We utilised a largely qualitative research approach so as to uncover comparative perceptions to COVID-19 compliance response strategies by the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist Churches in Mount Pleasant, Harare. The chapter's research design is qualitative, which is influenced by CAMERON's (1963:13) view that 'Not everything that is counted counts, and not everything that counts can be counted.' Thus, though there is numerical represented data, the final emphasis is not quantity based but the quality of worshipping practices, procedures and lived standards. We tried to establish whether the denominational sects are coming head-on or retreating against COVID-19 in a bid to survive in the COVID-19 toxic environment. This is in line with MORGAN & SKLAR's (2012:73) observation that, "proponents of interpretivism argue that human experience can only be understood from the viewpoint of the people themselves." Thus, reality is relative and socially constructed and even context specific. A largely qualitative research approach based on the two purposively selected religious cases is used in contacting a survey and an in-depth understanding of the congregants' perceptions of resilience strategies adopted by the purposively selected two religious' groups. So, it is based on case study, which is "…an intensive, in-depth study of a specific individual, context or situation." (MURRAY & BEGLAR, 2009:48) "…unit of analysis which guides decision on what is to be studied (MAREE, 2007:75) and studies the phenomenon in-situ. The major question remains on how the congregants perceive the COVID-19 health guidelines compliance strategies. There were 45 participants from *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist church from whom a survey questionnaire is administered to 45 participants; 30 participants from a homogenous multiple case study of United Methodist Church (composed of 20 females and 10 males and 15 *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* who are 10 females and 5 males). All the participants were 16 years and above. The study purposively picked up those two cases basing on PUNCH's (1999:162) warning that, "we cannot study everyone, everywhere doing everything," as the scope maybe too wide for the kind of an in-depth that the study intends to achieve. The participants were reminded not to include any form of identity on the questionnaires for ethical reasons. The mini survey is triangulated with zoom meeting interviews with 5 key informants from each of the religious denominations for an in-depth understanding of their perception of the COVID-19 health guidelines compliance strategies.

Since the data excerpts collected were in ChiShona and the medium of communication for the research study is in English, the research had to adopt literary translation theory to render ChiShona excerpts from ChiShona source language to English target language. Translation is an operation performed on languages, which is a process of substituting a text from one language for a text in another language" (CARTFORD, 1965:1). This is based on the view that "... everything said in one language can be expressed in another on condition that the two languages belong to cultures that have reached a comparative degree of development" (NEW-MARK, 1988:6). According to HELDNER (2008:10) "while it seems reasonable to assume a single model applicable to any kind of text would be totally adequate, it should be obvious to anyone that even differences between prose and poetry are important enough to call for more specific models." So, there is a degree of equivalence between the original ChiShona and translated English versions but not that they are the same as sameness in Mathematics. This is unavoidable as confirmed by BOUSHABA (1988:21) that "equivalence in translation cannot be defined in terms of sameness and synonymous but rather creative transposition of the original version." We think translating will go a long way in simplifying things for our readers.

# **Presentation of Findings**

This sub-section now presents, discusses analyses and interprets the data on how the congregants perceive the COVID-19 compliance response strategies by the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist Churches in Mount Pleasant, Harare. The presentation is covered in the five basic themes that are: Congregants' conception of COVID-19 by the religious groups; COVID-19 health guidelines that congregants are following, religious groups' recommended health guidelines and perceptions of the congregants' recommended guidelines. 45 respondents responded to the questionnaires and there was 100% turn up. All respondents admitted that they have heard and know about COVID-19 pandemicas a killer disease. Though they generally have haze knowledge about its causes and who are likely to get infected by COVID-19; they really know the signs, symptoms and COVID-19 health guidelines for the prevention and containment of the infection from one person to another. On who is likely to get infected, more than half of *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* blamed the victim for lack of faith and being too afraid of the COVID-19 virus unlike the United Methodist participants who just feel that anyone can contract the virus. The views raised are related to what came out through the in-depth interviews given in the five thematic groups below.

# *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* **and United Methodist Churches' Congregants' Conception of COVID-19**

Upon asked on their understanding of COVID-19, the congregants brought mixed views:

#### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants Responses:*

#### *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

death especially to the aged or those that have other underlying health conditions);

The *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist participants showed some knowledge about COVID-19; while those from United Methodist Church had programmes whilst those from *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* made no reference to church. From the excerpts above, there are diverse views on who is most likely to contract COVID-19 disease. While the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* congregants blame the victim and are likely to stigmatise the victims for having sinned against God, the United Methodists feel anyone can contract COVID-19 and are likely to be supportive and sensitive to the victims. The view that religious leadership provide pastoral and spiritual support and reassurance prevent and reduce fear, stigma to communities during public health emergences does come out from the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu*. Above all, how they promote health saving practices (WHO, 2019) contradicts what is coming out from the excerpts above. In other words, there is neither evidence nor countering misinformation nor efforts in reducing and averting fear or stigma among the congregants. In the excerpts above contrary to WHO (2019) that says, religious leaderships counter misinformation and discourage non-essential gatherings; in this case, it is the opposite as religious leaders can be a source of misinformation or fear. This provides more evidence on the need to empower leadership to foster a life-saving attitude that avoids blaming the victim in cases of crises.

# **COVID-19 Health Guidelines that Congregants are Following at their Homes**

Responses were given on the COVID-19 preventive guidelines that the congregants as follows:

#### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants' Responses:*

5) *Isusu hatingofambifambi nokushanyira dzingave hama kana shamwari pasina zvikonzero zvakasimba.* (Ourselves, we do not just pay visits even to our relatives and friends unless there is a compelling reason to).

## *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

Basically, though the two groups of participants are aware of the COVID-19 health guidelines, there is a striking difference between the two groups, for example, the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* are not giving any reference to biomedical approach because of their radical religious beliefs yet the United Methodist participants showed an appreciation of biomedical interventions. The influence of religion on health and wellbeing is felt in the excerpts. The power religion has can be finely spread in other area of managing, controlling and containment of COVID-19 effectively if religious leaders make pronouncement especially in thwarting vaccine hesitancy, and dealing with stigmatisation. This is so since *Johane*  *Masowe WeChishanu* religious denominational leadership is mum about vaccination, stigmatisation and reluctant about masking up. This undoubtedly confirms that these religious leaders can help to contain the spread of COVID-19 if they are properly educated or if they were made to appreciate the importance of vaccination or medical or spiritual interventions during any health crisis.

# **Role of Religion in Management, Controlling and Containment of COVID-19 in Communities**

Participants were asked on the roles of the religious group leaders in the management, controlling and containment of COVID-19, the congregants again came with mixed views as indicated below:

### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants' Responses:*

## *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

While it is undoubtedly clear from both groups that the religious leaders are centres for health and well-being information, the views coming from the participants show that the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* feel self-sufficient in talking to their congregants about COVID-19, while the United Methodist Church leadership out-sources resource persons from outside their group to make COVID-19 awareness campaigns.

Upon asked on what are their religious leaders actually say about COVID-19 prevention, treatment and containment among members and non-members, the congregants again came with mixed views:

### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants' Responses:*

1) *Vanoti zvinoda rudaviro rwakasimba kuitira kuti Mweya mutsvene Gabhurona atichengete nokudzivirirwa newedenga.* (The advice that it needs strong faith to have the angel Gabhuroni and Heavens divinely protect us);

head praying for them; thus, demons can stay on a person without fear);

## *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

hold ceremonial rituals for those that may have functions in their homes like weddings, funeral or birthday celebrations);

The excerpts above are evidence of leadership styles influenced by religious beliefs and practices on management, control and containment of COVID-19 to their congregants. As such *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* takes COVID-19 as a spiritual challenge that demands spiritual intervention; this is despite that they know COVID-19 signs and symptoms the same way they are known by United Methodist participants. On the other hand, the United Methodist Church participants are taking it as a biomedical challenge to their spiritual well-being and they are taking a hybrid approach that adopts both biomedical and spiritual approaches. The position religious leaders and each religious group takes is likely to have implication on the members' attitude to the sick, to those that die of COVID-19 and the kind of psycho-socio-spiritual support they may render. While to the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* the sick and those dying of COVID-19 may be viewed as a sign of weak faith, cowards that fear diseases (COVID-19), punished by God for fearing COVID-19 rather than fearing God and are likely to be stigmatised whereas the United Methodist, the sick are likely to be supported as they have positive attitude towards the sick.

From the first group of participants, the Johane Masowe, there is a radical position where they feel politics and biomedical pronouncements are overriding the power of the Holy Spirit which should not be. Scholars have differences in attitude within and between religions which does not warrant a one size fits all kind of guide to the religious groups. According to the views by congregants in the excerpts above the United Methodists insists on compliance while *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* feel adhering to COVID-19 health guidelines is tantamount to worshipping politics, biomedical specialists and their scientific solutions as well as discoveries rather than standing by their belief in the divine protection of the Holy Spirit.

# **The Impact of COVID-19 to Worshipping Practices and Procedures**

Participants were asked on how COVID-19 has impacted on their worshipping processes and procedure considering that Christian members take physical attendance as critical in one's Christian journey:

#### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants' Responses:*

use to hug each other that help clearing grudges but now people simple keep the grudges. No one repents, some would need strong prophecy to be picked up in the congregation so that they repent);

# *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

When members have been befallen by challenges it is solely theirs alone. Those that are enjoying do so alone as well).

In the excerpts above, participants from both groups *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist Church acknowledged that COVID-19 changed their religious worshipping practices and procedures. It removed the centre pillar of worshipping which are face to face or physical gatherings which left religious rituals and events falluing apart. Close monitoring of members that enabled self-policing is no more.

When participants got asked on what is likely to happen after COVID-19 health scare is over or subjected congregants showed their anxiety and appetite to have physical meetings:

#### *a) Johane Masowe WeChishanu participants' Responses:*

### *b) United Methodist Participants' Responses:*

Both, the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* and United Methodist Church participants admitted that COVID-19 changed their worshipping styles, rituals, practices and procedures. Church services are now largely remotely convened which makes the majority of members feel distant from the presence of God. They were used to physical interactions. This is due to restrictions in gatherings which was in sync with COVID-19 national health guidelines. KOWALEZYK, ROSZKWSKI, MONTANE, PAWLISZAK, TY-LKOWSKI, & BAJEK (2020), revealed that restrictions of gatherings to contain spread of COVID-19 affected religious complexion. Unlike the United Methodist Church participants who are confirming a so far so good attitude, the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* still felt nostalgia of the golden old days of face-to-face church service interactions and events.

# **Conclusion**

While the impact of COVID-19 on religious practices and procedure is well acknowledged within and across the two religious' sects' purposively sampled participants, the perception of the COVID-19 compliance strategies differed greatly. While the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* feels that the leaders are succumbing to fear which is compromising their belief in the power of Holy Spirit, the United Methodist congregants' feels that divine protection needs to be complementary with individual efforts through complying with COVID-19 health guidelines. Also, while the Johane Masowe congregants still have nostalgia and wish to go back to face to face gatherings, the United Methodist are anticipating to continue remotely accessing their religious services which they feel are convenient because of the COVID-19 virus. The perceptions seem to be influenced by the groups' understanding of COVID-19 pandemic, that while to the *Johane Masowe WeChishanu* it is generally understood to be demonic, a result of lack of faith and fear, to the United Methodist participants it is like any other pandemics that would be conquered holistically through multistakeholder approach as to have both spiritual and biomedical approaches.

# **Recommendations**

There are three major learning points that emerged from the study. First, basing on the study findings, it should be a lesson to governments and intervention groups across the globe that they adopt approaches that are inclusive and holistic to benefit individual differences. Second, religious leaders, may have the power to break the myths and speculations about pandemics and health and well-being of their congregants by raising awareness against the COVID-19 virus where possible involve health experts to do the training. In that case, religious leaders need to be empowered through basic health education. Third, religion has power to influence congregants' perceptions of their health and well-being. Having noted these three learning points, it is therefore undoubtedly clear that religion is one of the key factors that community leadership and interventionist organisation should not leave out in dealing with health and wellbeing, pandemics and community development.

# **References**

#### *Molly Manyonganise*

# **9 PROPHECY VERSUS SCIENCE:**  THE ROLE OF RELIGIOSITY IN COVID-19 VACCINATION IN ZIMBABWE

#### *Abstract*

By 11 Dec. 2020, the Pfizer vaccine against COVID-19 was authorised for emergency use by the Food & Drug Administration in the USA. Other vaccines from different companies were later availed. Of these, Zimbabwe chose to use Sinopharm, then Sinovac from China and later the Johnson & Johnson vaccine. When it was reported that it would be expected that everyone (except those with genuine medical reasons against vaccinations) be vaccinated, responses from religious leaders varied. Of interest is how leaders of New Pentecostal Movements (NPMs) in Zimbabwe deployed prophecy to influence vaccine uptake. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the prophecies given during this period and establish how these shaped people's attitudes towards vaccines. The intention of the paper is to highlight the continued battle for supremacy between religion and science. Data for the paper will be gathered from sermons uploaded on Youtube as well as structured interviews with selected people in Zimbabwe. Secondary sources will be used to support primary data.

*Keywords*:COVID-19, prophecy, science, vaccine, Zimbabwe

# **Introduction**

The theorisation of religion and science is in itself a daunting task. It goes without saying that there has been a perennial debate on how the two relate. There has been two schools of thought on the subject. One school of thought perceive the two to be antagonists while the other view them as compatible. In 1875, DRAPER attributed the antagonism between religion and science then to the continuation of a struggle that commenced when Christianity began to attain political power. He argued that the history of science is not a mere record of isolated discoveries, but a narrative of the conflict of two contending powers, that is, the expansive forces of the human intellect and the compression arising from traditionally faith and human interests. AGAZZI (n.d) traces the origins of the view that science and religion are antagonists to nineteeth century positivism. Propounded by Auguste Comte, positivism celebrated science as the perfect form of knowledge (AGAZZI, n.d) and progress and also maintained that this progress had to be secured by a constant fight against metaphysics and religion (2014:10). For Comte, knowledge reaches maturation after passing through three stages, namely the theological, metaphysical and finally the scientific stage (AGAZZI, 2014:17). For science to advance, KURTZ (2003:11) argues that theology had to be abandoned. MCGRATH (2010:2) argues against the notion that science and religion occupy well-defined domains or areas of competency which do not overlap or intersect. He cautions that neither science nor religion can claim to give a total account of reality. In his analysis, science and religion ought to be viewed as dealing with similar questions but, they obviously operate at different levels and they try to answer these questions in different ways. For him, when taken together, science and religion "can offer a stereoscopic view of reality denied to those who limit themselves to one discipline's perspective on things" (MCGRATH, 2010:2). However, PAUL (2020) note that though there has been a broadening of ideas in the two fields of inquiry, there remain paradoxies inhibiting the synchronisation of religion and science. However, AGAZZI (2014:10) notes that the antagonism may be falling away because there has been a realisation that science and technology cannot tackle present day challenges that the world faces. Hence, science and technology have begun to consider the input from fields such as ethics, philosophy, anthropology etc. Current approaches in science and technology have also begun to make reference to values, human dignity, human rights (AGAZZI, 2014) to mention but a few.

In light of the continued debate on the relationship between science and religion, this chapter seeks to examine how the relationship turned out during the COVID-19 pandemic. The chapter focuses mainly on how religion and vaccine hesitancy particularly the way New Pentecostal Movements in Zimbabwe deployed prophecy to counter scientific advice. It becomes imperative for the chapter to make a discursive analysis of the prophecies in order to establish the way they shaped attitudes towards vaccines. This should enable us in the final analysis to establish how science and religion battled for supremacy in a COVID-19 context in Zimbabwe. In order to put the discussion into its proper context, a definition of key concepts such as science and religion is necessary.

# **Defining** *Science* **and** *Religion*

Defining the above concepts is not a straight forward endeavour. Their meanings vary depending on the context in which they are used. In reference to science, LAM (n.d) notes that there is a lot of confusion and misconception concerning science. Up to today, the nature and content of science has not been established. FARA (2015:189) argues that defining science is not straight forward because science is culturally situated and so does not have a permanent or universal meaning. For her, science is not static but changes over time. Furthermore, science brings together a number of disciplines such as the hard sciences (chemistry, physics, biology, and maths) and soft sciences (sociology, philosophy, psychology). While the two categories both refer to science, their methodologies are different. When defining science, MICKENS & PATTERSON (2016:2) say it is the systematic observation, creation, analysis, and modelling of patterns which exists in the physical universe. For them, science provides people with public knowledge which is available to anyone to examine, test, criticise and generalise. For FARA (2015) science is depicted as the rise of reason and emphasis is placed on its supremacy over religion.

Debate about the meaning of religion has been a perennial one. Scholars are not agreed as to what really constitute religion. From CROCKETT's point of view, "scholars simply do not know what religion is in itself, apart from their phenomenological characterisation of it" (1998:4). He further argues that:

Religion cannot be known immediately as a thing in itself, but also that it is at least partially constructed as an object by the observer, interpreter, or scholar. Any definition of religion must be seen as constructed by human knowing rather than simply given to or imposed upon an observer.

The challenge in this case is in trying to understand religion as both abstract and concrete. In this study, I do not wish to delve into the arguments about the definition of religion except to state that the term has been defined differently in different disciplines. For example, sociologists, psychologists, historians, theologians, phenomenologists, philosophers, etc., have provided definitions that speak to their fields of study. Hick Cited in CRAWFORD (2002:3) explains this clearly when he says:

Religion is one thing to the anthropologist, another to the sociologist, another to the psychologist…another to the Marxist, another to the mystic… As a result, there is a great variety of theories of the nature of religion. There is, consequently, no universally accepted definition of religion, and quite possibly there never will be.

Confronted with this perennial challenge this study adopts a definition which views religion as a set of beliefs and practices that endeavour to fulfil an expectation of a supernatural being.

The definition of the two concepts expose various ways in which they differ. FRAZIER (2003:28) aptly captures the differences when he argues:

Science (and reason) must not yield any of its own ground. Science is based foremost on evidence, not authority or revelation. In science, nothing is taken on faith, while in religion, faith is at the heart of belief. In science, all knowledge is tentative, continually subject to revision when better explanations and evidence (always aggressively sought) are acquired, religion asserts the presence of unchanging and unchallengeable eternal truths. Science proposes explanations about the natural world and then puts those hypotheses to repeated tests using experiments, observations, and creative and diverse arrays of other methods and strategies. Many religions discourage scepticism or critical examination of cherished precepts. This commitment to test the validity of ideas and claims separate science and religion

KURTZ supports FRAZIER's view when he asserts that the major difference between science and religion lies in their perception of truth. He notes the way science requires an open mind, free inquiry, critical thinking and its willingness to question assumptions. He further argues that "the test of a theory or hypothesis is independent …of bias, prejudice, faith, or tradition; and it is justified by the universal…, transcending specific cultures and replicable in any and every laboratory in the world" (KURTZ, 2003:13). On the other hand, he argues that "although religions claim to be universal, they have split into contending factions concerning hegemony: they rely on the acceptance of faith in specific revelations and their interpretation by differing prophets, priests, ministers, rabbis, monks or mullahs (KURTZ, 2003:13). CRAWFORD (2002:ix) rejects the view that religion and science are in conflict with each other. He acknowledges that there are some scientists who contend that religion is grounded in superstition and that it belongs to 'primitive' stages of human development. For this group, science advances and provides remedies for modern problems. However, CRAWFORD also notes that there is another group of scientists, who recognise that religion asks different questions than science. For this group, religion is still useful for living a good life and giving meaning and purpose to existence. Hence, this interplay between science and religion was noticeable during the COVID-19 pandemic.

## **WHO Guidance on the COVID-19 Pandemic**

From the year 2019 to the present, the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic and its effects. At its onset, the pandemic ravaged nations with no cure in sight. On 30 January 2020, the World Health Organisation (WHO) Director-General determined that the outbreak of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) constituted a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (WHO, 19 March 2020). There was, therefore, need for individual states to put measures in place for its containment. The WHO suggested quarantine which involved the restriction of movement while the infected were isolated from the rest of the population. Quarantine was to be enforced only as part of a comprehensive package of public health response and containment measures. This also had to be in accordance with Article 3 of 2005 International Health Regulations which recognises the need for respecting human dignity, human rights and fundamental freedoms of persons. In this case, those exposed to infection were to quarantine for 14 days from the day of exposure for monitoring and early detection purposes. As the pandemic progressed, the quarantine rule applied to all travellers entering a particular country. However, at the peak of the pandemic, total lockdowns were imposed world-wide through travel bans and closure of borders. On 14 April 2020, the WHO released it COVID-19 Strategy update. Statistics indicated that by that date, 1.7 million people had been infected and 85 000 had succumbed to the disease (WHO, 14 April 2020). The WHO implored nation-states to control the pandemic by slowing down the transmission and reducing mortality associated with COVID-19 through **(i)** mobilising all sectors and communities to ensure that every sector of government and society takes ownership of and participate in the response and in preventing cases through hand hygiene, respiratory etiquette and individual-level physical distancing, **(ii)**

controlling sporadic cases and clusters and prevent transmission, **(iii)** suppressing community transmission through context-appropriate infection prevention and control measures, and **(iv)** reducing mortality by providing appropriate care for those affected by COVID-19 and developing safe and effective vaccines and therapeutics that can be delivered at scale and that are accessible based on need (WHO, 14 April 2020). Other containment measures such as masking up and sanitisation of hands were added to those that were already in existence. As these were enforced, scientists were working round the clock to come up with a vaccine that would tackle the virus. By 11 Dec. 2020, the Pfizer vaccine was authorised for emergency use by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in the United States of America. Other vaccines from different companies were later availed. Hence, in 2021, a number of vaccines were available namely Biontech/Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, Moderna, Astra Zeneca, Sinopharm, Sinovac among others. The uptake of the vaccines worldwide was initially very slow but gradually improved. Anti-vaccine groups emerged and mobilised people to reject vaccines using various conspiracy theories. In sub-Saharan Africa, religion played a major part in influencing vaccine uptake and Zimbabwe is no exception. In the next section, I turn to examine the COVID-19 situation in Zimbabwe.

### **COVID-19 in Zimbabwe: An Overview**

COVID-19 was first detected in China, Wuhan Province in December 2019 (WANG, GAO, LOU & ZHANG, 2020; WU, CHEN & CHAN, 2020; ZHU, WEI & NIU, 2020; KUMAR ET AL., 2021; WOROBEY, 2021). As it spread across continents, Africa recorded its first cases in February 2020 (CUL-LIERS, 2020; MASSINGA LOEMBE, 2020; OSSENI, 2020). Zimbabwe recorded its first case and COVID-19 death in March 2020, which led the government to declare its first lockdown on 30 March 2020 and this was punctuated by partial business openings and other lockdowns as the infection cases increased (CHITUNGO, ET AL., 2022; MANYONGANISE, 2022; SIBANDA, MUYAMBO & CHITANDO, 2022). This has been the experience of Zimbabweans up until March 2022. By 9 October 2022, Zimbabwe had recorded 258000 COVID-19 cases with 5604 deaths. Compared with other countries, the cases are reasonably low. This can be attributed to a number of reasons which are beyond the scope of this study. As alluded to earlier, vaccines against COVID-19, became available from December 2020 particularly for frontline staff. Zimbabwe chose to use Sinopharm, then Sinovac from China and later the Johnson & Johnson vaccine. Medical scientists had proven the efficacy of vaccines and that vaccination would help prevent hospitalisations and deaths caused by COVID-19 infection. Furthermore, scientists had envisaged that the vaccination of more than half the population would ensure herd immunity (GARCIA & YAP, 2021). Zimbabwe needed to vaccinate sixty percent of the total population (14 million people) to reach herd immunity. When it was reported that it would be expected that everyone (except those with genuine medical reasons against vaccinations) be vaccinated, responses from religious leaders varied. Historically, some religious groups in Zimbabwe shun the conventional health delivery system which they claim, goes against their faith. Apostolic churches such the Johane Marange African Apostolic Church (JMAAC) and the various groups of the Johane Masowe Church (JMC) are known for shying away from hospitals and use of conventional medicine. Hence, in the context of COVID-19 in Africa in general and specifically Zimbabwe, religion and religious leaders played a critical role in shaping attitudes towards the pandemic as well as responses to it. The Zimbabwean health system has deteriorated over the years leading the general public to lose faith in it. This has shaped Zimbabweans' health seeking behaviours where trust is put in religious leaders even for biomedical ailments. The major reason for this is that African Indigenous Religion(s) and some Christian traditions in Africa rely on divination/ prophecy for both diagnosis and prescription of solutions.

## **Prophecies against Vaccine uptake**

Prophecy is a key aspect of Christianity in Africa. It separates mainline Christianity from African Initiated Churches (AICs) and African Pentecostalism. Similar to African forms of divination, AICs and Pentecostal prophets claim to have the ability to predict the future. Religion in Africa is intertwined with health and healing (UKAH, 2020). Hence, even with the availability of hospitals, most Africans still rely on either indigenous healing methods as well as faith healing. Faith healing is practiced by AICs and Pentecostal churches. As a result, some AICs and Pentecostal churches do not allow their members to seek help from hospitals. MASIYIWA, CHENJERAI & MUJURU (2021) spoke to Emmanuel, a member

of the Johane Masowe Chishanu Apostolic Church (JMCAC) who argued that God spoke to their chief prophet a long time ago and told them not to seek medical attention, because they can get protection from all illnesses through prayers and this is what they believe in. Members of JMAAC also subscribe to this notion. The prayers they are told to rely on are often accompanied with prophecies. OMENYO (2011:30) notes that prophecy is the bridge that connects African Indigenous Religion(s) with AICs and African Pentecostalism.

As COVID-19 ravaged the world, self-proclaimed prophets in Africa attempted to explain it. UKAH (2020:452) notes that religious responses to COVID-19 came to the forefront of explanation and analysis because Africans seek understanding and interpretation of the 'why' of the pandemic. The 'spiritual' explanations at times brought the church into conflict with the state. The late 'Prophet' Temitope Joshua (aka TB Joshua), founder of Synagogue Church of All Nations prophesied that the virus would disappear on the 27th of March 2020. He retracted his prophecy by claiming that the Holy Spirit had misled him and that in actual fact, he meant that the virus would disappear in Wuhan, China where it originated from. Even this was also not true. Another Nigerian pastor, Chris Oyakhilome, founder of Christ Embassy Ministries claimed that it was not a virus that was killing people, but the 5G technology. David Oyedepo, founder of Winners Chapel was sceptical about the COVID-19 vaccine. He argued that it was not well tested, hence, he discouraged members of his church from taking the vaccine. He argued:

They want Africa dead. I heard them say it. When we didn't die as they proposed, they brought out the vaccination scheme. You need to hear their proclamation that Africa will lack spaces to bury corpses (OBADARE, 2022).

These were some of the conspiracy theories that were peddled by church leaders to dissuade their members from cooperating with governments to curb the spread of the virus.

In Zimbabwe, church leaders responded in different ways to the uptake of the vaccine. The most prominent figure who let his thoughts public about the vaccine is 'Prophet' Emmanuel Makandiwa, founder of the United Family International Church (UFIC). To start with, he claimed to have prophesied about the coming of the virus on 20 November 2016, then repeated the prophecy on 7 July 2017. In a YouTube clip played in his church in March 2020, it showed that he prophesied about a deadly disease that would come from the ocean that would kill millions of people. He indicated how the disease would confound medical personnel. On 1 March 2020, he engaged his church in prayer against the coronavirus. However, he said the prayer would not halt the virus, because it is very aggressive. He promised that God would give power to his people to curse the virus. He instructed his members to take charge against the virus through prayer. From his point of view, if they pray, scientists would find a cure for the virus in already existing medication. He said "It's not about getting the right cure, but allowing God to intervene." He further claimed that God wanted to prove to us that we are not educated. As the clips were being played, the pastors moderating the discussion referred to him as 'the voice of God." On the 17th of March 2020, he said God had shown him that the virus was increasing its speed, but God was also weakening its intensity. When the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump announced that Hydroxycloroquine had been discovered to be effective in curing coronavirus, the UFIC members went into overdrive to celebrate what their 'prophet' had seen before the announcement. Scanning through the comments on social media platforms, one can see how members of the church and other followers from around the world focus on the figure of the prophet. They refer to him as the 'Moses of our time', 'the Seer of our time', 'the Prophet of our time', and 'the Voice'. The general sentiment was that there was no need to fear because the 'Prophet' had enunciated the mind of God.

At the peak of the pandemic, he claimed that the virus was receding but that those who were benefitting financially from it did not want to report it. Like Oyakhilome and Oyedepo, Makandiwa told members of his church not to take the vaccine for various reasons. First, he argued like Chris Oyakhilome that the cause of the virus was the 5G technology; second, he posited that the vaccine was rushed hence, it lacked credibility since its long-term effects were not ascertained; third, he claimed that he had been shown the individuals behind the virus whose intention was to depopulate Africa so that they could recolonise it. In this claim, Makandiwa rubbished the public vaccination of political leaders of Western countries as he told his congregants that they needed to first prove that these leaders were taking the same vaccine as the one they were going to be given. Using the example of the Guyana Massacre of 1978, he claimed that the vaccines contained poison, which would cause a pandemic. Furthermore, he alleged that the vaccine was the 'mark of the beast' mentioned in the Book of Revelation. From his point of view, the vaccine contained a chip, which would cause everyone to be monitored. This chip would introduce a programme into the human body resulting in the alteration of one's DNA. It was surprising how he blamed previous vaccines as the major cause for Africa's failure to resist the COVID-19 vaccine as he claimed that it is because the DNA of Africans had already been tempered with. In order to buttress his point, he alleged that once that chip is in one's body, then they are controllable and this would remove from the people a desire to worship God. He branded Western political leaders, big pharmaceutical companies and prominent business people from the West as agents of the devil (FOSU-ANKRAH & AMOAKO-GYAMPAH, 2021). He, therefore, challenged the Zimbabwean state and declared that he and his family were not going to receive the vaccine. In his own words, he said:

It will come. If they bring it here [vaccine] I will go to jail and my children will go to jail. I am ready for that. You have to drink it yourselves. You want to live. Some of us we have the life already…I will not be forced to take that…I will disobey my government on this one…We are in this world, but we are not of this world… (YouTube, 12 April 2020).

Makandiwa is an influential religious figure in Zimbabwe. He is known for claims to produce miracle babies, and miracle money among others. To his followers, everything he says is the truth and he is their 'spiritual Papa'. Hence, when he spoke of him and his family not taking the vaccine, he should have been talking of members of his church because it encompasses his 'family'. As a result, members of his church and others who do not go to his church but follow his prophecies heeded his call to refrain from vaccination. He had declared that under the doctrine of 'covering' he would cover them with his prayers. At one of the church services before the enforcement of lockdowns, he declared that whosoever was listening to his prayer that particular Sunday was protected from the virus (FOSU-ANKRAH & AMOAKO-GYAMPAH, 2021). WANJIRU NJIRU (2020) notes that such false prophecies offer false hope to people and SANDE (2021) is of the view that this can lead church members to conduct their lives recklessly by disregarding public health messages. In the case of Makandiwa, most of his church members believed in his declaration of protection. Like their 'Papa', they also shunned vaccination. I had informal discussions with some of them who declared that "unless the prophet comes back and says we should get the vaccine, we will not get it." When it became mandatory to access certain places only with proof of vaccination, these members resorted to buying the vaccination cards from unscrupulous health personnel. Some even threatened to quit their jobs if they were going to be forced by their employers to be vaccinated. However, as Zimbabwe entered into the third wave, members of his church also started to succumb to the virus including pastors. He later backtracked on his claims and called on Christians to get vaccinated. He warned his followers not to use his name as a reason for not being vaccinated. Despite his earlier pronouncements on the vaccine, he said he never said there was a chip in the vaccine or that it was the mark of the beast.  He encouraged his followers to listen to public health officials. He argued:

As far as the matter is concerned, we have professionals who are dealing with the issue physically, practically. I deal with these issues from a spiritual standpoint. So what the doctors are telling you is what you need to do (KAROMBO, 26 July 2021).

Many people felt that his backtracking had come too late when a lot of people had died. They, however, commended him for doing the right thing. Others felt that there should have been a strong political hand behind his changed attitude. Reference was made to the uneasiness with which he appeared in the video as he broadcast his message. People interpreted this to mean that he had been forced probably by the government to change and announce his stance on vaccination. Some people ridiculed his followers for being dump and being misled by 'false' prophets. It was, however, interesting to note that some of his followers continued to hold on to his initial pronouncements about vaccine. As I discussed with one of them, she said that behind the message by the 'Man of God' on getting vaccinated, they were able to pick that the vaccine remains unsafe for them. Hence, they remained adamant that they would not get vaccinated. Such attitudes buttress UPENIEKS, FORD-ROBERTSON & ROBERTSON's opinion (2022) when they note that religious believers who hold strong beliefs in an engaged God are most likely to distrust the COVID-19 vaccine. DRUCKMAN ET AL. (2021) also argue that those who hold stronger religious beliefs tend to be less scientifically literate and less differential to scientists. They further note that in the context of COVID-19, there was a notable link between the number if misperceptions held and religiosity as well as partisan identity. In this case, the attitude towards the vaccine by some sections of NPMs and Apostolic sects presented a challenge for the government because these brands of Christianity have the majority of followers in Zimbabwe.

On the other hand, there were some prophets in Zimbabwe who used prophecy to enable their members to make sense of the pandemic as well as encourage them to adhere to scientific ways provided by public health personnel. FRAHM-ARP (2021) notes the same attitudes among self-proclaimed prophets in the South African context. These prophets like Ian Ndlovu argued that the vaccine was God's way of providing a solution for the virus. Ndlovu rebuked pastors who were commenting on a medical issue as if they were experts in the medical field. He reiterated that vaccines were made by scientists not pastors, hence, any questions regarding vaccines should be directed to scientists. In a YouTube video posted on 16 August 2021, he refuted claims that the vaccines contained the mark of the beast, but said it was God's way of controlling the spread of the virus. He explained that it is God who releases divine knowledge which assists scientists to come up with effective vaccines. Hence, he encouraged his congregants to make personal decisions on whether to get vaccinated and to desist from consulting him because he was not a doctor. Such personal decisions were also notable in some Apostolic sects. For example, Gladys Mapondera, a member of JMAAC in Hurungwe told Apostolic Women Empowerment Trust (AWET) that she chose to be vaccinated because it was a matter of life and death for her and her family. She said "our church doctrine says we don't go to the hospital when [we] are sick or get vaccinated, but with COVID-19 it was a new ball game altogether and I have to take matters into my own hands." For her, she took a personal decision and did not inform church leaders. She said "*ndakati kana ndichifa inini ndinofa ndega, saka vanhu ngatityei chirwere* (I said if I die, I die alone, so people we should fear the disease). Another member of an Apostolic sect interviewed by MASIYIWA, CHENJERAI & MUJURU (2021) avered that:

We understand that there are things that require spiritual guidance and others do not need that guidance. We just have to follow the experts in the field. All coronavirus measures that are being implemented are not to harm us, but to protect us.

Andby Makururu, founder of Johane the Fifth of Africa Apostolic Church was also interviewed by MASIYIWA, CHENJERAI & MUJURU and he indicated that he was pro-vaccine. This is generally a departure from the doctrine of these churches, but personal decisions had to be taken for people to safeguard themselves from infection. In addition, ecumenical bodies in Zimbabwe such as the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference and the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe played their part in encouraging vaccine uptake. Other leaders of NPMs who did not share Makandiwa's perception also came out and publicly received their jabs in order to encourage people to receive the vaccines. Pastors like Talent Chiwenga openly rebuked Makandiwa and told him not to comment on issues of science. The clash between the men of cloth and the different nature of their views within the broader context of the fight against COVID-19 raises pertinent national issues. Generally, these people are very influential, have a strong loyal constituency of followers, which is easily convinced by their messages. Hence, what they tell their congregants can help stop or increase the spread of the COVID-19 virus.

In order to deal with negative attitudes towards scientific solutions to COVID-19 DRUCKMAN et al (2021) suggest an engagement with opinion leaders such as religious leaders in the relevant communities, as this can assist in combating misperceptions. Having understood the critical role that religion plays in shaping health-seeking behaviour, the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and the Ministry of Health and Child Care (MoHCC), partnered with the Apostolic Women Empowerment Trust (AWET), to create a space for dialogue with interfaith religious leaders from across Zimbabwe so as to leverage support for the COVID-19 vaccine roll out and recovery. Through this engagement, religious leaders noted that the spread of misinformation and uncontrolled information had undermined people's trust in the COVID-19 vaccines. UNICEF (November 2021) noted that collaboration with interfaith and community leaders helped in shifting negative perceptions about the COVID-19 vaccines that had been attributed to widespread misinformation and long-held religious beliefs. Hence, religion need to complement scientific efforts against any pandemic.

## **Whither Science and Religion?**

Scholars of religion and health have noted the continued confrontation between religion and science. FOSU-ANKRAH & AMOAKO-GYAMPAH (2021) note that the outbreak of COVID-19 in Africa heightened tension between some charismatic Christian leaders and science. In the same vein, writing on Nigeria, OBADARE (2022) observes that COVID-19 highlighted the tensions between the needs of religious leaders and the imperatives of public health on the social terrain of a pandemic which affirms certain axioms about state and society relations. SANDE (2021) observes how religious perspectives about COVID-19 have emphasised the challenge of the relationship between science and religion and the fluidity of some theologies underpinning forms of Christianity like African Pentecostalism. The above observations paint a gloomy picture on the relationship between science and religion. However, positive responses by another section of the clergy and their members offer hope of collaboration between the two disciplines.

Some scholars have suggested a bridging of the gap between science and religion particularly for the African context. CHABATA (2021:274) has called for dialogue between religious and biomedical discourses which for him can yield enormous and sensible results that can transcend hollow dogmatic doctrines of the church. SANDE (2021) calls for theological development targeting the nexus between divine healing, science and pandemics. All these are commendable recommendations. I would add to this discussion the need to revisit the concept of Freedom of Religion and Belief (FoRB). Within the Zimbabwean context specifically, religion is not strictly regulated because the constitution stipulates that people have the freedom of religion. There are no set boundaries of how far religion can deviate from government-set programmes meant to save lives. The COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the laxity or the absence of laws that regulate the relationship between religious institutions and the state. The fact that church leaders could comment on scientific issues which they are not knowledgeable of, raises questions about FoRB. I argue that there is need to rethink FoRB in the context of pandemics. While FoRB is a human right, boundaries concerning public health messaging in a pandemic context need to be regulated. Religious leaders need to respect these boundaries in order to avoid misleading their followers which may result in unnecessary loss of life. MANYONGANISE & Biri (forthcoming) have called on Zimbabwean political leaders to encourage theological training for church leaders so that in the event of pandemics such as COVID-19, they interpret biblical texts in life-giving ways as well as challenge an overreliance on the spirit. FRAHM-ARP (2021) argues that a pneumatology that disregard the physical realities of a disease and told people to ignore healthcare guidelines would be harmful to followers and place them in danger. Hence, in a pandemic context, religion should function as a social tool to bring cohesion in communities as well as to enable people to derive meaning from situations not to peddle conspiracy theories that discredit science and misinform the public. DRUCKMAN ET AL. (2021) aver that misperception about science are a major concern as they undermine efforts for a healthy and productive society.

## **Conclusion**

The intention of this chapter was to examine the role of religiosity in COVID-19 vaccination in Zimbabwe. It focused on highlighting the role of prophecy in shaping attitudes on vaccine uptake by Christians in Zimbabwe. The chapter noted the centrality of prophecy in AICs and African Pentecostalism specifically in NPMs. In the COVID-19 context in Zimbabwe as in the rest of Africa, the chapter noted how prophecy played a critical role in explaining the pandemic as well as shaping responses to it. Emmanuel Makandiwa was discussed at length because he was very vocal in claiming ownership of a prophecy that had predicted the coming of the virus. He further directed the response of his followers to the uptake of the COVID-19 vaccine through peddling conspiracy theories of how the vaccine had a chip with a mark of the beast mentioned in Revelation 13. Though he later corrected this misinformation, many people in his church had died. The chapter also discussed church leaders who positively influenced vaccine uptake showing that religiosity played an ambivalent role during the COVID-19 pandemic in Zimbabwe. What this shows is a continued conflict between science and religion. The church leaders who spoke on the need for pastors to avoid commenting on issues they are not trained in offer hope of the possibilities of science and religion working hand in hand rather than in confrontation. In the final analysis, the study has called on Zimbabwe and probably Africa to rethink FoRB in the context of pandemics. More research is required on how such concepts can be presented in the Zimbabwe Constitution so that messaging on public health issues is centralised and restricted to qualified personnel.

# **References**

#### *Younes Nourbakhsh & Kobra Sahragard*

# **10 THE EFFECT OF COVID-19 ON RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES OF WOMEN IN IRAN AND THEIR APPROACH TO THE VACCINE**

#### *Abstract*

The COVID-19 crisis is a multi-dimensional phenomenon whose effects and consequences can be investigated in various economic, social and cultural fields. The effect of this virus on women and their cultural and religious beliefs and actions is also one of the topics of sociology of religion and sociology of disasters.

The current research has investigated the influence of COVID-19 on the religious beliefs and practices of women in Iran and their approach to the vaccine. This research is a descriptive-analytical qualitative one. The data were collected using in-depth interviews with Iranian women aged 25-60 and were analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings show that the Corona crisis is of high importance; the experience of anxiety and death, the feeling of sadness, religious feelings, religious upbringing, and religious rationality have led to the deepening of religious beliefs and the change of religious behavior in Iranian women. The power of religious feelings has played a prominent role in women's adaptation to the crisis. Regarding the attitude toward the COVID-19 vaccine, one can say that Iranian women had doubts and worries about the unknown consequences of receiving the vaccine. Some considered it ineffective and others preferred traditional medicine as more effective. However, others consider the vaccine the only way to deal with the virus and believe that modern science is more accurate and effective.

*Keywords:* Women in Iran, Corona, disaster, religious beliefs, vaccine

# **Introduction**

The spread of the corona virus is one of the most important crises of the last century in the world due to the speed of its spread and uncontrollability. Although this crisis is only medical in nature and related to the health system, it is a multidimensional phenomenon the effects and consequences of which can be investigated in various economic, social and cultural fields. In the economic dimension, the severe recession resulting from the suspension of many economic activities and businesses, in the social and cultural dimension, the isolation resulting from the reduction of social relations, face-to-face meetings, due to home quarantine and the suspension of many religious and social rituals, change in people's lifestyle and cultural consumption are among the changes and consequences that have occurred due to the spread of Corona in the world. In other words, it should be accepted that COVID-19 is not a virus that only infects the body, but beyond the medical issue, it has penetrated all the borders of human life and spread to all the systems and institutions of the societies. On the other hand, it is possible that with the introduction of the vaccine, its medical side is considered to be over, but its effects on social life will not disappear at once. Religion and religiosity is one of the important fields that has been significantly affected by the corona virus. The spread of the corona disease has affected the field of religion in many ways. When crises such as disease and famine or natural disasters occur, the society is pushed towards a new understanding of the world; this disease has greatly aggravated the fear of the death of oneself and loved ones and the anxiety caused by it for humans. Therefore, it can be said that it has created serious questions in the philosophical field. Have so many people suddenly thought about death and the end of their own and others' lives, and has our interaction with people and things ever changed so suddenly? All these issues lead people to reflect and rethink their worldviews and question the hypotheses and ways of life before the global disease.

What made this issue prominent in Iran was, firstly, the beginning of this disease "from the city of Qom" as a symbol of religious life in Iran and the reaction and intervention of a number of religious leaders from Qom to Mashhad in the initial weeks of the virus outbreak, and secondly, there was the suspension of religious and pilgrimage centers and the suspension of religious rituals and the reaction of Iran's religious community to these events. Corona in Iran affected religious rituals and closed or changed them. Different religious interpretations of this disease were presented and created challenges in the society. Places of worship were closed for a long time. In order not to distance people from religion, scholars suggested alternative worships. The media played a greater role in holding religious ceremonies. Also, virtual processions in religious places provided social and health services to the people and helping those in need also increased at this time compared to the past. General it can be said that new conditions came up in religious rituals which were at the lowest possible level before corona. The corona virus as a disease not only affected religious actions and rituals and caused the closure of religious rituals and temples and shrines, but also brought up new theological interpretations and this created challenges for religious scholars and social policy makers in Iran. Is Corona a sign of God's anger against human sin? Is Corona a collective test from God for humans? Is this compatible with divine mercy and cosmic order? Women's exposure to COVID-19 disease and its mental and social effects were also among the new issues that attracted the attention of the authors of the article; because according to the health guidelines during the outbreak of the corona virus, social distance and home quarantine, it has been acknowledged that the burden of women's caring role has also quadrupled during quarantine. (LABEODAN & OLUFEMI, 2021:15) In this research, we are looking for an answer to this question: What effects has the Corona phenomenon had on the religious values, beliefs and behaviors of women in Iranian society? How did Iranian women face this crisis and what challenges did they face and what religious solutions did they have for it? How did they receive the vaccine? And how willing were they to follow health orders to reduce risk and maintain health? In fact, we want to deal with women's understanding of Corona and religion and see, as Corona changed women's lifestyles, if it affected their religious understanding as well. And what are the consequences of these changes in women's religiosity for Iranian society?

# **An Overview of the Research Background**

With the spread of the corona virus in different parts of the world, studies have been conducted to investigate the effects of the corona virus on the economy, politics, culture and religion in various countries, and here we will review some of them.

The Pew Research Center (2021) has investigated the religiosity of the people of 14 countries during the outbreak of Corona and their family relationships.

This analysis focuses on views of religious faith and family relationships around the world during the COVID-19 pandemic. It builds on research released in the fall of 2020 about responses in 14 countries to the coronavirus outbreak and U.S. public perceptions of how the pandemic has affected religious beliefs and family situations.

The results of this study show that Americans, more than people in other countries, say that COVID-19 has strengthened their religious faith and made their family ties stronger. (SAHGAL & CONNAUGHTON, 2021:2-3).

Another article titled the role of religion during the crisis of the corona outbreak was done by M.T. JOSEPH (2021).

This article is an attempt to document the intersectionality of religion with COVID-19. Religion in a general sense is a reservoir of resources to which believers turn, especially in times of crisis. Religion offers explanations as to what is happening and also proposes means of mitigation. This article aims to look for highlights of these two responses from religion in different areas of the world, with a particular focus on India. (JOSEPH, 2021:1-2)

The socio-cultural and religious impact of the spread of Corona in Nigeria (2021) is the title of a research conducted by Nkechi G. ONAH. This research seeks to investigate the impact of the spread of Corona on socialcultural and religious life in Nigeria.

The article draws data from official documents, interviews, and other relevant materials. Using a descriptive narrative approach, the paper reveals that the family life of Nigerians is disrupted, poverty is exacerbated and gender-based violence is aggravated. The religious life of the people is also affected. The communal religious experience and participation which the people see as essential in their daily lives are also interrupted.

The situation leaves the people in a state of despair. Nkechi G. ONAH says:

COVID-19 pandemic has impacted religion in Nigeria. Places of worship are shut down while religious activities that will bring people together such as conventions and congregational meetings have been cancelled. Worship is done live on social media, radio and through online television channels but this does not give room for physical interaction with other members of the church. Religious activities bring people together in love and solidarity. It allows people to reach out to members especially the needy and vulnerable groups. This social support is very important in a povertyridden country like Nigeria. Studies have shown that communal religious experience is very important in human life (WEINSTOCK 2019)" (Nkechi G. ONAH, 2021:194).

Another study titled "Coronavirus and the Decline of Africa's Collective Values: Religion and Social Media to Rescue" by LANRE-ABASS (2021) was conducted to investigate the socio-economic and psychological consequences of this Corona disease on the African collective value system, especially two approaches to curbing it. This disease examines social distancing and quarantine. LANRE-ABASS says:

This paper examines the socio-economic and psychological implications of this pandemic on African communal value system particularly social distancing and self-isolation as approaches of containing the pandemic. The paper argues that although these approaches undermine the communal system of living that Africans enjoyed in the past, the need for social distancing and self-isolation becomes imperative when viewed from an Islamic point of view. The paper offers a reconciliation of Islamic social distancing approach with the benefits of the social media as a panacea in handling the gradual decline in African communal system. It recommends that given the spread of the virus, social distancing and self-isolation can both be maintained while at the same time upholding African communal values. (2021: 215)

In Iran, various researches have been conducted regarding the effect of Corona on the educational system of economy and culture. Part of this research is the polls that have been conducted. The results of the latest survey of the Iranian Students' Opinion Center (ISPA) regarding the spread of the Corona virus at the national level and on 24-27 April 2019, show that in response to the question that "How has the importance of religion and God during this period of spread of Corona changed for you compared to before?" 47% of Iranian people said that religion and God are more important to them than before and 48.4% said that there has been no change in this regard. Only 3.5 percent of people said that the importance of religion and God has become less for them than before. This increase of effect was more among women. (ISPA national survey on the spread of the Corona virus, May 10, 2019).

The results of the survey conducted by the Radio and Television Research Center nationally on April 31 and May 1, 2019 also confirm the importance of religion for people during the outbreak of the Corona virus. In this survey, people were asked how effective each of the items is in reducing their anxiety during the Corona outbreak. The findings of the survey indicate that 73.6 percent of the respondents said that prayer is effective in reducing their anxiety. While referring to doctors with 44.2% and referring to psychologists and psychiatrists with 22.9% are ranked next. As with all surveys and surveys related to religion, here women are more influenced by religion than men. 65.7% of men and 79.7% of women said that prayer greatly reduces anxiety caused by Corona. The least group affected by prayer during the Corona era is students with 55.6 percent, and the highest group is housewives with 81.6 percent (national radio and television survey on the Corona disease, May 2019).

#### *Theoretical reviews*

The relationship between gender and religion has long been the focus of sociologists and anthropologists. For example: James FRAZER, a famous anthropologist, shows that even in primitive religions and nations of the East (India) and West (Ancient Greece), the relationship between religion and gender in the form of naming and assigning roles to goddesses is considered (FRAZER, 1922). In studies conducted in many countries, it has been found that women are more religious than men. In this regard, two psychological and sociological approaches can be mentioned. In the psychological explanations of women's religiosity, Freud's theory, deprivation theory, and guilt theory have provided explanations for the differences in women's religiosity. Considering that our approach in this research is sociological, we will explain sociological theories regarding gender differences in religiosity. Social learning theory can be mentioned in the social and sociological explanations. The followers of this theory explain the gender differences and believe that the development of the gender role is influenced by social factors and these social conditions provide children with examples of male and female models who behave differently (such as different gender behaviors). Socialization of girls teaches them to be caring, emotional, submissive, passive and domineering. Because religion encourages these characteristics, women find religion more attractive than men (FURSETH & REPSTAD, 2006). In support of this theory, Landon SCHNABEL argues that gender differences in religiosity are caused by social processes that operate in gendered societies and expect women to assume roles, identities and values related to caring for others. On the contrary, many men develop into self-sufficient, individualistic, strongwilled, and sometimes even aggressive masculinities that are equated with religious bigotry and general intolerance. Apart from distinct socialization, people also tend to observe and act on gender norms and stereotypes. For example, women are thought to be more sociable and compassionate, and therefore through social interaction reject those who transgress gender norms. Then these gender processes are compatible with women's greater religiosity and their lower levels of religious prejudices (SCHNABEL, 2018:62). Structural position theories are also among the other theories proposed in this field, they believe that women are more religious than men because of their structural position in society, because women tend to have less participation in the workforce and have more responsibility for raising children, so they have more time for religious activities. Some have also said that women's involvement in raising children leads them to be religiously involved because such activities are related to the well-being of the family. Despite numerous researches that show that women are more active than men in organizing worship, religious activities and religious beliefs, Leventhal believes that these differences exist depending on the culture and tradition of each religion and believes that religious traditions in each religion creates a difference between women and men in terms of religious obligations and duties. For example, Islam and Judaism have fewer religious obligations for women than for men in some aspects. Cult believes that these differences actually have a social origin, and in this way it has explained the gender difference in religiosity. Another theory is the role theory, based on which it can be said that women's gender roles, such as having children and bearing children, women's relatively precarious and dependent position in relation to their fathers, women's love and affection, which are expected from women's roles, and most importantly their dependence on the family system can be an effective factor in their higher religiosity than men. And another theory developed by two sociologists, John P. HOFFMAN and Alan S. MILLER's theory of risk taking explains that men have an innate tendency to take risks and therefore are more inclined to gamble than women to avoid being punished in the afterlife. As a result, men are less religious. Since women are generally more risk-averse, this theory believes that they turn to religion to avoid eternal punishment or to secure a place in heaven (MILLER & HOFFMAN, 1995:72-73). Based on these sociologists' theory, Baylor University sociologist Rodney STARK hypothesizes that men's physiology – specifically their higher testosterone levels – accounts for gender differences in religiosity. His argument is based on what he sees as growing evidence that testosterone is linked to men's greater willingness to take risks, and argues why men are less religious than women. According to inference, women are more religious because they have less dangerous testosterone (STARK & MILLER, 2002:1419).

On the other hand, people's recourse to religion can be different in disasters and crisis situations, and the amount and type of this recourse is also different between men and women according to gender; "Disaster is an event process that requires the combination of potentially destructive factor(s) resulting from the natural environment, the changed environment or the artificial environment and a population that appears in a socially and economically created vulnerable situation and As a result, a kind of discontinuity is felt in the relatively customary fulfillment of individual and social needs related to material survival, social order and meaning (SMITH & HAFFMAN, 2002:4).

Mikael BARKUN believes that individual disasters provide less opportunity to challenge existing explanations, but when disasters and their consequences are multiple, the inadequacy of traditional methods of explanation becomes evident (BARKUN, 1974:79). Challenging existing methods of explanation in low-consequence disasters or isolated disasters is in many cases neutralized by the inertia of cultural systems: "Cultural systems have inertia; All belief systems tend to preserve themselves as much as possible, even when alternative systems offer better understanding" (BARKUN, 1974:79). Hence, under the initial impact of disaster, victims instinctively seek to explain their plight in terms of pre-existing beliefs, just as we all seek to relate to an unfamiliar stimulus by associating it with the most readily available familiar categories (IBID.). The important point that Mikael BARKUN points out is that if the disaster is limited in terms of scope and time period, ineffective explanations will continue to exist in the corners, but if the disaster expands more and more and in terms of time and space, the scope will continue. In fact, the ineffectiveness of such explanations becomes more apparent (BARKUN, 1974:81).

The more a belief receives the attention and favor of the people of the age, the more power and influence it gains. Sometimes the story is the opposite, and all things go in a certain way, and the set of circumstances is matched in such a way that they destroy the validity of a belief and make it seem unimportant or even deviant and false in the eyes of people. Disaster situation and crisis situation are prone to invalidate beliefs or validate them. We can divide religious beliefs into three categories: untestable, testable, and testable. Because untestable religious beliefs do not have any direct relationship with the affairs of this world and do not require judgment about the affairs of this world or do not require direct intervention in the affairs of this world, they usually do not undergo erosion in a catastrophic situation. Testable religious beliefs are usually not challenged because they can be tested in some way. But the religious beliefs that avoid the test, on the one hand, judging about the affairs of this world, indicate some kind of intervention in the affairs of this world, and on the other hand, the believers of these beliefs are not willing to test them. These types of religious beliefs may rise or decline in a catastrophic social situation. For example, millennial beliefs grow in some catastrophic situations and based on them, millennial movements emerge (BARKUN, 1974:164).

# **Research Method**

This research is a descriptive-analytical qualitative research. The data were collected using in-depth interviews with Iranian women and were analyzed and investigated using thematic analysis. Thematic analysis is an analysis based on analytical induction in which the researcher achieves an analytical genealogy through data classification and pattern finding within and outside data (BRAUN & CLARKE, 2013:121). The participants in this study were selected based on theoretical sampling, and according to the quarantine conditions due to the COVID-19 disease; the interviews were conducted in the form of video calls through the WhatsApp virtual network. Interviews were conducted with Iranian women from different parts of the country in the age range of 25-60 years old, working and housewives, single and married. And it continued until theoretical saturation was reached, and finally 19 interviews were conducted. Each interview was between 30 to 45 minutes, all interviews were recorded and then written in detail. For data analysis, thematic analysis was used as a suitable method to obtain the structure of meaning in a set of data that emphasizes the subjective experience of people. After coding and removing duplicate codes, 54 codes were extracted. In this section, the 54 codes or initial concepts identified could be placed in 21 sub-themes, and finally we placed the sub-themes in the heart of 11 main themes.

# **Findings**

The research findings were categorized and analyzed in 11 main themes. In terms of demographic characteristics, women are in the wide age range of 25-60. Married and unmarried women from different cities are included in this survey, and they were employed in various administrative and educational occupations or they were housewives.

The interviewees introduced themselves as believers. Religious beliefs include beliefs related to fundamental ontological issues and the ultimate issues of life that the followers of a religion and ritual believe in those content and concepts. In this research, one of the main themes is "religious beliefs" which has 4 sub-concepts; Belief in monotheism (the oneness of God), resurrection (life after death), prophet-hood (the prophethood of Muhammad (pbuh)) and imamate (twelve infallible imams). They described God as all-powerful, merciful, and considered the Prophet and Imams to be perfect human beings whose behavior is a model for Muslims. They also considered three elements more effective in their "religious education": family, educational institutions and religious studies. The studied women who had a more serious and acute encounter with the corona virus had experienced "anxiety and worry" facing with the disease this disease. The experience of anxiety is the feeling of discomfort, worry or tension that a person presents in response to threatening or stressful situations. Although anxiety is a natural human response to threats, anxiety about COVID-19 seems to be mostly due to the unknown and creating cognitive ambiguity in people about this virus. Fear of this disease, fear of death, spread of false news and rumors, interference in daily plans, regulations, curfew and travel restrictions, reduction of social relations and dozens of other consequences of these conditions threatens the mental health of people in society. The experience of anxiety caused by COVID-19 was not only for the person infected with Corona, but during the spread of this virus, the fear of getting sick, the fear of death, along with the confusion of daily activities, makes healthy people also get involved with the anxiety of this disease (RUBIN & WESSELY, 2020). These factors can cause a series of symptoms and also serious clinical disorders (SHIGEMURA, ET AL., 2020), which range from symptoms of feeling fear and worry to clinical stress and anxiety; mental and practical obsessions related to the disease and even signs of post-traumatic stress have been seen in similar conditions (SHULTZ, BAINGANA & NERI, 2015). Preliminary data showed that women accepted more psychological effects of the corona epidemic conditions compared to men, therefore women are at greater risk (PIEH, BUDIMIR & PROBST, 2020). According to several studies conducted in Iran, women in Iran felt significantly more anxious when dealing with COVID-19, compared to men. This is also the case in our research. One of the interviewed women clearly expressed her fear of this disease and the fear of the hospital being contaminated:

It was at the beginning of the New Year 1399 that we got involved as a family. At first it was a minor cold.

Another interviewee (code 18, female, 37 years old, married) also stated in response to the same question:

In the beginning, at the beginning of the virus outbreak, we were so afraid of catching it that we rarely went out for shopping, and I kept washing everything and anything we bought that could be washed..., it was really a strange fear. We could not go to my mother's house for almost several months, because I was afraid of being a carrier and transferring it to my parents who are very old.

The experience of death and the intensification of grief were among the other issues of the interviewed women, at the same time as the spread of the Corona virus in Iran, the daily deaths caused by it began. The suspension of social rituals related to death caused many survivors to be deprived of holding funerals and burial rituals for their family members and loved ones. In the situation of the spread of Corona, funeral and burial ceremonies were held with the presence of a small number of family members and relatives, and in the case of funeral and memorial ceremonies, which are usually held on the third, seventh, and twentieth days, the physical and public gathering of relatives and acquaintances have been impossible. The situation mentioned about the deaths caused by the corona virus has been worse. The survivors of those who died due to Corona have often been deprived of visiting their loved ones in the hospital, hugging them and saying goodbye to them. Many families do not know how the bodies of their loved ones were washed or bathed. Funeral ceremonies are often not held and burial ceremonies are held in compliance with health protocols and with the presence of a handful of the closest family members. In many cases, religious customs such as the funeral prayer and the last exhortation for these deceased have not been implemented and the holding of funeral and memorial ceremonies in a physical and collective manner has been completely suspended. In such cases, even close relatives or family members are prohibited from gathering in one place and honoring the memory of the deceased. The situation becomes worse when the survivors of the Corona virus are infected with the virus themselves and go through a period of illness. This is where even wives, children, sisters and brothers cannot hug each other and hold each other's hands. As an example, one of the interviewees (code 3, female, 35 years old, single), in response to the question of whether you lost someone close to you due to corona disease and how you managed it, said:

I lost my father due to Corona; my illness was also very severe; 20% of my lungs were involved... I was quarantined at home alone for 40 days. I had lost my father and I hadn't seen anyone and only some relatives called me and expressed their condolences. I was so broken down that I couldn't sleep and I cried until morning.

In this research, one of the main themes known to be effective among Iranian women in adapting to the critical conditions of COVID-19 is "religious feelings", which includes two sub-themes of hopefulness and peace and assurance. Emotions are an important aspect of individual and social life and play a significant role in people's lives. According to Vanderle Fran, religious feelings are different from non-religious feelings: First, they have a composite structure and include more than one feeling at the same time. Mixed feelings can be of different nature. They may have the same capacity (both may be pleasant or unpleasant), but equally their capacities may conflict. His description of religious emotions as a mixture of fear and wonder constitutes an example of mixed religious emotions. Second, for our purposes, it is more promising and has more depth of value. So there is a balance between emotional responses and the values that respond to them. (Some values are higher than others and require deeper involvement). Considering that all examples of religious emotions are related to religious values, they are emotions that affect us in a much deeper way. Fear of eternal damnation, religious despair, happiness and hope, the religious joy of feeling loved by God – all are types of general emotions that involve us more than other emotions in connection with religious values (FERRAN, 2019:79). A peculiarity about religious feelings is that, unlike our general emotions, they have more depth and stability. We abandon ourselves to them. We surrender to them. Religious joy is always a deep joy. Religious feelings are emotions with weight. And one is completely influenced by them. It should also be said that religious feelings intensify, especially in times of crisis, and for this reason, some sociologists consider the changes in societies in the process of modernity, which have increased financial and social security, to reduce the need for religious assurance, and the occurrence of crisis In the societies, they consider it a setback in the religious orientation of the societies (HOLLINGER & MUCKENHUBER, 2019). So it can be acknowledged that religious feelings and beliefs when faced with threatening situations such as illness, war, death of relatives, etc., is an effective way for people to deal with such situations by creating psychological and social support (IMMERZEEL & VAN TUBERGEN, 2011). Analyzing religious feelings according to the dual human need for positive feelings caused by religion in the conditions of suffering and help to overcome the crisis seems necessary (KRYSINSKA, AN-DRIESSEN & CORVELEYN, 2014:352). From the texts of the interviews conducted, we extracted the propositions and concepts that indicated religious feelings. For example, one of the interviewees stated in response to the question of how you evaluate yourself from a religious point of view:

For me, the peace I get in religion is very good, and maybe I can't find this peace in anything else but God. I have to say that this is my personal feeling, those who do not believe in the oneness and power of God live harder.

In response to the same question, another interviewee said:

I feel God in every moment of my life, and I believe that God will solve every problem. Sometimes when I think about my sister or..., I can see exactly some time later that person contacts me. I believe that this is a nonmaterial action that is going on and the cause of all this is the loving presence of God and God is everywhere.

"Deepening of religious beliefs" is the most important concept that we found in the interviews with Iranian women in the face of the Corona challenge, which has two sub-themes of belief in monotheism and God's power and belief in Ahl al-Bayt (imamate). After conceptualizing the interviews that were conducted with women, we found that the women who had a more serious conflict with it during the outbreak of the Corona virus, their religious beliefs have deepened in terms of belief in monotheism and the power of God and belief in Imamate and Ahl al-Bayt. Women whose belief in God has deepened are those who experienced severe anxiety and sadness during the outbreak of Corona due to acute infection of themselves or their family members. This feeling or belief made the patient hope for a miracle and healing. The interviewee (code 10, 34 years old, single) answered the question of whether your religious beliefs and beliefs have changed due to the spread of Corona virus or not.

Well, I really saw a miracle when my brother was hospitalized due to the corona virus, and God gave us a miracle that he came back. It was a really difficult time and God brought him back to us again. This incident made my faith in God and his power stronger and stronger than before.

Also, another interviewee expressed the power of religion in enduring adversities and creating hope in disappointments (code 12, 54 years old, married) in response to the same question:

I feel that I have become closer to God with this incident, because I had no recourse other than God and the imams in that situation... We asked God for your health, and my infection with Corona made it more tangible for me that a human being with all abilities gets into a state where he can't even blink and I felt how small and weak I was and only God could bring me back to life.

"Religious rationality" is also one of the important concepts extracted in this research. The interviewed women did not see a serious conflict in terms of the ratio of religion and reason. On one hand, they prayed to God for healing and health, and on the other hand, they believed in taking care of medical orders and recipes related to the care of Corona. One of the interviewed women says:

I believe in the healing power of Imams. The same is true for Corona, but the story of Corona is a little different due to its contagious nature. It is true that Imams have healing power, God himself says that the greatest thing I have given you is reason, and you should use it. When a disease like Corona is highly contagious, then common sense dictates to stay away from the place where there is a gathering, now wherever it is. Whether it is a party hall or a shrine of Ahl al-Bayt.

Also, another interviewee tries to justify the corona bans regarding religious places. She considers answering a prayer to be more of a matter of the heart than a ritual by attending a special place. She said in response to the same question:

I fully believe in the healing power of imams and for me it is not like I am bound to be present in that place. That is, I appeal to the imam in my heart, and then the place is not important to me, which means it's not the case that now that the shrine of Imam Reza or Imam Hossein is closed I can't as for anything from them, or there was no contradiction for me to say that Imam Reza, who was said to heal, is now closed because of Corona.

Among the other main categories extracted in this research, "the change of religious behavior" is under the influence of the spread of the Corona virus, which has a sub-theme of individualization of religious practices and worship among women. Corona has affected religious rituals in Iran. Under the influence of the spread of COVID-19 in Iran, religious gatherings have been cancelled and changed for a long time, congregational prayers and Friday prayers have been suspended, and many mourning rituals of Shia special days in the months of Muharram, Safar and Ramadan were also closed in general. Due to the home quarantine during the outbreak of the Corona virus, the people of Iran did not participate in the traditional religious ceremonies. Scholars proposed alternative forms of worship in order not to distance the people from religion. Also, the media played a greater role in holding religious ceremonies. In this situation, the majority of Iranians performed their religious acts and prayers individually at home. Many religious groups and people who were distributing food offerings in the street spent their offerings to provide health care products for the people in order to prevent the spread of the corona virus and in many mosques and religious groups, they made masks. According to the conducted interviews, we extracted propositions and concepts that indicated the change of religious behavior. For example, one of the interviewees, in response to the question of whether your religious practices changed due to the spread of Corona, said:

Not only religious ceremonies and pilgrimages, but also parties and everything else were closed. We would go shopping with my husband by car and return early. I used to go to all the ceremonies, especially Ashura and Tasua'a, and I believed in them very much. But during these two years I couldn't go there. We lived in Zanjan for a while, and there was a big celebration in Zanjan Square, which I went in person. But in these two years I watched its live broadcast on TV.

Another interviewee also stated in response to the same question:

Before Corona, I regularly went to the mosque for noon and evening prayers, I used to offer Iftar to others during Ramadan, but during Corona, I didn't go to mosques and shrines at all, and now I go very rarely. When the Ramadan Quran sessions were canceled, I also read the Quran while watching it on TV.

In addition to the individualization and personalization of religious practices, we also witnessed its medialization. A significant part of the television programs consisted of preaching and religious programs, and by broadcasting limited ceremonies or ceremonies from previous years, it helped people perform religious ceremonies.

Perhaps one of the important themes in this research can be considered as the increase of "attention to human rights". This is the seventh theme that was observed in the findings. By studying the interviews, we extracted concepts that confirm the increasing attention to human rights among Iranian women in the period of the Corona epidemic. This theme includes the sub-concept of public benefit and charity. In a part of the interviews in which women were asked about their religious beliefs and behaviors during the Corona period, they mentioned the increase in helping the needy, respecting the rights of others, and helping charities. An interviewee stated:

Generally, after the crisis that happened to the family, I changed my mind and come to the conclusion that one's actions are much more important. One's actions, thoughts, and beliefs must be the same; I think that one should try to be kind and help others; that is more effective than, for example, praying 100 raka'ats.

Another interviewee considers serving the people and caring for the needy as religion and states:

I see God and religion in serving the people. We have many poor people. Especially in this Corona situation, many workers became unemployed and became poor, and they are hungry. I think the cost of these religious places should be spent on these needy people.

Some others even stated that instead of spending money on religious ceremonies, it is more necessary to help the needy and providing the children in school with their needs or medical matters. Here, a kind of secularization of religion can be found. In other words, they did not see religion only in certain customs in a certain place, but consider every human issues and social service to the needy as religion.

"Women's attitude towards the corona virus" is the eighth theme that was investigated. This theme has three sub-categories that express the attitude of women towards the corona virus, some women considered the corona virus to be man-made, some had a natural origin, and some had a divine attitude towards the emergence of the corona virus. In the following, we have arranged a number of narrations related to each of these concepts. One of the interviewees stated:

I think the mutations that this virus has are suspicious, and the fact that nature has not been able to eliminate it yet make me think that it has been manipulated. I think these mutations are unnatural, that sometimes it becomes weak and sometimes it becomes strong.

This conspiratorial approach to the corona virus, which considers it to be a product of the laboratories of some major governments in the world, was common for a while, especially at the beginning of the spread of this virus in Iran. The second approach is the natural approach to the virus, which considers it similar to other viruses that have existed in the history of the world with differences. One of the women said:

These epidemics have always been seen throughout history, and I don't think it's anything strange. And I don't accept many things that have been said.

According to the third approach, Corona is the result of a sin committed by humans, and now, in a way, nature has rebelled against humans and is punishing them. Some religious scholars in Iran also mentioned this concept in their speeches. Some women accepted this approach:

In my opinion, in the world, there are so many wars, so many sins, so much extravagance in weddings and ceremonies, people who borrowed money for a wedding, how much do they have to spend to make the ceremony elaborate. This is the recompense we have to pay for our being ungrateful.

The ninth theme is that of "women facing the corona vaccine". With the creation of the first vaccines to deal with the corona virus, there were reactions among the people facing the vaccine, which was accompanied by concern and doubt about its injection. In this research, according to the interviews that were conducted with Iranian women, it was found that they had different opinions regarding the COVID-19 vaccine. Propositions and concepts related to how to face the corona vaccine were extracted, which had two different themes and concepts.

The sub-theme of "doubt and concern about the vaccine and its consequences" is the theme that was extracted according to the conducted interviews. Many women have doubts and worries about the corona vaccine injection. On the one hand, this doubt in Iran was due to the doubt about the origin of the corona virus, because they saw it as fake, so they considered the vaccine as fake as well. On the other hand, due to the pessimism that exists in Iranian society towards the West, and that the Iranian society was promised the production of a vaccine, people hesitated to use it.

For example, in response to the question of what is your opinion about the corona vaccine and whether you are willing to inject it or not, an interviewee stated:

It is not known at all what these vaccines are and what effect they are going to have on people's bodies later. However, I took two doses of the Sinopharm vaccine and I am really sorry because after two doses of the vaccine, I got corona again.

Some other women like the rest of Iranian society prefer to use medicinal plants and traditional medicine. Another interviewee stated in response to the same question:

I generally get along better with herbal medicines. If you ask me for pills now, I don't have any pills at home. I couldn't trust the vaccine either, but finally they told me to receive it and I did. Anyway, this was also a way I tried and the result is not clear yet.

The sub-theme of trust in science is another theme extracted from interviews with Iranian women in the face of the corona vaccine. In response to the question of what do you think about the corona vaccine and are you willing to inject it, some women declared that science has been serving a better life for mankind from the beginning to this day, so they trusted it and were willing to take it easily and so they were vaccinated. The approval of the WHO and the use of many countries also increased the trust among the people, despite this, a part of the society, especially women, could not trust. Proponents of traditional medicine as well as religious healing prescriptions recommended by some religious people, especially in the villages, developed mistrust.

The findings of this research show that the corona crisis, due to its components and extractive effects (experience of anxiety, experience of death and feeling of sadness, religious feelings, religious education, and religious rationality) ultimately leads to the deepening of religious beliefs and changes in religious behavior in Iranian women. It should also be said that the experience of anxiety, the experience of death, and the feeling of sadness have been among the most important factors affecting religious beliefs. In other words, our findings show that women who have had a more serious encounter with the corona virus, i.e. they themselves or their loved ones had a serious conflict with it, experienced more severe anxiety in interactions with others, and this experience of anxiety and the experience of death and the sadness caused by that crisis has affected their religious beliefs. Our findings show that women who did not experience severe anxiety and sadness did not find a connection between Corona and their religious beliefs, that is, there was no change in their religious beliefs. It should also be added that the theme of religious feelings has played a prominent role in women's adaptation to the experience of anxiety and sadness caused by the corona virus crisis, in other words, women who experienced more anxiety through religious feelings have been able to overcome anxiety. The studied Iranian women, while criticizing the irrational religious prejudices and unconventional behavior of some religious people in response to the closure of religious ceremonies and places, have considered the change in religious behavior as an inevitable necessity in the conditions of the Corona crisis. In other words, under the influence of these conditions, women performed their religious practices individually, away from the crowd and at home. Also, one of the significant points in this field is the increased attention to human rights in women's religious behaviors and practices during the Corona outbreak. Our findings show that during this era, Iranian women were more willing to do charitable and humanitarian acts.

Another finding of this research is the attitudes of Iranian women towards the corona virus, among Iranian women there are three different attitudes towards the origin of the corona virus, some consider it manmade and others consider it natural and like other diseases on earth. But another group has a different attitude towards the origin of the virus and consider it divine and the result of the bad deeds of humans and their ingratitude.

Regarding the exposure of Iranian women to the corona vaccine, it can be said that they had doubts and concerns about receiving the vaccine and its unknown consequences, some considered it ineffective and others were influenced by anti-vaccine advertisements. Traditional medicine has been considered more effective in preventing the corona virus, but some others consider the vaccine to be the only way to deal with the corona virus and believe that modern science is much more accurate and committed to human health and to stay with their family and loved ones, they have trusted science and are willing to accept the corona vaccine.

**Figure No. 1** - The final thematic map shows the relationship between themes and the impact of the Corona crisis on values, religious beliefs and behaviors of Iranian women.

In the description of this map, it can be said that the spread of Corona in Iran has had two direct consequences: the experience of anxiety and the experience of death, the feeling of sadness for Iranian women, which, through the components of religious feelings, religious beliefs and religious education, lead to a deepening of beliefs and religious values in women who have been studied in this research. It should also be said that the theme of religious feelings directly played an effective role in controlling women's anxiety during the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis. On the other hand, the theme of religious rationality, which is influenced by the theme of religious education and religious beliefs, has played an effective role in changing the religious behavior of Iranian women. Also, the theme of increasing attention to human rights as a result of religious education

and religious rationality has also been effective in changing the shape of religious behaviors.

# **Discussion and Conclusion**

The current research was conducted with the aim of investigating the impact of the spread of the disease of COVID-19 on the religious beliefs and practices of women in Iran and their approach to the vaccine. In general, the research results show that the COVID-19 disease has led to the change of women's religious practices and the deepening of their religious beliefs. According to studies in Iran, women felt significantly more anxious compared to COVID-19 (PIEH, BADIMIR & PROBST, 2020). According to the health guidelines during the outbreak of the corona virus; Social distance and home quarantine, it has been acknowledged that the burden of women's caring role has also quadrupled during quarantine (LABEODAN & OLUFEMI, 2021:15). Therefore, it seems that this crisis has resulted in a stronger commitment and moral responsibility for women to fulfill the family, relational, religious and educational needs of their families and take care of them. The findings of our research also show that the experience of anxiety, the experience of death, and the feeling of sadness were among the direct consequences of the spread of Corona on women in Iran. Religious feelings that help women adapt to the problems and anxieties and worries caused by the COVID-19 crisis. In fact, the lived experience of religious feelings such as divine faith and divine help and refuge creates positive emotions and spirits in women. And it reduces the feeling of fear of the death of family members and loved ones and makes family life easier in the high-risk society caused by the spread of the corona virus. From this point of view, religiosity among Iranian women shows more damage than men. The research findings of LOKTI ET AL. (2020) and CHEN ET AL. (2020) confirm the role of religious feelings in increasing life expectancy and reducing anxiety and fear. The findings of M.T. JOSEPH's research (2021) also show that in India during the Corona outbreak, resorting to religion has relieved their sufferings and pains caused by the Corona calamities. It should also be said that the religious behavior of Iranian women has undergone changes due to the quarantine conditions caused by the spread of Corona. At first, women performed most of their religious practices individually, away from the crowd and at home. This research is also similar to the findings of other researches mentioned earlier. First, turning to religion was common among Iranian women, as shown in M.T. JOSEPH's research. Second, communal religious experience was a method used by Nkechi G. ONAH's research among Iranian women to face Corona. Thirdly, although social distancing was against Islamic recommendations, this relationship continued by resorting to social media, as LANRE-ABASS's research in Africa also shows, and with the production of religious programs on Iranian television, it is possible to pray and participate virtually in the religious programs.

As BARKUN's research showed, not all religious propositions are affected. In this research, it was found that unassailable beliefs and basic beliefs have not changed, but things have happened in some areas. One of the significant points in this field is the statement of women to increase attention to philanthropy and human rights in their religious behaviors and practices during the Corona outbreak. It seems that this concept is one of the most controversial findings of this research, which can be discussed with the concept of civil or human religion, which was first proposed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778). In general, it can be said that civil religion consists of a set of symbols and rituals that are often connected with religion and cause facilitation and even a kind of awe in the social system. In fact, the main concern of civil religion is to link religious-theological teachings with political-social affairs (ARON, 2007:116). In other words, in this concept, religion is manifested in a civilized form and compatible with the requirements of the new era in the socio-political era. This manifestation is completely in line with the teachings of the new age and in other words, it serves the needs of this age. According to the findings of this research, it seems that under the influence of the spread of Corona, the religious behavior of Iranian women has tended towards humanization or civilization, the consequences and developments of which are debatable for the Iranian society.

One of the characteristics of civil religion is the sanctification of social laws and regulations in order to guarantee their better implementation, so it can be said that unity, harmony and cohesion among social groups is the most important strength of civil religion, whose achievements are the strengthening of organizations and civil and voluntary groups in society. Strengthening groups and organizations in society also leads to strengthening civil society. The strengthening of civil society in the society has many consequences. The first consequence is that civil society can be assumed to be the gateway to social development. If the civil society is empowered in a society, that society can reach social development sooner and better.

#### **Resources**

### *Links to Iranian websites:*

The Iranian Students Polling Agency (ISPA), Tehran citizens' views on the spread of the corona virus and its various dimensions, (2020) *http://ispa.ir/Default/Details/fa/2177*

Broadcasting Research Center. People's opinion about Corona (2020). *https://iribresearch.ir/report*

# **Appendix**

Table 1 - The interviewees' specifications

**\* The interviewee's code**

*Joachim Kügler*∗

# **11 VACCINATION ATTITUDES OF IVORIAN MUSLIMS:**  "ISLAM IS NOT AGAINST VACCINES

– BUT THIS IS DOUBTFUL!"

#### *Abstract*

During the COVID-19 pandemic the situation in Ivory Coast was characterized by a deep mistrust against the hygienic measures of the government as well as against the vaccines that were offered as a means to protect oneself against infection with the virus. The chapter focuses on attitudes of Ivorians who define themselves as Muslims toward COVID-19 and tries to find out if they share into the rejection of vaccines and what religion has to do with their attitude. A small study done with qualitative empirical methods, of course, can never be representative for the whole Islamic population in Ivory Coast. Yet, the interviews grant a glimpse into the attitudes toward vaccines and into the relationship between religion, health and politics. The research results in the preliminary impression that socio-cultural and political factors are more important than religion. Significant differences between social groups within the Islamic community become clear.

*Keywords:* COVID-19, Ivory Coast, Côte d'Ivoire, Islam in Africa, pandemic, disease, healing, religion and science, health and politics

# **Introduction**

In preparation for the workshop "COVID-19 and Religion", which took place in November 2021 at the University of Bamberg the author decided to do some preliminary research among Ivorian Muslims to find out how

 ∗ I could not have written this article without the support that I experienced from *Saidou Diallo Mamadou* MSc, Abidjan. He advised in creating the questionnaire, helped in selecting the interviewees and collected the answers. Thank you very much!

far religious attitudes influence the way how the COVID-19 vaccines are conceived.

These interviews on attitudes towards COVID-19 vaccination among Ivorians who identify themselves as Muslims took place at a time when travelling was still restricted and the pandemic was quite far from ending. The general image of Africans' reaction to public health measures in general and to vaccination especially, was mainly influenced by reports on the religious activism initiated by African Christians. Maybe not the majority of Christian religious leaders but those who dominated public discourse in media shaped the image of vaccination as a satanic weapon threatening health and life of African people. The apocalyptic framing of the public discourse about pros and cons of vaccines resulted in an anti-Western, anti-colonial, and anti-scientific war on vaccination.

Responses to the COVID-19 within this matrix of apocalyptic mind-set sustains the anti-modern harboured perceptions. A further onslaught on humanity as AIDS. Only this time, God has protected Africa from severe COVID-19 casualties. Initially, government officials voiced that COVID-19 is a well-promoted hoax by fake news of prominent western media houses. The late president of Tanzania, John Magufuli, dismissed its actual existence […] As, however, the pandemic started ravaging Africa and Afro-Americans, perceptions quickly shifted from denial to acceptance. The new realities redirected the attacks on new aims. There was an uproar after some Western doctors suggested COVID-19 vaccines to be tested in Africa.  The chief justice of South Africa, Mogoeng Mogoeng, echoed prophets like Emmanuel Makandiwa, who declared that the COVID vaccines are the dreaded '666 mark of the beast'. Getting a vaccine shot was perceived as receiving the mark of the beast (Rev 13:16).

Other conspiracy theories promoted […] declared the protective facemask to be the 'mask of the beast'. The banning from entering supermarkets or public places without a mask is seen as the fulfilment of 'no-one shall be able to sell or buy without the mark of the beast' (Rev 13:17). Plans of having a vaccine certificate for international travel were interpreted as opening a way for the new (satanic) world order. Since world leaders are agents of dark forces controlling the world, the whole pandemic and its vaccines are seen as belonging to the grand scheme of things. The new hybrid apocalyptic worldview, which incorporates indigenous apocalyptic thinking and borrowed Judeo-Christian apocalypticism, transfix many Africans into an apocalyptic appetite that interprets the zeitgeist through apocalyptic glasses. (NYAHUMA & KÜGLER 2021:8)

While the vaccine discussions nourished from Christian traditions were well noted and academically analysed, African Islam seemed to get a bit out of the focus. Sure, there are important contributions like the edited volume focusing on COVID-19 and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, but the chapters do not focus much on religious attitudes. The conclusions show clearly that religion is rather reduced to the group of religious leaders, who are seen as "role models" like sports stars and media representatives among others.

The pandemic has also put the relationship between religion, science and politics to a renewed test, including the question of whether to comply with or resist governmental measures on religious grounds. Noël van den Heuvel and Ulrike Freitag showed how religious actors were detrimental in developing and sustaining systemic responses to the current crisis in Iran and Saudi Arabia. It has become clear that for a successful reaction to the systemic health crisis, religious leaders are indeed of particular relevance; one might add representatives of other domains as well, whether it be culture and sports, academia and media, or wherever individuals have the chance to serve as role models for the general public. (HOBAIKA, MÖLLER & VÖLKEL 2022:173)

Religion as a mind-set guiding attitudes, feelings and actions of individuals and groups are not really taken into account. Also the book is not dealing with Africa south of the Sahara.

This clearly is the case in the chapter that Silindiwe ZVINGOWANISEI contributed to BiAS 36 (2023). She discusses responses of Muslims in Zimbabwe to the COVID-19 pandemic. ZVINGOWANISEI argues that Islam has always played a positive role in the domain of health in Zimbabwe. She notes how Muslims (individuals and organisations) have been active in combatting the spread of HIV/AIDS as well as distributing medical treatment to those infected. ZVINGOWANISEI argues that Zimbabwean Muslims complied with COVID-19 protocols of the Zimbabwe government. Thus, she concludes that Muslims showed that they have strong religio-cultural resources that will be helpful in response to future pandemics in Zimbabwe.

[ZVINGOWANISEI's contribution] foregrounds the role of the Islamic community in promoting public health and human well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic through their cultural identity and other religious resources. [Thus, she] advocates for the inclusion of minority religions such as Islam in post-COVID-19 recovery initiatives and in any other future pandemics. (ZVINGOWANISEI 2023:91)

Although these statements could be rated as speaking a bit *pro domo*, they are confirmed by other authors (e.g. DUBE 2022) too. Anyway, the data base of ZVINGOWANISEI is limited to Zimbabwe and her analysis does not focus on the debate on vaccination. Thus, there is good reason to give Francophone Muslims from West Africa a voice by asking how Ivorians who identify themselves as Muslims use religious patterns to shape their attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccination.

## **The First Set of Interviews (October 2021)**

The first and rather small research campaign started in October 2021 and used a questionnaire that aimed at finding out the general attitude toward COVID-19 vaccines and also to what extent religious motives were involved in this attitude.

The whole group of interviewees comprised 9 persons. Three of them identified themselves as women, six as men. The average age of the three women was 37 years (ranging from 31 to 42 years). The average age of the six men was 29.8 years (ranging from 27 to 35 years).

The interviews went along a short questionnaire, which was read by the interviewer or handed out to the interview partner (IP) so that they could fill in their answers themselves. The questionnaire was, of course, in French, while it is rendered here in English translation also (appendix 1). The interviews took place on locations in several towns and cities in Ivory Coast).

The preliminary results of this first set of interviews in 2021 (FSI 21) can be summed up in the general statement that vaccinophobia is a minority position in the group of interviewees.

Furthermore, religion seems no obstacle for vaccination. The few IPs that show an attitude against the vaccination give other reasons than religious ones. Their attitude is based on social, cultural or political reasons like a feeling of losing freedom by being forced by the government, mistrust in the government or in the scientific quality of the vaccine. On the other side, the pro-group mentions religion as a source of motivation to practice social responsibility by protecting human health and life. Thus, the 2021 interviews give the impression that for the majority of Ivorian Muslims their religion not only constitutes no obstacle for vaccination but is, just in the contrary, a motivation to do all possible – including vaccination – to protect health and life of themselves and of others (family and community). Despite the small number of interviews, the results are not irrelevant as they are in accordance with the already mentioned results of other researchers.

## *Open questions*

Although the results of the first set of interviews seem so clear, there are many open questions that cannot be answered by this small set of data. Among these unanswered questions the most thrilling probably are:

## *Re-asking the IPs on their professional and educational background*

Due to the fact that the interviewer still was in contact with all of the IPs, it was possible to clear at least question #1 in an action of re-asking the IPs on their professional position and their level of formal education.

This re-asking was done in the first week of December 2021 and the result showed a quite high uniformity of the IP-group in this point. The following table gives a short overview over the results:

Table 2 (FSI 21)

Table 2 shows that all the members of the first IP group were situated in an academic/ professional context. Thus, the answers of the FSI 21 group refer to only a very small fragment of Islamic population in Ivory Coast. Even if qualitative research never can (or even wants to) achieve representative results, this small sector of society was rather problematic.

Therefore, it appeared necessary to broaden the horizon of the study and get access to IPs from other parts of society.

# **The second set of interviews (July – August 2022)**

The idea of giving a voice to other parts of Islamic population in Ivory Coast was operationalized by shaping three additional groups of IPs.

> • The first group was labelled "ordinary people" (OP) and comprised persons that do not define themselves as political or religious experts.

 1 The alias of the IPs are produced by composing age and gender. As alias are repeating in other IP groups, the interview number is then added to clearly identify the specific IP.

<sup>2</sup> Both F39 and F42 give their professional position as "déléguée médicale" which is translated here as "medical sales representative" (=MSR).

## *The "ordinary people" group of IPs (OP)*

The questionnaire for the OP group was a slightly extended version of the 2021 questionnaire (appendix 1) as it included elements of the re-asking action mentioned above. This group of IP was the largest one in the second set of interviews. It comprised 14 IPs from different urban areas of Abidjan and different working settings. The age of the IPs ranges from 18 to 40 years with an average of 30.6 years. The following table gives an overview.

At the first glance, one can see that we did not find any IP in this group who was *pro* vaccination. What appeared as a minority opinion in the first set of interviews, is here not only the majority. It is the *only* attitude documented. Without any exception, all of the IPs are against vaccination. The reasons given for this attitude mostly are fear of damages caused by the vaccination. This fear often is given as well under "emotional reasons" as under "rational reasons". As there is no IP speaking *pro* vaccination, it is, of course, impossible to say anything about the differences connected with gender or age. The uniformity of the group concerning the negative attitude toward vaccination marks a stunning difference to the 2021 interviews. Due to the character of our data base, it is, however, impossible to thoroughly interpret the reasons for this difference. One can only speculate if it has to do with the different social contexts of the two IP groups or with different perceptions of dangers and risks in a later phase of the pandemic. Anyway, one should always keep in mind that Ivory Coast never saw the high number of casualties that Western countries like Italy, Spain, or USA suffered from.

In spite of the clear differences between the OP group of 2022 and the first IP group of 2021, there is one point that both groups have in common. They do not link religion with a negative attitude toward vaccination. Of course, there is no link between Islam and a positive vaccination attitude as all the IPs in the OP group are showing a *contra* position. Yet, they link their religion with the general responsibility for personal and public health. The OP group is very homogenous in not using their religion as a direct argument for their contra-vaccine-position. None of the IPs states that there is a religious commandment against medical treatment or vaccination in general. Yet, there are links between anti-vaccination attitude and religion. The following table gives an overview:

The question concerning "religious reasons" for their attitude often (i.e. in 9/14 cases) is answered by a general, positive statement on Islam. The stereotypic qualification "religion of truth" gives the impression of something learned. Maybe the saying is part of the public discourse among Muslims in Ivory Coast, a pre-defined pattern. In the context of an attitude against COVID-19 vaccination the saying implies that this vaccination is

not true. And indeed the IPs show mistrust against the reliability, effectivity, and harmlessness of the modern vaccines. 4/14 IPs express this uncertainty about the quality of the vaccine by defining a religious tendency to avoid uncertain and doubtful things. Furthermore, one IP – the youngest person in the group – claims that there is a religious motive of rejecting innovation *per se*. As, most probably, even IP 16 (F18) would not reject really everything new, one can understand this utterance as a highly generalized expression of doubts. The IPs 12 (M35), 13 (M23), 15 (M29), and 23 (M39) express the same doubts very clearly.

To sum up, one could say that the members of the OP group show a link between Islam and their rejection of the COVID-19 vaccination. This link has to do with their doubts and mistrust against the quality of the vaccine. Their sceptical attitude seems not to originate directly from religious tradition. Instead, it is obviously used as a secondary confirmation of a negative perception that is informed by other sources. Due to the design of our interviews we cannot say anything about these sources.

It will be very interesting to compare these results with the two other groups, namely religious leaders and journalists.

#### *The IP group of religious leaders/ Imams (RL)*

This group of IPs consisted of six men who gave Imam as their profession. A gender mix was not possible in this group as the position of an Imam is clearly gendered as masculine in Ivory Coast. A woman functioning as Imam may be possible nowadays in some Islamic movements in Western countries like USA, France, and UK among others, but would not be acceptable in Ivory Coast – as in most countries<sup>3</sup> – even if the history of Islam obviously did not generally exclude women form this function.

The age of the members of this IP group ranges from 40 to 50 years, with an average of almost 46 years. This means that the RL group is much older than our other IP groups, and also much older than the median age of the Ivorian population, which sits at a bit more than 20 years<sup>4</sup> . Although

<sup>3</sup> For the exceptions in history and present times see the overview at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women\_as\_imams.

<sup>4</sup> A median age of 20.3 is given by the CIA's factbook (https://www.cia.gov/the-worldfactbook/countries/cote-divoire/#people-and-society) for the whole population of Ivory Coast. See also: https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/ivory-coast-population.

our IP groups are in no way meant to be representative, this higher average of age is a fact, which could be understood as an expression of a cultural tradition associating higher age with experience and wisdom qualifying for leadership.

The personal position on COVID-19 vaccination is mixed with a tendency to a negative stance. While three members of this IP group are openly against vaccination, the other three say 'yes', but with a lot of fear and doubts. Even with them scepticism prevails.

Due to the pastoral influence of religious leaders on members of their specific congregation, the professional context of their attitude toward vaccination is of high importance. To catch a glimpse into this area two additional questions were added to the questionnaire for this group of IPs – numbered as (5) and (6) in appendix 3. The following table gives an overview of the RL answers.

Table 5 (RL)

While most IPs of the RL group follow the impetus of the question (5) and simply inform about preaching on the topic of COVID-19 (vaccination), one IP, 24 (M40), already informs on the content of his preaching. He says

 5 According to Islamic tradition the Friday sermon (*Khutbah Jum'ah*) is the most prominent form of public speech. Usually, the Imam leading the prayer is also acting as preacher. The sermon is expected to address religious topics as well as topics concerning political and social developments relevant for the life of the Islamic community. Cf. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friday\_prayer.

that he demands the members of his community to obey to the regulations of the state authorities. Due to the importance of the Friday sermon for the guidance of believers it is of interest to ask about the attitude toward COVID-19 vaccination expressed publicly on these occasions. Having in mind the quite sceptical personal attitudes mentioned above, one might expect to find reflections of these attitudes in the IPs public preaching. However, one cannot expect that the public speaking is simply an unfiltered repetition of the personal view. The religious, social, and political responsibility characterizing contributions to the public discourse will always influence the content.

Table 6 (RL)