia, C., 101 van Kerkhoff, L., 20 Vermeer, M., 143 Viljoen, A., 89 Vries, B.J.M. de, 4

#### **W**

Wacquant, L., 25 Walker, B.H., 25 Walsh, A., 22 Warner, A.W., 22 Watanabe, H., 136 Webb, A.P., 147 Weinstein, M.O., 5 Wellstead, A., 22 Westholm, E., 100 Wiek, A., 5, 19, 36 Wignaraja, G., 155 Williamson, J., 155 Wilson, G.A., 100, 102–106 Wright, E.O., 29

#### **Y**

Yagasaki, N., 84 Yamamoto, L., 140 Yamamoto, S., 106 Yamano, H., 147 Yamao, S., 139 Yarime, M., 6, 106 York, R., 28

# **Subject Index**

#### **A**

Academia, 4, 5, 35, 142, 162 Accessibility food, 164 Acidification of the oceans, 146–148 Acidity, 147 Action plan development, 9 Actions, 4, 5, 9, 10, 12, 19, 26, 27, 30, 38, 45, 50, 78, 80, 106, 109, 113, 121, 122, 125, 127, 135, 138, 143, 155, 176–180 Activism, 29 Actors, 5, 9, 24, 25, 35, 37, 45, 46, 101, 134, 148, 160, 176, 178, 180 Adaptability, 60, 69, 92, 93 Adaptation measures, 134, 143 Adaptive management, 5, 21 Adulthood, 162 stage, 162 Advantage, competitive, 19 Advocacy, 167 Aesthetic reasons, 141 Affordability, food, 164 Africa, 42, 147, 157, 160 Aged farmers, 77 Agential, 24 Aging population, *see* Aging society Aging society, 7 Agricultural Land Act of 1952, 68 Agricultural policy, 102, 113, 114, 156, 168, 178 Agricultural productivity, 156, 166 Agricultural Promotion Region (APR), 83 Agricultural Research Systems (NARS), 157

Aims, 4–8, 10, 12, 13, 18, 22, 25, 26, 37, 39, 43, 51, 68, 82, 99, 100, 105, 114, 140, 154, 155, 162, 166, 168, 176 Alliances, 167 Allotment gardens, 85–87, 89 Analysis, institutional, 25, 46 Anthropogenic causes, 41 Anti-modernity, 28–29 Approach comprehensive, 18, 50 integrated, 18 multimedia, 167 multi-sectoral, 164 participatory, 18, 37, 42, 167 theoretical, 19, 28 transdisciplinary, 164 Area division, 72, 81–83 Area division system (ADS), 81–83 Argenteuil, Ille de France, 61, 63 Arithmetic, 157 Asia, 58, 93, 157, 158 Asian cities, 58, 177 Assumptions, 8, 10, 18, 20–23, 25, 26, 40, 109, 176 Asymmetric information, 166 Atoll islands, 143 Attitudes, 77, 166, 180 Attributes, 20, 47, 51, 105, 121 Authority, 125, 140 Availability, food, 42 Awareness, 28, 112, 113, 128, 163 epistemological, 19 ontological, 19 theoretical, 19

© The Author(s) 2020 T. Mino, S. Kudo (eds.), *Framing in Sustainability Science*, Science for Sustainable Societies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9061-6

#### **B**

Barriers, 21, 25, 40, 91, 176 Basic Needs approach, 155 Bed-town communities, 81 Behavior, 42, 154, 164, 166, 167 Beliefs ideological, 28 political, 28 Benchmark, 141 Bibliometric studies, 5 Big Push, 155 "Big Push" for economic, 155 Biodiversity, 25, 90 Biodiversity loss, 4, 8, 43, 158, 165 Bio-fortification, 164 Biogeochemical cycle, 158 Biological habitat (destruction), 158 Biology, 6, 148 Biomass, 90, 91 Bleaching, 146, 147 Body size, 162 Bohol Earthquake (2013), 146, 148, 178 Borderless, 76 Bottlenecks, 147 Boundary, 7, 9, 18, 20, 27, 29, 36, 39, 42, 45, 59, 63, 65–67, 81, 92, 93, 176 administrative, 65 disciplinary, 18 physical, 10, 65 Brazil, 163 Breakwaters, 138–140 Breastfeeding, 163 Breeding technology, 160 Brundtland Commission, 154

#### **C**

Carbon emissions, 8 Cardiovascular disease risk, 162, 165 Cash, 29 Casualties, 136, 137, 139 Cause-and-effect relationships, 9 Census of Marine Life (2010), 147 Cereals, 157, 158 Challenges, 4–8, 12, 19–21, 23, 26, 28, 30, 35–51, 98–100, 106, 109, 110, 114, 135, 139, 142, 176, 179 biodiversity loss, 4, 8 climate change, 8, 99, 142 deforestation, 4 epidemics, 4 natural disaster management, 5 poverty and hunger, 4 rapid urbanization, 4, 8

Change behavioral, 166 climate, 4, 7, 8, 21, 22, 26, 27, 42, 44, 58, 60, 93, 99, 134, 143–145 conditions, 24, 92, 147 incremental processes of, 28 mechanisms, 24, 144 piecemeal processes of, 28 pre-conditions, 24 social, 4, 18, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 100, 102, 104, 113, 176 structural, 29 transformational, 5, 23 Changing water levels, 147 Chemical fertilizer, 157, 158, 160, 161 Chemical industry, 160 Childhood, 162 Chile tsunami (1960), 137 Cite Island, 61 Citizen groups, 91 City Planning Act of 1968, 67, 73, 82 Civil society, 28, 162 Claims, 5, 20–22, 25, 28, 29, 101, 113, 125, 128 Climate, 26, 27, 87, 143–145, 158 Climate change, 4, 7, 8, 21, 22, 26, 27, 42, 44, 58, 60, 93, 99, 134, 142–145 human-induced, 134 long-term, 7, 134, 143 Climate negotiations, 144 Climate projections at the local level, 145 CO2 emissions, 143, 144 Coastal defences, 139, 141 Coastal engineering, 138 Coastal issues, 178 Coastal settlements, 137, 146 Coastal structures, 139 Collaboration, 9, 19, 129, 157, 176, 178, 180 integrated, 19 multiple-stakeholder, 167 Colonialism, 21 Commercial (use), 69, 73 Commitment, 4, 143, 162, 163, 167 Communication, 5, 8, 10, 19, 28, 49, 109, 166, 167, 176 Community, 9, 12, 18, 19, 78, 81, 89–91, 98–115, 127, 136, 138, 141, 144–148, 162–164, 167, 177 biomass energy source, 90, 91 workshops, 78 Complementarities, 28, 101, 102 feeding, 163 Complexity, 5, 9, 10, 12, 23, 24, 37, 38, 42, 50, 59, 176, 177, 180

Comprehensive approach, 18, 37 Comprehensive Parks and Open Space Plan of Tokyo, 66 Comprehensive Risk Index, 92 Conception, 162 Concepts, 5, 7, 8, 12, 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 36–38, 45, 59, 60, 73, 74, 93, 99, 100, 102, 106, 108–110, 127, 138, 139, 141, 155, 156, 164, 167, 176–178 universal, 26 Conditions contextual, 25 environmental, 147 natural, 21, 157 Condominiums, 72 Conflicts, internal, 19 Consequences, 21, 27, 124, 135, 138–140, 142, 145, 146, 148, 162, 165, 166, 178–180 Constructivism perspective, 9 Constructivists, 24 Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), 157 Consumption, 8, 12, 89, 125, 128, 156, 161, 165, 166, 168 Contexts, 4, 18, 20–23, 37, 40, 48, 69, 106–108, 160, 161, 164, 168, 176, 180 Contradictions, 28 Control, 23, 24, 66, 68, 73, 81, 83, 84, 93, 122, 124, 125, 166 Conventional science, 5 Coppice Club, 91 Corals cold water, 147 diversification, 147 islands, 142, 144, 145 population, 147 reefs, 136, 142, 147, 148 Countermeasures, 127, 134, 139, 141, 142, 179 Credibility, 18 Criteria, universal, 18 Croplands, 158 Cultural habitats, 166 Culture, 6, 26, 44, 75, 85, 135 Cycle biogeochemical, 158 water, 158

#### **D**

1,000-Day window of opportunity, 162 Deductive, 29 Deforestation, 4, 158, 165

Degradation, environmental, 23, 155, 161, 166, 168, 178 De-growth, 29 Demand side, 156, 161, 168 Demographic sustainability, 139 De-politicisation, 21, 22 Design, research, 19, 20 Destruction, creative, 29 Determinants, 145, 163, 166 Determinism, 22, 176 environmental, 21, 25, 176 neo-environmental, 22 Devastation, 136, 138, 139, 146 Developing countries, 98, 124, 155–162, 164, 165 Development, 4, 6–9, 12, 13, 22, 28, 35–40, 44, 47, 50, 59, 67, 72–74, 76, 77, 79, 81–83, 99, 101, 102, 107, 110, 113, 122, 134, 154–157, 160, 161, 165–168, 178, 179 sustainable, 4, 8, 9, 12, 13, 28, 36, 41, 45, 99, 101–104, 113, 154, 163, 179 Development strategy, 154–156, 160–162, 164–168, 178 implementation process, 7, 9, 79, 166 Dichotomy, 59–61, 93 approach, 59, 60 Dietary behavior, 164 Dietary diversity, 165 Dietary habits, dietary patterns, 164 Dietary intake, 163 Differences, ontological, 21 Dikes, 134, 138 Dimensions, social, 167 Direct weight measurements, 87 Disability, 162 Disaster plans, 140 Disaster preparedness, 135, 136, 148, 178 Disaster risk, 92, 142 governance, 135 reduction, 134–148, 178 Discipline, 5, 7, 8, 18–20, 22, 103, 120, 164, 177, 180 foundational, 18 Discourse, 4, 29, 45, 101, 102, 105, 134, 177 Discursive, 23 Diseases, 120–129, 155, 162, 163, 165, 177 Displacement, 26 Dissociation, 166 Distribution of resources, 155 Disturbances, 90, 121, 122, 135 Diversity cultural, 22, 47, 48 ecological, 22 social, 22

Subject Index

Divides, 18, 19, 24, 73, 82, 127 Domains disciplinary, 19 substance, 18 Dynamics social, 27, 45 temporal, 10 Dysfunction, 166, 167 Dysfunctional, 162 market economy, 166

#### **E**

Early-warning systems, 140 Earthquakes, 58, 75, 92, 93, 134, 136, 138, 139, 146, 148, 177, 178 East Rutherford, NJ, 61, 62 Eating behaviors, 120 Ebenezer Howard (1850-1928), 59 Eco-collective housing, 78 Ecological modernisation theory (EMT), 28 Ecologists, 25 Ecology, political, 38 Economics behavior, 166 ecological, 29 environmental, 29, 42, 103, 104, 107 green, 29 productivity, 156, 162 theories, 25, 154–156, 165, 166 value, 46 Ecosystem, 25, 46, 90, 161 services, 25, 36, 42, 158 Edo Era, Edo City, 137, 140 Education, 6, 7, 26, 35–51, 101, 107, 135, 163, 177, 179 Efficacy, 28, 166 Egalitarianism, biocentric, 29 Emergency food, 89 Empirical, 23, 24, 29, 37, 102, 109, 143, 145, 176, 177 Encroachment, 42 Energy/fossil fuel use, 164 Energy supply, 91, 92 Entrepreneurs, 85 Environmental degradation, 23, 155, 161, 166, 168, 178 Environmental factors, 145, 165 Environmental problems, 4, 22 Epidemics, 4 Epistemology/epistemologies, 5, 13, 19, 20, 22, 40 Equator, 147

Ethics, 8, 36, 127, 154 European cities, 63 Evacuation, 139, 140, 146 plans, 138 strategy, 138 systems, design, 139, 140 Evaluation, 12, 28, 37, 47, 49 Evidence empirical, 145 historical, 134, 145 Evolution, 5, 38, 103, 147 Existential, 26 Exploitation, environmental, 23 Exponential, 42, 157

#### **F**

Farmland, 63, 65, 67–69, 72, 74, 77, 78, 81–83, 85, 106 Farmland parcels (patches), 63, 65 Feedback, 10, 39, 48 Field(s), 20–22, 25–27, 36, 121, 180 horizontal, 27 social, 21, 25–27, 30, 176 strategic action, 26, 27, 30 vertical, 27 First Nutrition for Growth Summit (N4G), 162, 163 Fish processing industry, 140 Flexibility, 7 Flexible, 20, 42, 60, 69, 141, 180 Floods, 27, 92, 136, 140, 141, 143, 146 Fluxes, bio-geo-chemical, 21 Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), 160, 162–164 Foods, 87, 92, 101, 103, 105, 145, 155, 157, 160, 164–166, 168 fiber-rich, 165 fresh fruits and vegetables, 165 high saturated-fat, 165 processed, 165 security, 39, 89, 102, 154–168, 178 supply, 92, 165 system, 89, 92, 164, 165 unprocessed, 165 Force majeure, 135 Ford Foundation after the Rockefeller Foundation, 157 Formulated values, 167 Formulations, problem, 18, 19 Fossil fuels, 90, 164 Fragmented, 162 Frame, 8–10, 19, 28, 37, 100, 109, 123, 147, 154, 176–178

Framework, 6, 7, 9–12, 25–27, 37, 39–42, 46, 47, 50, 100–106, 113, 114, 135, 163, 165, 176, 177 Framing, 4–13, 19, 30, 35–51, 58, 98–115, 120–129, 146, 154–168, 176–180 Framing complexities, 9 Fresh food, 87 Fruits, 74, 165 Fuelwood, 90 Fujimaki-cho (Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture), 78 Funabashi City (Chiba prefecture), 81, 91 Functionalism, 21, 25, 176

#### **G**

Garden City, 59, 60 Garden, kitchen, 164 Genetic base, 147 Geography, 49, 66, 109 Geological evidence, 134 Geological records, 144 Geometric, 157 Geomorphologically, 147 Geopolitics, 22 Glacial cycles, 143 Global, 4, 7, 10, 12, 26, 28, 38, 42, 58, 60, 93, 101, 102, 105, 113, 135, 143, 158, 163–166, 176 cooling, 144 food production, 162 nutrition targets, 162, 163 population, 162 temperatures, 143, 144 warming, 144, 147 Global Nutrition Report 2014, 2015, 164, 165 Goals, 8, 10, 22, 24, 28, 105, 106, 113, 135, 162, 163, 176, 179 Goods and services, 8, 168 Governance system, 39, 46, 47, 162 Government central, 104 failure, 160, 165, 167, 168 national, 121, 124, 128, 141, 168 prefectural, 141 Graduate Program in Sustainability Science– Global Leadership Initiative (GPSS-GLI), 6, 7, 9 Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, 6 Great Eastern Japan Earthquake and Tsunami (2011), 136, 138, 148, 178 Greater London Plan in 1944, 60 Green Revolution, 156–162, 164, 166 Greenbelt, 60, 66, 67

Greenery, 59, 89, 91 Greenhouse gas (GHG), 43, 143, 144 concentrations, 143, 144 emissions, 143, 158, 164, 165 Grey landscape, 60, 62, 93

#### **H**

Habitats, 90, 158, 166 Hagidai garden (Chiba city), 87 Hanshin-Awaji Major Earthquake of 1995, 75 Hard measures, 138–140 Hazard definition, 134 nature, 134, 136, 148 Health access, 163 Heat energy, 91 Heavy transportation, 8 Heuristic, 29 Hidden order, 68, 84 High-density urban areas, 75, 76 2013 High Level Panel, 163 High waves, 146, 147 High yield variety (HYV), 157, 158, 160 Historical process, 24, 114 Historical records, 134 HIV, 42, 155 Hobby farmers, 66, 85, 89 Hobby farms, guided-type, 89 Hokkaido, 137 Holistic, 7, 9, 10, 12, 102, 176, 179 Holistic assessment of the problem, 148 Holocene epoch, 144 Human adaptation, 145 Human behaviors, 166, 167 Human disturbance, 90 Human perception, 165 Human well-being, 4 Humanity, 127, 128 Human-nature system, 4, 5 Hygiene, 163

#### **I**

Ignorance, 20 Ikebukuro, 69, 70, 72 Illegal dumping, 90 Impact on environment, 42, 156, 158, 161, 164, 166 Imperialism, scientific, 21, 22 Improved Seed Development Plan (1973), 160 Incomes, 68, 101, 154, 155 Incommensurability, 23 Incremental development, 74

Subject Index

Incumbents, 26 Indicators, 21, 24, 46, 103, 164 Individual, 7, 9, 10, 12, 25, 26, 28, 37, 39, 47–51, 77, 99–102, 104, 105, 109, 112, 113, 127, 134, 135, 155, 166, 167, 176, 179 Induction, analytic, 29 Inductive, 29 Industrial, 69, 73, 101, 104, 120, 121, 140, 158 Inequality, 21, 22 Infectious diseases, 155 Infrastructure, 45, 69, 72, 74, 75, 78, 81, 83 Innovation, disruptive, 29 Input farming, 160 Inquiry, scientific, 22 Institutional, 6, 10, 25, 28, 44, 46, 155 Institutionalists, 24 Institutions, 23, 24, 45, 157 formal, 155 informal, 155 political, 25 social, 23, 24, 26 Instrument, market-based, 25 Integrated, 5, 6, 9, 18, 19, 22, 50, 65, 81, 135, 156, 168, 176 Integrated Research System for Sustainability Science (IR3S), 6 Integration, knowledge, 20–22, 25, 176 Intellectual ability, 162 Intensification, 105, 158, 165 agricultural land, 158 Intentionalism, 24 Interactionism, symbolic, 25, 26 Interactions complex, 4, 48, 99 environment, 18 human-environmental, 18 multi-scale, 4 social, 25, 26, 46 Interdependence, environment, 18 Interdisciplinary, 5, 6, 18, 20, 51 Interests, 23, 24, 26, 102, 103, 105, 111, 158, 164 International, 6, 28, 51, 154, 156, 162, 168, 177 community, 162 conventions, 4 markets, 92 nutrition system, 162 standard, 60 International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD), 156 2nd International Conference on Nutrition, 163 International Conference on Nutrition, 163

International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), 163–165 International Labour Organization (ILO), 155 International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center, CIMMYT (Centro Internacional de Mejoramiento de Maíz y Trigo), 157 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 155 International organizations, 160 International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), 143, 144 International Panel on Climate Change 4th Assessment Report (IPCC 4AR), 143 International Panel on Climate Change 5th Assessment Report (IPCC 5AR), 143, 144 International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), 157 International Seed Campaign (1957-62), 160 Interpersonal skills, 7, 38 Interpretation, subjective, 25 Interventions, 7, 140, 155, 163–166 nutrition-specific, 163 Inundation, 136, 139, 141 Inundation heights, 136, 139, 141 IR8 (HYV type), 157 Irrigation, 158, 161 Irrigation systems, 83, 157, 158, 160 Ise Grand Shrine, 93 Island communities, 145–148 Islands, coral, 136, 142, 144, 145 Issue identification, 9, 10

#### **J**

Jane Jacobs (1906-2006), 76 Japanese, 60, 62, 63, 66–69, 72–74, 77, 82, 84, 89, 92, 93, 98, 99, 110, 120, 122–124, 128, 135, 136, 138, 141, 177 Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, 6 Jogan tsunami (869), 136

#### **K**

Kamaishi Bay, 139 Kawagoe, 63, 65 Keicho tsunami (1611), 137 Knowledge, 4–6, 10, 12, 18–22, 25, 27, 28, 30, 35, 38, 47, 50, 99, 123, 125–128, 138, 148, 160, 166, 167, 176, 179 actionable, 18, 27 collaborative, 5 Koenji (Suginami Ward, Tokyo), 76

#### **L**

Lancet series on maternal and child undernutrition, 162 Land adjustment, 141 Land loss, 145 Land prices, 82, 84 Land readjustment, 72 Land use, 60, 63, 65–69, 72, 73, 81–84, 90, 92, 93, 141, 158, 177 planning, 73, 74, 146 regulation, 72, 81, 82 transformation, 81 Landlord-tenant farmer system, 68 Landslides, 134, 138, 139 Last interglacial period, 144 Late Holocene period, 144 Layer 1 (Prevention), 140, 141 Layer 2 (Spatial Solutions), 140–142 Layer 3 (Emergency management), 140 Layer model, 59–68, 92, 93 Legitimacy, 18 Level household, 156, 168 individual, 155, 166 international, 154, 156, 168 national, 10, 156, 166–168 regional, 166, 168 Level 1 tsunami, 138–141 Level 2 tsunami, 138–141 Lifespan, 135, 142, 146 Linkage, 12 Livestock, 165 Local, 4, 7, 10, 12, 26, 67, 89, 91, 92, 100–114, 121, 122, 127, 128, 135, 140, 145, 156, 158, 163–167, 177, 179 authorities, 140 municipalities, 67, 82, 85, 168 perspectives, 10, 12 residents, 100, 110, 111, 114, 139, 141, 167 Locus/loci, 166 Logic, institutional, 26 London, 60, 61, 92 Long-term concerns, 7 Loss of life, 139 Low-lying deltaic areas, 143 Low-lying islands, 136, 148 Low-lying lands, 142–148

#### **M**

Macro, 45, 113 Macro-economic policies, 155 Magnitude, 136, 137 Malaria, 42

Maldives, 148 Malnourished, 162–164, 166 Malthus's world, 156, 157 Management adaptive, 5, 21 ecosystem, 25 waste, 28 Manipulation, 23 Marine isotope stage 11 (MIS 11), 144 Market, 77, 78, 101, 102, 104, 105, 111, 113, 154–156, 160, 161, 166, 167, 178 failure, 155, 156, 161, 165, 166, 168 function, 154–156, 161, 165, 167, 168 Mass extinctions, 147 Mass media, 167 Mass migration, 145 Mass migration theory, 145 Mass production and consumption, 8 Maternal, 162, 163 Mauritanian, 147 Medical help, 140 Medical industry, 160 Medieval Europe, 59 Meiji Era, 137 Meiji-Sanriku tsunami (1896), 137 Mekong delta, 143 Mercury poisoning, 7 Meta-studies evaluative, 19 quantitative, 19 Meteorite impacts, 138 Methodologies, 7, 12 Metropolitan area, 67, 98 Mexico, 47, 157 MEXT, 6 Micronutrients, 165 deficiencies, 163 fortification, 163 supplementation, 163 Micro-scale, 93 Migration, 26, 81, 99, 147 transnational, 26 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 155, 162, 163 "Mini" development, 73, 77 Mitigate, 138, 140 Mobilization, 167 Modern variety (MV), 157 Modernisation, 28, 29, 76, 77 Modernity critical, 28, 30 ecological, 28, 30 Monocrop agriculture, 166 Monocrop fields, 161

Morbidity, 162 Mortality, 146, 147, 162 Mothers, 121 Mouth breakwater, 139 Movements, social, 26, 29, 38, 109 Multinational companies, 160 Multiplicity, 9, 176 Munich Reinsurance Company, 92 Municipality, 107

#### **N**

Nagoya, 67, 78, 79, 99 Narratives, historical, 24 National, 26, 28, 104, 105, 114, 122, 128, 135, 154 National governments, 121, 124, 128, 141, 168 Natural disasters, 7, 58, 60, 89, 92, 93, 134, 138, 139, 177 management, 5, 7 normal, 134 Natural event, definition, 134 Natural hazards, 134, 148, 178 large-scale, 134 return, 136–142 Natural systems, 4, 21, 25–27, 30, 176 Nature-society, 18 Neighborhoods, 63, 75, 76, 81, 85, 89, 91, 109 Neo-classical, 155 approach, 155 economics, 155 economic theory, 155, 156, 161, 165, 166 Nerima Ward, 62, 63, 74, 75, 87 Neutrality, 20 New York City, 61–64 Nishi-Tokyo City (Tokyo), 77, 78 Non-farmers, 68 Non-linear and linear relationships, 10 Norin 10, 157 Normative discussions, 18 Norms, 8, 23, 24, 28, 166, 176, 179 North America, 92 NPO/NGO, local, 167 Nutrition, 7, 156, 162–166, 168, 178 infant, 162, 163 security, 164 young child, 162, 163 Nutrition for Growth (N4G) summit, 162, 163 Nutrition-sensitive approach, 163

#### **O**

Obesity, 164 Objectives, 25, 49, 102, 110, 140, 144 Objectivity, 20 Obstacles, 20, 21 Ocean heat loss, 144 Ocean surface cooling rate, 144 Ocean warming, 146 Oceanic convection, 144 Ontologies, 5, 13, 20–22, 25, 27 Order, meso-level social, 26 Organization donor, 162 international, 160, 162, 168 Osaka, 67, 99 Otsuchi, 139–142, 148, 178 Our Common Future, 4, 28, 154 Overtopping, 141 Overweight, 162, 164

#### **P**

Pareto Optimum, 155 Paris, 59, 61, 63, 64, 92 Paris Agreement, 28, 143 Parsimony, 23, 24 Partnerships, 167 Pastures, 158 Pathways, 5, 9, 24, 105, 106, 113, 114, 165, 176, 178 Patterns, 60 Patterns, cause-effect, 27 Peri-urban rural areas, 81 Persian/Arab Gulf, 147 Perspective constructivism, 9 local, 10, 12 problem-based and action- oriented, 5 reductionist, 5 resilient, 7 trans-boundary, 7, 9, 10 wholistic, 7 PES, 29 Pesticide poisoning, 161 Pesticides, 157, 158, 160, 161 pH concentrations, 147 Philippines, 146, 148, 157, 178 Platforms, 167 Pluralism methodological, 18–30 theoretical, 18–30 Pluralistic, 5 Polewards, 147 Policy, agricultural, 156 Political commitment, 162 Political science, 8, 109 Polity, 21

Pollution, environmental, 124, 125 Population, *see* Aging population Post 2015 Development Agenda, 163 Postgrowth, 29 Poverty, 7, 22, 42, 154–168, 178, 179 alleviation, 154–168 and hunger, 4, 162 Power, 21, 23, 26, 91, 111, 137 Practicum, 7 Precipitation, 139 Pre-industrial levels, 144 Preparedness, 134–136, 148, 178 Prerequisite, 28 Price mechanism, 155 Private companies, 85, 168 Private sector, 160, 162, 167 Problem-based and action-oriented perspective, 5 Problems, interconnected, 18 Process, interpretative, 26 Processed foods, 165 Process-elucidation, 24 Process-tracing, 24 Production, 27, 28, 39–41, 59, 87, 101, 104, 105, 121, 156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 168 Productive green (PG), 77, 78, 83–85 Productive Green Land Act, 84 2022 Productive green problem, 84 Professional farmers, 66, 85 Propagation, 138 Property, 26, 80, 103, 139, 140, 155 Protected farmland, 83 Psychological factors, 167 Psychological strategy, 167 Public funds, 78 Pulses, 147 Pyramid Mountain, NJ, 63, 64

#### **Q**

Qualitative, 19, 42, 104, 106 Quantifying, 21, 87 Quantitative, 5, 19, 42, 102

#### **R**

Rapid urbanization, 4, 8 Reconstruction, 20, 81, 135, 138, 139, 148, 178 Recovery, 124, 125, 128, 134, 135 Recycling, 28 Redevelopments, 38, 69, 72, 77, 127 Reductionist, 5, 25 Reductionist perspective, 5

Redundant system, 92 Reefs, 136, 142, 147, 148 Reflections instrumental-methodological, 20 onto-epistemological, 20 theoretical-conceptual, 20 Reflexivity, 19, 20, 25, 36 Reform radical, 29 tax, 29 Reformism, 155 Reframing, 8, 28–30, 114, 177 critical, 29, 114, 176 Refuge, 147 Regional, 59, 60, 99, 114, 158, 166, 168, 179 Regularities, 24 Rehabilitation, 135 Reinforcement, 6 Relational, 26 Relationships, non-linear and linear, 10 Religion, 26 Repercussions, social, 27 Reproductive performance, 162 Research integrative, 20, 30 problem-driven and solutions-oriented, 18 sustainability science, 8, 18, 19, 21 Residential, 63, 69, 70, 73, 74, 77–81, 106, 137, 139, 141 Resilience, 5, 12, 21, 23, 36, 38, 45, 49, 60, 91–93, 134, 135, 138–140, 148, 165, 177, 178 Resource depletion, 8 Responsibility, corporate social, 28 Retirees, 66, 85, 91 Rice, 83, 157 farmers, 83 high yield, 157 Richter scale, 136, 137 Rio Summit, 4 Risk, 178 Risk management, 136 Risk maps, 140 Risk reduction, 135, 178 River dikes, 134 River embankments, 139 Road network, 73, 78 Rockefeller foundation, 157 Run-up-heights, 136 Run-ups, 139 Rural landscapes, 59 Rural migration, 81 Rural planning, 6, 81, 83, 84 Rural sustainability, 7, 100, 101, 113, 114, 177

Subject Index

#### **S**

Saliency, 18 Saltwater intrusion, 145 Sandai-Jitsuroku, 136 Sanitation, 163 Sanriku, 136, 137 Satoyama woodland, 90, 91 Saturated fat, 165 Saturated fat intake, 165 Scales, 4, 7, 12, 18, 26, 36, 37, 40, 44, 92, 134–140, 142, 144, 147, 148, 162, 166, 177 Scaling Up Nutrition (SUN), 162, 163 Scenarios, 36, 38, 78, 143, 144, 165 Schema, 28 Science earth system, 25, 38, 48 explorative, 20 sustainability, 11, 18–30, 35–51, 99, 120–129, 134, 176–180 transformational, 5 umbrella, 5, 19 Science for sustainability, 5 Science-society, 18 Scientists/researchers, 9, 12, 18, 19, 21, 25, 36, 39, 50, 122, 124, 134, 137, 147, 167 Sea level rise, 135, 136, 142–148, 178 Sea levels, 141–148 Seawalls, 134 Seawater, 121, 140, 144 Sectors, 18, 28, 102, 105, 140, 165, 180 Sediment supply, 147, 148 Seed industry, 160 Seeds, 92, 160, 161, 165 Self-efficacy, 166 Self-funded basis, 146 Self-sufficiency, 89, 91 Semi-dwarf rice varieties, 157 Semi-empirical methods, 143 Senbiki, 82 Sendai, 136, 137 Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030, 135 Separation, *see* Boundary Sequencing, 24 Settlement coastal, 137, 146 Shadow prices, 166, 168 Shinjuku, 69 Shiraishi garden (Nerima ward, Tokto), 87 Shocks, 135 Short-term concerns, 7 Showa-Sanriku tsunami (1933), 137 Sir Patrick Abercrombie (1879-1957), 60

Smart city development, 7 Social and behavioral change communication (SBCC), 166, 167 Social determinants, 166 Social dimension, 167 Social factors, 145 Social justice, 8 Social norms, 8, 166, 176, 179 Social order, 23, 26 Social supports, 166 Social support theories, 166 Social systems, 4, 44, 124 Social values, 9, 127, 166 Societal collapse, 147 Society, 4–12, 21–24, 26, 28, 30, 45, 91, 98–100, 105–110, 112, 114, 120, 125, 127, 128, 134, 135, 139, 142, 166, 167, 176–180 Socio-cultural systems, 134 Socio-ecological, 18, 21, 36–38, 44, 46, 47, 50, 177 Socioeconomic development, 8 Socioeconomic factors food environment, 164 food system, 164 health and nutrition education, 164 local economy, 164 subsistence patterns, 164 Socio-economic systems, 42, 134 Soft measures, 138–140 Spaces, 4, 21, 27, 41, 45, 75, 78, 81, 89, 101, 106, 110 Sphere, 21, 25 Stability, 23, 24, 26, 45, 89 Stakeholders, 9, 10, 12, 18, 20, 108, 129, 134, 148, 167 international organizations, 168 local municipalities, 168 national governments, 168 private companies, 168 Standardisation, 18 State, green, 29 Static perspective, 8 Statistical models, 41 Stilted houses, 146 Storm surges, 146 Strategy psychological, 165, 167, 168 structural, 167, 168 Stratifications, 23 Structural adjustment loans (SALs), 155 Structural inequality, 21 Structuralism, 24, 155 Structuralist economics, *see* Structuralism Structuring, 37, 44

knowledge, 19 Studies, adaptation, 27 Stunting, 162 Subfields, 19 Sub-Saharan Africa, 157, 160 Subsistence farming, 103, 105, 165, 166 Subsistence patterns, 164 Suffering, 58, 93, 121, 123, 126, 128, 139, 140, 156, 162 Superblocks, 78 Supply side, 156, 161, 168 Surface atmospheric temperatures, 144 Surface temperatures, 143 Sustainable development goals (SDGs), 8, 12, 13, 28, 154, 163, 168, 179 Sustainable diet, 164 Sustainable intensification, 158, 165 Sustainable urban planning, 58 Synergies, 19 Systems dynamics, 4 energy, 21, 91 global, 105, 106 human, 4, 8, 99 human-nature, 4, 5, 7 life support, 4, 18 natural, 21, 25–27, 30, 176 political party, 104 social, 4, 44, 124 social-ecological, 25, 30 social security, 21, 86, 98 tax, 21 thinking, 9, 12, 38, 139

#### **T**

Tagara, 74, 75 Targets, 28, 36, 38–42, 46, 49, 101–103, 108, 109, 155, 162, 164, 168, 179 Tax, taxes, 21, 84, 121 Technological innovations, 12 Temperatures, 121, 143, 144, 146, 147 air, 143, 144 cooling, 144 ocean, 143, 146 Temporal and spatial dynamics, 10 Temporal diversity, 10 Temporal dynamics, 10 Tenant farmers, 68 Thematic, 5, 38, 179 Theory, 9, 18, 21–26, 30, 37–40, 44, 45, 48, 83, 104, 122, 145, 155, 156, 161, 165, 166, 176 conflict, 23