The group of track producers entering the cave comprised a 3-year-old child about 88 cm tall (morphotype 1); a child at least 6 years old and about 110 cm tall (morphotype 2); a preadolescent, between 8 and 11 years old, about 135 cm tall (morphotype 3); a subadult to adult about 148 cm tall (morphotype 4); and an adult about 167 cm tall (morphotype 5) (Fig. 14.5). Estimate of the stature for the morphotype 5 is also sustained by the results obtained considering the length of the tibia derived from the available kneeling traces. Our results concerning morphotypes 4 and 5, which are referred to adult individuals, are in agreement with the average stature suggested during the European Upper Palaeolithic (162.4 4.6 cm for males and 153.9 4.3 cm for females) (Villotte et al. 2017).

Body mass estimates derived from footprints parameters suggest slender body size for all the trackmakers. Arch angle and footprint morphology suggest a possible male as trackmaker of the largest footprint group. For morphotypes 1, 2, 3 and 4, any inference of gender result possible although the presence of almost a female (morphotype 4?) seems probable.

Digitigrade and semi-plantigrade footprints informed on the pedal postures and the behaviour of the producers passing through different sub-environments of the cave. Both these footprint types were in most cases traced back to the same type of producer by comparison with complete footprints indicating complete foot support during locomotion. Some semi-plantigrade footprints (e.g. Fig. 14.4, C44–C44b) show a strongly adducted trace of digit I and an apparent alignment with the other digits, probably because of the intra-rotation movements of the distal portion of the foot during the thrust phase. Footprints included in morphotype 3 show a peculiar pedal morphology. While the resulting morphology of digit I trace is explained by walking on a waterlogged substrate, the separation between digit pairs II–III and IV– V allowed hypothesizing an inherited familiar trait or a pathological condition of the producer's feet. The producer was not incapacitated, showing the greatest mobility in the hypogeal environment.

#### The Exploration of the Cavity

The study of the tracks and their interaction with substrate allows us to reconstruct the main aspect of the cave exploration. In the initial part of the cave, no footprints were preserved, so we hypothesize that after a walk of approximately 150 m from the original opening of the cave and a climb of about 12 m, the group arrived at the Corridoio delle Impronte were the first main cluster is preserved (Fig. 14.1). They proceeded roughly in single file, with the smallest individual behind, and walked very close to the side wall of the cave, a safer approach also used by other animals (e.g. Canidae incertae sedis and bears) when moving in a poorly lit and unknown environment. The slope of the tunnel floor, inclined by about 24, may have further forced the individuals to proceed along the only flat area in the lower corridor, a couple of meters from the left wall of the cave. About 10 m from the Corridoio delle Impronte, the cave roof drops to below 80 cm, and members of the group were forced to crawl, placing their hands and knees on the clay substrate (Fig. 14.5).

After a few meters, the group leader stopped, impressing two parallel calcigrade footprints, possibly to decide on the next movement and proceeded to cross the parts where the cave roof was at its lowest. The other individuals also stopped at the same place as the leader and then proceeded along the same path by crawling and following the group leader, as indicated by the timing reconstructed from interactions between the tracks.

After passing a bottleneck of blocks and stalagmites, the party descended for about 10 m along a steeply sloping surface. The whole group traversed a small pond, leaving deep tracks on the plastic waterlogged substrate, climbed a slope of 10 m beyond the Cimitero degli Orsi and finally arrived at the terminal room Sala dei Misteri, where they stopped. On the walls, several charcoal traces, generated by the torches, are preserved.

Some charcoal handprints reaching up more than 170 cm on the roof of the Sala dei Misteri confirm that the tallest individuals (morphotypes 4 and 5) were able to touch this part of the gallery. The fact that their footprints are not preserved relates to the loss of the central portion of the hall floor. In the same room, the adolescent and children started collecting clay from the floor and smeared it on a stalagmite at different levels according to height, as suggested by the breadth and relative distribution of the finger flutings on the karst structure. During their sojourn in the innermost room of the cave, the young individual, which produced morphotype 2, imprinted ten clear heel traces (Citton et al. 2017), which are here interpreted as calcigrade tracks produced by a trackmaker who is momentarily standing still to excavate and manipulate clay as was also recorded for the Salle des Talons at Tuc d'Audoubert cave (Pastoors et al. 2015).

After stopping for several minutes (considering the quantity and ubiquity of the tracks), they exited and followed a route which did not always adhere to that followed on entry. After passing the small pond, they crossed the upper corridor following a more comfortable and safer route (Fig. 14.1). It is important to note that in the upper corridor, all the prints point in the direction of the exit while in the lower corridor, with the axis of the foot oriented parallel to the walls, most of the footprints are directed towards the interior of the cave (Fig. 14.5) (Romano et al. 2019).

#### Bàsura Cave in the Regional Context

The Palaeolithic human settlement in Liguria during the Late Glacial seems to be intensifying compared to the previous phases (Tomasso et al. 2014). In addition to scattered findings of Epigravettian lithic artefacts from open-air sites referable to short-term hunting camps, a more consistent evidence of long-term or pluristratified dwellings have been found in some shelters or caves, namely, in the archaeological area of Balzi Rossi (Grotta dei Fanciulli and Riparo Mochi), in the inner valleys of the Albenga Plain (Arma di Nasino, Arma dello Stefanin and Arma Veirana) and in the Finalese Area (Caverna delle Arene Candide).

These sites, mainly focused on hunting activities, are located both in the ends of the valleys and along the mountain terraces and ridges. At the Arma dello Stefanin, a cave located at the entrance of a valley rising towards the Alps, a high presence of ibex remains underlies the very specialized hunting vocation of the site (Barker et al. 1990). A high human mobility along the territory is also testified by the presence of a wide range of lithotypes used to make chipped stones; the lithotypes found in the Ligurian sites come from a very large area, which brackets, on the west, the Rhone Valley, in France, and, on the eastern side of the Italian peninsula, the Marche region (Negrino and Starnini 2003).

The most interesting behavioural features, involving social and ideological issues, concern however the burials. Burials have come to light at the Grotta dei Fanciulli (Gambier et al. 2001) and at the Caverna delle Arene Candide (Sparacello et al. 2018). Although, as for the Gravettian, the use of pierced sea shells as grave goods has always been widespread, new behaviours linked to funerary practices seem to arise. The Late Epigravettian levels of the Caverna delle Arene Candide, for example, have revealed a true cemetery dated at about 12 ka calBP and referring to about 30 individuals, including a bisome burial as well as neonates, infants and juveniles; it shows a complex rituality, as highlighted by the presence of millstones and ochre painted pebbles, by different animal species, probably totemic, associated with the burials, and by a voluntary displacement of some human remains (Riel-Salvatore et al. 2018; Sparacello et al. 2018). The bisome burial discovered at the Grotta dei Fanciulli, which takes its name from this finding ( fanciulli means in fact children), belongs to two children, respectively, 4 and 5–6 years old; it has been dated at about 13 ka calBP. The burial objects consist of about a thousand of perforated marine shells of Tritia sp. placed in correspondence to the pelvis and the proximal part of the femurs, probably sewn to clothes or belts, underlying how these young individuals were the subject of particular attention within the group (Gambier et al. 2001). Remains of children (jaw bones) were finally collected, in a secondary position, from the top units of the same deposit (Palma di Cesnola 2001).

The rich archaeological evidence referred to the Late Epigravettian likely witnesses a demographic growth and perhaps even an increased territoriality; new rituals, including the presence of a cemetery, suggest a deep restructuring of Palaeolithic society during the final stages of the Upper Palaeolithic, not only in Liguria but also all over in Italy and Europe (Pettitt 2011; Riel-Salvatore and Gravel-Miguel 2013), whose phenomenon is perhaps not extraneous to an introgression of a genetic component related to present-day Near Easterners, along with new cultural inputs, as suggested by recent aDNA outcomes (Fu et al. 2016). Concluding, what has been observed at the Bàsura Cave fits perfectly into this picture, enriching it with an evidence that even more underlines the basic and not secondary social role of the youngest individuals within the bands of hunter-gatherers at the end of Palaeolithic.

#### Concluding Remarks

Based on the integration of laser scans, sedimentology, geochemistry, archaeobotany, geometric morphometrics and photogrammetry, we have interpreted the evidence of a small Palaeolithic group of people explored a deep cave about 14 ka calBP. Five individuals, two adults, an adolescent and two children, entered the cave barefoot and illuminated the way with a bunch of wooden sticks. Traces of crawling locomotion are well documented, and anatomical details recognizable in the crawling traces show that no clothing was present between limbs and the trampled sediments.

The tracks left in the Bàsura Cave indeed confirm us that hunter-gatherers' behaviour was not always driven by subsistence necessity, but as many ethnographic examples teach us, also by nonutilitarian activities.

However, what drove a small group of the Upper Palaeolithic with children younger than 3 years to venture into an unknown and dangerous environment like Bàsura Cave? Quite simply perhaps the innate and irresistible instinct of humans to the discovery, to leave the safe for the uncertain. The journey into the unexplored interior of the Earth of the restricted clan in the Bàsura Cave is a litmus test of how the predilection for the unknown and of the discovery is inextricably written in the human DNA.

The same impulse and sense of wonder drove a group of young guys, in the first half of the twentieth century, to venture with torches in the Bàsura Cave, after 14,000 years and about 500 generations, to follow the father steps in the bowels of the Earth.

#### References

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### Chapter 15 Prehistoric Speleological Exploration in the Cave of Aldène in Cesseras (Hérault, France): Human Footprint Paths and Lighting Management

Philippe Galant, Paul Ambert{ , and Albert Colomer{

Abstract Aldène Cave is a system of 9 km of extent, on four hydrogeological levels. Within the first two fossil levels, which comprise more than half of the system, many archaeological remains have been discovered. They represent a continuum of more than 350,000 years of human history. On the second level, we find the Paul Ambert gallery, discovered in 1948 by the Abbé Dominique Cathala. This gallery contains many human traces, with footprints and marks of torches that were brought into the cave. A recent geomorphological study of these elements concerned registration and systematic analysis of the lighting marks, as well as an initial determination of the footprints. This work confirmed the contemporaneousness and functional link of these archaeological remains. Lighting management could be determined precisely with the traces on the walls and the remains discovered on the floor in connection with the footprints. These data, investigated with a spatial approach in relation to the cave network, clarify the prehistoric passages and allow an interpretation of the behaviour of visitors. All elements together form the picture of a family at a speleological investigation, which is attributed to the Mesolithic.

Keywords Mesolithic · Footprints · Torches · Lighting system · Karst

### Introduction

Aldène Cave is located in the south of France in the heart of the Minervois plateau. This region is situated at the foot of the Montagne Noire, overlooking the vast Languedoc coastal plain that extends to the Mediterranean Sea. Administratively, this territory is in the Occitania region, straddling the departments of Aude and Hérault.

Ph. Galant (\*) · P. Ambert{ · A. Colomer{

Direction régionale des affaires culturelles Occitanie, Montpellier, France e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
Fig. 15.1 Current view of the entrance to the first level of Aldène

The cave opens to the gorge of the Cesse, a river that rises in the foothills of the Montagne Noire and flows south to join the Aude River. During the crossing of the limestone plateau of the Causses de Minerve, it cut deep gorges that revealed the entrance to Aldène. But much earlier, it is also this river that, before sinking into its canyon, shaped the subterranean network.

The cave is developed over more than 9 km of galleries which are spread over four different hydrogeological levels. The first two levels, of which the first is known since ever and the second discovered in 1948, are completely fossilized. The third level discovered in 1992 has a temporary flow during flood periods, while the fourth level found in 1994 constitutes part of the permanent subterranean course of the Cesse downstream of its first losses located at the Moulin de Monsieur at the beginning of the gorges.

This cave is known since ever. It has always been very popular for different interests: nature, archaeology, history, tourism, speleology, fauna, picturesque setting, emotions and many others (Fig. 15.1). It is a major site in the Minervois that its inhabitants have always known and frequented with continuity and often in a tradition of family tradition. It follows logically that Aldène, as it is locally called, in this region always triggers an interest, a curiosity for everything that happens there, for everything that concerns it.

#### A Major Natural Cave for the Heritage

Aldène is the most important speleological network in the Minervois, and its speleological complex constitutes a subterranean drain in connection with the river Cesse. The galleries follow the natural slope of the surrounding rocks, towards the southwest and in the main directions of fracturing, which allows groundwater to reach the heart of the Aigne syncline and thus contribute to the constitution of the Cesse-Pouzols aquifer (Nou et al. 2013). The entire network is therefore integrated into this hydro-system and constitutes its main view of drainage and subterranean flows (Fig. 15.2).

The first level, known as the Bousquet level, has always been known as confirmed by the many archaeological remains that have been found there since the eighteenth century. Abbé Dominique Cathala discovered the second level, known as the Cathala level, in 1948. The third level, known as the René Azéma level, was discovered in 1992 by the speleologists of the Aldène Association. The same is true for the fourth level, known as the André network, discovered only in 1994 (Ambert 1998). The galleries that make up this network develop in the Eocene marine limestone of the tertiary era (known as alveolinous limestone), which rest in discordance on the Cambrian schisto-dolomitic series of the primary era. The corridors are cut in following regular fractures that give a very orthogonal appearance to the topography. Around main drains, many side connections become unexplored due to rocky barriers that prevent any passage. Several collapses also mark the ends of the main galleries.

The history of Aldène is very rich. In view of the many publications that recount this story, the researcher remains modest in the face of all these human, scientific and literary investments. Aldène has always intrigued passionate people without ever disappointing those who have been able to handle it. This cave has always had, locally but also regionally, a great scientific and tourist interest. This can be measured by the extensive bibliography concerning it. The census work currently being published by Yves Besset and Robert Marty reveals 700 references to books and articles relating to the cave (Besset and Marty forthcoming), more than a hundred of which were published before the twentieth century.

As early as 1776, Antoine-François de Gensanne published in his history of the province of Languedoc a very beautiful and complete description of the cave. At the very beginning of the nineteenth century, the paleontological interest of Aldène was recognized, in particular by the work of Marcel de Serres, who visited the site several times and identified many species following the discovery of fossil bones by his student Hyppolite Pittore. Throughout the nineteenth century, many publications, mainly for tourists, praised the beauty and interest of the cave. In particular, we can cite the text of Pierre Solomiac, known as Leg of Iron, a veteran who became a hermit of the cave and whose publication constitutes the very first tourist brochure on this cave (Solomiac 1885). He specialized in guiding visitors and has largely marked the history of the site with his legend. The greatest names of prehistory, a nascent science at the time, visited and wrote about Aldène. From 1880, the Narbonne

Fig. 15.2 Topographical survey of the first three levels of the cave and location of the main galleries (French Federation of Speleology – Technical UV instructor 1998)

geologist Armand Gautier identified the presence of lime and alumina phosphates in the cave and then called Minervite, which was in fact what researchers would later classify as guano-phosphates: the reaction between the large deposits of guanos due to the presence of bats and the clay fillings in the cave. This discovery led from 1888 to a systematic exploitation of the fillings on the first level, which, after many events, ended in 1943 in the field and with an administrative end in 1950. This exploitation was one of the most important for this type of substance in the whole Languedoc, even in the south of France. This work, which is estimated to have delivered 2840 tons of phosphates between 1888 and 1929, destroyed the paleontological stratifications that prevent the site from being studied forever (Gauchon 1997). Thus, almost all the archaeological and paleontological remains that had accumulated in these fillings over more than 400,000 years have disappeared! But what is contradictory is that this devastating exploitation has also allowed the discovery of remarkable remains that would have remained forever buried without it: in 1927 the gallery with Palaeolithic engravings (Guerret 1927) and in 1948 the access to the second level and the human paths (Cathala 1949). Throughout the exploitation, miners and other visitors collected various ancient objects that trace the prehistoric use of the cave. As an anecdote, noteworthy is the cave bear skull that was displayed in the office of the Director of Operations and was more than 1 m long, the tallest one Bernard Gèze had ever seen (Gèze 1994). Today, all these objects, which testify to the numerous Palaeolithic frequentations, the Neolithic, the Metal Ages, classical antiquity and the Middle Ages, are scattered throughout many private collections that remain unknown; only a few pieces are presented in the museums of Monaco, Montauban, Narbonne and Olonzac (Ambert and Galant 2007). From 1971 to 1998, the Museum of Prehistoric Anthropology of Monaco revealed, through the successive archaeological research of Louis Barral, Suzanne Simone and Patrick Simon, the chronostratigraphic Palaeolithic importance of the filling still preserved at the entrance to the cave. There is here a unique documentation for the knowledge of the frequentations of the entrance during the Lower Palaeolithic. The walls of the cave also contain many historical graffiti that remind us of the recurring visits since at least the Middle Ages and very importantly since the sixteenth century (Marty 2007). An object of curiosity, discovery and sensation, the cave has always been visited since then. This brief presentation of the heritage interests of the Aldène Cave allows us to argue that this cave has concealed for more than 400,000 years all the remains of the various human societies present in this region (Galant and Holwoet 2001). It can thus be classified as one of the most important archaeological sites in Europe.

#### Exceptional Deposit Conditions

The second level of the cave revealed, during its first exploration by Abbé Dominique Cathala (1899–1950) on first May 1948 (Fig. 15.3), very numerous palaeontological traces of bears and cave hyenas (dens, footprints, bones, claws) as well as exceptional archaeological remains in place: the path of human footprints and traces of torches. All these remains, present on the surface of the floors and walls, indicate the antiqueness and stability of the vestiges and the sedimentary structure in this part of the network. During the research program led by Paul Ambert

Fig. 15.3 Abbé Dominique Cathala (left) discoverer of the second level of Aldène on May 1, 1948 and human footprints, accompanied (right) by Antoine Solenelle, the miner who showed him the blower hole on March 30, 1948. (Photo N. Casteret, Daniel André-Association Martel Collection)

between 1996 and 2006, which aimed to date animal and human incursions into the Aldène network, a general geomorphological assessment was carried out (Ambert et al. 2000, 2005, 2007). This work made it possible to identify all the sedimentary dynamics of the cave network and their evolution over time (Ambert et al. 2010). In this scheme, the archaeological evidence had made it possible to establish the chronology of events for the most recent periods of the network's functioning. Thus, with regard to human footprints, it was possible to highlight the reasons for their conservation and, above all, the specificity of their situation in this part of the cave (Ambert et al. 2001).

For our part, we coordinated in this program the study of the traces of torches on the walls of the Galerie des Pas (Galant et al. 2007). This gallery, which extends over almost 700 m, originated from the outside with an entrance that has now collapsed. The study of this passage, the only one that allowed access for animals and humans in this part of the network during prehistoric times, showed a slow evolution, to such an extent that when humans used it, the passage was lowered several tens of metres long before giving access to a large chamber extended by a vast and long gallery (Guendon et al. 2004). Inside, the traces of lighting on the floors and walls show that the gallery has been visited by humans for more than 500 m. Our work made it possible to characterize the lighting system used (Fig. 15.4), to reproduce fairly accurately the passages used by humans on the way in and out of the cave and to understand the nature and origin of the traces of lighting still preserved. In addition, we were able to associate the lighting traces with the footprints, thus showing that this contemporaneity resulted from a single visit that corresponded to a speleological exploration of the network during the Mesolithic period. This characterization of a

specific subterranean behaviour related to speleological exploration undermines the poorly documented theories put forward by some authors who have no reference or archaeological competence despite their claim to want to rewrite the course of history in this theme (Bigot 2010).

#### A Problem of Complementary Study

While working with the human footprints (Fig. 15.5a), we also had the chance to discover, outside the already known area, a new sector with about ten footprints. Today five sectors with human footprints are now known in this cave, among them the main path extending over about 30 m. Due to the width of the gallery, the footprints of the main path can only be seen from the gateway that borders it laterally. To date no supporting document has been available to inventory or work on these traces. We were then satisfied with making simple visual observations. Thus, we estimated that the human group from which these traces originated was composed of about 20 people, mostly children accompanied by only a few adults. This group only made one round trip through the gallery which allowed us to study the traces of torches as contemporaneous phenomena (Fig. 15.5b). This is the first time that such observations were made in a cave on such remains.

With hindsight, we can now say that this project has remained unfinished. It seems important to us to document with new and reliable methods the relationship between the human paths and the parietal traces present on the walls as one of the

Fig. 15.5 (a) Detail of a human footprint of the sector C path well marked in the clay that forms the floor of the gallery; (b) human footprints on the path in sector C. These tracks, which go in different directions, clearly indicate the prehistoric group's round trip

main research interests. On the other hand, it also seems essential to us to better characterize the composition of the human group that carried out this speleological exploration more than 8000 years ago, our first assessment being too subjective. To do this, a more precise diagnosis of the footprints must be made. A comprehensive and complete inventory must be drawn up based on a global survey of the five sectors with human footprints known to date. This inventory must also allow to identify each track individually, to carry out biometric measurements in the hope of being able to characterize the stature and age of the trackmaker but also to try to consider a diagnosis of sex. The aim is to characterize the composition of the group as detailed as possible. It will be also important to try to identify and associate the footprints of the same subject in order to be able to define the step sequences and thus to try to approach human behaviour in the cave. These data will be complementary to all those already acquired.

#### The Contribution of the Traces of Torches

The human presence in the Cathala level of Aldène is also evinced by the presence of charcoal traces on the walls. Just after the discovery in 1948, these remains were interpreted as torch smears, and about 30 of these traces had been inventoried. The completion of a new systematic inventory based on a detailed examination of the floors and walls enabled us to identify 105 points related to lighting management during the prehistoric visit (Galant et al. 2007). These traces are present at the entrance to the cave network where a profusion of layers of charcoal is visible on the floor (Fig. 15.6). The experiments carried out within the framework of this study had revealed that this corresponded well to the lighting of the torches with the thin parts of fire sticks which burn down very fast. The traces found on the walls throughout the rest of the subterranean path could be divided into two types: accidental traces corresponding to unintentional impacts of the lighting systems under particular conditions related to the morphology of the network and advance (Fig. 15.7a) and voluntary traces, always preceded by impacts on the wall to break the longest ends of the torches and thus make a mark during the visit (Fig. 15.7b). Accidental traces generally correspond to lateral friction of the torches, leaving a very characteristic mark on the walls. On the contrary, the voluntary traces correspond to crushing of the end of the torch perpendicular to the wall. These two types of traces are very different.

More than 500 m from the entrance, a final voluntary trace of a torch on the wall seems to indicate the end point of this prehistoric visit to the cave. We then questioned the reasons for this interruption of the presence of traces further into the network, because this point constitutes a stop on nothing and the gallery still extends over vast proportions and a great distance: no natural obstacle hinders the progression at this level. Detailed examination of the walls beyond this passage revealed no trace of a torch; similarly, no charcoal remains or human footprints were seen on the floor. Observation of the geomorphological conditions of this part of the cave network also informs us that there is no reason for differential conservation of these types of remains. Their absence is therefore well linked to an act of omission. Can we then think that the prehistoric visitors of the network continued their visit without leaving a trace on the floors and walls? All the remains observed since the entrance to the network and over the first 500 m invalidate this hypothesis, because the conditions of the galleries in the rest of the network are similar and the observation of the nature and distribution of the traces in the area frequented indicates that we should have found some if prehistoric exploration had extended beyond this point. This last trace of a torch therefore corresponds well to the end of the prehistoric visit. So how to explain this end, when there is no commitment from a speleological point of view to stop the progression at this point of the network. The most probable hypothesis seems to us to be the one that is called in speleology a stop on autonomy. Indeed, it seems obvious that to embark on this exploration, visitors had to bring a certain number of torches necessary for the production of light. It is therefore easy to imagine that at this point, if they had consumed no more than half

Fig. 15.6 Distribution plan of the different traces of torches found, indicating the area explored by prehistoric speleologists

Fig. 15.7 (a) Unintentional trace of a torch corresponding to a lateral friction of the lighting device. This type of vestige makes it possible to accurately reproduce the prehistoric path within the gallery; (b) voluntary trace of a torch, marked by an impact perpendicular to the wall. This element seems to correspond to a marking element

of their reserve, they would have thought of returning, light being crucial, even vital, in this kind of exercise. We therefore have here the very ancient testimonies of a prehistoric speleological exploration that has the same behavioural characteristics as those of current speleologists.

#### Human Footprints

These traces are distributed in a very limited part of the total space covered in the cave by the human group during the Mesolithic period. It is estimated that only 10% of the path taken is still partially marked by human footprints. This is due to two main phenomena: footprints are only marked if there is a passage on a plastic surface; after execution, the preservation conditions must allow the tracks to be kept in place. In the particular case of Aldène, it can be estimated that 40–50% of the substrate of the prehistoric paths could be appropriate for leaving tracks. This situation suggests that many traces have disappeared. This disappearance is mainly due to three reasons: there is a lateral water inflow into the gallery that has partially incised the clay filling superficially; this same water inflow and other flow sources have generated a partial hydrological loading of the galleries, a phenomenon that has resulted in a surface clay-silt inflow that has partially covered the clay floors; and the use of the network since its discovery in 1948 has resulted in extensive trampling of areas that may have borne human footprints. It can also be assumed that in a very specific way, other taphonomic phenomena have altered the conservation of footprints (falling stillation water from the vault, falling blocks, calcifications on the floor, trampling after the discovery, etc.).

These situations explain why human footprints are concentrated at several points over only about 50 m. In this space, five sectors can be identified that show human footprints. These sectors are classified in succession according to the current access to the gallery, i.e. by moving from inside the network to the prehistoric entrance which is currently blocked.

Fig. 15.8 (a) General view of sector C, taken from the southwest to the northeast; (b) concentration of human footprints in sector C (main path about 30 m long)

> of being accompanied by two traces of sticks dragged through the clay in direct relation to the footprints.

Fig. 15.9 Orthophotography of sector D generated from the photogrammetric survey

### The Study of the Human Footprints of the Paul Ambert Gallery

The study of the human footprints of the Paul Ambert gallery in Aldène has never really been carried out since the site was discovered in 1948. The analysis begun by Abbé Dominique Cathala after his discovery of the network was not completed following his untimely death. It was only partially presented and then published by his sister at the first International Congress of Speleology (Cathala 1953).

Between 1952 and 1954, several members of the Société Méridionale de Spéléologie et de Préhistoire de Toulouse (SMSP), under the direction of Marguerite Cathala, carried out topographical surveys of the two levels then known in the cave. Similarly, they continued the analysis of the footprints from the main path (sector C in our classification) from the one initially studied by Abbé Dominique Cathala before his death. This work was carried out on the basis of the grid that Louis Méroc had advised Abbé Dominique Cathala to draw on the floor. In addition to the historical and documentary aspects of these surveys, the complete and detailed history of Abbé Dominique Cathala's discovery of the second level is given. To our knowledge, this is the only document that mentions these facts.

In 1973 and 1974, a study mission on these tracks was carried out under the direction of Léon Pales (1908–1988). These works, which have not been published, are only indicated by brief information in a notice of the site in the atlas of the decorated caves (Pales and Vialou 1984). According to this, copies of part of the main path were made by Michel-Alain Garcia, which are now in the Musée National de Préhistoire des Eyzies-de-Tayac-Sireuil (Dordogne). In addition to the copies, the

Fig. 15.10 Orthophotography of sector E generated from the photogrammetric survey

museum houses Léon Pales' personal archives, and it is likely that they contain other important documents about his work in Aldène.

#### A New Research Program

Faced with the lack of an exhaustive study of heritage remains as important as those present in terms of ichnology in Aldène (by their nature, quantity, quality, chronology), we have embarked on new research on this site. This work was initiated on the basis of the three-dimensional digitization of floors with human footprints carried out in collaboration with the Société Géomesure, the IUT de Nîmes for the scanning part and with Thierry Montécinos for the photogrammetric survey. The principle of an exhaustive inventory of all traces has been put in place through the definition of several criteria to be recorded on each footprint. This project will also address the biometric and paleoanthropological study of traces thanks to the collaboration with Henri Duday (PACEA laboratory). A large-scale experimentation project is also planned under the responsibility of Jean-Louis Orengo, founder of a theme park on ichnology named "Au Pays des Traces" ("In the land of tracks", Ariège, France). Furthermore, the footprints of various sectors were examined by three indigenous ichnologists from Namibia (Thui Thao, /Ui Kxunta and Tsamgoa Ciqae) as part of a week-long campaign. This extraordinary visit was made possible by cooperation with the Tracking in Caves project (see Lenssen-Erz and Pastoors Chap. 6). This study project will therefore allow a comprehensive scientific approach to the footprints of Aldène. The progress of research in the field of prehistory therefore encourages us to perceive differently the remains that we thought we were studying. The new techniques made available to researchers are renewing the reading of the archaeological data still in place. The first results of this research already allow us to consider rather surprising results that will most certainly allow us to rethink the relationship between humans and the subterranean sphere during prehistory.

#### References

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### Chapter 16 The Mesolithic Footprints Retained in One Bed of the Former Saltmarshes at Formby Point, Sefton Coast, North West England

#### Alison Burns

Abstract In the early Holocene period, extensive tracts of coastal land were submerged as the climate warmed and meltwaters flooded into the oceans. As the Irish Sea expanded, coastlines altered and large intertidal zones were created as tracts of low-lying land at the tidal margins were gradually submerged. In these areas, reed swamp and saltmarsh formed which, too, were inundated for varying periods of time. However, in the calmer warmer weather of the late spring and summer, birds and mammals were drawn on to the mudflats where they could feed on molluscs, or new reed and sedge shoots, wallow in the cooling mud, drink the brackish water or, for some predators, hunt. The behavioural tendencies of some species are revealed by their footprints which show their engagement within this environment – some breeds moved on to the marshes while others moved away. The humans who shared this landscape understood the opportunities offered by these predictable behaviours. Their trails run along and across those left by many species, leaving a visible network of human and animal activity preserved in the hardened mud. These will be described through an examination of the footprints recorded in three contexts which formed the stratigraphy of a Mesolithic bed at Formby Point in North West England. The persistent return to the mudflats by generations of people reflects an embodied knowledge of this coastal landscape, learnt in childhood and practiced in adulthood. The ability to modify movements in the landscape, to respond to the daily tides, the changing seasons and a fluctuating environment, all suggest a spatialtemporal relationship which not only encompassed a dynamic environment but also the other life that dwelt within it.

Keywords Formby Point · Mesolithic · Footprints · Sedimentary beds · Saltmarshes · Intertidal · Humans · Animals

A. Burns (\*)

University of Manchester, Manchester, UK e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
#### Introduction

Formby Point forms part of the Sefton coast which encompasses a length of coastline of sandy beaches backed by intermittent dune systems and located between the city of Liverpool to the south and Southport to the north (Fig. 16.1). This part of the coastline is suffering from erosional processes which act to reduce the height of a beach. In places, particularly at Formby, this causes the Holocene sedimentary beds to become intermittently visible, jutting out from the sand. The consolidated muddy outcrops appear at different times but the most northern are constantly visible. The different consistency and colour of the sediment indicates the various inland sources of the silt laden streams that conveyed material in suspension from inland during the Mesolithic period. Today, once exposed, they are at the mercy of the weather and the waves which act to gradually destroy them by alternately drying and eroding the layers by sea water. However, the beds are frequently re-covered by the sand either brought down from the nearby eroding dunes or from the sea. Therefore, the exposures are transient and their appearance unpredictable. This study will focus on one sedimentary bed. An analysis of the footprints preserved within it will offer insights into the lifeways of coastal populations during the late Mesolithic period. First, I would like to illustrate the palaeoenvironment which existed in the coastal

Fig. 16.1 (a) The location of the published footprint sites situated around the coastline of Britain. 1 Formby Point, Sefton Coast, Merseyside; 2 Low Hauxley, Northumberland; 3 Happisburgh, North Norfolk; 4 St Ouen's Bay, Jersey; 5 Magor Pill, Gwent and Uskmouth, Newport, S. Wales; 6 Goldcliff, Gwent, S. Wales; 7 Kenfig, Pembrokeshire, Wales; and 8 Splash Point, Rhyl, Denbighshire, Wales. (b) The exposed bed at Blundell Path C. The scale is 1 m. (Photo June 2016)

zone of North West England. This provides the contextual background in which the footprints were left.

#### The Palaeoenvironment

Fluctuations in sea level during the Mesolithic period led to corresponding changes in the landscape. Brackish areas of wetland developed as fresh and saltwater mixed, which changed the ecology of an area as tracts of land were submerged (Fitch and Gaffney 2011; Tooley 1978). Waves and strong tidal currents reworked the mud, gravels and glacial till situated on the bed of the Irish Sea (Fitch and Gaffney 2011; Johnson 2009; Pye et al. 1995). Flood tides around the Liverpool Bay were much stronger in their velocities than the ebb tides. This created an overall landward drift of water-borne material which remained in suspension until it was released onto the upper reaches of the intertidal zones. Transgressive events during the mid-Holocene period also caused a significant amount of sediment to accumulate at the eastern edge of the Irish Sea where it formed sand bars and intertidal mudflats (Huntley 2008: 64; Kenna 1986; Pye et al. 1995; Tooley 1978). Within this diverse and fluctuating landscape, people would have utilised the ever-changing coastline to their advantage, using areas of higher ground as look-out points but retreating when the sea flooded over previously dry areas (Fitch and Gaffney 2011: 96).

Immediately inland, the terrain consisted of low-lying fen carr mixed with carr wood and scrub which extended to the coastal dunes and at the seaward margins an intertidal saltmarsh (Pye et al. 1995; Roberts and Worsley 2008). This coastal ecology covered an area from Anglesey, North Wales, all the way round the eastern edge of the Irish Sea to Walney Island in Cumbria, interrupted at intervals by estuaries running through them (Fitch and Gaffney 2011; Tooley 1976).

This chapter will discuss one footprint laden bed which was recorded in its entirety during a short period of exposure during June 2016. It consisted of two main contexts with a third exposed as a narrow strip on the seaward side of the bed. Contexts 1 and 3 were radiocarbon dated using plant macrofossil analysis. However, in order to contextualise the footprints within this bed it is important to mention other studies which have taken place at Formby and the processes which led to the retention of these footprints.

#### Previous Studies at Formby Point

Previous studies relating to Formby were published in 1978, the late 1990s and the early 2000s. These studies focussed on dune formation and on determining the pattern of sea-level rise during the early Holocene period. As part of this research, alder and oak roots growing into the sedimentary beds were dated. At Lifeboat Road, the initial dating of the then dune-edge woody dendritic peat, which has since been eroded, was undertaken by Tooley (1978). The sample recovered from a height of +5.08 m OD gave an age of 897–386 calBC (2510 120 BP, Q-2086). In 1995, Pye et al. dated alder roots visible on the upper beach, north of Lifeboat Road, Formby Point (National Grid reference SD 269 065) to 800–100 calBC (2335 120 BP, HV 4709) and 1690–1370 calBC (3230 80 BP, Beta 47,682), respectively, providing a terminus post quem for the sediments which lay beneath the dunes and therefore a date after which the coastal dune system had formed. To establish the antiquity of the sedimentary beds further organic samples were taken. Gonzales et al. (1997) dated alder roots from a similar location to 1780–1430 calBC (3333 80 BP, UB 3868) and 2400–1650 calBC (3649 109 BP, UB 3869) and Roberts (2009) also dated alder roots near Lifeboat Road to 2040–1760 calBC (3575 45 BP, OxA-10,075). However, it was recognised by Roberts that these dates did not establish the actual dates that the footprints were formed, partly because in the 1990s, Gordon Roberts had discovered a set of red deer antlers with good stratigraphic context in an outcrop of sediment close to the dune foot at Wicks Path. This lies approximately 100 m to the north of Lifeboat Road. The antlers yielded a date of 3339–3205 calBC (4450 45 BP, Ox A-9130) (Roberts 2009: 36), putting them into the middle of the Neolithic period. In an effort to date the footprints in beds sediment samples taken by Roberts from Blundell Path were sent for dating analysis using optically stimulated luminescence (OSL). Two samples were analysed: the first taken from a depth of 10 cm gave a date of 5978–3371 calBC (5750 600 BP, OxA 1528a), and the second, taken from a depth of 30 cm, gave a date of 7311–4169 calBC (6650 700 BP, OxA 1528b), (Roberts et al. 1996; Roberts 2009). The exact location of these sample sites is not recorded, and the dates obtained from the sediment give a very broad time span for the mudflat formation but indicate that terrestrial and marine sediments were steadily accumulating from the late Mesolithic period. However, the coastal palaeoenvironment at these locations had changed substantially over time as the dates of the oak and alder roots indicate. Eventually, by the Bronze Age, trees had become established over the former saltmarshes as the coastline moved significantly further to the west as local sea levels regressed (Huddart et al. 1999; Tooley 1978).

The rarity and significance of the archaeological record at Formby Point was established by Gordon Roberts, a local resident, who was primarily interested in the footprints which he noticed in the mud when walking his dog. His careful recording – photography, casting and cataloguing of many footprints enabled him to identify most of the faunal species and to identify and make estimations on the sex, age and stature of the human population (Roberts et al. 1996; Roberts 2009). Represented in the faunal population, he identified red deer (Cervus elaphus), roe deer (Capreolus capreolus), aurochs (Bos primigenius), crane (Grus Grus) oystercatcher (Haematopus ostralegus), dog/wolf (Canis lupus/ familiaris), small seabirds, wild boar (Sus scrofa), unshod horses (Equus) and possibly beaver (Castor fiber) (Huddart et al. 1999; Roberts 2009).

#### Footprint Formation and Preservation Process

As the extensive saltmarsh formed intertidal reed beds and mudflats accumulated at the fluctuating fringes of the coast. These were cut by muddy channels filled with brackish water. This area attracted a variety of fauna drawn by the richness of the reed beds and the openness of the mudflats in contrast to the tangled fenn-carr inland. During the late spring and summer months, the mudflats were exposed for some hours when the tide was out, enabling the footprints of all those moving over them to be captured in the damp sandy mud. During the warmth of the day, the mud hardened and the footprint was retained, baked into the silt. The hardened impressions would have been first filled with aeolian and tidal sand and then covered and sealed by the next water-borne sediment deposition (Allen 1997, 2007; Bennett et al. 2010; Roberts 2009). This fresh layer of silt also had the potential to retain a further array of footprints. However, as can be appreciated, a particular suite of circumstances was needed to enable preservation to take place. Most footprints would have been destroyed by the returning tide within hours of their formation. Over time though, a consolidated bed of sediment formed with the preserved footprints retained in the stratigraphy – offering a snapshot of activity which had taken place over a few hours but which was buried by silt and sand for millennia.

In an experimental research project regarding footprint formation and retention, Marty et al. (2009) described the best conditions for footprint preservation as occurring when the substrate was moist but not waterlogged. In these circumstances the fine details in the footprint would be retained so long as the impression was not immediately covered by water (Marty et al. 2009: 134). Allen described this as stiff mud with a moderate moisture content (1997: 500). The pristine footprints revealed in some of the contexts in the beds at Blundell Path suggest that these conditions were present when these footprints were formed, indicating activity when the tide had been out for a considerable period. Others with less detail suggest a much wetter substrate existed when they were formed and that animals and people also accessed the mudflats shortly after the turn of the tide.

The sedimentary bed which will be discussed in this chapter was only visible for approximately two weeks during June of 2016 and has been named Blundell Path C as it lies in close proximity to two other beds of similar colour and consistency which were previously recorded. This bed measured roughly 4 m by 1.5 m. It was composed of two large exposed layers of approximately 4 m by 0.5 m and one small third layer running under the upper two. Each of these layers contained distinctive trails of footprints. Due to the rapid exposure of the bed in June 2016, most of the footprints were clear, retaining the finer footprint detail and some were in pristine condition. They were recorded over a period of days. At the end of this time, a large quantity of sand once again buried the whole bed to a depth of at least 45 cm.

#### Blundell Path C

Many beds are intermittently exposed along the foreshore but, during the seven years of recording, Blundell Path C was only visible once for a period of approximately two weeks. However, during this time, it was dated and the exposed parts of the bed fully recorded. Located at Grid reference SD27105 07795, it lies approximately in the middle of the span of beds which extend for 4 km around Formby Point. The mixed stratigraphy of this bed indicates the existence of a dynamic intertidal environment which experienced both periods of flooding, resulting in the deposition of sand, and periods of reduction in relative sea level, which enabled the sediment of the bed to gradually accumulate in three distinct layers of hardened silt (Fig. 16.1). The bed was finally buried beneath the sand where it remained intact until its recent exposure. Each layer, described as a context in this chapter due to the separate episodes of formation, contained footprints.

In order to date the footprints, plant macrofossils were extracted from bulk samples recovered from contexts 1 and 3 and were radiocarbon dated. From context 1 (at the top of the bed), a date of 4331–4050 calBC (5363 59 BP, UBA-32242) was obtained. Context 3 returned a date of 4659–4489 calBC (5749 59 BP, UBA-33959), indicating that the bed accumulated over a period of approximately 400 years. This chapter, therefore, represents an analysis of the humans and animals present within the intertidal muds in Formby at the end of the Mesolithic period in Britain.

#### The Footprints in the Bed

The lack of clarity of some of the footprint impressions in context 1, which appear eroded, reflects the extended duration of the exposure of this layer of silt to the elements before it was sealed. However, during its formation, this bed had not been subjected to intense drying as no desiccation cracks had occurred. The transient visibility of the bed in 2016 meant that most of the footprints were well preserved and were not exposed to taphonomic processes after exposure. The visible stratigraphy formed two main contexts (Fig. 16.1). A third lower context appeared as a small layer of silt for two days only, before it was partially eroded and reburied. However, these footprints (forming context 3) were photographed and measured. During the recording of the bed, which took place over 4 days, parts of the seaward edge of the bed were eroded at a rate of approximately 45 cm a day. This affected the continuity of some footprint trails in context 2 which had fortuitously been previously recorded. However, it illustrated the ephemeral nature of the bed and the footprints once exposed.

Of the six species recorded here (human, red deer, roe deer, wild boar, oystercatcher and crane), human footprints dominate, accounting for 22 individuals ranging from toddlers to robust adults. Of the animals represented, a small flock of cranes at the most southern end of the bed (Fig. 16.4) accounts for their increased representation in context 1. Of the other species, red deer accounted for three trails of prints and roe deer seven. Unusually, roe deer outnumber red deer in this bed, in contrast with the other Mesolithic beds, where red deer dominate. A single wild boar

Table 16.1 The species and their numbers represented by the footprints in the bed at Blundell Path C

Table 16.2 The dimensions of the footprints, the estimated heights of the children and the direction of travel in context 3 (cm)

FL foot length, FW foot width, FD foot depth, H height

trail and three widely spaced oystercatcher prints account for the other species. Table 16.1 shows the number of species present within each context.

The footprints will now be discussed in each context starting from the earliest dated context (3) to the newest (1), to highlight the activity taking place during the accumulation of the bed.

#### Context 3, the Lowest Layer

The footprints in this 1 0.5 m exposure of mud were made by four young children and one person over 14 (Table 16.2). No overall trend in the direction of travel could be seen due to the lack of full footprint trails. Only single footprints left by individuals were discernible (Fig. 16.3d). However, they were all within the same area. The grouping of the footprints suggests a number of infants moving around in the mudflats when the tide was out, probably under the supervision of a teenager (F.0055 in Table 16.2).

It is interesting to note that the prints left by the four very young children conform to groupings of children's footprints which are repeated in several of the beds along the foreshore of Formby Point. It would appear that children frequently ventured out onto the mudflats together and that an older youth or young adult was close to them. However, occasionally children moved around together without an accompanying elder. Their presence at the edge of the mudflat indicates the level of familiarity that even very young people had with this intertidal environment. The footprints show their movement directly to and from the sea and at an oblique angle to the tidal edge. At a very young age, habitus, which Ingold (2010, 2011, 2018) defined as the development of skilled knowledge through repeated engagement in a particular setting, was developing. In later life, habitus can be interpreted in the trails of adult footprints progressing with ease through the intertidal muds.

#### Context 2, the Middle Layer

In this context, the footprints were left by five species; roe deer, red deer, crane, oystercatchers and humans. The footprints were made by 14 humans dominate, although these are frequently only single footprints lying amongst the animal footprints. Only two trails composed of several human footprints were preserved. The measurements of the single human footprints indicate that each age group is represented in this context. Adults are represented by half of the 14 sets of prints. There were three sets of footprints belonging to children under three years of age, two children around ten years of age and two sets belonging to sub-adults aged 14 and above. The assignation of sex was problematic due to the lack of detail in most of these footprints. However, the largest footprint lengths indicate that the adults ranged in height from 155 to 175 cm. This suggests that both sexes were represented by the tracks. The three sets of footprints belonging to children indicate that one child was 112 cm tall and the two smallest sets indicate a toddler and a slightly older child under three years of age. Table 16.3 is a summary of the human footprint dimensions in this context.

Table 16.3 The dimensions of the human footprints in context 2 (cm)

FL foot length, FW foot width, FD foot depth, H height

Although the human and faunal prints (red deer and crane) lay in close proximity within this context, there are no obvious connections between them. The direction of travel by the three roe deer shows a preference to travel along the mudflat to the northeast and the southwest. This contrasts with the red deer who moved east or west. The crane and oystercatcher prints show their random movement over the bed. Although these prints lie near to the human footprints and show the presence of several species over a short space of time, the animals would not have been present at the same time as the humans, rather shortly before or shortly after.

That the humans did not step into faunal footprints is noteable and provides us with a sense of their awareness of others. Despite no recognisable trends apparent in human travel over these mudflats, there was a slight preference to move towards the south along them, parallel to the inland vegetation. However, some human footprint trails clearly show particular patterns of movement. For instance, the clearest set of footprints were left by a person 165 cm tall (probably male) who walked along the mud before stopping (Fig. 16.2, features F.0044, F.0045, F.0046, F.0047, F.0048, F.0049 and F.0052). This person then carried on walking southwest, oblique to the sea. This trail was crossed by another – also an adult – who stood 155 cm high and headed west directly to the seaward edge of the mudflat (features F.0042 and F.0043). These two sets were joined by a third person (171 cm) who walked northwest to join the others (feature F.0040). A slightly different orientation shows a fourth person (also 165 cm tall) who walked north (feature F.0041). However, at least three of the group of people were converging on one area at the seaward edge of the mudflat (Fig. 16.2). It suggests, therefore, that they may have been engaged in activity at the edge of the sea.

Fig. 16.2 A group of human tracks in context 2 Blundell Path C recorded in June 2016. The plan covers an area of approximately 5 3 m

Figure 16.3 shows three of the sets of footprints from this group which could indicate two males and possibly one female. However, this footprint F.0043 could also represent a youth due to the width of the forefoot. Of note is the division between the

Fig. 16.3 Footprints from three adults shown in Fig. 16.2; (a–c) features F.0041, F.0043, F.0048 in context 2; (d) a child's print in context 3 shows the wide foot of an infant (F.0054). (Photos June 2016)

big toe and the other toes in feature F.0048, left by the first (165 cm tall) individual described. This print anomaly was not caused by the substrate but represents some form of foot deformity or a missing toe. This is confirmed by the same impression left in each right footprint. This abnormality is not seen on the left side.

#### Context 1, the Top Layer

Here the footprints were left by six species. A small flock of cranes represent the greatest number of prints left by any one species. The footprints in this context are widely dispersed, but the crane prints in the southern end of the bed shows their random movements as they foraged for food buried in the silt. Their bill probes left distinctive marks as small oval shapes in the mud amidst their footprints (Fig. 16.4). Bird species are also represented by the oystercatcher, the most common seabird recorded at Formby Point.

Roe deer are well represented in this context, accounting for four sets of prints, indicating that this location was quiet enough at times to enable the wary roe deer to feel safe in the open landscape. This interpretation of composure is accentuated by the footprints of two adult roe deer that travelled across the bed towards the sea at a steady walking pace. One roe deer was slightly larger than the other (Table 16.4). Both had hooves larger than adults of the extant breed (which have hoof prints which average 4–5 cm long and 3–4 cm wide). Of the four sets of roe deer prints, two indicate movement towards the northwest and two towards the southwest, indicating travel towards and back from the seaward edge of the bed where they may have been drinking the backish water flowing through the channels at the edge of the mudflat. Of the animal species present on the beds at Blundell Path, roe deer and red deer represent the greatest numbers and were clearly prolific in this wetland area during the Mesolithic period.

Fig. 16.4 A photogrammetric plate of the crane prints and their bill scrapes at the southern end of Blundell Path C. The scale rod shows 1 m. (Photos June 2016)

Table 16.4 The size of the hoof prints made by two roe deer in context 1 at Blundell Path C (cm)

FL foot length, FW foot width, FD foot depth

The lone red deer trail showed a small animal moving northeast (Fig. 16.2, feature F.0051). The single wild boar trail is the only confirmed recording of this species at Formby, although other scholars have reported the possibility of its presence (pers. comm. Roberts). Apart from the group of crane prints, there were no visible connections between the individual sets of footprints between the various species. All the hoof and footprints show movement at a steady walking pace in an undisturbed environment.

The two sets of human footprints in this context were eroded to the extent that the impressions were shallow and the foot shape indistinct with no fine internal footprint details remaining. One set showed a track of five footprints, the clearest of which measured 25.5 cm in length suggesting a person 171 cm tall (F.0031, F.0034). This person travelled north along the mudflat. The other track (F.0036) was made by an adult of approximately 186 cm tall, and this broad footprint at the level of the metatarsal heads suggests a male (Fig. 16.5). This person travelled east back to dry land. Due to the amount of erosion of these footprints, the footprint lengths used to calculate height of each individual are variable (Table 16.5) and therefore give a range of possibilities. Some footprints also show slippage of the foot which further complicates estimates of height using these indistinct impressions. Therefore, although the clearest footprints have been taken as the approximate height of the individual, these calculations can only be estimates at best.

The difference in detail between the human and faunal prints in this context (compare the impressions in Figs. 16.4 and 16.5) could be due to humans being present when the mud was hardening so that the footprint was not captured in detail. Erosion by the incoming tide could have further erased the detail.

Fig. 16.5 The two sets of footprints left in context 1 Blundell Path C; (a) and (b) the two clearest footprints left by person 1 (F.0031, F.0034); (c) the clearest footprint left by person 2 (F.0036). (Photos June 2016)

FL foot length, FW foot width, FD foot depth, H height, \* clearest print

### Activity on the Mudflats

### Faunal Behaviour in the Intertidal Zone

The faunal imprints contained within each context offer a snapshot of activity which occurred during the drying process of the silt. However, some knowledge of the habits of the different species present at different states of the tide enables us to make a number of interpretations about the activity which occurred in this bed. For instance, the red deer and roe deer would only have been visible on the bed at dawn and dusk unless a particularly quiet interlude during the day could have enabled them to feel safe when exposed on the mudflats. The wild boar would not have been on the saltmarshes at the same time, preferring instead to be active during the night, foraging from dusk until dawn in the undergrowth nearby and only venturing onto the saltmarshes to wallow in the mud during the day (Overton and Hamilakis 2013). Humans, however, could have been present at a similar time to the deer but were most likely to have been most active during the middle hours of the day, at the same time as the cranes and oystercatchers. The cranes are present in some numbers and may have nested in the alder trees fronting onto the saltmarsh coming down on them to forage for food. They are found in each Mesolithic bed, showing their presence throughout this time but not later during the Neolithic. Although not recorded in this bed, the aurochs was present at Formby and would have been active during the day. Known as a wetland specialist (Hall 2008: 190), the aurochs would have fed on young reed shoots and wallowed in the mud (Aurochs footprints have been recorded in the other Mesolithic beds at Blundell Path).

In this Blundell Path C bed, in context 1, it can be hypothesised from an interpretation of the depth of the footprints, that the roe and red deer and possibly also the cranes were present very early in the day at dawn when the mud was still saturated shortly after the turn of the tide. This enabled clear, deep, sharply cut impressions of each hoof and claw to be captured in the mud. The humans, however, were present some time later when the mud had had time to dry. This reduced the depth and details of their footprints which were also then rapidly further eroded by the incoming tide, before being capped with further sediment and sealed as the bed accumulated. When the footprints are interpreted using a range of information regarding the habits of differnt species and the appearance of the footprints themselves, a picture of movement in the intertidal mudflats is gained and the changing nature of activity on the mudflats better understood.

Many of the trails of footprints left by different fauna suggest a familiarity with this environment that enabled them to take advantage of the intertidal muds and marginal vegetation. Here, animals moved obliquely to the edge of the sea, thus using the terrain to travel through. This may have been because it was easier walk along a mudflat than travel further inland where the wetland fen carr would have offered many obstacles. The openness of the saltmarshes would also have afforded an awareness of the presence of other species and, at times, would have provided an early warning of potential danger. At Blundell Path C, the very alert roe deer travelled at a walking pace, but in other beds they frequently travelled at some speed as if escaping from a threat. Apart from humans though, predator species are not noted at Blundell path C. However, the presence of wolf/dog and lynx has been noted in the other Mesolithic beds at Blundell Path, so they were almost certainly, in the proximity of the mudflats.

In summary, the intertidal environment was in a constant state of flux. Here we have a sense of continual movement on and off the marshes at different times depending on the state of the tide and the habits of the animals. Overall though, an impression of familiarity and comfort in this intertidal area is gained, where there was minimal perception of threat despite the possibility of predators being nearby. A return to the area by the same species over many generations also shows patterns of activity which remained consistent over a long duration, despite the ever present challenges of an existence within such a dynamic environment.

### Humans in the Intertidal Zone

The human footprints in each of the three contexts in this exposed area of the bed discussed, demonstrate a human presence on the marshes over the several hundred years of its existence. People of all ages are represented, although not recorded in each context. For instance, in context 3, four young children and a 14 +/adult are represented. In context 2, adult footprints dominate (14 people are represented here). In context 1 there are only two adult trails. However, these footprints all show persistent activity focussed on this area in the intertidal zone for over at least 400 years at the end of the Mesolithic period.

As previously mentioned, one notable feature in each context is the lack of overlap of any of the footprint impressions despite their close proximity. This is particularly apparent in context 2 (Fig. 16.2). Here also, adults travelled both along the mudflats and directly out towards the sea. However, in this particualr area, people appear to have been progressing from several directions to converge at the seaward edge of the mudflat. In context 1, adults still walked along the mudflats often progressing notrhwards, in reverse of context 2. They also walked east towards land and away from the edge of the sea. However, despite these differences in orientation, they still may have been engaged in the same activities, like the fauna, generations later.

#### Experience in the Intertidal Zone

The depth and uniformity of the base of the footprint impressions showed that these people moved through the mud at a steady walking pace, fully aware of others around them and the semi-liquid environment in which they walked. This awareness would have been accentuated by the visibility of other footprint tracks left in the mud, read as clues to the whereabouts or intentions of other beings (Ingold 2010: 131) whose temporal and territorial rhythms would have been familiar and understood (Brittain and Overton 2013; Haraway 2003; Ingold 2010, 2018). Later return along the same pathways would have reinforced impressions of the location, both of the path and its setting in the saltmarsh (Ingold 2018). The dynamics of erosion would also have exhumed beds with ancient footprints and made them visible to all who walked in the mudflats. At these times, local knowledge, connections to the past and memories of the easiest paths and routes across the mudflats as well as past encounters with other humans and animals would have strengthened a feeling of co-habitation and a sense of bonding with others. This would have been particularly keen between the animal species and humans that shared the same rhythms (Brittain and Overton 2013; Ingold 2010; Sturt 2006; Wieckowska-Lȕth et al. 2018).

The footprints which show adults travelling west towards the sea could indicate seafaring activity – fishing for young fish in the shallow waters along the edges of the saltmarsh, or possibly embarking on sailing trips along the coastline on the protected waters at its edge. Knowledge of the seasonal tides and currents, combined with periods of calm weather, would have enabled this to be a regular occupation (Robinson 2019: 150) and could have enabled regular contacts to be made with other communities of people living along the coast. From the shores of Formby, the North Welsh coast can be clearly seen, appearing easily accessible across the River Mersey, which during the late Mesolithic period would have been a small estuary (Fitch and Gaffney 2011). Although dugout log boats have been recovered from Mesolithic sites such as Tybrind Vig, Denmark (Anderson 2011; McCartan et al. 2009; Robinson 2019), and Lough Neagh Co. Tyrone (McCartan 2004: 280), seafaring using curricles made from wood and hide have been shown to be more seaworthy (Callaghan and Scarre 2009; Robinson 2019) with the potential to travel across the Irish Sea from many locations, particularly in the summer months (Cobb 2008; Robinson 2019).

#### Evidence of Coastal Occupation

Close to Formby, on the foreshore at Rhyl (in North Wales, 4 km from Prestatyn) (Fig. 16.1: site number 8), intertidal footprints and a submerged forest have been recorded. A red deer antler mattock embedded in the silt of the forest was dated to 5640–5360 calBC (6560 80 BP, OxA-1009; Bell 2007: 298). At Prestatyn, ten shell middens have been excavated at Nant Hall Road, only 1 km from the current coastline. These shell middens were situated at the Mesolithic margins of the saltmarsh and wetland area. The oldest are contemporaneous with the Oronsay middens and date from the late Mesolithic 4470–4050 calBC (5470 80 BP, CAR-1424). They were largely composed of mussel shells (Mytilus edulis) that were mixed, in some deposits, with charcoal, small numbers of periwinkles (Littorina littorea) cockles (Cerastoderma edule), fragments of flint, red deer bones and fractured beach pebbles (Thomas and Britnell 2007: 272). Here, smallscale, short-term activity rather than a year-round occupation took place (Bell 2007: 311) and the middens were the result of small fires and stone tool production necessary to process and cook shelfish and red deer. Although not present in the archaeological record at Formby, the activities indicated by the Prestatyn middens would also have applied to the contemporaneous population based around the coastline of North West England. However, along this coastline, only the footprints remain as evidence of Mesolithic lifeways.

#### Hunter-Gatherer-Foragers at Formby

The footprints manifest intimate traces of past actions, and their distribution in each context has provided a portrait of contemporaneous activity in the intertidal reaches. They are therefore a rich source of information on the human and animal behaviours that took place at a particular time, as described. However, to make some nuanced interpretations on particular aspects of human activity, it has been necessary to use ethnographic analogy to make comparisons between the footprints of the Mesolithic population and modern populations for whom footprints form an important source of information - extant hunter-gatherer groups. For them, information contained in the footprints can provide clues to who was in the vicinity, how long ago and whether alone or in the company of others (pers. comm. Thui Thao, /Ui Kxunta, Tsamgao Ciqae Ju|'hoan tracker). This information is pertinent to both animals and humans. Patterns of walking can be interpreted and individuals discerned through their gait after they have moved through an area, and the activity in which they were engaged read by their footprint trails some time later.

This type of enquiry has been invaluable to assist with the interpretations made regarding the Formby footprints and particular patterns of movement reflected in some individual tracks or groups of trails. For instance, two sets of human footprints, one in Blundell Path C and another in Blundell Path A, show adults walking and then stopping, standing with their feet apart firmly planted in the mud in order to look around. This type of movement replicates that of the Bartek tribe in Malaysia who are opportunistic hunters. Their method of pursuing quarry is to proceed with care for a few steps and then stop and silently observe what prey might be in the vicinity. This relies on an awareness of the fauna that might potentially be present within the local environment and a skilled ability to walk carefully so as not to make noises that would disturb any targets in the surrounding area (Laws 2017).

Other footprint trails at Formby show large adults walking alone along the edge of the mudflats. Within the same context however, other footprints were made by younger people who appeared to have been moving parallel to the adult. Occasionally these human trails are associated with very large red deer prints and sometimes crane prints, which can be observed running both parallel and across the human footprints. It is possible in these scenarios that, as with the Ju|'hoan, older experienced teenagers and adults were leading scouting expeditions across the mudflats in search of quarry. Ethnographically, in the Ju|'hoan community, male youths accompany elders in order to learn hunting techniques. One explicit purpose of these expeditions is to learn to read the clues displayed by footprints and information contained in spoors (pers. comm. Ju|'hoan hunter 2017).

In the constantly changing mudflat terrain at Formby, adults may also have been actively engaged in familiarising young children with the intertidal environment, the safe areas and the more dangerous ones nearer to the sea, the state of the tide and the preferred locations of particular species at particular times of the day. This would have enabled hunting expeditions to be more successful and people of different ages to be actively involved as part of a purposeful group. Ethnographically, these behaviours can be seen in the Yamana tribe who teach their young to imitate adult hunting activities. These are an important part of community life, where replication of adult behaviours by juveniles helps to bolster the social reputation of adults and assists with the formation and maintenance of social norms and cooperative behaviours (Santos et al. 2015: 2). In the Hadza tribe, children as young as three are taught to forage and contribute food to the immediate family, spending up to half the day away from their parents with their peer group (Lozoff and Brittenham 1979). At Formby, the footprints show that people of all ages and both sexes engaged in activities on the mudflats, but most were undertaken by small groups of people working co-operatively together with children under the watchful supervison of their elders.

In the bed at Blundell Path C, the footprints show a healthy population. However, one adult footprint trail shows a missing second toe (Fig. 16.3 F.0048). This is the most common foot abnormality seen in the Mesolithic population. However, in two cases, in the Mesolithic bed at Blundell Path A, the little toe (at the fifth metatarsal head) was fractured and was left to heal at an oblique angle to the other toes. Occasionally, disability has also been indicated by a lack of alignment of the toes which have left an odd impression in the mud (and could be due to club foot (talipes equinovarus). However, the vast majority of footprints show a population with healthy feet and no skeletal lower limb abnormalities.

#### Conclusion

This paper has discussed the transient exposure of a late Mesolithic sedimentary bed at Formby Point on the Sefton Coast of North West England which was formed over a period of approximately 400 years. During this time only three episodes of footprint preservation within its layered stratigraphy were identified. The particular atmospheric and tidal conditions necessary for footprint retention have been described as has their appearance in the bed at Blundell Path C after their recent exposure by the sea on the foreshore at Formby. The rapid capture of the footprints in antiquity has meant that daily activity on the saltmarshes can be seen and interpretations can be made of engagement in the intertidal zone at different times. For instance, it is notable that in contexts 1 and 2, despite a potential separation of several hundred years, the species present and the activities in which they were engaged remained very similar. Of note is the fact that several species used this mudflat to travel along the coast and not just to access the resources of the intertidal zone or the shallows of the sea. This may have been due to the ease of moving over the mudflats in contrast to the neighbouring wetland fen-carr landscape.

The patterning of the footprints suggests a shared environment in which daily activity varied with the temporal rhythms of the tides, weather and other species on the mudflats. The diurnal habits of ungulates, birds and wild boar would have been known to the humans who appear to have respected the footprints made by others. This has provided a unique insight into the relationships that operated between people and animals and has moved us away from the interpretation that people were simply accessing the intertidal area for food procurement. In an otherwise empty archaeological setting, these footprints illustrate the importance of the intertidal zone during the Mesolithic period in North West England. It presents an intimate and unique record of life not otherwise available through other forms of the archaeological record.

Acknowledgements This contribution forms part of my PhD research submission to The University of Manchester, 2019 entitled: An 8,000-year record of prehistoric footprints in a dynamic coastal landscape, Formby Point, UK.

#### References

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### Chapter 17 Prehistoric Human Tracks in Ojo Guareña Cave System (Burgos, Spain): The Sala and Galerías de las Huellas

Ana I. Ortega, Francisco Ruiz, Miguel A. Martín, Alfonso Benito-Calvo, Marco Vidal, Lucía Bermejo, and Theodoros Karampaglidis

Abstract In 1969, members of Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss discovered the Sala and Galerías de las Huellas in Ojo Guareña Cave system (Burgos, Spain). These contained hundreds of ancient human footprints, preserved in the soft sediment on the floor. These footprints represent the tracks of a small group of people who walked barefoot through these complex passages in the cave. Owing to the difficult compatibility of the documentation and preservation of these prints, it was not possible to study them before the development of new non-invasive remote sensing techniques. However, since 2012 optical laser scanning and digital photogrammetry have been used in Galerías de las Huellas, in combination with GIS techniques, to obtain a model of the cave floor, where the footprints and their internal morphology can be observed in detail. We have identified over 1000 prehistoric human footprints and at least 18 distinct trackways through the passages, which could have been left by around 8–10 individuals. Since 2016, an archaeological field study has been conducted in this sector, in order to determine and explore its surrounding area and find other archaeological evidence that may be directly associated with these tracks. Numerous remains of torches are preserved on the walls and floor in the immediate surroundings of the footprint sites. Some of them have been dated, which has

A. I. Ortega (\*)

Fundación Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain

Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss, Burgos, Spain e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
F. Ruiz · M. A. Martín Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss, Burgos, Spain

A. Benito-Calvo · M. Vidal · T. Karampaglidis Centro Nacional de Investigación sobre la Evolución Humana – CENIEH, Burgos, Spain

Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss, Burgos, Spain

L. Bermejo Centro Nacional de Investigación sobre la Evolución Humana – CENIEH, Burgos, Spain

Centro Nacional de Investigación sobre la Evolución Humana – CENIEH, Burgos, Spain

revealed the intensive use of this underground landscape from the Upper Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic-Neolithic. However, the remains in Sala and Galerías de las Huellas date solely to the Chalcolithic, around 4300 calBP.

Keywords Human footprints · 3D laser scanner · Ojo Guareña Cave system · Exploration · 14C data · Chalcolithic

#### Introduction

The Ojo Guareña Cave system, forming one of the most important underground systems in Spain, is located in the Cantabrian Mountains and the Upper Ebro Basin, in the north of the Province of Burgos (Spain) (Fig. 17.1a). This cave system developed in the northern flank of the Mesa-Pereda syncline (del Olmo et al. 1978), in the Coniacian (Late Cretaceous) limestone and dolomite unit. Ojo Guareña is an extensive multilevel cave system, formed by the connection of 14 caves and over 110 km of passages, distributed on 6 main interlinked levels, from a relative height of +70 m to the current level of the River Guareña (Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss 1986; Ortega et al. 2013: 45–53).

The blind valley of San Bernabé ends at the Guareña sinkhole and contains a series of old fossil entrances perched at different heights above the River Guareña (at 692 m a.s.l.) that, together with the River Trema (karst discharge zone) and the Villamartín stream, has shaped this singular karst landscape listed as Natural and Cultural Heritage of Spain.

This karst complex contains an impressive record of human activities from at least the Upper Pleistocene. The archaeological sites were discovered at the same time as speleological explorations were taking place. The diversity and variety of archaeological remains, in more than 80 sites (Ortega and Martín 1986; Ortega et al. 2013: 164–236), include living areas in cave entrances, rock art, burials, human bones, grave goods or different archaeological objects, which demonstrate the use of this cave landscape from the Middle Palaeolithic to the Middle Ages.

The hundreds of human footprints in the soft sediment on the floor of Sala and Galerías de las Huellas I and II are among the most singular and vulnerable archaeological sites in the cave system. They were found in 1969 by members of the Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss, during the survey of one of the most labyrinthine sectors of the system, called Dédalo Oeste (Uribarri 1969; Osaba 1969: 305–309; Rubio 2001), which is related to the geomorphologic evolution of the Guareña blind valley and San Bernabé cirque.

Fig. 17.1 (a) Situation of the Ojo Guareña karst in the Iberian Peninsula; (b) location of the Sala and Galería de las Huellas sites in the Ojo Guareña complex, with reference to the main caves; (c) map of Sala and Galería de las Huellas with an orthophoto of the PNOA (IGN, Spain); (d) longitudinal profile, projection N-S, of the Ojo Guareña Cave system in the blind valley of the Guareña River. (Modified from Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss 1986; Ortega et al. 2013, 2014)

#### The Site

The Sala and Galerías de las Huellas formed in the third karst level known as Dédalo Oeste. It covers an area of 5652 m<sup>2</sup> and connects with Laberinto Otilio and Sala Negra in the fourth level. This third level is perched at 40 m above the Guareña River level and comes very close to San Tirso and Bernabé Cave, whose passages belong to the second karst level (Fig. 17.1c). Their western passages descend until they link topographically with the end of Galería de las Huellas I (GH I), although without a physical connection because of the collapse of the cave ceiling and the growth of a large speleothem (Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss 1986, Annex mapping 153–3; Martín 1986: 141–147; Ortega and Martín 1986: 342–343). Additionally, sediment on the San Bernabé hillsides has completely silted up the old entrances in this sector, so current access is from Palomera Cave, 1250 m to the west.

Sala de las Huellas is an enormous chamber 80 m long, 50 m wide and more than 5 m high, with large boulders that have collapsed from the ceiling and obstruct transit (Figs. 17.1 and 17.2f). Galerías de las Huellas I and II (GH I and GH II) are located on the south side of this chamber (Figs. 17.1b, 17.2c, g and 17.9a). The first gallery (GH I) consists of a main passage, 60-m-long and a 25-m-long side passage (Figs. 17.2g and 17.3d). The main axis of the second gallery (GH II) is approximately 100 m long. Both galleries are about 5 m wide and 4–5 m high (Fig. 17.3f, g).

The floor of these galleries is characterized by interior cave sediments, with a loamy texture and composition mainly of calcite, quartz, feldspar and to a lesser extent phyllosilicates (Benito-Calvo et al. 2013: 220).

Small channels have incised the floors of both galleries, particularly in the final section of GH II. The entry sections have calcite crusts, which do not register any footprints. On the contrary, the deposition of fine calcite crystals makes it difficult to recognize many of the impressions, especially in the GH I gallery.

The human traces located in these passages are very well preserved in both galleries, thanks to the protection measures that were taken at the time of the discovery, limiting access to the sites and waymarking alternative routes (Fig. 17.3). But unfortunately the difficulty of transit in the large chamber (Sala de las Huellas) led to the destruction of many traces, and only a few footprints have been preserved on large boulders (Figs. 17.2f and 17.3a).

The cave survey in this sector was finished in 1970, and Almagro invited André Leroi-Gourhan to plan a project to study the footprints, including photogrammetric analysis. Unfortunately, it never materialized. Plaster casts of two footprints were made at that time, and a sediment sample from the first passage was sent to León Pales and Michel-Alain García (Ortega et al. 2013: 178–182; 2014: 43–44). In addition, charred wood remains were collected from Laberinto Otilio in the lower level, at the bottom of a shaft from GH I, and interpreted as thrown or fallen from that gallery. They were dated to 15,600 230 BP (Delibrias et al. 1974: 53).

New surveying in 1981 (Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss 1986) achieved an acoustic connection between GH I and the southwestern passage in San Bernabé Cave (Fig. 17.1b). This connection motivated the dating of the speleothem plug that separates the two caves. Rainer Grün, who was visiting Spain to sample caves for his PhD, dated the speleothem to about 175 ka (pers. comm. Adolfo Eraso). This age prompted a new study of the footprints and their superpositions, in order to determine the direction of the prints through photographic and photogrammetric analysis (Galaz et al. 2000). These studies showed that the prints followed an entry and exit route within Sala de las Huellas (Galaz et al. 2000; Ortega et al. 2013: 178–182) and that they were, therefore, not connected with the passage in San Bernabé Cave.

This new study also identified traces of small carnivores (mustelid-type) especially in the eastern gallery (GH I), in whose initial section bear claw scratches are also preserved on the walls. Some charred wood remains have also been observed on

Fig. 17.2 (a) General overview of the Sala Negra; (b) charcoal samples (No 11 and 12) located in the connection shaft between Galería de las Huellas I and Laberinto Otilio; (c) charcoals in the block (No 10) of Laberinto Otilio; (d) block decorated with torch remains and charcoals in the ground (No 14, Laberinto Otilio); (e) torch remains on a block, with charcoals in the floor (No 4), of the Sala de las Huellas; (f) general view of Sala de las Huellas; (g) cross section view of the beginning of Galería de las Huellas II. (Photos (a) P. Carazo-Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss; (b–f) M.A. Martín -Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss)

Fig. 17.3 (a) Human footprints on a large block of the Sala de las Huellas; (b) remains of a torch under a block of Sala de las Huellas (No 1); (c) detail of a footprint of Galería de las Huellas II; (d) view of Galería de las Huellas I; (e-g) several views of the traces of the Galería de las Huellas II. (Photos M.A. Martín-Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss)

the walls and floors of Galerías de las Huellas, although charcoal remains are more numerous in the lower passages (Laberinto Otilio and Sala Negra). In 1999, a charcoal sample from the western Galería de Las Huellas (GH II) provided a date of 3820 50 BP (pers. comm. Juan Luis Arsuaga). This date was very different from the Palaeolithic date mentioned above and showed that the passages had been entered again in recent prehistory.

### Access to a Complicated Sector

It was traditionally thought that the access to Galerías de las Huellas during prehistory was from the blind valley of the Guareña River or the San Bernabé cirque, given its obvious proximity (Ortega and Martín 1986: 342–343). Later, the possibility of access from San Bernabé Cave was discarded, because of the age of the collapse now blocking the cave, which is sealed by a thick speleothem (Ortega et al. 2013, 2014). Finally, direct access from outside to the Sala Negra has also been discarded, given that the current blockage of boulders, a consequence of the receding hillside, seems very stable and was already consolidated in the Neolithic, according to the dates obtained in the framework of this project (Table 17.3) (Ortega and Martín 2019).

In contrast, recent investigations into the archaeological evidence inside Palomera Cave, currently the main entrance to the Ojo Guareña Cave system, indicate that transit inside this large cave was much more frequent and intense than previously thought. This is evidenced by the succession of archaeological remains that extend up to almost a kilometre and a half from the current entrance, towards both the east and the west, belonging to different periods from prehistory to the Middle Ages.

On the route from Palomera Cave to the surroundings of Las Huellas (Fig. 17.4), several archaeological remains have been documented in the passages of Museo de Cera, Galería de la Escalada and Galería Macarroni, with confirmed prehistoric dates. The distance from the start of the latter gallery to the Sala del Cacique is barely 100 m; it is very comfortable to walk through and currently included in the tourist route. It is a further 100 m from this point to the first side passage in Galería del Cacique, which leads to Laberinto Otilio. This is the beginning of the sector studied here, where abundant charred wood marks on the walls and pieces of charcoal on the loamy floor and boulders have been identified.

There are several points of access to the Sala and Galerías de las Huellas in this area. One of them starts at the northeast end of Sala Negra, which finishes in an impressive boulder blockage (Figs. 17.2a and 17.9b), where the presence of charcoal confirms the transit, at least in the Early Neolithic (Fig. 17.9b, number 13 and Table 17.3). Another access point, which is a little more comfortable, is through a side passage that ascends gently towards Laberinto Otilio until Sala de las Huellas can be reached by climbing between boulders. As already stated, the entire route is full of charred wood marks and pieces of charcoal (Figs. 17.2b–g and 17.9).

This evidence suggests that, after a 1200-m-long route of easy transit through large underground passages, prehistoric humans explored a sector of Palomera Cave that is more complex because of its large size (5652 m<sup>2</sup> ), intricate topography (mazes) and instability (with large embedded boulders that hinder transit). Despite this danger, at least one of the human groups that walked through this sector could have reached the upper level of the Sala and Galerías de las Huellas.

#### Materials and Methods

### Footprint Documentation

Human footprint sites are not very common in the archaeological record because of the special requirements for their formation and preservation, although the number of cases has increased over time (Lockley et al. 2008; Bennett and Morse 2014a). These footprints provide information on human behaviour regarding the environment and on the nature of the sediments, where fine-grained substrates favour the formation and preservation of the prints (Bennett and Morse 2014b). The difficulty in balancing the documentation and conservation of these traces has conditioned their study for many years, and it only became possible with the development of non-invasive digital remote sensing technologies applied to archaeological research and heritage management (Bennett et al. 2013; Ashton et al. 2014; D. Webb et al. 2014; Citton et al. 2017).

The study of the human footprints in Ojo Guareña started in 2012. It focused on accurate three-dimensional reconstruction of Galería de las Huellas I and II, using 3D laser scanner technology and GIS methodologies (Benito-Calvo et al. 2013; Ortega et al. 2014). Sala de las Huellas was excluded from this work because of its topographic irregularity and the difficulty of transit in such a chaotic space.

The three-dimensional mapping of this site was achieved with a ScanStation C10 Leica laser scanner, with a maximum flight range of 300 m, 4 mm accuracy. Seventeen high-resolution scans were performed (5 mm at 10 m), seven in GH I and ten in GH II. The point clouds obtained were joined by a common reference system with reference targets, obtaining a mean error of 1 mm, with final point clouds that reached resolution means of 3 mm in GH I and 4 mm in GH II.

The models of the obtained surfaces were exported to GIS format, generating high-resolution digital elevation models (DEM) that show the topographic relief of the galleries with sufficient resolution to analyse the shape and distribution of the tracks (Benito-Calvo et al. 2013). The terrain roughness index (TRI) model (Riley et al. 1999) allows the irregularities of the floor to be differentiated (white colours) from the softer areas (black colours) by stressing the depressions of the best preserved footprints according to their internal morphology (sole, heel, toes, etc.).

### Footprints and Trackways

This precise cartography allows the position of the tracks to be observed in relation to the morphology of the passages by identifying not only the human footprints but also the topographic elements (boulders, rocks, speleothems, crusts, channels, etc.) that form the surface and condition the presence of human footprints. This enables the reconstruction of some of the paths and movements made by these ancient visitors. All the measurements and most of the observations of the footprints have been made over the resulting three-dimensional and cartographic restitution with AutoCAD software, as it is not possible to measure them in situ, owing to the nonconsolidation of the sediment recording the traces.

Once the footprints were scanned, each of the prints was individualized.

The maximum length (FL) was measured parallel to the longitudinal axis of the footprint, while the width of the ball (FW) and the width of the heel (FHW) were measured perpendicular to the FL axis. The longitudinal axis was determined following the technique of D. Webb et al. (2006a).

From the FL and FW measurements, the footprint index (FI) was calculated, which consists of the ratio between foot width and foot length: FI ¼ FW/FL 100.

The arch index (AI) is a widely used measurement for the purpose of classifying the foot type according to a high (AI 0.21), normal (AI <sup>¼</sup> 0.21–0.26) and flat (AI >0.26) arch (Cavanagh and Rodgers 1987). AI was measured according to Cavanagh and Rodgers (1987), whereby a perpendicular line to the foot axis was used to divide the toeless area into equal thirds (Fig. 17.5a): rearfoot (A), midfoot (B) and forefoot (C) regions. Then, AI was calculated as the ratio of the area of the midfoot to entire toeless footprint area: AI ¼ B/(A + B + C).

Finally, arch angle (AA) or Clarke angle is defined as the angle between the medial border line of the footprint and the line connecting the most medial point of the metatarsal region of the footprint and the apex of the concavity of the arch of the footprint (Citton et al. 2017) (Fig. 17.5a). AA is a conventional measurement that classifies the internal longitudinal arch between tendency to flatness or pronation (AA 31), normality range (AA ¼ 31–45) and tendency to cavus foot (AA >45) (González-Martín et al. 2017).

### Estimation of Height and Weight

Many studies support the use of foot length to obtain an individual's range of height, while body mass can be estimated by the correlation between foot width and body weight (D. Webb et al. 2006a; Ukoha et al. 2013; Atamtürk and Duyar 2008; Krishan 2008; Robbins 1986).

Fig. 17.5 (a) Morphological parameters used in the current study, (1) maximum foot length (FL), width of the ball (FW) and width of the heel (FHW), (2) arch index (AI ¼ B/A + B + C), (3) arch angle; (b) average and standard deviation of all biometric variables used in the current study for each track

### Chronology

Another objective of this project has been to specify the chronology of the tracks in order to contextualize the activities that took place in this sector of the cave, the deep zone over 1 kilometre from the current entrance of Palomera.

To study transit and use in this sector of the system in greater depth, since 2016 we have been conducting a project with the aim of surveying and dating the surroundings of the sector, including Sala and Galerías de las Huellas, on the third level of Ojo Guareña, and Galería del Cacique and its side passages, as well as Laberinto Otilio and Sala Negra, on the fourth level, i.e. lower than Huellas and the main level within the Ojo Guareña Cave system.

Sixteen organic samples were taken for radiocarbon dating. AMS dating of 15 samples was performed at BETA Analytic Inc., between 2017 and 2019. The Gif-1721 sample, dated at the 14C Gif Radiocarbon Laboratory in 1974, completes Table 17.3.

### Results

# Footprints and Trackways

Although the study has not yet been completed, about 700 footprints have been identified and at least 8–9 entry trackways to GH I and about 10–11 exit trackways (Fig. 17.6). Many superimposed footprints follow an apparently chaotic pattern at the junction with a side passage. This may indicate that some people explored that passage, while the others waited in the main passage.

About 500 human footprints have been identified in GH II, as well as a minimum of 7 entry trackways and 11 exit trackways towards Sala de las Huellas. In addition, the new cartography shows that one of the visitors separated from the group to inspect one of the hidden corners of the gallery (Fig. 17.7).

Fig. 17.6 Plan of the Galería de las Huellas I, from the scanner, with the identification of imprints and trackways

Fig. 17.7 Plan of the Galería de las Huellas II, from the scanner, with the identification of imprints and trackways

A preliminary study of 39 GH I footprints will be described. They are integrated in seven trackways in Galería de las Huellas I: two in an entry direction (trackways 1 and 2) and the remaining five in the exit direction towards Sala de las Huellas (Fig. 17.8 and Table 17.1). All these footprints are located on the sides of the passage and correspond to 22 right feet and 17 left feet. They are in an excellent state of preservation, with the identification of complete footprints with clear anatomical features (toes, balls, heels, etc.) in the form of a low relief in the soft loam sediment.

The measurements of the maximum lengths and widths of the footprints are given in Table 17.1.

The sample of footprints is characterized by a certain uniformity in foot length, with measurements ranging between 250 and 290 mm, resulting in average estimated heights of between 173 and 188 cm (Tables 17.1 and 17.2). This suggests that the footprints correspond to adult individuals, probably males. The foot width range shown in Table 17.2 varies from narrower traces, about 123 mm wide, to prints about

Fig. 17.8 Identification of the trackways and imprints analysed in this study.  These values stress the presence of strong individuals.

Despite the uniformity in foot size among the trackways analysed, the AI and the AA reveal some morphological differences. The AA shows a tendency to flatness or pronation in all trackways (AA 31), except in trackway 230, which corresponds to a normal range (Fig. 17.5b). Furthermore, the AI suggests a normal arch range for all trackways, except for trackway 230, which displays a slightly high arch, and for trackway 2 and trackway 300, which display a flat arch. These flat arches according to the AI are commonly a consequence of weight-bearing activities, so it may suggest that some individuals were carrying an additional weight.

The analysed footprints belong to seven trackways, which represent a minimum of five individuals according to the direction of the trackways (two entry trackways and five return trackways) (Fig. 17.8). The length and width measurements of trackways 2 and 100 are similar, which suggests that these may belong to the round-trip trackway of the same individual, whose estimated height is about 175–179 cm. The weight calculations are more disparate, however. Depending on the chosen equations and markers, the weight could be either about 76–78 kg or 90–99 kg (Table 17.2).

### Chronology

The chronology of the trackways has been determined in order to contextualize the activities that took place in this part of the cave, over 1 kilometre from the current entrance of Palomera Cave.

Delibrias et al. (1974: 53) published four radiocarbon dates from Ojo Guareña, and Sample Gif-1720 (OG2), from the footprint site, provided an age of 15,600 230 BP, in the Upper Palaeolithic. This sample, collected in 1970, was taken from the charred remains of a torch at the bottom of a pit that connects Laberinto Otilio (lower level) with Galerías de las Huellas (upper level). In 1999, a new date of charcoal on a footprint in Galería de las Huellas II was more recent, 3820 50 BP (pers. comm. Juan Luis Arsuaga), which suggests that both Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers and Chalcolithic farmers transited this sector of the cave (Ortega et al. 2013: 182).

The new survey has identified a significant amount of evidence of visits, totalling 60 records: 6 remains in Sala Negra, 23 in Laberinto Otilio and side passages of Galería del Cacique, 22 in Sala de las Huellas and another 9 in Galerías de las Huellas I and II, different from the footprints (Fig. 17.9).

In all these passages we have documented scattered remains of charred wood as well as small concentrations of charcoal and charred wood marks on the walls and boulders, to mark the rock or rekindle the torches. Several panels of bear claw scratches on the walls and abundant mustelid imprints have been documented at the beginning of Galería de las Huellas I and also in the initial section of Laberinto Otilio.

Fig. 17.9 Map of sector of the Sala and Galería de las Huellas site, separated in the different levels; (a) third level, Sala de las Huellas and Galería de las Huellas I–II; (b) fourth level, Laberinto Otilio and Sala Negra. The black points represent the archaeological evidences and the red numbers the dated samples, referred to in Table 17.3. (Modified from Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss 1986; Ortega et al. 2014)

This survey has also documented the deterioration of the human footprints in Sala de las Huellas, in which only three areas with prints are preserved, all of them in the southern section of the great hall, on the irregular surface of the large inclined blocks covered with loam in which a few human footprints can be observed (Fig. 17.3a).

This study thus presents the results of 15 AMS radiocarbon determinations for samples from different pieces of charcoal and torches in the Otilio-Negra-Huellas sector (Figs. 17.2b–e, 17.3b and 17.9). They were selected from 55 points with charcoal identified in the archaeological surveying.

Table 17.3 reflects all the ages of the samples in the different sectors. The number refers to the identification of the sample on the maps in Fig. 17.9. The table has been divided into two groups, the upper one corresponds to the third level, with three dates from Sala de las Huellas, two from Galería de las Huellas II and one from Galería de las Huellas I. Additionally, it should be noted that we have been able to identify the 1999 sample in the field, which corresponds to sample 17.OG17.GH2. C2 (Fig. 17.9, number 3).

Regarding the fourth level of the karst, the survey of the northeast end of this sector could indicate a possible access from the San Bernabé blind valley (Figs. 17.1b, c and 17.2a), and one sample of the five identified in the blockage in Sala Negra has been dated (Fig. 17.9b, number 13). Eight samples from Laberinto Otilio have been dated, to add to Sample GIF-1721 OG2 published in Delibrias et al. (1974: 33) (Fig. 17.9b, numbers 7–12 and 14–16).

The distribution map and chronological table of the remains (Fig. 17.9 and Table 17.3) reveal the wide chronological range from the Upper Palaeolithic to the Chalcolithic in the Laberinto Otilio-Sala Negra sector and the concentration of dates in the third level.

The Palaeolithic sample (GIF-1721 OG2) was collected by members of the Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss at the base of the pit that separates the two Galerías de las Huellas and connects with Laberinto Otilio (Figs. 17.2b and 17.9b, number 7). The new dates from this section of the maze are concentrated in the Late Mesolithic and Initial Neolithic (Fig. 17.9b and Table 17.3). A third period corresponds to the Chalcolithic, with two dates from the upper part of Laberinto Otilio, in areas with difficult access to Sala de las Huellas.

The spatial layout of archaeological evidence in Sala de las Huellas displays a clear perimeter distribution towards Galerías de las Huellas II and I. This southern part of the hall is next to a connection between boulders with the lower Otilio maze, and several charcoal fragments are observed in both levels. The charcoal identified as number 1 from Sala de las Huellas was dated to 4080 30 BP, and the charcoal from the upper part of Laberinto Otilio, number 16, was dated to 3850 30 BP (Fig. 17.9 and Table 17.3).

In turn, the six samples from the Huellas Sector in the third level have ages between those two dates (Fig. 17.9a and Table 17.3). This suggests that the Huellas sector was explored in approximately 4300 calBP.

In contrast, visits in the immediately lower Otilio Sector took place in a wide chronological range from the Upper Palaeolithic to the Chalcolithic.

Table 17.3 Summary of the human footprint site 14C data from charcoal, all unpublished and AMS except Gif-1721 (Delibrias et al. 1974)

(continued)

Table 17.3 (continued)

SH Sala de las Huellas, GH Galería de las Huellas, LO Laberinto Otilio, SN Sala Negra, CH Chalcolithic, UP Upper Palaeolithic, ME Mesolithic, EN Early Neolithic, \* calibrated with OxCal 4.2 using Intcal 13 (Bronk Ramsey 2009), m median

#### Discussion

An increasing number of sites with prehistoric human footprints are becoming known (Aldhouse-Green et al. 1992; Bell and Neuman 1997, 1999; Ambert et al. 2000; Facorellis et al. 2001; Onac et al. 2005; Bennett et al. 2010; Bennett and Morse 2014b; Citton et al. 2017; Ashton et al. 2014; S. Webb et al. 2006b; D. Webb et al. 2014; Atamtürk et al. 2018; Roach et al. 2016). Recent research approaching this type of site through different disciplines is contributing new knowledge of interaction between humans, the land and the environment in painted caves as special places (Pastoors et al. 2015, 2017).

The Sala and Galería de las Huellas can be framed within those sites that provide information on the use and transit of the dark zone of caves, where the tracks of old paths are preserved, but whose specific relationship with the concept of the natural, social and cultural environment is unknown (Mlekuž 2012; Moyes 2012).

In the case of the tracks in Ojo Guareña, their singularity lies in the fact that they are a long way from the possible entrance point sand without a direct relationship with symbolic spaces (rock art, burials, etc.), although these exist in other parts of the cave system. The large number of traces is unique, with over 1200 footprints of a minimum of 6 individuals but probably of between 9 and 11, according to the trackways that have been counted.

The superimposition of the footprints, in opposite directions, is indicative of round-trips, which suggests a single inspection of these passages, during which some members approached the recesses of the walls or entered the side passage in GH I. These preliminary observations are visible in both of the Galerías de las Huellas passages.

It can therefore be proposed that the human footprints in the Sala and Galerías de las Huellas correspond to a single visit, possibly to explore this deep sector of the cave.

However, the human visits or tours that have been documented at different times in the Laberinto Otilio-Sala Negra sector are more difficult to comprehend. This sector is characterized by the absence of archaeological record and the isolation of the sector from places of symbolic activity. Nevertheless, this space was visited on at least four occasions in prehistory: the first about 19,000 calBP, the second moment around 7700 calBP, the third about 6500 calBP and the last time in relation with the exploration of the Huellas sector about 4300 calBP.

The results of this project show that the first significant explorations in Laberinto Otilio, a relatively comfortable maze in its initial section, took place in the Mesolithic and Early Neolithic, the times of which the first remains are preserved in Sala Negra. During more intense explorations in the Chalcolithic, the unstable final ramp of large boulders was first accessed in order to reach the upper level where their footprints have been preserved in the Sala and Galerías de las Huellas. The challenges involved in access to this sector, combined with the spaciousness of its passages and the chaotic boulders on the floor, do not facilitate an understanding of the specific activities that took place, although they must be linked with the exploration and knowledge of the underground world.

The characteristics of this site mean that it cannot be compared with most human footprint sites, which are generally linked with the zones of habitats, or sacred or rock art sites, both in the open air and in caves (Bennett and Morse 2014b; Ashton et al. 2014; Westaway et al. 2013; Atamtürk et al. 2018). Ciur-Izbuc Cave, Romania (D. Webb et al. 2014); Bàsura Cave, Italy (Citton et al. 2017); Aldène Cave (Ambert et al. 2000); and Foissac Cave, France (García and Duday 1983), dated in the Middle Palaeolithic, Upper Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Chalcolithic, respectively, are not associated with symbolic elements. Foissac Cave was quarried for clay in the Chalcolithic. The deep zone of Mammoth Cave (United States) was also used for mining activities (Kennedy and Watson 1997; Willey et al. 2009). However, the prehistoric traces in Jaguar Cave (Tennessee, USA) are more interesting for our case study. Watson et al. (2005) documented a single visit by a group of nine individuals about 4500 BP. The cave was never used for any specific purpose, so the tracks represent an isolated event.

The footprint site in Sala and Galerías de las Huellas similarly represents a single event, a simple exploration, but its surroundings, Laberinto Otilio, Sala Negra and Galería del Cacique, were explored earlier several times. They are in the eastern part of Palomera Cave, where different types of evidence and human activities have been identified over a distance of more than a kilometre in length. They show that during prehistory, the inhabitants of this karst transited and explored the cave until they met the sediment plug in the San Bernabé cirque, leaving marks in the underground landscape, small hearths, torches, stones or rock art, graves, etc.

This indicates that the exploration of the interior of this cave system was an activity that was carried out with certain normality. This exploration must have represented an initial contact of the underground world that they wanted to conquer and then select at a later time the different symbolic places that have contributed to the singularity of this site, which has been designated as Spanish Cultural Heritage since 1972.

#### Conclusion

The human footprint site of Sala and Galerías de las Huellas is one of the most important sites in the Ojo Guareña Cave system, located about 1200 m from Palomera Cave. It is dated in about 4600–4200 calBP, a range that suggests a use of the dark area of the cave in the Chalcolithic, although intensive human traffic in the immediate environment (Laberinto Otilio-Sala Negra-Sala del Cacique) is documented during the Upper Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic.

The analyses suggest that a group of between 8 and 10 adults explored several passages in the Dédalo Oeste sector of this large cave, leaving more than 1200 footprints in the soft sediment on the floor of Galería de las Huellas. The exceptionality of this incursion is due to the complexity of access. This survey of the route taken by the explorers and their trackways is improving our knowledge of the use of the underground world in prehistory. The analyses of the numerous evidences of transit in this big cave are helping us to understand the intensity of cave use in prehistory and especially the use of the dark zone as a symbolic and social landscape.

The research also proves the value of optical laser scanning and photogrammetry in the collection of data, analysis and preservation of the fragile footprints.

Acknowledgements We appreciate Andreas Pastoors and Tilman Lenssen-Erz's invitation to participate in the International Conference on Prehistoric Human Tracks (Colonia 2017) and to write this article. We thank Peter Smith for the comments and corrections on the paper, and for the revision of the translation of the text, which have significantly improved the manuscript.

The research was done with the permission of the DG Cultural Heritage of the Regional Government of Castilla y León, which also funded the Carbon Dating of the Cultural Heritage of Ojo Guareña Cave system (2017–2020).

The authors also wish to thank the Team of the Grupo Espeleológico Edelweiss for their constant scientific and technical support, especially with the documentation of photographs and maps of the Ojo Guareña caves. We thank the Laboratory of Digital Mapping and 3D Analysis of CENIEH for the technical support in relation to the scanner work. We are also grateful to the staff of the Fundación Atapuerca for their logistical help in the project.

#### References

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### Part III Experiences with Indigenous Experts

### Chapter 18 Tracking with Batek Hunter-Gatherers of Malaysia

Tuck-Po Lye

Abstract Tropical hunting studies that focus on tracking – how signs are interpreted – are rarely done if at all. This paper provides a preliminary sketch of the tracking strategies and knowledge of Batek of Malaysia. Studies of huntergatherer tracking rely heavily on Liebenberg's carefully observed documentation of San tracking, enriched by his own scientific expertise in faunal behavior. Of the three levels of tracking he mentions, simple tracking is unreliable for the Batek, simply because of the nature of tropical forests. The default mode is systematic tracking, carefully gathering information, and piecing together a multisensorial picture of where prey is to be found. Their visual, auditory, and olfactory acuity is exceptional and so is their vocabulary for expressing these states. Tracking for Batek is not limited to the interpretation of tracks, or, rather, the notion of tracks needs to be broadened, to include tracks that cannot be seen, but can be heard and smelt. Tracking is about multisensory engagement in the needs of the moment and deploying the skills to decide what is and is not relevant information. It is about performance.

Keywords Tracking · Tropical forests · Hunter-gatherers · Batek

### Introduction

This paper sets out, in a preliminary way, how tracking is done in the tropical forest, specifically by Batek hunter-gatherers in Pahang, Malaysia. While it is reasonable to assume that successful hunters are expert trackers of prey, tropical hunting studies that focus on tracking – how signs are interpreted – are rarely done if at all. Hunting ethnographies do give some attention to how various game animals are tracked or the spoors characteristic of particular animals (e.g., Puri 1997, 2005; Sillitoe 2003), but do not generally take tracking as their primary interest. For example, Gardner

T.-P. Lye (\*)

Anthropology and Sociology Section, School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Malaysia e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
(2006: 39–41) provides an excellent account of a wild boar hunt, which includes some vivid imagery of how Paliyan men tracked, but does not elaborate on the subject. Anthropological attention has been towards hunting strategies and the products of the hunt rather than how the animals are found (e.g., Bulmer 1968; Dwyer 1974; Griffin 1984; Hayashi 2008). The purpose of this paper is to fill this lacuna.

Tracking has been described as the origin of science (Liebenberg 1990). It creatively combines empirical knowledge with imaginative hypothesis-building. Expert trackers have the spatial orientation to navigate along paths and are always on the lookout for signs of where to go next. They are also ready to be surprised: to respond to new and unpredictable situations and change plans as information changes. They do not just follow obvious tracks and traces but draw from prior knowledge to plan and anticipate directions. This knowledge is also based on that of other group members, which is often shared through storytelling (see Biesele Chap. 20). The skill to interpret comes therefore from shared experience, as discoveries and encounters are discussed and odd conjunctures of space, time, and sign are debated. As anthropologists argue, much of this knowledge is not solely the product of individual skill and experience, but must be interpreted through shared cultural idioms (Hutchins 1995; Widlok 1997; see Biesele Chap. 20).

Anthropologists have either been experienced hunters or become apprentice hunters in the field (Aporta 2009; Biesele and Barclay 2001; Estioko-Griffin and Griffin 1981; Puri 2005). Much of this paper is based on conversations about hunting, animals, and tracking, especially with ʔeyDukec and ʔeyHagap, who are both expert trackers in middle age (the former is more often quoted in this paper, but the latter, who is older and more experienced, was present on many conversations; both are old friends of mine). Personally, I mainly experienced tracking incidentally while doing something else (over an observation period of 27 years). I have documented animal trails and tracks but not systematically inventoried them thus far. As I will show below, Batek tracking is less about reading tracks than about connecting the marks on the ground with perceptual data, and making associations between this evidence and what is known more generally about the landscape. As such, tracks are not "read" in the way that, say, one might pursue words on a page, one after another in linear fashion. I will return to this point below. Although it is relatively easy to write about Batek perceptual knowledge (Lye 2004: 150–156), the challenge is to examine how sensory data – sounds, scents, and sights – plays a part in activities like tracking. In this paper, I will attempt to sketch out some broad parameters of tracking knowledge.

#### Ethnographic Background

The Batek call themselves batɛk həp (people of the forest). Numbering some 1500–1600, they are among the score or so indigenous ethnic minorities of Peninsular Malaysia, the Orang Asli ("Original People" in Malay). Before large-scale logging and land transformation began in the early 1970s, the Batek territory was contiguously forested; Endicott (2000: 110) estimated that roughly two-thirds of that area is lost beyond regeneration. Taman Negara, the 4343-square-kilometre national park, mostly sits astride Batek territory (Lye 2011), which covers a sizeable area where the states of Pahang (where I have done all my work), Kelantan, and Terengganu meet (Fig. 18.1). The park is mostly covered in lowland tropical

Fig. 18.1 Map of the Batek territory