the Western Mediterranean. Indeed, the Albenga (500–600 tonnes),23 the Madrague de Giens (402.5 tonnes)24 and Mahdia (230–250 tonnes) 25shipwrecks are all large ships. Their tonnages were far beyond those of former centuries, and they were evidently owned by the biggest merchantmen of their age.26

However, we lack papyrological evidence for this period.27 It would be tempting to conclude that tonnage dropped suddenly in Egypt during the first century. But the lack of papyri does not mean that there were no longer any ships on the Nile. It is possible that no papyri originating in this period were found because of the timing of the discoveries. However, it is notable that the vast majority of the edited papyri date from the Late Hellenistic or the Roman era. So how could the lack of papyri from the first century BCE be explained? The transportation of the wheat may have been organized differently during this time, although the only papyrus from this period in our list, the *SB 5 8754*, does not seem to show this. It could also be that this lack of papyri might have been the result of a change in the Ptolemaic administration, which managed the grain supply. The Ptolemaic authorities might have systematically ceased producing these documents for some unknown reason. So far, we have only conjecture, and no definite answers have been established.

Nevertheless, it should be noted that absolutely no sources in the Eastern Mediterranean show an increase in tonnage, whether they be literary, epigraphical, or even archaeological. The Doric capital and the eight column drums of the Kızılburun shipwreck did not weigh much more than 50 tonnes.28 However, this does not necessarily mean that there were no large ships sailing in the Eastern Mediterranean. It seems that the biggest ships sailed on only a few key routes, such as that from Greece to the Western Mediterranean, in order to convey works of art (including marble stones). For instance, the cargoes of the Mahdia or Antikythera shipwrecks were among the biggest of that period.

23 The cargo has been estimated at between 11,000 and 13,500 amphorae, i.e. 500–600 tonnes, by Pomey and Tchernia 1978.

24 Tchernia et al. 1978; Pomey 1982.

25 Hellenkemper Salies 1994.

26 Pomey and Tchernia 1978.

27 Hauben's most recent list, which is not focused on ships but on owners, shows the same lack of papyri for the first century.

28 Carslon 2010.

The other main route was from Italy to Gaule in order to sell wine. Strabo tells us that a slave could be bought only for an amphora.29Many ships subsequently wrecked, especially the Madrague de Giens, were involved in that trade. In fact, even the smallest ships carried wine. The vessel that sank off Cap Bénat carried no more than three *pithoi*, i.e. 3.3 tonnes,30 but the wine trade in that area was so successful that Roman merchants used large vessels, called *dolia*, to carry larger containers than amphorae.31

Although the data are patchy, there might have been more of these routes. For instance, the hulls found in Caesarea32 and Antirhodos33 almost certainly belonged to medium-sized or, perhaps, even large ships. They can likely be dated to the first century CE. However, we cannot totally rule out the possibility that both of these shipwrecks were from earlier or later. No definite date can be asserted as long as no dendrochronological analysis has been published.

Contrary to the first rise in tonnage that we have considered in this chapter, the second increase did not concern only the transportation of cargoes such as grain or stone, but also wine or works of art, whose value was much higher. This increase was made possible by the considerable wealth of the Roman elites (and maybe some vassal princes of Rome) — the routes related to this second rise were all connected to the city. Such evidence reveals the significant changes to maritime trade caused by Roman rule.

#### 5.4. The Common Reasons for the Two Increases

Thus these two changes were caused by different factors, but both originally had the same roots. Above all, new techniques allowed the construction of bigger ships,34 even giant ones, such as the *Syracusia*. 35 Nonetheless, one of the major obstacles to the increase in tonnage was the lack of deep harbours. The *Syracusia*, which could load up to 2580

.

29 Diodorus Siculus, 5.26.3.

30 Joncheray 1997.

31 Marlier 2008; Heslin 2011.

32 Fitzgerald 1994, 1995.

33 Sandrin et al., 2011.

34 See the contribution by Pomey in chapter 3.

35 Athenaeus, 5.206d–209b

or 2706 tonnes,36 could not enter many harbours because her draft was too large. Thus, she was useless in this capacity and Hiero II gave her to Ptolemy III. This demonstrates how restrictive the harbour depth could be for boats like these.

The authorities undertook to dredge their harbours in order to make them as deep as they could. During the digging of the tube station *Piazza Municipio* in Naples, an excavation led to the discovery of an ancient harbour, which included several shipwrecks, including Napoli A, B and C. But there were some strange marks on the bottom, as if the harbour base had been scratched. These marks were made by a dredger between the fourth and second centuries BCE.37

It was not easy for the authorities to reserve the deepest parts of the harbour for the bigger ships. The regulations in Thasos reveal that the many small ships were cluttering the harbour and that they were docked in the deepest areas, which were the only places the bigger ships could dock. Actually, the first harbour regulations seem to be linked to the need to preserve the depth of the harbour for the bigger ships.

The technical developments of both ship and harbour technologies allowed the increase in tonnage. They made the growth *possible*. But the root of the increase is located in the development of cities in the Hellenistic world. Those cities became more populated, and more people meant more producers, more consumers, and more trade. This trade required more ships to supply these cities with wheat and stone. Not only did the population grow, but grain and stone had to be transported across *longer* distances. Trade was no longer limited to the Aegean Sea or to any other part of the Eastern Mediterranean. From then on, certain ships sailed through many seas in the whole Eastern Mediterranean, and sometimes beyond, as shown by the Mahdia and Antikythera shipwrecks. In other words, the organization of trade on a much larger scale than before led to the rise in tonnage.

36 For more information about the estimation of her tonnage, see Nantet 2016, 126–31; Nantet forthcoming.

37 Giampaola et al. 2004, 2005. For more information about harbour maintenance, see Nantet 2016, 223–28.

#### 5.5. Conclusion

There was a notable increase in tonnage throughout the Mediterranean over a period of several centuries. At the beginning of the Late Hellenistic period, that increase occurred across the entire Mediterranean. From the end of the second century to the first century BCE, there was a second rise, which was restricted to specific parts of the Mediterranean.

The situation changed in the Imperial period. Even though it seems that large ships may have continued to carry large amounts of wine over the seas during the first century CE, they may have been less numerous in the following centuries. On the contrary, wheat and stone cargoes were conveyed by ships that became larger and larger. Indeed, the supply of grain to Rome became a major issue for the emperors who wished to watch over the situation in the streets of the capital city. Moreover, they wanted to provide Rome with the most impressive monuments and therefore required large quantities of marble.

#### Bibliography

#### Primary Sources

*Literary Sources*

#### *Inscriptions*

Launey, M. 1933. 'Inscriptions de Thasos.' *Bulletin de correspondance hellénique* 57:394–415.

#### *Papyri*

#### *Archaeological Excavations*

#### Secondary Sources

165–170. Gdańsk: National Maritime Museum. http://opac.regesta-imperii. de/id/2427830

# 6. A Note on the Navigation Space of the *Baris-*Type Ships from Thonis-Heracleion

*Alexander Belov*

The available data on local boat-building techniques during the Late (664–332 BC) and Ptolemaic Periods (332–30 BC) of Ancient Egypt received a considerable boost from the more than sixty Ancient Egyptian ships that were found on the site of Thonis-Heracleion in 2000. Many of these ships seem to belong to the *baris*-type as described in Herodotus in his *Historia*. This chapter is an attempt to determine the space of navigation of these ships by examining the direct evidence derived from their construction, as well as indirect evidence drawn from the state of the ships' timbers and the results of reconstruction of their hulls, and of their propulsion and steering systems.

The site of Thonis-Heracleion is situated in the Bay of Abukir to the west of Alexandria, and it has been undergoing excavations by the European Institute for Underwater Archaeology (IEASM) since 1999.1 The city had a rather complicated topography that abounded with peninsulas, canals and semi-enclosed areas of water. The passages between the sand dunes connected the coastal lagoon and the harbours of Heracleion with the Canopic branch of the Nile (Fig. 6.1).2 The geographical situation of the

1 Goddio 2007, 102–14.

2 For the latest information on Heracleion's topography see Goddio 2011; Fabre et al. 2013; Goddio et al. 2015; Goddio 2015.

city corresponds fairly well with the concept of a maritime gateway.3 The city served as customs station for foreign ships going up the Nile and it was occupied already in the late eighth or early seventh century BC, though the second century BC was its golden age.4 In the Late Period the city controlled access to the Canopic branch of the Nile and was engaged in trade with Greece.5

Figure 6.1 Simplified topography of the Canopic region (After Goddio 2007, 17, fig. 1.15.)

To this day, sixty-four shipwrecks have been discovered on the site of Thonis-Heracleion.6 Although only preliminary studies were carried out on the majority, several ships have been excavated.7 Numerous original features shared by many of these ships8 seem to bear witness to an

3 Term first proposed by Hirth (1978).

4 Yoyotte 2001; Fabre 2008.

5 Robinson and Goddio 2015.

6 The actual number of ships probably exceeds one hundred. During the survey with a high-tech sub-bottom profiler in autumn 2016, many dozens more were discovered, some of them five meters under the clay (F. Goddio, personal communication). These ships are remarkably well preserved. For the origins of this vast assemblage of ancient vessels, see Robinson 2018.

7 Ships numbered 17, 43, 61 and 11.

8 Preliminary studies show that probably ships numbered 3, 8, 10, 17, 23, 43, 44, 45, 50, 51 and 63 belong to a *baris* type. In this author's opinion, that may well be the case for the majority of ships preserved on the site of Thonis-Heracleion.

archaeologically unattested constructional type, which finds parallels in Herodotus' description of a freighter (barge) called the *baris* (*Historiae* 2.96, c. 450 BC).9

### 6.1. Main Characteristics of the *Baris* as per Herodotus and New Archaeological Data

The Greek term *baris* (βᾶρις) probably originates in the Ancient Egyptian boat type called *br* (*byr*)10 that first appears in the Eighteenth Dynasty and refers to a sea-going craft.11 Demotic documents mentioning *br (byr)* are not numerous and contrary to hieroglyphic texts most of them probably refer to Nilotic cargo boats.12 Textual evidence from Greek papyri suggests that the *baris* was primarily a multipurpose freighter and transport vessel.13 Gradually replaced by other types, first of all probably by the *kerkouros*, the *baris* is last mentioned in the papyrus dated to 125 BC.14

The excavations of Ship 17 from Thonis-Heracleion helped to clarify several references from Herodotus' description that had previously been incomprehensible. Thus, the main features of the construction of the *baris* may be summarized in the following terms. The *baris* was a flat-bottomed freighter built from local acacias. A central keel-plank or a kind of proto-keel (Ship 17)15 did not project beneath the crescent-shaped hull. The planking of this ship consisted of short planks arranged like 'courses of bricks'. Long tenons reaching 2 m in length passed inside

9 Belov 2014, 2015b, 2019.

10 Casson 1971, 341, note 64.

11 Ibid.; Vinson 1994, 44–5; 1998, 252.

12 Ibid., 252–53.

13 Casson 1971, 340, note 60; 341, note 64; Vinson 1998, 254. Vinson cites two documents that might indicate a military use for *br* ships (Vinson 1998, 253). According to line 12 of the Rosetta Stone (196 BC) the defensive fleet of Ptolemy V contained νῆες (ships) in the Greek text that correspond to the hieroglyphic *kbn.wt* and to the Demotic *byry*. Darnell (1992, 72–73, notes 21 and 54) suggests a parallel between these ships and those employed by Rameses III (1184–1153 BC) to defend the Delta against the Sea Peoples. Another example is the Roman *P. Krall* 14/8 mentioning *br* ships as part of a naval fleet. In papyrus *W.Chr.* 11 A (123 BC) a *baris* transports soldiers (See Arnaud 2015b, 116). The employment of freighters during a war for purposes such as transporting the troops or as auxiliary fighting units is quite obvious and does not require further comment.

14 Arnaud 2015b, 116.

15 Belov 2015a.

rectangular channels that were cut in the middle of the planks' edges, and were pegged to the planking at the extremities. At the same time, the tenons wedged the through-beams to the planking. The inner joints between the planks were sealed with papyrus. The boat was steered with an axial rudder that passed through an opening in the keel. The *baris* was a sailing ship, but according to Herodotus, it could only travel upstream with the help of a fresh breeze. Herodotus did not mention oars, and no traces of rowing arrangements were found on ships of this type from Heracleion. According to Herodotus, *barides* were built with quite a different carrying capacity and these ships were numerous on the Nile. Ship 17 would have been about 27–28 m long with a beam of 8 m that gives a length-to-width ratio of around 3:4. The ship had a displacement of about 150 metric tonnes, a draft of 1.6 m and a tonnage of approximately 112 metric tonnes.

### 6.2. Navigation Area of the *Baris*-Type Ships

#### 6.2.1. Written Sources

As mentioned above, it seems that the term *baris* radically changed its meaning from the New Kingdom to the early Ptolemaic period, when, according to available documentation, the ship was primarily employed on the river. Thus, here again, the text of Herodotus, contemporary with the *baris*-type ships from Heracleion, appears to be the most important source for the current discussion.

Herodotus' description of the *baris* comes sequentially after information on different aspects of life in the Delta, and it is logically linked to the description of Delta shipping in fragment 2.179.16 These observations give more weight to the arguments for the Delta origins of the *baris*, rather than an origin in the Nile valley.

According to Herodotus, the *baris* under sail could overpower the Nile's current only in case of a strong wind; otherwise, she was hauled from the bank.17 Herodotus also describes the original technique used by the Egyptians for steering the *baris* downstream with a help of a small raft

16 Vinson 1998, 252.

17 Arnaud (2015a, 109) judiciously remarks that hauling is possible from a firm bank only, something difficult to achieve on a river with an ever-changing hydrological regime.

and an anchor, their joint action straightening her course.18 Apparently the hauling of a ship upstream19 and a sophisticated technique for the descent both favoured the vessel's employment on the river.

Book two of Herodotus contains another very important fragment related to this topic:

Now in old times Naucratis alone was an open trading- place, and no other place in Egypt: and if any one came to any other of the Nile mouths, he was compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own will, and when he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with his ship to the Canobic mouth, or if it were not possible to sail by reason of contrary winds, then he had to carry his cargo round the head of the Delta in boats [*'baris*' in the original text - AB] to Naucratis: thus highly was Naucratis privileged.20

It is significant that Herodotus used different terms for the foreign seagoing vessel(ναῦς) and for the ships employed for local transportation (*baris*). This testimony confirms that the *barides* could operate beyond the Delta and thus belonged to a class of fluvio-maritime vessels. The following sections inquire whether this conclusion can be applied to the *barides* from Thonis-Heracleion.

#### 6.2.2. Context of Ships from Thonis-Heracleion21

It is important to underline the fact that the *baris* ships were quite numerous at Heracleion. It is still difficult to determine with precision the depth of the port facilities, but the coastal lagoons are quite shallow

18 *Historiae* 2.96. A physical model developed during an interesting experiment carried out by Goyon in collaboration with the Central Hydraulic Laboratory of France proved the efficiency of the technique described by Herodotus. See Goyon 1971, 38–41, annex 1. Mathematical manipulations proposed in a subsequent publication by Wehausen et al. (1988) fully confirm the results of the modelling.

19 Cf. Casson 1965.

20 *Historiae* 2.179. Trans. Macaulay 1890. 'ἦν δὲ τὸ παλαιὸν μούνη Ναύκρατις ἐμπόριον καὶ ἄλλο οὐδὲν Αἰγύπτου· εἰ δέ τις ἐς τῶν τι ἄλλο στομάτων τοῦ Νείλου ἀπίκοιτο, χρῆν ὀμόσαι μὴ μὲν ἑκόντα ἐλθεῖν, ἀπομόσαντα δὲ τῇ νηὶ αὐτῇ πλέειν ἐς τὸ Κανωβικόν· ἢ εἰ μή γε οἷά τε εἴη πρὸς ἀνέμους ἀντίους πλέειν, τὰ φορτία ἔδεε περιάγειν ἐν βάρισι περὶ τὸ Δέλτα, μέχρι οὗ ἀπίκοιτο ἐς Ναύκρατιν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ Ναύκρατις ἐτετίμητο.' Herodotus does not mention Thonis. The hypothesis dealing with this omission can be found in Höckmann 2008–2009, 115, 124.

21 Different hypotheses regarding the origin of ships' accumulations (land reclamation or blockship barrier) may be found in Robinson 2015. Cultural, socio-economic and geopolitical contexts are considered in Fabre 2015.

and usually about two to three meters deep. According to the recent Sediment Profile Imaging (SSPI) survey, the maximum depth in the ports of Heracleion did not exceed 4.5–5 m.22 Thus these ships with obviously shallow drafts were quite adapted to this environment. In addition, navigation on the Nile was highly seasonal23 and the smaller specimens of the *barides* seem to have been advantageous, as they could operate for a longer time than other types.24

An interesting clue is offered by the anchors that were found in great numbers (more than 700) in the harbours of Heracleion. The anchors appear in different types but most of them are triangular stone composite anchors with two round front openings for wooden arms and one transverse opening for the cable.25 The majority of anchors are about 70–90 cm long and approaching a hundredweight. Some of these anchors were found on board the *barides* in a position relevant for mooring*.* This is certainly true in the case of Ship 43, which had a 100 kg anchor placed in vertical position at the bow.26 These anchors were probably handled with a help of tackles and a mast-derrick.27

While there is a plenty of archaeological evidence of Ancient Egyptian anchors on board sea-going vessels,28 these were of no real use on the Nile.29 Instead, a wooden stake30 was driven into the muddy shore with

22 Cataudella et al. 2015, 73, Table II. F. Goddio, personal communication.

23 Cooper 2011, 195; 2012, 61; 2012a.

24 See Robinson 2015, 213. Cooper (2012a, 26) cites the nineteenth-century sources according to which the ships with deadweight of 60 tonnes were not able to navigate in the Delta during five months of the year.

25 See Nibbi 1991.

26 Calibrated date 14C for wooden arms: 405 cal–208 cal BC. Dimensions: 75 x 50 x 18 cm.

27 Basch 1987, 66–67; Frost 1995. The destination of numerous huge anchors found in Heracleion could have been different. For example, the largest among two anchors found at the bows of Ship 51 (?) weights 630 kg (!) (calibrated date 14C for wooden arms: 396 cal–198 cal BC. Dimensions: Anchor 1 — 106 x 80 x 26 cm; Anchor 2 — 154 x 94 x 30 cm). The hull of this ship was only partially preserved but several parameters of its planking indicate that the length of the ship did not exceed 20–25 m, so it was not of extraordinary size. Thus, it might have been that the largest anchors of Heracleion were used as mooring anchors. This idea was introduced by several members of the jury for my PhD thesis on 31 January 2014 (P. Arnaud, P. Pomey, F. Goddio). The same hypothesis had already been proposed for the pyramidal stone anchors from Zea (see Tzalas 1999). Bronze Age stone anchors weighing 850 and even 1350 kg were found in Kition (see Frost 1985).

28 Basch 1985, 1994; Zazzaro 2007, 2011; Zazzaro and Abd el-Maguid 2012; Tallet 2013, 2015.

29 Basch 1985, 457; 1994.

30 *mnit* or *nʿyt* (Jones 1988, 198, n. 4, 199, n. 8).

a mallet,31 as shown by iconographical sources.32 Furthermore, there is no solid iconographical proof for the use of anchors on the Nilotic ships. However, it might have been that mooring techniques changed during the Late Period following the increase of maritime trade and fluviomaritime traffic, for which the anchors were absolutely indispensable. Several 'elongated composite stone anchors'33 were discovered in a riverine environment in Egypt.34

The Delta was a very particular region between the river and the sea, characterized by its unique navigational conditions and hazards35 caused by the varying geomorphology, geology, hydrology, and meteorology of this area. According to Yoyotte, the ancient name of the city — Thonis (Θῶνις in Ancient Greek sources) — originates in the indigenous name of the coastal lagoon (*henet/hone*) that existed there in Antiquity.36 The water of the lagoon was only slightly brackish and this is confirmed by numerous finds of the bones of Nile catfish (*Siluriformes*) and other fresh-water organisms.37 The sedimentology of a coastal lagoon is very different to that of a river and includes sediments ranging from coarse sand to silt and clay.38 Many hundreds of discoveries from Heracleion prove that this environment allowed regular employment of marine-type anchors. This is not surprising, taking into consideration the intense shipping and manoeuvring in the restricted harbour space, and the limited total length of wharfs. It seems that in the Ptolemaic period, the river was perceived as an extension of the sea.39 The structure of river administration followed the maritime model, as did mooring procedures in a *hormos*. These

31 *ḫrpw* (Jones 1988, 201, n. 12).

32 For more on the Ancient Egyptian iconography of mooring, see Doyle 1998, 220–35.

33 Frost 1970, 381.

34 Abd el-Maguid 2015.

35 Cooper 2012, 2012a.

36 *henet/hone* → T(hone) → Thonis. See Yoyotte 2001; 2013, 298–9, 307–8, 349–52. This specific geography is described in classical sources: Heliodorus, *Aethiopica* 5; Achilles Tatius, *Leucippe and Clitophon* 4.12.7–8; Diodorus Siculus, *Bibliotheca Historica* 1.31.2–5. For discussion see Fabre 2015, 180–84.

37 Goddio 2007, 111.

38 For more information about the geomorphology of coastal lagoons see Bird 1994. According to El-Wakeel and Wahby (1970) 'the predominant type of sediment covering the bottom of the lake [Manzalah — A.B.] is the complex type sand-siltclay followed in abundance by the clayey sand and silty clay. There is a basinward increase in grain size of sediments.'

39 Arnaud 2015b, 104–05.

factors dictated the choice of the Mediterranean style of mooring40 and the employment of the marine variety of anchors that were also necessary for open mooring.41

The acacia wood used as raw material, and many other features of indigenous shipbuilding, correspond well with etymological arguments and written sources testifying that the *baris* was undoubtedly a local type. These ships used anchors of a marine type as confirmed by Ship 43. However, this fact is not decisive as the anchors could have been used for mooring beyond the sandbar separating the estuary from the open sea, or only within its limits and in the harbours of Heracleion. In order to determine the navigational area of these ships, it is necessary to look closer at their construction.

#### 6.2.3. Direct Evidence from Ships' Construction

Many features of the *baris*-type ships indicate their river origins. The hull of the *baris* was constructed with very short planks. In the case of Ship 17, the average length of the planks was only 192 cm, while the segments of the proto-keel did not exceed 3 m in length.42 The protokeel did not protrude, and that was an advantageous option for river navigation. The most ancient Egyptian term we know of referring to a keel or to a keel plank (*pipit*43) may mean a 'mud-kneader'.44 The same type of flat keel has been incorporated into the construction of the modern *nuggars* of the Upper Nile.45

All the elements of the ships' inner structure were characterized by a strong asymmetry and a roughness of execution. Thus, usually the beams were not horizontal, and were made of irregularly-shaped branches. All Ancient Egyptian sea-going vessels known from texts and from the archaeological record were built of imported wood, while the *barides* of Heracleion were built from local species of acacia which had

40 Also known today as 'med mooring' or 'Tahitian mooring', this technique means that the vessel sets a temporary anchor off the pier and then approaches it at a perpendicular angle. The vessel then runs two lines to the pier.

41 Ibid., 104.

42 Belov 2014.

43 Jones 1988, 164, n. 52.

44 Goedicke 1975, 95; Janssen 1975, 379.

45 Clark 1920, 49; Hornell 1943, 28.

been employed to construct river-faring boats since the Old Kingdom (2686–2160 BC).46

The joints of the planking of these ships were different from the double rows of the relatively small tenons and lashings mainly associated with the planking of Ancient Egyptian sea-going ships.47 Moreover, the tenons of the *baris* were pegged and that was never the case with the planking of sea-going ships, which employed free tenons to facilitate the assembly and disassembly of their hulls for transportation and storage.48 The vessels of Heracleion which have been studied so far were undecked.

Thus, the constructional features of the *barides* seem to indicate that these ships were not really adapted for conditions on the open seas.

#### 6.2.4. Reconstruction of the Hull: Supplementary Data

The preliminary reconstruction of Ship 1749 suggests a crescent-shaped hull with considerable overhangs at both extremities.50 The overall length of the ship should have been about 27–28 m with a beam of 8 m. Its displacement was close to 150 tonnes, with a tonnage of about 113 tonnes.51 This was one of the largest *barides* known in Heracleion.

#### 6.2.5. Longitudinal Structure

The short segments of the planking presented serious challenges for the longitudinal structure of the *baris*-type ships, as it seems that about

46 Nilotic freighters *sekhet* and *satch* built by general Weni (*Wnj*) during the rule of Pepi I (Sixth Dynasty, 2345–2181 BC). According to the text they were 32 m long. Together with tamarisk, acacia wood was identified as the construction material of the freighter boats from Lisht (Middle Kingdom, c. 1950 BC). See Ward 2004, 15. Traditional boats of the Upper Nile are still built of *Acacia nilotica* (See note 29). Acacia also dominates as the constructional material for the ships of Thonis-Heracleion. Preliminary xylological analysis showed that, among 63 shipwrecks, about 80% have planking made of acacia. See Fabre and Belov 2012, 109–10. Ship 17 of Thonis-Heracleion was entirely built of acacia. See Belov 2014.

47 Timbers from Mersa Gawasis and Ayn Sukhna. See Ward and Zazzaro 2010; Pomey 2012a, 2012b. However, double rows of mortises were equally attested in planks from Lisht that belonged to a river-going freighter. See Haldane 1993, 237.

48 See Ward 2007; Pomey 2012a, 2012b.

49 Belov 2019, chapter 3.1.

50 An iconographic parallel is provided by one of the ships depicted on the mosaic of Palestrina (c. 125 BC), which was recently identified as a *baris* by Pomey (2015, 164–66).

51 Belov 2015a, 206–07.

only three-fifths of the overall length of their crescent-shaped hulls was supported by the water.52 It is not yet clear how this problem was solved, although a bulwark might have played an important role in the longitudinal structure of Ancient Egyptian boats, to counterbalance the hogging of the hull.53 No other means for maintaining the longitudinal strength of the hull have been discovered in the construction of the *barides*. 54 Hypothetically, the through-beams were capable of significantly reinforcing their longitudinal structure.55

#### 6.2.6. Shallow Draft

Ship 17, being one of the largest specimens of the *baris* in Heracleion, would have a shallow draft of about 1.6 m that would have been a definite advantage for navigation on the river and within the shallow lagoons of the Delta, like those of Heracleion. The depth at the mouths of the Nile must have been inconsiderable too.56

An interesting parallel is suggested by the Arab fishing boats of the Manzala57 and Borollos58 lakes. These boats, with a shallow draft, are perfectly adapted to traditional fishing inside a coastal lagoon.59

52 According to preliminary results of the modelling, this ratio was about 66% in the case of Ship 17.

53 Haldane 1993, 234–35; Vinson 1997.

54 A hogging truss was used in the construction of Egyptian sea-going ships at least until the New Kingdom (exemplified by the sea-going vessels of the Punt expedition launched by Queen Hatshepsut, Eighteenth Dynasty, 1473–1458 BC). However, there is no evidence that a hogging truss was employed on ships from Heracleion. On the other hand it remains a possibility that a rope truss was employed during the *constructional* phase to pre-stress the hull against the hogging. Although this element disappears from the iconographic record after the Old Kingdom, Egyptians probably continued to use it for larger vessels (see Rogers 1996, 99–104). Ship 17 had a kind of proto-keel that protruded inside the hull (see Belov 2015a) but as it was composed of short segments, it could hardly increase the longitudinal stiffness of the hull to any great degree.

55 J.-P. Olaberria 2015, personal communication. It seems that this function of the through-beams has not yet become the subject of a detailed study.

56 Cooper (2012, 61) cites the late-nineteenth-century data according to which 'the Rashid mouth had a maximum draught of 2.1 m, and the Dumyāt mouth just 1.8 m, compared with 6 m just upstream'.

57 Gaubert and Henein 2015.

58 Collet and Pomey 2015.

59 The dimensions of *lokkafa* of the lake Borollos described by Collet and Pomey has an overall length of 14.5 m, a beam of 5.5 m and a shallow draft of 0.6 m. The boat carries a lateen sail with a windage of 130 m2 . The average depth of the lake is 1–1.5 m and rarely reaches 2 m.

Figure 6.2 Starboard heel of 8 degrees of the hull of ship 17 from Thonis-Heracleion in *Formsys HydroMax*. Loadcase of 113 tons, freeboard of 0.64 m (A. Belov). CC BY 4.0.

The available documentation on a traditional ship from Lake Mareotis (*mariotike*)60 does not contain any information about their construction, but these ships were probably shallow-draft as well.

#### 6.2.7. Stability

The estimated deadweight of Ship 17 of about 113 tonnes would have resulted in a free-board of 64 cm.61 The reconstruction of the hull suggests that the ship was very stable with the righting lever (GZ) being maximal at 57 degrees, but in reality the absence of a deck would not permit the heel to exceed 8 degrees (Fig. 6.2.). Apparently, this insufficient heel would only permit navigation on the Nile and in the estuary under good weather conditions.62While modestly laden, the ship could

60 *BGU* 18.1 2740 dated to 87–86 BC. See Arnaud 2015a, 111.

61 In absence of a deck, this corresponds to the distance from the water to the upper edge of the hull.

62 Difficulties of Nilotic navigation in medieval times are considered in works of Cooper 2008, 2011, 2012, 2012a, 2014 and are corroborated by Ancient Egyptian sources (see Somaglino 2015). Arnaud (2015b, 104, note 14) cites Roman and Late Roman Nilotic contracts with clauses forbidding to navigate at night and in bad weather. Diodorus Siculus (*Bibliotheca Historica* 1.31.2–5) describes the danger of approaching the low coast of Egypt. One should not underestimate complicated navigation in the so-called *boghâz* of which there exist following description left by

probably sail along the coast, although, bearing in mind the strong currents and constant waves at the Nile's estuary,63 we can define the *barides* mentioned by Herodotus, in connection with the trans-shipment from the Eastern Delta, as decked vessels.64

The navigation on the Nile in Antiquity was highly seasonal,65 and therefore some of the voyages that would not be possible during the flood were possible during the period of low water, and *vice versa*.

#### 6.2.8. Reconstruction of Steering and Propulsion Systems

The evidence for an axial rudder supports the conclusion that the ship's function was of a river or fluvio-maritime type. The first representations of the axial rudder in Egypt have been dated to the end of the Fifth (2494–2345 BC)66 or to the Sixth Dynasty (2345–2181 BC). This type of rudder was invariably characteristic of Nilotic ships. The boats of type II depicted on the rocks of Rod el-Air, which show parallels with the remains of the seagoing ships from Ayn Sukhna, are seemingly equipped with an axial rudder.67 However, Pomey notes that these boats were probably adapted to the sea while belonging to the Nilotic boatbuilding tradition, and that the navigation to the Sinai Peninsula would not have taken more than one day. Generally speaking, an axial rudder did not seem to be a good choice for a sea-going vessel.68

one of the participants of Napoleon's expedition (1798–1801): 'In Egypt the narrow and perilous straits between the branches of the Nile and the sea are called *boghâz*. These straits are closed by the sands that accumulate due to the confrontation of the high seas with the current of the river. These sandbanks vary depending on the seasons and the winds, so that those bars that are ordinarily found in the mouths of the Nile often change their position, and require the mariners to seek the services of a pilot, who could indicate to them a passage or a channel in the mouth of the river; but this continual surveillance of a pilot is not always sufficient to prevent accidents.' Le Père 1822, 236.

63 See Cooper 2012, 61–62.

64 One of the ships represented on the Nile mosaic from Palestrina in Italy (ancient city of Praeneste) dated to c. 125 BC was recently identified as an example of the *baris* type (Pomey 2015, 164–66). This ship had a large cabin aft of the mast and was probably decked.

65 Among recent publications: Arnaud 2015a, 106–08; 2015b, 8–10; Cooper 2012, 61–64; 2012a, 26; 2014, chapter 7; Somaglino 2015, 127–37.

66 Jones 1995, 39–40.

67 Pomey 2012b, 13; 2012c, 291.

68 A spare rudder was systematically included in the list of Ptolemaic affreightment contracts. Arnaud 2012, 95–96. Fabre (2015, 184, note 47) provides interesting parallels with the axial rudders of the junks.

Figure 6.3 Mortise in the central segment K6 of the proto-keel of ship 17 viewed from above (Photo: C. Gerigk © Franck Goddio/Hilti Foundation).

The masts of Egyptians ships of the period under consideration were situated at the middle of the hull, a conclusion supported by the discovery of a mast-step notch 46 cm long, 13 cm wide and 5 cm deep within Ship 17 of Thonis-Heracleion (Fig. 6.3). Two large mortises in the central strake of the boat Mataria seem to correspond to the middle of the hull and to be related to the position of the mast.69 The construction of the boat of the Upper Nile *nuggar* may serve as an ethnographic parallel.70 It has been estimated that the relation between the height of the mast and the length of the hull in the majority of the Egyptian boats must have been close to 2:3.71 If we accept this ratio, the height of the mast of Ship 17 of Thonis-Heracleion can be estimated at 17–18 m. Obviously, it would have been impossible to obtain a mast of this length from acacia wood, which, according to Herodotus, served as the raw material for its fabrication.72 Thus two hypotheses may be put forward: either the mast of the *baris* was considerably shorter than if obtained according to the above-mentioned ratio, or it was made from a different wood species. Taking into consideration the precision of Herodotus'

69 Haldane 1996, 242.

70 Clarke 1920, 49: 'The stout beam or tree stem was to steady the short mast, which had a socket in the keel and a strap or other form of stay to secure it to the beam.'

71 Goyon 1971, 22.

72 Cf Boreux 1925, 349.

descriptions so far, the initial hypothesis seems more convincing.73 In case the ship was unable to overcome the current, a mast must have been useful for attaching the tow line.74

Figure 6.4 Outer surface of ship 17's keel segment K6 (Photo: Author © Franck Goddio/Hilti Foundation).

#### 6.2.9. The Particular Case of Ship 17 from Thonis-Heracleion

The following arguments are based on evidence from Ship 17 only, and thus they cannot be conclusive. As we shall see, Ship 17 most likely never crossed the sandbar separating the estuary from the sea, but the information at our disposal is still too fragmentary to expand this conclusion on other *barides* from Heracleion.

73 Although the meteorology of the Delta was complicated and sometimes resulted in calms (Cooper 2012a, 26), the wind was often favourable for vessels going upriver. According to Arnaud (2015b, 107) the period from December to February was a good time for large ships to sail upstream. The words of Herodotus that a *baris* could not sail upstream unless with a *fresh breeze* may be a slight hint concerning the height of the mast. A short mast would permit hoisting a sail of modest size only and this could explain the difficulty of the ship sailing upstream while being heavily loaded and beating against the strong current.

74 Cf Casson 1965, 36–37, pl. 3, 5.

#### 6.2.10. Traces of Shipworms?

No traces of shipworms were found on the outer surface of the keel, or on the planking of Ship 17 (Fig. 6.4), as in the case of the timbers of seagoing vessels from Mersa Gawasis and Ayn Sukhna.75 The shipworm *Teredo navalis* can thrive in brackish waters with a salinity as low as 9‰.76 It seems that Ship 17 was scuttled at the end of its economic life. Even if we forget about constructional limitations and suppose that she made regular sea voyages, this would inevitably result in at least partial infestation by shipworm.

However, it is important to remember that the modern Nile with its regulated run-off radically differs from the ancient river. Thus, even after the construction of the Low Aswan Dam (1902–1933) the river carried approximately 84 km3 of water in an average year.77 By 1969, the river had become almost completely auto-controlled and the volume of fresh water reaching the coastal zone dropped to 2.5–4 km3 per year, in other words by twenty to thirty times less.78 During the peak of the flood the Nile's run-off was at least eight times higher than during the low water period.79 Only two of the Nile's branches remain today out of seven that existed during Herodotus' time. Without speculating about intricate paleoclimate models, it is sufficient to cite several modern salinity charts of the region. One can see that even today, the Nile considerably decreases the salinity of the surface layer in the vicinity of the Delta and this phenomenon must have been incomparably more pronounced in Antiquity (Fig. 6.5). It is difficult to calculate whether the salinity dropped to less than 9‰ and the scope of the resulting area of brackish water. This zone probably existed only when the Nile was flooding, and its area would have depended on the circulation pattern of the coastal waters. In conclusion, if ever Ship 17 crossed the sandbar separating the estuary from the coastal waters, she could have stayed there only for a limited period of time before being infested by shipworm.

75 I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. David Blackman, who posed this question during the conference 'Heracleion in context' in Oxford in March 2013.

76 *Teredo navalis* can temporarily tolerate salinity of 5 ‰. See Miller 1926, 17.

77 Calculated for the period 1900 to 1959 (White, 1988).

78 Halim and Morcos 1995.

79 See charts in Hurst 1927, 447, Figs. 1–3.

Figure 6.5 Salinity (‰) on the surface of the Mediterranean coast of Egypt in October 1982 and on the surface of the Bay of Abukir in March 1970 (Charts: Author, after Halim & Morcos 1995 [above] and El-Sharkawy & Sharaf el Din 1974 [below]).

6.2.11. Keel's Erosion?

The outer surface of the keel and of the bottom planking of Ship 17 was not eroded at all, and thus there is a slight possibility that the boat was used in another environment than the Delta with its soft muddy banks.

#### 6.3. Conclusions

In the Late Period (664–332 BC), the city of Thonis-Heracleion, 'The Gates of the Sea',80 controlled access to Egypt, as well as supervising Greek ships in transit to Naucratis81 and Memphis;82 it therefore functioned as a customs station and *emporion*. 83 The port commanded

80 For the association of this epithet — 'Les Portes de la Mer' — with Thonis see Yoyotte 1994, 683.

81 Yoyotte 1958, 427; 2001, 27.

82 Aramaic papyrus from Saqqara n. 26. Yoyotte 1994, 683; Briant and Descat 1998, 93–95.

83 Fabre and Goddio 2013, 70. Thonis-Heracleion is the most probable site of taxation for the ships mentioned on the Papyrus palimpsest from Elephantine (Ahiqar scroll,

a strategic location at the mouth of one of the most important branches of the Ancient Nile, and perfectly fitted the category of a 'transit point' between 'transport zones' suggested by Westerdahl.84 The conditions of navigation radically changed at 'transit points', which are usually associated with market places, and this involved 'the reloading of cargo and the change of means of transport at a well-defined site […] for an accompanying water or land transport in the new zone.'85 Flat-bottomed vessels from Ostia known as *naves caudicaria*, which were used for the trans-shipment of goods from the sea ports along the river Tiber, serve as a parallel (Fig. 6.6).86

Figure 6.6 Mosaic from the Square of Corporations in Ostia representing a scene of transshipment of goods from a sea-going vessel (right) to a riverine navis caudicaria (left) (Photo: I. Sailko, CC BY-SA 3.0, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=46365389).

Höckmann argued that there had been regular trans-shipments of cargo from seagoing vessels to river-faring *barides* at Thonis-Heracleion.87 Villing expressed the opposite point of view; he relied on recent

86 Boetto 2001, 2003, 2006, 2008.

TAD C 3.7, 473–402 BC). See Briant and Descat 1998, 92. The papyrus contains customs registers belonging to thirty-six Ionian and Phoenician ships that came to Egypt in the period from March to December. See Porten and Yardeni 1993.

84 Westerdahl's theory (1992, 6–7) and its application to the mouths of the Nile is discussed by Cooper (2012, 70–71).

85 Westerdahl 1998.

87 Höckmann 2008–2009, 78–80, 82–83.

research,88 which suggested that the Canopic branch in Naucratis 'was wide and deep enough to accommodate Mediterranean seagoing ships all year round; trans-shipment at Thonis-Heracleion, as had sometimes been suspected, was thus not necessary'.89 It is difficult to agree with this conclusion. True enough, written sources90 are corroborated by several maritime finds from Naucratis.91 Thomas estimates the Canopic branch to be 5 m deep and circa 200 m wide near urban areas and concludes that '[the] Canopic branch of the Nile was deep enough and navigable, likely all year round, for sea-going ships such as the Kyrenia'.92 However, we should note that the Kyrenia was a fourth-century-BC Greek merchant ship of a very modest size. This 25-tonner's reconstructed length was about 13.86 m and she had a loaded draft of only 1.47 m.93 Apparently this ship would not have encountered serious problems in reaching Naucratis, even during the low-water season.

Seagoing ships of considerable tonnage regularly came upriver to Naucratis, Memphis and even Thebes; thus, trans-shipment was not an obligation. Indeed, the loaded draft of the larger ships did not exceed the depth of the Canopic branch.94 Nantet shows that, in the Hellenistic period, large ships with tonnage exceeding 10,000 *artabs* (200–250 tonnes) and reaching as much as 18,000 *artabs* (about 400 tonnes), were numerous on the Nile.95 Arnaud notices that these ships, called *kerkouroi*, surely came from the sea and that they were more numerous in winter, from December to February, than during the high-water season.96 However, it is essential to remember that these ships operated from Alexandria and so did not need to enter the mouths of the Nile, a task that was sometimes difficult to do in earlier periods.

The sources also tell us that military fleets were able to come upriver. One of the insurgencies during the first Persian domination

88 Pennigton and Thomas, in preparation; Thomas 2015.

89 Villing 2015, 231.

90 See note 79.

91 Thomas 2015, 253, Fig. 13.5.

92 Ibid., 252.

93 Tonnage: Steffy 1985, 100. Draft: Katzev 1981, 318.

94 Nantet lists thirteen shipwrecks, with their deadweight tonnages and their loaded drafts. All of them could have sailed on the Canopic branch. Even the Madrague de Giens shipwreck, with a deadweight tonnage of 402.5 tonnes and a loaded draft of 3.75 m, could have sailed there. Nantet 2016, 226, Table 47.

95 Nantet 2016, 575–76. See also chapter 1 in this book.

96 Arnaud 2015b, 106–09, 112.

(Twenty-seventh Dynasty, 525–404 BC) was supported by an Athenian fleet of 200 triremes that sailed up the Nile and seized the larger part of Memphis (Thucydides 1.104). This is not surprising, since these warships were relatively light and shallow-drafted. The replica of the Athenian trireme 'Olympias' had a draft of only 1.1 m.97

Returning to the trade vessels of the Late Period, there is important evidence from the Persian era — the Ahiqar scroll98 — that contains a list of foreign ships that passed through an unnamed port on the Delta, most probably Thonis-Heracleion.99 There are two major groups of ships on the list: the 'small' ships had a tonnage of about 40 tonnes and the 'large' ones about 60 tonnes.100 Here again one is dealing with relatively small merchant ships that could easily come upriver on their own.101

As far as the *barides* of Thonis-Heracleion were concerned, their construction strongly indicates a river origin of this type, which probably had a fluvio-maritime designation.102 If the assumption of the hull's form from Ship 17 is correct, they were well-adapted to navigation within the estuary but were not particularly seaworthy.

It has been suggested that these ships could have belonged to the temple fleet.103 Several possibilities can be proposed for their use: either they were involved in the trans-shipment of goods from the larger seagoing vessels that could not enter Thonis-Heracleion because of their considerable draft, or they transported goods from Heracleion up the river, or, finally, both. The absence of a deck would have been a definite advantage for rapid trans-shipment.

In my opinion, the question of trans-shipment at Heracleion is not as unambiguous as it is sometimes assumed to be.104 There are too many parameters involved for us to be certain: the tonnage of the ship, the nature of her cargo, seasonality and meteorological conditions, etc. Some of the seagoing ships continued their journey upriver on their

97 Morrison 1996, 345; Morrison et al. 2000, 156.

98 See note 80.

99 Höckmann, 110.

100 Briant and Descat 1998, 68. See also Nantet 2016, 575.

101 According to Wilson 2011 (39, note 27) 'ships of less than 75 tons were common throughout the Roman period as they were before and afterwards' [the long ton of 1016 kg is used — AB].

102 Arnaud 2015b, 116.

103 Robinson 2015, 222, 291, note 51.

104 Cf Höckmann 2008–2009, 83; Villing 2015, 231.

own while others needed trans-shipment to the river-faring craft. It was only the question of tonnage and draft: as evidenced by Herodotus (2.179, see above) it was sometimes difficult to navigate around the Delta due to the contrary winds. On the other hand, the Delta often had calm waters, and that could also have necessitated trans-shipment.105

### Bibliography

#### Literary Sources

Achilles Tatius, *Leucippe and Clitophon*.

Diodorus Siculus, *Bibliotheca Historica*.

Heliodorus, *Aethiopica*.

Herodotus, *Historiae*.

Thucydides, *History of the Peloponnesian War*.

#### Secondary Sources

105 Cooper 2012a, 26. 'The warming land often generated land breezes that cancelled out the prevailing northwesterlies blowing in off the Mediterranean Sea, resulting in frequent calms that left Nile boats facing a strong current with no supporting wind. Even when the sea breezes broke through, Delta channels were not always oriented in a way that enabled navigators to take advantage of them. The combined result of all these factors was hard labour for Nile navigators.'

Basch, L. 1985. 'Anchors in Egypt.' *Mariners Mirroir* 71: 453–67.

(ISBSA 12 — Istanbul 2009), edited by N. Günsenin: 7–15. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları.

### Chapter 2

### Chapter 3

### Chapter 5

### Chapter 6

## Index

Achaeans 13, 57 Actium 59, 67–68 Aegean Sea 2, 6, 13, 78, 85 Ahiqar scroll 109 Albenga 39, 83 Alexander the Great 55, 59 Alexandrian Empire 28 Alexandria 3, 13, 78, 81, 91, 108 al-Itritus 23 Amathus 18 Ammochostos 18 amphorae 2–3, 29, 84 anchorage 23 Ancient Egyptian 91, 93, 96, 98–100 Ancient period 11, 56, 64, 91, 93, 96–100, 107 Antikythera 77, 83, 85 Antiquity xii, 66, 97, 102, 105 Antirhodos 84 Apelles xv, 55, 59, 65 Aphrodite 13–14, 24 Apollonia 2, 77 archaeology xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, 2–3, 5–6, 40, 78, 83, 96, 98 Archaic Greek xiii Archaic period xi, xii, xiii, 1, 13, 29, 75 Archimedes 28 Aristonothos krater 61 Arnaud, Pascal xiv, 78, 108 Arsinoe 18 Asia Minor 6, 13 Athenaeus 63–64 Athenian xvi, 58, 109 Athens xvi, 58–59, 62, 65–67, 80

Athlit ram 62 Attic works 61 axial frame 29 Ayia Napa 5 Ayn Sukhna 102, 105 Baie de Briande 39, 46 *baris* xiv, xv, 6, 91, 93–95, 98–100, 103 basin 14, 80 Bay of Abukir 91 Berenice 63 Berenike II 62 Bon-Porté 40, 45 bow 30, 62–63, 68, 96 Bozburun 47 breakwaters 14 Bronze Age 46 Caesar 1 41 Caesarea 84 Cala Sant Vicenç 40 Cap Bénat 84 Cape Greco 24 Cape Pedalion 24 cargo 3–4, 81, 83–84, 86 Cavalière 39 Caveaux I 39, 46 ceramics 60–61 Chest of Kypselos 57 Chrétienne A 39, 46 Cicero 66–67 city xi, 1, 14, 17–18, 56, 62, 84, 86, 91–92, 97, 106 Classical antiquity xii Classical period xii, xiii, xv, 1–2, 11, 28, 76, 80

Claudius, emperor 59, 68 Clearchus 12 climatology 20 closed harbour 14 coins xv, 62–63 commerce xii, 3, 6 Cyclades, the xvi Cyprus xii, xv, 5–6, 11–14, 16, 18, 20, 23–24 Darius I 57 data xiv, xv, 1–3, 6, 17, 20–21, 84, 91 decoration xv, xvi, 60, 62, 64, 68 Delphi 57 Delta 94–95, 97, 100, 102, 105–106, 109–110 Demetrios Poliorcetes 28, 63 Demosthenes 12 Diodorus Siculus 12 Dioscorides 12 Dramont A 39 economy xi, xii, xiii, xvi, 1, 4, 75, 80, 105 economic growth xi, xii Egypt xiv, xv, 6, 13, 80, 83, 91, 95, 97, 102, 106 Egyptian xiv, 6, 60, 91, 93–94, 96, 98–100, 103 Eighteenth Dynasty xiv, 93 Ephesus 3 Ephorus 12 Ethiopians 13 Euripides xvi, 61, 63 *Iphigenia in Aulis* xvi, 61 Fifth Dynasty 102 Flavius Josephus 12 framing xiii, 27, 29–30, 45, 47 freighter xiv, 93 Gaule 84 Gaussian xii Gela 1 41 Gela 2 43 Geometric period 60–61

Giens peninsula 32 gifts 81 Giglio 40 Goddio, Frank xiv grain xv, 28, 78, 80–86 Grand Congloué 39 Grand Ribaud F 41 Greco-Roman 27, 32, 40, 46 Greece 83, 92 Greek xiii, xv, 1, 27, 29, 40, 45–46, 56–58, 60, 62, 65, 67, 93, 97, 106, 108 harbour xiv, 3, 13–14, 16–18, 20, 23, 25, 56, 63, 75, 79–80, 84–85, 91, 96–98 secondary harbours 3 heavy freight xiii heavy goods 82 Helios 63 Hellenistic period xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 1–6, 11, 13–14, 25, 27–29, 31–32, 35, 39, 43, 45–47, 49, 55–56, 62, 67–68, 75–77, 80–83, 85–86, 108 Heracleion xiv, 6, 91–100, 103–104, 106–109 Heraclides of Macedon 67 Herodotus xiv, xv, 12, 57, 91, 93–95, 102–103, 105, 110 *Historia* 91 *Historiae* 93 Hesiod 56 Hiero II of Syracuse 28, 64, 81, 85 Hippolytus 17 *Chronicle* 17 Homer 13–14, 16, 57, 61 *Iliad* 13, 56 *Odyssey* 13, 56 hull xiv, xvi, 2–3, 27–28, 31, 39, 43, 45–46, 84, 91, 93, 98–101, 103, 109 Hydra 5 Imperial period xi, xiii, 86 Isis 62 Isocrates 12 Italy 84

itineraries 16–17, 20 Jules-Verne 7 41 Jules-Verne 9 40 Juvenal 66–67 Kargaia 17 Karpaseia 18 Keay, Simon xiv keel xiii, xiv, 27, 29–30, 36, 43, 46–47, 63, 93–94, 98, 105–106 keelson xiii, 27, 29, 47 Keos xvi *kerkouroi* 78, 80, 108 Keryneia 17 Kızılburun 77, 83 Knidos xv, 58 Kouriakos 17 Kourion 23 Kyrenia 2, 31, 39, 43, 45, 77, 108 landmarks 11, 23 Lapathos 17 Late Period 91–92, 97, 106, 109 Latin 66–67 Libya 2 Libyan 13 literary sources xv, 6, 56 Low Aswan Dam 105 luxury goods xiii Lysippos 59 Ma'agan Mikhael 2, 43 Madrague de Giens 32, 36, 39, 46–47, 49, 83–84 Mahdia 39, 78, 83, 85 Mandrokles of Samos 57 manuscript 11, 17, 25 Marathon 58 marble 68, 83, 86 Marsala 31, 39, 64 Massinissa 81 mast 27, 29, 31, 45, 47, 96, 103–104 Mediterranean xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xvi, 1–6, 11, 13, 27–29, 46–47, 56, 75–78, 80–81, 83, 85–86, 98, 108

ancient Mediterranean xi, 29, 56 Eastern Mediterranean xii, 4–6, 11, 13, 28, 47, 75–77, 80–81, 83, 85 Western Mediterranean 4, 47, 77, 80–81, 83 Melabron 18 Memphis 106, 108–109 Menander 12 merchandise 3, 75, 81 Mersa Gawasis 105 Mikon 58 Misenum 56, 64 mortise and tenon 29 Naples 85 Naucratis 63, 95, 106, 108 Nautical Instructions 13 navigation xiv, xv, 3–4, 6, 11–12, 17–18, 20–21, 56, 91, 94, 96, 98, 100–102, 107, 109 Nealkes of Sicyon 60 New Kingdom 94 Nicias 59 Nicosia xii, 5 Nile xiv, 6, 60, 63, 78, 83, 91–92, 94–98, 100–103, 105, 107–109 Canopic branch xiv, 91–92, 108 Nilotic xv, 93, 97, 102 Upper Nile 98, 103 Old Kingdom 99 Olympia 57–58 Orientalizing ceramics 61 Ostia 49, 107 Ostia Antica 49 Ottoman 23 Ovid 67 Pabuc Burnu 40 painters xv, 55–56, 59–60, 65–68 Paphos 13–14, 17 papyri xiv, 78, 80, 83, 87, 93–94 papyrological 6, 83 Parker, Anthony J. xii, 2 Parrhasios 58 Pausanias 57–58

Persian 60, 108–109 Phaeacians 56 Phaselis 62–63 Philip II 59 Philostratus 59–60 Phoenicia xiii, 13 Phoenician 27, 58 Phoenico-Punic 27, 46 pictorial tradition xv Piraeus 3 Plane I 39, 46 planking xiii, 27, 29–31, 35, 41, 43, 45, 93–94, 99, 105–106 Plato 12 Pliny xv, 55–56, 59, 64–66 Pointe de Pomègues 39, 46 *polis* 1 Polybius 12 Polygnotus of Thasos 57 ports xiv, xvi, 13, 16, 78, 95–96, 106–107, 109 Portus Romae xiv Pozzuoli 3 Propylaea 66 Protogenes of Kaunos xv, 55–56, 65–67 prow xiv, xvi Ptolemaic 78, 83, 91, 94, 97 Ptolemy I 63 Ptolemy III 85 Ptolemy II Philopator 63 Ptolemy IV Philopator 28 Punic 27–29, 31–32, 46 quadriremes 28 quinqueremes 28 Rhodes 3, 12, 65 Rod el-Air 102 Roman xiii, xiv, 13, 27–29, 32, 40, 46–47, 49, 67–68, 75, 80–84 Roman Republic 27, 29 Rome 59, 67, 76, 80–81, 84, 86 routes xiv, xv, 3, 6, 11–13, 16–17, 20, 23, 75, 83–84

maritime routes 3, 6, 11–13, 16–17, 23 sailors xiii, 13, 16, 20, 25, 57, 62 Salamis 58–59, 63 salinity 105 Samothrace 63, 66 science xii, 57 sea routes xv Sediment Profile Imaging (SSPI) 96 sewn ships xiii shell-first xiii Ship 17 xiv, 6, 93–94, 98–101, 103–106, 109 Ship 43 96, 98 ship archaeologists 5 shipbuilding xii, xiii, xiv, 4, 6, 27–29, 31–32, 39–40, 45, 47, 80, 98 ship painter xv, 55–56, 65, 68 shipworms 105 shipwreck xii, xiii, xiv, xvi, 1–4, 6, 28, 31–32, 36, 39–41, 43, 45–47, 59, 64, 66, 76–78, 80, 83–85, 92 Sinai Peninsula 102 Sixth Dynasty 102 slavery xi, 84 Smyrna 65 *Stadiasmus maris Magni* xv, 12–14, 16–18, 20–21, 23–24 stern xvi, 29–30, 35–36, 63 stitching xiii Stoa Poikile 58 Stockholm xvi stone 75, 81–82, 84–86, 96–97 Strabo xv, 12–14, 16–18, 20–21, 23–24, 84 *Geography* 12–14, 16, 21, 23 summer xv, 11, 18, 20 Swedish xvi Syracuse xvi, 28 *Syracusia* 28, 31, 36, 84 technology xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 75, 85 technological change xiv tenon and mortise xiii, 6

Thalamegos 63

#### *Index 127*

Thasos 57, 79–80, 85 Themetra 49 Theodotus 65 Theopompus 12 Theoros 59 Thonis-Heracleion xiv, 6, 91–93, 95, 103–104, 106–109 Thucydides xvi, 12, 109 Tiber river 107 Timosthenes of Rhodes 12 Titan 39 tonnage xii, xiii, xiv, 6, 28, 34, 46, 75–86, 94, 99, 108–110 trade xii, 1–4, 28, 47, 59, 75, 84–85, 92, 95, 97, 109 maritime trade xii, 3, 6, 75, 84, 97 trade relations xii trade routes 3 Tretous 23 Triopion xv triple harbour 14, 17 trireme 28, 46, 109 Trojans 57

Trojan War 57, 59 Tropis conferences 4–5 Tunisia 49 Twenty-seventh Dynasty 109 Vasa xvi Vasa Museum xvi vase xv Villeneuve-Bargemon 1 41 weather 17–18, 20–21, 101 wheat xv, 28, 75, 81, 83, 85–86 winds xv, 11, 14, 17–18, 20, 23, 25, 65, 94–95, 110 wine xiii, xiv, 29, 31, 43, 46, 75, 81–82, 84, 86 wine-glass profile xiii, 29 winter xv, 11, 18, 20, 108 Xenophon 12 Yassiada 1 28, 47 Zeus 58–59

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## **Sailing from Polis to Empire**

**Ships in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Hellenistic Period**

## **EDITED BY EMMANUEL NANTET WITH A PREFACE BY ALAIN BRESSON**

**What can the architecture of ancient ships tell us about their capacity to carry cargo or to navigate certain trade routes? How do such insights inform our knowledge of the ancient economies that depended on mari� me trade across the Mediterranean?**

**These and similar ques� ons lie behind** *Sailing from Polis to Empire***, a fascina� ng insight into the prac� cali� es of trading by boat in the ancient world. Allying modern scien� fi c knowledge with Hellenis� c sources, this interdisciplinary collec� on brings together experts in various fi elds of ship archaeology to shed new light on the role played by ships and sailing in the exchange networks of the Mediterranean. Covering all parts of the Eastern Mediterranean, these outstanding contribu� ons delve into a broad array of data – literary, epigraphical, papyrological, iconographic and archaeological – to understand the trade routes that connected the economies of individual ci� es and kingdoms.**

**Unique in its interdisciplinary approach and focus on the Hellenis� c period, this collec� on digs into the ques� ons that others don't think to ask, and comes up with (some� mes surprising) answers. It will be of value to researchers in the fi elds of naval architecture, Classical and Hellenis� c history, social history and ancient geography, and to all those with an interest in the ancient world or the seafaring life.**

Emmanuel Nantet is a lecturer at the Department of Mari� me Civiliza� ons and a member of the Leon Recana� Ins� tute for Mari� me Studies (University of Haifa). He is also an associated member of the Research Center in Archaeology, Archaeosciences and History (UMR 6566, Le Mans University). He has carried out underwater excava� ons on a Roman shipwreck in Caesarea, Israel, and on several sites in Port-Vendres, France.

As with all Open Book publica� ons, this en� re book is available to read for free on the publisher's website. Printed and digital edi� ons, together with supplementary digital material, can also be found at www.openbookpublishers.com

*Cover image: Drawing by Dominique Carlini, all rights reserved. Cover design by Anna Gat*

**OBP**

**EMMANUEL NANTET (ED.) SAILING**

**FROM POLIS**

**TO EMPIRE**

**EDITED BY EMMANUEL NANTET**

**Sailing from Polis to Empire**

**Ships in the Eastern Mediterranean**

**during the Hellenistic Period**

**WITH A PREFACE BY ALAIN BRESSON**


**Conflict of interest**

*Peptide Synthesis*

**Figure 9.**

*not drawn to scale or exact structure.*

Additionally, when functionalizing the material's surface with different reactive groups as seen in **Figure 8**, the orientation of immobilized AMPs can be controlled using chemo-selective (i.e., directed immobilization) coupling reactions. In general, 1-ethyl-3-(3-dimethylaminopropyl)carbodiimide (EDC) and N-hydroxysuccinimide (NHS) are found to be widely used as activating agents for the coupling of peptides to numerous functional groups by forming amides, which

*Schematic of spacer-incorporated immobilized AMPs, showing stiff spacers (left) and flexible spacers (right);*

Although orientation can be partly controlled with the use of chemo-selective coupling agents, they often do not add enough mobility to increase the probability of membrane permeabilization or polarization. In order to improve the mobility and subsequent activity of AMPs, the use of spacers is found to be useful. As shown in **Figure 9**, there are two types of spacers, stiff and flexible spacers. Stiff spacers (e.g., polyvinyl chloride or polymethyl methacrylate) allow the increase of reach and thus might allow membrane permeabilization, but will restrict sideways mobility by keeping the AMPs pointing in a specific orientation [98]. Flexible spacers such as polyethylene glycol (PEG) also allow the increase of reach and are able to allow sideways mobility; however, orientation cannot be determined due to their

However, even if the peptide was linked to a PEG spacer, the random orientation of an immobilized AMP through its C-terminus is found to result in the loss of antimicrobial activity [97]. However, the oriented immobilization of the same AMP through its N-terminus is found to restore the antimicrobial activity. It has also been suggested that the water-swelling property of PEG aids in maintaining the activity of immobilized peptides [108]. Additionally, in the absence of the PEG spacer, the AMP did not show antimicrobial activity. Nevertheless, the utilization of PEG as a spacer is found to present numerous advantages, as it can create non-adhesive surfaces due to its non-fouling characteristics (i.e., inhibition of microorganisms binding to the material surface) [108]. Lastly, the solubility and stability of peptides, against protease digestion or peptide aggregation, can be improved with the use of a spacer [107, 109, 110]. These previously mentioned factors show yet again the complexity of the factors on influencing the antimicrobial activity of immobi-

AMPs are demonstrated to show antimicrobial activity at relatively low concentrations, without damaging mammalian cells, being able to utilize several mechanisms against numerous microorganisms similar to defensins in the human body. Immobilization of AMPs improves their lifespan, preserves the mode of action and does not seem to influence the mechanism on the biological level; however, they

inhibit the formation of carboxylic salts with an amine [98, 106].

*4.1.2 Spacer-incorporated immobilized AMPs*

flexible chains [107].

**56**

lized AMPs.

**5. Conclusions**

The authors certify that they have NO affiliations with or involvement in any organization or entity with any financial interest (such as honoraria; educational grants; participation in speakers' bureaus; membership, or other equity interest; and expert testimony or patent-licensing arrangements) in the subject matter or materials discussed in this chapter.


**1.1 Disaster and relief**

Natural disasters pose a great threat to human lives and property in all aspects. The frequency, intensity, and severity of disasters, are in a fast-growing trend year by year. According to the World Disasters Report (2018) of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), a decade's number of 3751 disasters triggered by natural hazards had affected 2 billion people and estimated \$1658 billion cost of damages. Floods, earthquakes, storms, tsunamis, wildfires, volcanic eruptions, and landslides are on the list of most common natural disasters over the last ten years (2008–2017). Some of them occur frequently in a year, such as floods (average 152) and storms (average 101), while some are not that frequent but extremely deadly, such as earthquakes (average 30) that caused 351,968 deaths and some 49% of the total [1]. There has been a big increase in the number of responses to disasters this decade. Alone with this situation, a large amount of disaster rescue and relief supplies has experienced tremendous growth, particularly in those major disasters such as forest fire, earthquake, typhoon, and floods.

Disaster relief supplies (DRS), including life necessities (e.g., food and drinks), living security items (e.g., clothes and shelters), medical supplies (e.g., medicines and healthcare products), and life-saving tools and equipment (digging tools, emergency lights, and large equipment), in response to disasters and crisis, play critical roles in saving lives and reconstructing communities in all recovering stages. Different supplies have different characteristics in terms of material lifetime and demand urgency and therefore need different management mechanisms. First, the demand for DRS is unpredictable due to the unexpected event at unexpected locations in most of the situations. Second, the amount, type, and emergency of demand are highly uncertain due to the different damage levels and geographic conditions. Third, the timely efficiency of the availability and delivery of DRS is extremely important in the relief process. Lastly, the demand and supply of these materials and equipment are mandatory and have strong social value. Furthermore, due to the low economic or market value of DRS, government agencies are responsible for the collection, purchasing, storing, delivery, and coordination of materials most of the time and situations.

#### **1.2 Disaster relief supply management**

DRS have different properties and thus are normally stored and managed in different ways. Under the central government regulations, there are typically two different management DRS management systems, centralized or decentralized, covering a country [2]. In a centralized system, such as that in China, DRS are properly arranged in different governmental levels and integrated by the central government level. A decentralized system, such as that in the US, DRS are physically handled at the state level.

In terms of material items, different supplies are held in different places. The immediate life necessities and living security items, including food, drink, basic digging tools, and simple clothes and shelters are normally stored in grassroots level facilities. These materials are of low value but have crucial importance in the initial rescuing period. Medical supplies, including medicines, dressing, first aids, surgical supports, are kept in the local hospitals and clinics. These supplies are vital in the first few days of life-saving and pain relief and need to be available in time. Other expensive medicines, surgical equipment, and special tools are available, and most of them are in actual daily uses, in large hospitals in large towns and cities. Large life-saving mechanical tools, equipment, and transportation modes are stored in the main facilities. These storages are all integrated into a largely complete network covering a whole region or a country.

Because of the uncertainty and emergency of disaster events, the demand for DRS usually cannot be satisfied by the prepositioned supplies in almost all cases. In these situations, private sectors, including non-government organizations (NGO), industrial organizations, and international organizations, collect and coordinate a large number of supplies. These supplies are planned and prepared by government agencies or obtained from all aspects of donations with various types, different amounts, and diversified conditions. They could be stored in anywhere of the country, nearby or far away. To properly manage these supplies is never an easy and simple task.

#### **1.3 Management issues**

Since the DRS are of much different market values, high uncertainty of demand time and amount, and involve multiple operations players, following management issues are frequently observed in rescue and relief practices.

**177**

and the 2011 Tohoku earthquake.

*Disaster Relief Supply Management*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.94008*

1.The basic DRS of living necessities and first hand rescuing tools stored in the first line local warehouses are of low market value. They are prepared by government agencies and managed by grassroots staff.  This implies that the daily management operations are not in a professional and even a bureaucratic manner. For instance, tons of bags of rice and flour were found expired and deteriorated in the warehouses of some affected towns several years after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake due to the lack of regular monitory and management. It is hard to have these grassroots organizations efficiently coordinated with other organizations to provide support for the first time.

2.The time efficiency of disaster relief operations is extremely important, but the operations capability is usually very limited, particularly in those suddenonset disasters such as earthquakes, forest fires, or tsunami. The 2008 Sichuan earthquake in China lasted for less than a few minutes but took away around 70,000 lives, hundreds of thousands injured and a million houses crashed. Even it is possible to forecast some disasters such as typhoons and hurricanes, the precise information about the development and impact levels are hard to be obtained. Therefore, it is difficult to prepare the time availability of DRS.

3.The high uncertainties of disaster determine that the information about the timing, location, damage assessment, relief demand, and resource availability is limited, inaccurate, hysteretic, and even confusing. Besides, the demand is ever-changing due to the changing disaster environment, such as secondary disasters and volunteer coordination. Within 48 hours after the Sichuan earthquake in 2008 China, the number of rescue workers and volunteers surging into the earthquake centre town was four times more than the affected residents. Heavy rains and continuous aftershocks largely accelerated the running out of food and water. Also, broken infrastructure, limited professional manpower, poor communication, weak coordination, and unanticipated natural

conditions together make the resource allocation extremely difficult.

4.Multiple relief sectors are always involved with complex coordination issues, particularly in the large natural disaster. Disaster relief operations involve thousands of converging supply chains to be coordinated in the rescuing and relief processes. However, it is often observed that these participants are too smart to be coordinated but want to be the coordinator. Many volunteers are keen to work in the sites exposed by major media, while the urgent needs in corners are often overlooked. Inefficiencies, duplications, and overlap in the management of DRS in the sites are frequently caused by poor information communication, unprofessional operations, or even language understanding. Furthermore, the scarcity of resources also poses inevitable allocation guideline issues about racial, class, ethical, and moral implications [3]. Furthermore, it is often confusing in rules, regulations, and other legal issues about social welfare in a life and death situation [4]. Poor coordination reduces the delivery time efficiency, pushes up the inventory and transportation cost, and results in huge economic and environmental waste. The phenomena are witnessed in almost all disasters like the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 2010 Haiti earthquake,

5.A disaster, such as an earthquake, flood, or tsunami, occurs once for years, without any regular pattern or warning signal. But once it happens, particularly in the early response periods, a large number of people and money are


**5.2 Fetal aortic valve stenosis and HLHS**

A group of fetuses with aortic valve stenosis with dilated or normal-sized left ventricles in mid-gestation were found to develop into HLHS [42, 43]. In this group of patients, the aortic stenosis in the developing heart resulted in left ventricular dysfunction, myocardial damage, and decreased left ventricular flow which led to HLHS after birth [43, 44]. However, after successful aortic valvuloplasty for aortic stenosis in human fetus, some patients did not have an improvement in their left ventricle growth and ended up with single ventricle palliation [42]. Therefore, intrinsic defects of left ventricular cardiomyocytes cannot be excluded.


*Edited by Luis Rodrigo Saez*

Pancreatitis may be acute or chronic. Although they can be caused by similar aetiologies, they tend to follow distinct natural histories. Around 80% of acute pancreatitis (AP) diagnoses occur as secondary to gallstone disease and alcohol misuse. This disease is commonly associated with the sudden onset of upper abdominal that is usually severe enough to warrant the patient seeking urgent medical attention. Overall, 10 to 25% of AP episodes are classified as severe, leading to an associated mortality rate of 7 to 30%. Treatment is conservative and consists of general medical support performed by experienced teams, sometimes in ICUs. Although most cases of acute pancreatitis are uncomplicated and resolve spontaneously, the presence of complications has significant prognostic importance. Necrosis, hemorrhage, and infection convey rates of up to 25%, 50%, and 80% mortality, respectively. Other complications such as pseudocyst formation, pseudoaneurysm formation, or venous thrombosis increase morbidity and mortality to a lesser degree. The presence of pancreatic infection must be avoided.

ISBN 978-953-51-0109-3

Pancreatitis - Treatment and Complications

Photo bykjolak / Depositphotos

### Pancreatitis Treatment and Complications

*Edited by Luis Rodrigo Saez*

**PANCREATITIS –**

**TREATMENT AND**

**COMPLICATIONS**

Edited by **Luis Rodrigo Saez**

**INTECHOPEN.COM**


**1. Introduction**

Flow around a bluff body is one of the basic subjects in fluid mechanics, because it contains not only fundamentally important problems (such as forces acting on the body, transition to turbulence, acoustics, etc.), but also a variety of practical problems (such as structural design of buildings, trains, etc.). In many engineering applications, objects often appear in the wake of an obstacle. When an obstacle is in the wake of another, the flow structure tends to be complex and differs from that of single obstacle.

Flow past two circular or rectangular cylinders in a tandem arrangement is the simplified case of the flow past an array of cylinders and has received increasing attention [1–8]. Liu and Chen [4] and Inoue and Mori [5] showed that two different flow patterns appear depending on the space between the cylinders. When the

spacing is small, the shear layer separated from the upstream cylinder does not roll up to form vortices but reattaches to the downstream of the cylinder, and the vortices are shed from the downstream only, and this flow pattern is called *Mode I*. When the spacing is large, the shear layer separated from the upstream cylinder rolls up and forms vortices in front of the downstream of the cylinder, and the rollup vortices impinge on the downstream cylinder (body-vortex interaction, BVI, wake-body interaction), and this flow pattern is called *Mode II*. Furthermore, Inoue and Mori [5] showed that in *Mode I,* the sound is generated only by the vortex shedding of the downstream cylinder, and in *Mode II,* the sound and strong pressure fluctuation around the downstream cylinder are generated mainly by BVI. The magnitude of the generated sound is much larger in *Mode II* than both *Mode I* and the single cylinder.

The airfoil-airfoil model (airfoils in tandem) is also a typical model for the wakebody interaction or body-vortex interaction (BVI). Liu et al. [22–23] performed the measurements to understand the effect of using serration on the aerodynamic and acoustic performance of airfoils in tandem. They studied the wake development, static pressure distributions, and surface pressure fluctuations in detail for a cambered NACA 65-710 airfoil with and without the serration. They showed that the

In this chapter, we simulate the flow around the rod-airfoil model and the noise generated by the wake-body interaction or body-vortex interaction for the cases of *L/d* = 2 and 10 at a Reynolds number based on the rod diameter (*d =* 6 mm) 28,800 (288,000 based on the airfoil chord, *c*) by the coupling method using commercial CFD and acoustic BEM codes in which the acoustic sources are solved in the CFD code and the acoustic field is solved by means of BEM, and compare the results with those obtained by Jacob et al. [9] and Jiang et al. [21]. Then, we simulate the flow around the airfoil-airfoil model (airfoils in tandem) and the noise generation and propagation for the cases of *L/c* = 0.2, 0.6, and 1 at a Reynolds number based on the airfoil chord (*c =* 60 mm) 288,000, and compare the results with those for the

A schematic diagram of the flow model is presented in **Figure 1**. The origin is at the leading edge of the airfoil. The coordinates parallel and normal to the free stream are denoted by *x* and *y,* respectively. The coordinate in the spanwise direction is denoted by *z*. The symbol *L* denotes the spacing between the rod and the airfoil. The lengths are made dimensionless by the rod diameter *d* and the velocity is scaled by the speed of sound *c*∞*.* The normalized spacing *L/d* is prescribed to be 2 and 10. The Mach number, *M*, of a uniform flow is defined by *M* = *U*∞*/c*∞, where *U*∞ denotes the velocity of the uniform flow. In this chapter, the Reynolds number is fixed to be *Red* = 28,800 or *Rec* = 288,000, and those are based on the rod diameter and the airfoil chord *c*, respectively. The spanwise length of the rod and the airfoil is 3*d*.

A schematic diagram of the flow model is presented in **Figure 2**. The origin is at

the leading edge of the downstream airfoil. The normalized spacing *L/c* is

*Schematic diagram of rod-airfoil model. (a) Rod-airfoil model; (b) parameters.*

noise is reduced in the case that the upstream airfoil is with the serration.

*Wake-Body Interaction Noise Simulated by the Coupling Method Using CFD and BEM*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92783*

rod-airfoil model.

**2. Analysis model**

**2.1 Rod-airfoil flow model**

**2.2 Airfoil-airfoil flow model**

**Figure 1.**

**123**

Since a *von Karman* vortex street can be regarded as a gust impinging on the obstacle or blade, a rod-airfoil model is another typical one for the study of the body (blade) vortex interaction or wake-body interaction. In this model, a rod is immersed upstream of the blade or airfoil, the wake formed behind the rod interacts with the leading edge of the blade or airfoil. Many studies concerned with the rodairfoil model have been done both experimentally and numerically [9–21]. Jacob et al. [9] measured the flow field of the rod-NACA0012 airfoil model at the fixed spacing between the rod and the airfoil with varying the inflow velocity, and also measured the far field radiated noise spectra that are generated mainly by the bodywake interaction. They also performed numerical calculations using the Reynoldsaveraged Navier-Stokes (RANS) and the large eddy simulation (LES) approaches and compared numerical results with the measured data. Munekata et al. [10–11] measured the flow field of the rod-airfoil model to research the effects of the spacing between the rod (cylinder) and the airfoil and the characteristics of the flow-induced sound generated by the flow around rod-airfoil. They showed that the roll up of the shear layer separated from the upstream rod is suppressed when the spacing between the rod and the airfoil is small, and the interaction between the wake from the rod upstream and the airfoil downstream becomes weak and it results in decreasing the level of the noise radiation. They also showed that the attack angle of the airfoil located downstream affects the characteristics of the flowinduced sound and wake structure at a given spacing between the rod and the airfoil, and the generated sound pressure decreases with the increase of the attack angle of the airfoil. Li et al. [12] performed the experiments of the body-wake interaction noise radiated from the flow around the rod-airfoil model by focusing on the noise control using "air blowing" on the upstream rod and a soft-vane leading edge on the airfoil. Numerical investigations by using the RANS approach have been done by Casalino et al. [13], Jacob et al. [9] and Jiang et al. [14], and those by using the LES approach have been done by Casalino et al. [13], Magagnato et al. [15], Boudet et al. [16], Jacob et al. [9], Greschner et al. [17], Agrawal and Sharma [18], Giret et al. [19], Daude et al. [20], and Jiang et al. [21]. Jiang et al. [21] performed LES simulations of the flow around the rod-airfoil for the inflow velocity *U*∞ *=* 72 m/s and a Reynolds number based on the rod diameter (*d*) 48,000 (480,000 based on the airfoil chord, *c*) to clarify the flow patterns, velocity and pressure fluctuations, and noise radiation with varying the spacing between the rod and airfoil. They varied the spacing between the rod and the airfoil, such as *L/d* = 2, 4, 6, 8, and 10. They showed that when the spacing is small (*L/d =* 2), the vortex shedding of the rod upstream, the pressure fluctuation, and the noise radiation are suppressed as shown by Munekata et al. [10–11] and when the spacing is large (*L/d* = 6, 10), the pressure fluctuation, the noise radiation, and the fluid resonant oscillation due to the feedback loop between the rod and the airfoil become stronger.

*Wake-Body Interaction Noise Simulated by the Coupling Method Using CFD and BEM DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92783*

The airfoil-airfoil model (airfoils in tandem) is also a typical model for the wakebody interaction or body-vortex interaction (BVI). Liu et al. [22–23] performed the measurements to understand the effect of using serration on the aerodynamic and acoustic performance of airfoils in tandem. They studied the wake development, static pressure distributions, and surface pressure fluctuations in detail for a cambered NACA 65-710 airfoil with and without the serration. They showed that the noise is reduced in the case that the upstream airfoil is with the serration.

In this chapter, we simulate the flow around the rod-airfoil model and the noise generated by the wake-body interaction or body-vortex interaction for the cases of *L/d* = 2 and 10 at a Reynolds number based on the rod diameter (*d =* 6 mm) 28,800 (288,000 based on the airfoil chord, *c*) by the coupling method using commercial CFD and acoustic BEM codes in which the acoustic sources are solved in the CFD code and the acoustic field is solved by means of BEM, and compare the results with those obtained by Jacob et al. [9] and Jiang et al. [21]. Then, we simulate the flow around the airfoil-airfoil model (airfoils in tandem) and the noise generation and propagation for the cases of *L/c* = 0.2, 0.6, and 1 at a Reynolds number based on the airfoil chord (*c =* 60 mm) 288,000, and compare the results with those for the rod-airfoil model.


**3. Real-time quantitative Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) for TNF**-**α, Ang II and AT1R**

To investigate the expression of TNF–α mRNA, Ang II and AT1R real-time PCR (BC living creature technique company, Shanghai, China) was performed with the Opticon real-time PCR machine (FX scientific research Inc. Shanghai, China). Briefly, total RNA was extracted from renal tissues. All of the RNA samples were treated with the RNase-free DNase I (GIBCO BRC Inc, Shanghai, China) before the RT-PCR. Real-time quantitative one-step RT-PCR assay was performed to quantify mRNA using real-time PCR machine (FX scientific research Inc. Shanghai, China). The primers used for real-time RT-PCR were as follows: TNF-a: forward 5'-CTCATTCCCGCTCGTGG-3' reverse 3'-CGTTTGGTGGTTCGTCTCC- 5';

Immunostaining of NF-κb (Sigma) in renal tissue sections was performed using the streptavidin–biotinylated peroxidase complex (SABC) method. The tissue specimens were divided into thin sections (4-µm thick) that were then deparaffinized. The sections were washed three times with distilled water for 5 min. The sections were treated with Protease K (Try box produced by BSD living creature technique company of Wuhan) in distilled water at 37°C for 15 min, and washed three times with PBS for 10 min. Endogenous peroxidase activity was blocked by incubating the sections with 0.3% H2O2 in methanol for 20 min at room temperature. The sections were washed three times with PBS for 5 min. The sections were incubated with 10% rabbit serum at 37°C for 60 min to reduce the non-specific background staining, and washed three times with PBS for 5 min. Then, the sections were incubated with a monoclonal anti- NF-κb antibody (7 µg/ml) dissolved in PBS containing 3% BSA and 0.1% NaN3 at 4°C overnight, and washed three times with PBS for 10 min; followed by incubation with a biotinylated rabbit antibody against mouse IgG+IgA+IgM (10 µg/ml) at 37°C for 40 min. The sections were washed three times with PBS for 5 min, and then incubated with peroxidase-labelled streptavidin at 37°C for 30 min. After washing three times with PBS for 10 min, the reaction was completed by the addition of diaminobenzidine–H2O2 solution for 15 min, and washed three times with distilled water

The primary anti- NF-κb antibody (1 : 100) was incubated with NF-κb (10 mg/ml) at 4°C overnight. After centrifuging the mixture at 10,000xg for 30 min, the supernatant was used as negative control for the primary antibody solution followed by the usual SABC method. There was no positive staining in the renal cortex when the primary antibody was pre-

The immunostaining of NF-κb was quantified using an image analyser IMS (FUDAN university of medical science portrait examination center) by evaluating the positively stained area of the sections under the same light intensity for microscopy. The intensity of colour component for red, green or blue was graded from 0 to 256°. Areas which showed intense brown color were extracted from the microscopic fields (number of fields for each tissue sample, six fields; magnification on the display: x300) under the following conditions; red component ranging from 104 to 158°, green component from 81 to 129°, and blue

**3. Real-time quantitative Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) for TNF**-**α, Ang II**

To investigate the expression of TNF–α mRNA, Ang II and AT1R real-time PCR (BC living creature technique company, Shanghai, China) was performed with the Opticon real-time PCR machine (FX scientific research Inc. Shanghai, China). Briefly, total RNA was extracted from renal tissues. All of the RNA samples were treated with the RNase-free DNase I (GIBCO BRC Inc, Shanghai, China) before the RT-PCR. Real-time quantitative one-step RT-PCR assay was performed to quantify mRNA using real-time PCR machine (FX scientific research Inc. Shanghai, China). The primers used for real-time RT-PCR were as follows: TNF-a: forward 5'-CTCATTCCCGCTCGTGG-3' reverse 3'-CGTTTGGTGGTTCGTCTCC- 5';

for 5 min, then the slides were counter-stained with methylgreen.

**2.3 Immunohistochemical analysis**

incubated with NF-κb.

component from 70 to 123°.

**and AT1R**

AT1R: forward 5'-CTTGTTCCCTTTCCTTATC -3'reverse 3'-ACTCCACCTCACTGTCCA - 5'. Ang II : forward 5'- ACCTG CATGA GTGTT GATAGG-3' reverse 3'-ACTTCA ATATC GTCAGT AACTGGAC-5'.

Total RNA of osteoblasts was isolated by using TRIzol reagent (Invitrogen) and reverse transcription was performed follow manufacturer's manual(BioTNT, Shanghai, China). Quantitative real-time PCR, enabling the quantification of relative gene expression, was performed using SYBR green DNA binding fluorescent dye. 10 μL of QuantiTect TM SYBR Green PCR Master Mix, 4 μL of QuantiTect TM SYBR Green primer assay (osteocalcin, b-actin; all provided by BioTNT), 5 μL of RNase free water and 1 μL of cDNA (1 ng/μL) were used for one reaction. Quantitative real-time PCR was performed in triplicates with the following cycler program: 95°C 10 min, denaturation step: 95°C 15 s, annealing step: 60°C 15 s, elongation step: 72°C 30 s; dissociation: 95°C 15 s, 60°C 1min, 95°C 15 s, 40 cycles were performed in total. B-actin was taken as an endogenous standard and relative gene expression was determined using the ΔΔCt method. Gene expression was compared by setting control cultures to 1 (reference value) as indicated in the relevant figures.

Quantitative analyses of TNF, α, Ang II and AT1R expression were performed using a quantitative image analysis system (FR-2000,FR Science and technology Inc, Shanghai China). Because the pattern of expression of TNFα, Ang II and AT1R are diffuse in nature, the percentage of positive staining in the renal tissue was quantified under a ×20 power field of microscope. Briefly, up to 10 random areas of kidney with the early stage (media:intima ≥1) and advanced stage (media:intima <1) were chosen from each tissue section and examined. The examined area was outlined, the positive staining patterns were identified, and the percent positive area in the examined area was then measured. Data were expressed as the percentage of mean±SEM.


**5. Artificial intelligence, Big Data and dynamic policy: Policies inspired by natural systems**

Before we proceed to the model, a minor detour is inevitable as a foundation for the proposal. This detour briefly outlines the concept of artificial intelligence (AI). A growing discussion in the world of computer science is around the types of computer intelligence. Terms that include, cognitive computing, machine learning and deep learning, are the focus of this chapter around artificial intelligence (AI). Often, there is an interchangeable use of these terms in daily language. However, the terms differ although refer to related things.

Cognitive computing refers to the sensory subdivision of machine intelligence that is used. Sensors and algorithms are used to enable computer to 'see', 'hear' and 'feel' [35]. Through image sensors computers can see, microphones facilitate their hearing ability and the text-to-speech and speech-to-text technologies permit computers to interconnect with humans using natural (human) language through programmes such as Alexa, Siri, Cortana and Google Assistant.

Simplified, machine learning is knowledge computers gain from old data and historical trends identifying patterns that humans cannot identify [36]. This form of machine intelligence uses colossal amounts of data to generate patterns recognised by computers and thereafter used to differentiate objects from each other, for example, distinguishing between male and female humans or cats and dogs including the different breeds of these animals. The deep learning branch of machine intelligence involves using neural networks that mimic the physiology and function of the human brain [36, 37]. The networks include several layers of neurons that permit computers to learn from historical data and thereafter apply in a way similar to how a human brain thinks [36]. This is the most advanced form of machine learning which is increasingly becoming the favoured approach in training computers.

AI refers to machines acting in ways that seem intelligent [35]. This is through enabling decision-making capabilities to computers. The intention of AI is for

computers to make decisions that address specific problems just as humans do every day [35]. Computers use recommendation engines for this purpose, whereas narrow AI is a machine-based system designed to address a specific problem such predicting election results [15, 35, 37]. AI applications work in several branches that include machine learning, natural language processing and robotics. Our proposal is to extend the application of AI into the policymaking space to inform climate change mitigation and adaptation based on models adapted from natural systems through the process of biomimicry. This is a proposal for a dynamic policymaking model. The quintessential proposition of the model is the sequence of quick interventions that incorporate rapid and automated feedback loops that reinforce learning in the policy cycle so that the policy remains in a state of dynamic self-improvement as shown in **Figure 1** (the Mjimba-Sibanda dynamic policy model).

The first stage of the model entails an analysis of natural biological systems using the biomimicry lens in order to understand the strategies that nature has evolved over aeons. The appropriate and relevant strategies are turned into design principles that are no longer limited to the biological context. These general design principles are used to inspire the development of a base policy. To update the policy continually, whenever defined factors change, the abstracted principles are modelled to produce algorithms that mimic the behaviour of the natural biological system, including in terms of having specific variables for the algorithm. The algorithm's input is Big Data from both the public domain and relevant databases for public policy. Artificial intelligence leverages the sensing of relevant data input, computing the historical and live data in order to adjust the policy and to provide feedback to improve the modelling of the algorithm. Most attractive is that computing the Big Data can enable the prediction of future scenarios. In principle, this means avail an opportunity to anticipate future challenges and adjust the policy to avoid or adapt to those changes before they even manifest. Adjusting to avoid such changes is the essence of climate change mitigation, and adjusting to manage the impacts of the changes relates to climate change adaptation- anticipatory adaptation. The desired policy adjustment can either be automatic, which is desirable in some cases, or be an outcome of debates that are characteristic of the democratic policymaking process.

**Figure 1.** *The Mjimba-Sibanda dynamic policy model. Source: Authors.*

*Biomimicry, Big Data and Artificial Intelligence for a Dynamic Climate Change Management… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.84406*


Acronyms and abbreviations

Theoretic Study of Cascaded Fiber Bragg Grating DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.83020

4.7 Comparisons between reflectivity and bandwidth for different cascaded

Table 1 show different cascaded apodized fiber Bragg grating variations of

From Table 1 we noted that as the number of cascaded units of fiber Bragg grating is increased the reflectivity is slightly decreased and the bandwidth

In this work the model equations of the cascaded uniform fiber Bragg grating

1. Uniform FBG in case one unit R = 99%, BW = 0.22 nm and exist side lobes but

2. For Hamming, Barthan and Nuttall FGB achieved high reflectivity and narrow

3. For sinc and proposed FBG achieved narrow bandwidth without side lobes.

4.High reflectivity achieved in case of Barthan apodization function where,

5. Narrow bandwidth achieved in case of proposed apodization function where,

I always feel indebted to ALLAH whose blessings on me cannot be counted. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of IntechOpen and Academic Editor: Dr. Shien-Kuei Liaw for their valuable comments. Finally, but most importantly, I am really indebted to my parents, sisters, brother and my wife for their continuous support throughout all my studies. Hope they find in my current achievement a

and different cascaded apodization functions are numerically handled and processed via specially cast software to achieve maximum reflectivity, narrow bandwidth and minimum side lobes. For better performance the proper values for grating length and refractive index modulation must be chosen to achieve maximum reflectivity and narrow bandwidth. The minimization in side lobes achieved

by using cascaded units from FBG. From this study we concluded that:

bandwidth with minimum side lobes in fourth unit FBG.

BW = 0.0081 nm in fourth unit without side lobes.

for fourth unit R = 96%, BW = 0.16 nm with minimum side lobes.

reflectivity, R and bandwidth with the increase of number of stages.

units of apodized fiber Bragg grating

Fiber Optic Sensing - Principle, Measurement and Applications

decreased with minimum side lobes.

R = 99% in fourth unit.

Acknowledgements

reward for their care and love.

Acronyms and abbreviations

DC dispersion compensation

FBG fiber Bragg grating RI refractive index

20

5. Conclusions