*Article* **A Revolution in Red Robes: Tibetan Nuns Obtaining the Doctoral Degree in Buddhist Studies (***Geshema***)**

**Nicola Schneider**

Centre de recherche sur les civilisations de l'Asie orientale, 75005 Paris, France<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
**Abstract:** In the past, Tibetan nuns had no access to formal monastic education and thus could not obtain the two main diplomas and titles that are common in Tibetan Buddhism: the *khenpo* (*mkhan po*) degree in the more practice-oriented Nyingmapa school and the *geshe* (*dge bshes*) degree in the scholastic curriculum of the Gelukpa school; this essay traces the introduction of the Gelukpa study program in different nunneries based in India and Nepal in recent times; it addresses the question of gender asymmetry by showing the different hurdles that had to be overcome and the solutions, which have been found to allow nuns to become *geshema*s—the female form of *geshe*. Finally, I propose the first glimpse into the impact that the opening of higher Buddhist education to nuns has had and what this means for the future of the position of women in the religious sphere, as well as for Tibetan monasticism more generally.

**Keywords:** Tibetan Buddhist nuns; Tibetan female monasticism; Tibetan Buddhism; monastic education; *geshe* degree; gender asymmetry

"It is all mainly because of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's vision and his true care and kindness for his womenfolk".

(Rinchen Khandro Choegyal 2016)

#### **1. Introduction**

In the past, nuns from Tibet had only very few options to obtain training in Buddhist practice and knowledge. In most of the nunneries, they simply learnt how to read the scriptures, which they then had to memorise in order to participate in communal prayers and rituals. Few were also encouraged to go into retreat for meditation, which could last several years; however, higher Buddhist studies, such as philosophy and debate practice, were only taught in a handful of monastic universities belonging to the Gelukpa (dGe lugs pa) school, one of the four main schools of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition,1 were reserved for monks. Equivalent institutions for nuns did not exist. And even if there were some exceptions, as for example, religious encampments—called *chögar* (*chos sgar*)—where nuns lived and studied alongside monks, these were mainly temporary in nature and mostly located in Eastern Tibet.2

In many Tibetan areas, becoming a nun by choice or sending a daughter to the convent was not something as systematic as it was for monks. Therefore, the number of nuns and their institutions in Tibet was—and still is—much smaller than that of monks. There were approximately 5400 monasteries with a little over 500,000 monks before the occupation of Tibet by China in 1951 compared to an estimated number of ca. 27,000 nuns and 700 convents.3 In terms of proportion of the Tibetan population, it is estimated that between 10 and 12% of the male population became monks4 and roughly 1% of the female population became nuns. Furthermore, there was an unknown number of nuns who stayed with their families—probably more than monks given the fact that in many regions there were no nunneries at all.5 Even though the number of female monastics appears small at first look, in comparison with other Buddhist countries, as well as compared with Catholic nuns in France, Tibet was home to one of the largest female monastic communities in the world.6

**Citation:** Schneider, Nicola. 2022. A Revolution in Red Robes: Tibetan Nuns Obtaining the Doctoral Degree in Buddhist Studies (*Geshema*). *Religions* 13: 838. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/rel13090838

Academic Editor: Reiko Ohnuma

Received: 31 July 2022 Accepted: 31 August 2022 Published: 8 September 2022

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**Copyright:** © 2022 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

Since the religious revival in the mid-1980s, following the annexation of Tibet by China (in 1951), the flight of the Dalai Lama, the Tibetans' revered spiritual leader (in 1959), and the religious repression during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), education for nuns has markedly improved. Most nunneries in Tibet and in exile (mainly India and Nepal) have introduced study programs that go largely beyond reading and memorising, and several have adopted Buddhist curriculums that were traditionally taught in monastic universities. Not only that, some nuns have by now completed the entire Buddhist monastic course, thereby earning the highest diplomas and titles, which can be considered equivalent to 'doctoral' certifications in Buddhist philosophy or theology. There are now nuns who carry the title of *khenmo* (*mkhan mo*) 7—the female form of *khenpo* meaning "professor", "scholar-abbot" or "preceptor"—in the Nyingmapa (rNying ma pa) school and the one of *geshema* (*dge bshes ma*)—the female form of *geshe* which translates literally "spiritual friend" (Skt. *kalya¯n. amitra*) and refers to a "Doctor of traditional Buddhist philosophy." Whereas the former is bestowed after the completion of a course of approximately nine to twelve years, the latter needs a much longer period, twenty years and more; it is the Gelukpa degree and title that will be the main focus of this article.

The path to comparable education with monks was not without its pitfalls for nuns. Their generally accepted low status, the destructions of many if not most nunneries, and the financial burden of reconstruction and the founding of new institutions had to be shouldered before even thinking of how to introduce educational facilities.8 Last, but not least, nuns faced challenges over hiring appropriate teachers, given the fact that there were none among their own communities and the general shortage of masters after a long period of religious repression. In addition, most monks would rather prefer to teach and stay in their monasteries, given their vow of celibacy.

The following article proposes to look at gender asymmetry in Tibetan monasticism with regard to education; it will trace the long journey that Tibetan nuns had to undertake before being able to take the examination for the highest degree of *geshema*. In doing so, it will shed light on the arduous negotiations that have taken place between the different stakeholders; moreover, it will draw on the sociological profiles of those nuns who have completed their studies, as they come from different countries and regions of the Himalayas that make up the Tibetan cultural area. The aim is to give a first glimpse of the impact that this opening up of Buddhist higher education for women may have on the future of Tibetan monasticism and, more generally, on the position of women in the religious sphere.9

#### **2. Monastic Education in the Past**

If most Tibetan monasteries offered at least a basic education to their novice monks, only a handful of them were specialised in providing higher philosophical studies and the prestigious degrees of either *khenpo* (Skt. *upadhy ¯ aya ¯* ) or *geshe* (Skt. *kalya¯n. amitra*). As for the latter, from the Gelukpa school, these were the "three great seats" (*gdan sa gsum*) near Lhasa—the monasteries of Drepung ('Bras spungs), Sera (Se ra) and Ganden (dGa' ldan)—, as well as Tashilhunpo (bKra shis lhun po) in Shigatse and the monasteries of Kumbum (sKu 'bum) and Labrang (bLa brang) in northeastern Tibet, Amdo. Each of them housed several thousand monks, and were accordingly organised into semi-autonomous units called *dratsang* (*grwa tshang*) (Goldstein 2009, pp. 416–17). *Dratsang* can be translated as "college" as their structure resembled that of classic British universities like Oxford (Goldstein 1999, p. 20); hence also my term of "monastic university."10 Drepung monastery, for example, had four of these "colleges," and Sera three. Not all the monks studying in one of these *dratsang*s were permanent members of the community; some joined from elsewhere, branch monasteries or different institutions, and some even from other Buddhist schools, in order to complete their higher education. Each college was independent from the main monastery, having its own financial resources, officials, teaching program, monks and its own abbot; however, there were times when the monks from different "philosophical colleges" (*mtshan nyid grwa tshang*), and also from various monasteries, came together in order to train and even compete in debate (*rtsod pa*), the main component of the Gelukpa curriculum.

Tibetan monastic education has been compared to Western scholasticism as it is likewise a method of critical thought with its emphasis on interpreting great texts in a coherent system of logic and argumentation.11 It has its origins in Indian Buddhist monasticism, and particularly the Naland ¯ a tradition, and dates back to the later diffusion of ¯ Buddhism in Tibet (*phyi dar*), that is, after the tenth century when a renaissance started. At that time, new texts exposing the Mahay¯ ana tenets were brought from India, translated into ¯ Tibetan language and in many cases supplemented with commentaries by Tibetan masters. Over the following centuries, different schools were founded, and of these the Gelukpa was the latest to come to existence, in the early fifteenth century.12 From the seventeenth century on, and with the aid of Mongol armies, it also became the dominant school in the country, with the Fifth Dalai Lama at its head, followed by successive incarnations.

The method of learning in the Gelukpa school consisted—and still consists—of three main components: memorisation, study, and debate. Students had first to memorise a given text, before getting the necessary explanation from their teacher; they then analysed and discussed the content during debate sessions, which usually took place in the afternoon and sometimes even until late at night. The duration of this curriculum was long, between twenty and twenty-five years and at the end, the candidate could take the examination in order to become a *geshe*, "Doctor of traditional Buddhist philosophy" or "Doctor of theology." However, not many Gelukpa monks completed their studies in the past, not only because it needed perseverance, but also because they had to sustain themselves during all these years, which was difficult for those who had no financial support from their families or sponsors.

As said before, there were no similar monastic universities for nuns in the past. And even in those few institutions where they had access to higher studies, as in the Dragkar Lama's religious encampments, debate practice was not part of their curriculum, contrary to the case of monks. However, we know also that in the mid-11th century, when there were six great monastic centers,13 nuns and monks used to study together (Josayma 2017, p. 137). According to oral history, the latter were not as good in debating and often failed during competitions. It is said that Chapa Chökyi Senge (Phywa pa chos kyi seng+ge, 1109–1169), one of the earlier philosophers who had an influence on the development of logic in Tibet, thought that the whole situation of monks and nuns studying together was wrong and separated the two communities, thereby improving monastic rules, while cutting nuns off from the learning system (Ra se dkon mchog rgya 'tsho 2003, p. 82). Nevertheless, according to the Tibetan scholar Professor Thubten Phuntsok, from the Southwest University for Nationalities in Chengdu, nothing can be found in Chapa Chökyi Senge's collected writings or elsewhere to support this thesis. He thinks moreover that nuns were banned from debate later in history and that the prohibition was probably the work of the Kadampa or Gelukpa school.14 Be that as it may, the result was that even when nuns had access to higher education, they were barred from an important part of the Gelukpa curriculum.15

A lot of changes have taken place in the last fifty years, not only for nuns, but also for monks, who face now fewer hurdles to finance their studies, at least in the Tibetan exile communities in India and Nepal. Monastic education such as we have seen has been developed in many other monasteries and even by Buddhist schools like the Nyingmapas and Kagyupas that used to have their own scholastic traditions and were, generally speaking, more focused on the practice of meditation; moreover, since a decade or so, this type of traditional education has been introduced to some Tibetan schools for children. Monastic education has thus experienced a very strong institutionalisation in exile, among others thanks to the Dalai Lama, who regularly urges his compatriots in his speeches to deepen their knowledge of Buddhism through study, instead of simply reciting prayers or performing rituals. In particular with regards to nuns, he has actively pushed to improve their educational level in contrast to their lower ordination status, which, as he says, cannot be solved by himself alone, but needs a larger consensus.16

I will now take a closer look at how nuns' education has come into focus since the late 1980s. In order to do so, I will draw on the example of Dolma Ling nunnery (sGrol ma gling), the first institute of higher Buddhist studies (*rigs lam slob gnyer khang*) for women; it is located near Dharamsala, a town in Northwestern India, which is also the seat of the Dalai Lama and of the Central Tibetan administration in exile. Most of the data come from my ethnographic work, which I started in 1996 and which I continued during my Ph.D. in the 2000s and later on in 2016–2017 when the first nuns passed their *geshe* degree examination.

#### **3. Opening Up Education for Nuns**

When Dolma Ling was founded by the Tibetan Nuns Project (*Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char*) in the beginning of the 1990s, only a handful of nunneries existed in the Tibetan exile community. Most of them were overcrowded and could not accommodate the many new nuns who had come from Tibet since the end of the 1980s; these were either fleeing the religious repression that had followed the demonstrations in Lhasa or had come from the far eastern part of Tibet in order to get an audience with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Most expressed the wish to stay in exile and to study Buddhist philosophy, which they had not had the opportunity to do in Tibet. Thus, Ms Rinchen Khandro Choegyal, the then president of the Tibetan Women's Association, decided to found the Tibetan Nuns Project (TNP) as its branch in order to look after the nuns in particular.17 With the help of the nun Lobsang Dechen and an American Buddhologist, Elizabeth Napper, support was secured from the Department of religion and culture, foreign sponsors, and the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the latter being especially encouraging. The aim was not only to improve the nuns' living conditions but also to develop monastic education for women. "I thought that the nuns need a purpose in life, and it is possible to give them one. Most of them want to study, to know more things, so the key is education," as Ms Rinchen Khandro expressed in an interview in 2001. At approximately the same time, Sakyadh¯ıta¯ ("Daughters of the Buddha"), an international association for Buddhist women, stated a similar goal during its first conference and founding occasion in Bodhgaya, in 1987; His Holiness the Dalai Lama, as well as the nun Lobsang Dechen having been present.18

A first group of about 100 nuns moved to Dolma Ling in 1994, which was still under construction then. During the next years, nuns would study in the morning and early afternoon and participate in the construction work afterwards (Figure 1). Most of them were from Tibet, but some also came from the Indian Himalayas, mainly Ladakh and Spiti, respectively regions with only a few and no nunneries at this time. In the following years, their number expanded dramatically, to a little more than 200 at the beginning of 2000; it has been stable since then, with a proportion of approximately 75% of nuns from Tibet and 25% from India, Nepal, and Bhutan. Some nuns and laywomen from Western and other Asian countries have also joined Dolma Ling to study but usually they stay only for a short time. Since the Tibetan uprising in 2008 and the subsequent closure of the borders between China and India, only very few Tibetans have been able to come to exile and this is also the case for nuns, leaving more places in the convent to those from Himalayan areas. Meanwhile, many have also left the institution since completing their studies, making it possible to recruit around twenty new nuns every year.

**Figure 1.** Nuns from Dolma Ling participated in the construction of their nunnery (1996). **Figure 1.** Nuns from Dolma Ling participated in the construction of their nunnery (1996).

In the beginning, Dolma Ling was envisioned as an eclectic or non‐sectarian nunnery and Institute of Buddhist studies.19 However, the curriculum that was finally imple‐ mented is clearly the one from the Gelukpa school, although supplemented by teachings from the three other schools; it follows the model of the Institute for Buddhist Dialectics (*mTshan nyid grwa tshang*), a new monastic centre of learning, which has implemented the traditional education of the "three great seats" while also being innovative in training their monks in order to allow them to adapt to life in modern society.20 In the beginning, Dolma Ling was envisioned as an eclectic or non-sectarian nunnery and Institute of Buddhist studies.19 However, the curriculum that was finally implemented is clearly the one from the Gelukpa school, although supplemented by teachings from the three other schools; it follows the model of the Institute for Buddhist Dialectics (*mTshan nyid grwa tshang*), a new monastic centre of learning, which has implemented the traditional education of the "three great seats" while also being innovative in training their monks in order to allow them to adapt to life in modern society.20

Because in the early days, most nuns in Dolma Ling were not literate when they ar‐ rived, the institute set itself the goal of providing them not only with traditional monastic education, but also with basic secular education.21 Thus, the curriculum is divided into two parts: (1) secular subjects such as Tibetan language, Tibetan history, social sciences, mathematics and, recently, physical sciences22 and (2) monastic education. Most courses take place in classrooms, much as in a school, except for the practice of debate, which takes place in the open air. I will come back to this later. After about ten years, the nuns receive a first diploma, called Prajñāpāramitā Buddhist Philosophy (*phar phyin*), which is equiva‐ lent to a BA and allows the students who so desire to continue their studies in other Ti‐ betan institutions of higher education order to become, for example, teachers of Tibetan language, English or social sciences. Many nuns excel in the Tibetan language and have found jobs in schools and nunneries alike. Others have decided to work in administration or communication.23 Because in the early days, most nuns in Dolma Ling were not literate when they arrived, the institute set itself the goal of providing them not only with traditional monastic education, but also with basic secular education.21 Thus, the curriculum is divided into two parts: (1) secular subjects such as Tibetan language, Tibetan history, social sciences, mathematics and, recently, physical sciences22 and (2) monastic education. Most courses take place in classrooms, much as in a school, except for the practice of debate, which takes place in the open air. I will come back to this later. After about ten years, the nuns receive a first diploma, called Prajñap¯ aramit ¯ a Buddhist Philosophy ( ¯ *phar phyin*), which is equivalent to a BA and allows the students who so desire to continue their studies in other Tibetan institutions of higher education order to become, for example, teachers of Tibetan language, English or social sciences. Many nuns excel in the Tibetan language and have found jobs in schools and nunneries alike. Others have decided to work in administration or communication.23

At the heart of monastic education is the curriculum of the Gelukpa Buddhist school that leads to the degree and title of *geshe* or "Doctor of traditional Buddhist philosophy." It is based on a set of texts—from the so‐called "Five great texts" (*gzhung chen bka' pod lnga*)—gathered in a textbook or written charter (*yig cha*) and organised in a number of topics; these include metaphysics, logic, monastic rules, and, most importantly, philoso‐ phy according to the *Mādhyamika* or "Middle Path" system, which goes back to the Indian philosopher Nāgārjuna; it is a system of epistemological argumentation. As we have seen, the Gelukpa curriculum has three complementary components—memorisation, study, and debate. In Dolma Ling, it is practised as follows. In the morning, the nuns have Bud‐ dhist philosophy classes (among others) during which they read a given text with the teacher who then explains the meaning of the content orally. Most religious texts are writ‐ ten in the so‐called "religious language" (*chos skad*) that is difficult to understand even for At the heart of monastic education is the curriculum of the Gelukpa Buddhist school that leads to the degree and title of *geshe* or "Doctor of traditional Buddhist philosophy." It is based on a set of texts—from the so-called "Five great texts" (*gzhung chen bka' pod lnga*)—gathered in a textbook or written charter (*yig cha*) and organised in a number of topics; these include metaphysics, logic, monastic rules, and, most importantly, philosophy according to the *Madhyamika ¯* or "Middle Path" system, which goes back to the Indian philosopher Nag¯ arjuna; it is a system of epistemological argumentation. As we have seen, ¯ the Gelukpa curriculum has three complementary components—memorisation, study, and debate. In Dolma Ling, it is practised as follows. In the morning, the nuns have Buddhist philosophy classes (among others) during which they read a given text with the teacher who then explains the meaning of the content orally. Most religious texts are written in the so-called "religious language" (*chos skad*) that is difficult to understand even for literate

literate Tibetans without appropriate formal training. The aim is to train students in

Tibetans without appropriate formal training. The aim is to train students in Buddhist logic and analytical reasoning by showing them specific examples during these lessons. The same text will then be learnt by heart before being discussed again in class. The memorisation of the key texts is an important part of the study and students must learn thousands of pages before they can excel in debate.24 Buddhist logic and analytical reasoning by showing them specific examples during these lessons. The same text will then be learnt by heart before being discussed again in class. The memorisation of the key texts is an important part of the study and students must learn thousands of pages before they can excel in debate.24 Then, in the afternoon, the actual debate or dialectical session takes place in the de‐

Then, in the afternoon, the actual debate or dialectical session takes place in the debate court (*chos ra*); it relates to the subjects and questions already discussed in class. After a short prayer to Mañju´sr¯ı, the bodhisattva associated with wisdom, students form groups of two or three people, and even up to ten or more for beginners; they then distribute the roles: the *defender*(s) (*dam bca' ba*), facing one or more standing *questioner*s (*rigs lam pa*); it is up to the defender, who then takes her seat, to launch the debate by presenting a thesis, which, by definition, must be accurate, that is, corresponds to the Buddhist world view. Her role is to defend it, whatever the cost; this is followed by a preparatory phase, during which the two parties determine the starting point and the terms of the debate. Once the agreement has been reached, the main part of the debate can begin; it is now up to the questioner(s) to find a way to refute her opponent's thesis. To do so, she proceeds by enquiring, formulating her questions in such a way as to force the defender to contradict herself. The latter, for her part, must try to thwart any attempt at attack by choosing the answer that she can defend and that does not contradict the basic thesis, which would lead to defeat.25 bate court (*chos ra*); it relates to the subjects and questions already discussed in class. After a short prayerto Mañjuśrī, the bodhisattva associated with wisdom, students form groups of two or three people, and even up to ten or more for beginners; they then distribute the roles: the *defender*(s) (*dam bca' ba*), facing one or more standing *questioner*s (*rigs lam pa*); it is up to the defender, who then takes her seat, to launch the debate by presenting a thesis, which, by definition, must be accurate, that is, corresponds to the Buddhist world view. Her role is to defend it, whatever the cost; this is followed by a preparatory phase, during which the two parties determine the starting point and the terms of the debate. Once the agreement has been reached, the main part of the debate can begin; it is now up to the questioner(s) to find a way to refute her opponent's thesis. To do so, she proceeds by en‐ quiring, formulating her questions in such a way as to force the defender to contradict herself. The latter, for her part, must try to thwart any attempt at attack by choosing the answer that she can defend and that does not contradict the basic thesis, which would lead to defeat.25

Every debate is also accompanied by gestures that give it a performative, even theatrical dimension (Figure 2). The standing questioner plays the main role: after each statement, she claps her hands and simultaneously stamps the ground with her left foot. Through body movements and the raising of voice, she not only mobilises her own intellectual abilities, but also tries to destabilise her opponent. Every debate is also accompanied by gestures that give it a performative, even theat‐ rical dimension (Figure 2). The standing questioner plays the main role: after each state‐ ment, she claps her hands and simultaneously stamps the ground with her left foot. Through body movements and the raising of voice, she not only mobilises her own intel‐ lectual abilities, but also tries to destabilise her opponent.

**Figure 2.** Debate training in Dolma Ling. **Figure 2.** Debate training in Dolma Ling.

The practice of debate constitutes the essence of Gelukpa monastic education. In Dolma Ling, the nuns debate for approximately one and a half hours per day, and a little more forthe most motivated; this is less than in the male monasteries: in Sera, for example, monks debate up to four hours per day; however, there are also periods when more in‐ tense debate sessions take place in Dolma Ling: once a month, an inter‐class competition is organised, for which the students prepare for a whole week throughout the day with The practice of debate constitutes the essence of Gelukpa monastic education. In Dolma Ling, the nuns debate for approximately one and a half hours per day, and a little more for the most motivated; this is less than in the male monasteries: in Sera, for example, monks debate up to four hours per day; however, there are also periods when more intense debate sessions take place in Dolma Ling: once a month, an inter-class competition is organised, for which the students prepare for a whole week throughout the day with no

no other classes or rituals being held in the meantime. In addition, there is a competition

other classes or rituals being held in the meantime. In addition, there is a competition between different nunneries once a year; this kind of event, called "winter debate [of the village Jang]" (*'jang dgun chos*), is a traditional custom in which many monasteries around Lhasa took part.26 It was introduced into exile nunneries in 1995. Since then, each year, nuns chosen from among ten different institutions located in India and Nepal participate in the event.

Although education at Dolma Ling is diverse and nuns can specialise in many different fields—such as administration, communication or handicrafts—, the practice of debate is highly valued. The students' results are mainly judged by their ability to debate. All those of the same nunnery know the best debaters among them, even though there are generally only very few.

#### **4. Seeking Recognition**

The Gelukpa curriculum was introduced to Dolma Ling and other nunneries in order to allow nuns to have access to the same scholarship as monks. In order to succeed, it was also necessary that they get the possibility to pass the same diploma leading to the title of *geshe* or "Doctor in traditional Buddhist philosophy." For a long time, those responsible for the Tibetan Nuns Project involved in the process were unsure how to realise this goal. The main concern was one particular part of the curriculum: the *Vinaya* or monastic discipline (see Table 1). Studying the *Pratimok ¯ s. a* (Tib. *so so thar pa*) part of the *Vinaya—*the text containing the rules for monastics—requires theoretically that the monk, or in our case the nun, has taken all the precepts, that is, he or she is a *gelong* or a *gelongma* (*dge slong* [*ma*])—the Tibetan equivalent of a *bhiks.u* or a *bhiks.un. ¯ı*. Because full ordination was not conferred on women in Tibet, it was thought nuns could study the *Vinaya* only partly and not in its entirety since ordination functions here as a preliminary and strictly necessary preparation or initiatory process before approaching the *Pratimok ¯ s. a*. 27 Not being able to study the monastic discipline as required would mean that nuns would not have completed their curriculum, in contrast to monks; it was a vicious cycle from which there seemed to be no way out.28 The result was that many nuns, not being able to pursue their studies, began to reorient themselves by going into retreat, starting to teach in schools, or leaving the monastic life altogether.

**Table 1.** The Gelukpa monastic curriculum in Dolma Ling.

In 2011, unexpected news came: it was announced that for the first time in history, a nun of the Tibetan tradition would be honoured with the diploma and title of *geshema*; however, Kelsang Wangmo, as she goes by her ordination name, is a German national and had studied at the Institute for Buddhist Dialectics that usually welcomes only monks.29 As she was not fully ordained either, she was advised to study other texts than the *Pratimok ¯ s. a sutra ¯* , while also being allowed by her teacher to listen to the teachings given to her monk co-students recorded for this purpose. It was a surprise, not only for the Tibetan Nuns Project who had faced this issue for some time, but also for the Tibetan population. The very idea of nuns one day becoming *geshema*s was already accepted at this point with the feminisation of the initial masculine title being used widely. But the fact that the first *geshema* was a foreigner also elicited some criticism, by Tibetan nuns as well as by others.30

Following the announcement, the Tibetan Nuns Project started a new campaign directed at some of the great religious masters and the Department for religion and

culture—the official body that manages monasteries and nunneries but not necessarily their study programs—in order to find a solution for the many Tibetan nuns who were waiting to proceed with their studies; it was decided to include the topic to the agenda of the eleventh Tibetan religious conference, which took place in September 2011 (Central Tibetan Administration 2011; Phayul 2011). Whilst only the heads and representatives of the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and the Bon tradition, which are all male, assemble at these meetings, the Tibetan Nuns Project prepared a written statement in advance explaining its support for nuns to obtain the *geshema* degree.31 The declaration was read aloud and provoked a discussion on the knowledge level of nuns. Several speakers present pronounced themselves vehemently against a decision to confer the *geshema* title, arguing that nuns only study three out of five courses required by the curriculum. By saying this, they meant that nuns have not studied the entire *Vinaya*, which was indeed true, but also that they have not completed the *Abhidharma* class, which was a major misunderstanding. When Rinchen Khandro Choegyal, director of the TNP, heard about what had happened during the eleventh Tibetan Religious meeting, she got upset. How was such a misunderstanding possible after all these years and discussions with so many religious dignitaries? She first required an answer from some of the *geshe*s with whom she was in contact and who were present at the meeting. She then went directly to Pema Chhinjor, the then Minister of the Department of religion and culture, and a former subordinate when she was the education minister (1995–2001), but also a longtime friend of her family.32 The latter apologised saying that he did not know exactly about the nuns' learning; they discussed how to bring up the issue again and agreed to organise a further meeting the following year with the heads of the three monastic universities in South India (that is Sera, Ganden, and Drepung), a representative of the Department of religion and culture, and one from the Tibetan Nuns Project. Meanwhile, different nunneries' representatives also assembled to discuss further steps to take.

During the Tibetan New Year festivities in February 2012, some Tibetan nuns were invited to debate in front of the Dalai Lama at the main temple; it is said that His Holiness was delighted to see the nuns' progress in debating and personally asked the Department of religion and culture to push the issue of *geshema* (The Tibet Express 2012; Phayul 2012). One month later, on 8 March 2012, during a meeting with the Department of religion and culture, the Dalai Lama asked to formulate a proposal, which specifies the requirements and modes of examination that nuns should undergo to obtain the title of *geshema*. The Department contacted the Gelukpa council—responsible for all affairs concerning the Gelukpa school—and the *Gandentripa*—head of the Gelukpa school—in order to proceed; however, the latter was not available since he was abroad at that time. He proposed instead to meet and talk about the issue at the beginning of the following month, when he would himself be coming to Dharamsala. Meanwhile, Samdhong Rinpoche, former Chief Minister and a *geshe* himself, also gave his agreement to go ahead and finalise the constitution. Both the *Gandentripa* as well as Samdhong Rinpoche are considered by the Tibetan Nuns Project and the Department of religion and culture to have been very supportive of the issue.

Finally, the Department of religion and culture called a big meeting on 18th and 19th of May 2012 with the objective of reviewing the draft proposal, refining and finally approving it.33 In attendance and as signatories to the constitution there were representatives of the Tibetan Nuns Project, of the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics, of the College for Higher Tibetan studies, as well as two senior nuns and a *geshe* professor from each nunnery where the Gelukpa curriculum was introduced (Jangchub Chöling, Khachö Gakyil Ling, Geden Chöling, Jamyang Chöling34 and, of course, from Dolma Ling). The result is a charter or constitution (*sgrig gzhi*) called "Rules concerning the examinations and acquisition of the title *geshema* for nuns who have accomplished the study of the five great texts in the Tibetan nunneries and academic institutions."35 The content is presented in eight chapters, five pages long, plus a blank "Certificate of *Geshema* degree" to be signed by the Department of religion and culture and examiners. The constitution stipulates that the length of study has to be at least seventeen years; the minimum percentage to be obtained each year is

75%; and the period of revision and examinations has to last four years. The content of the curriculum and the tests is also fixed,36 as is the composition of the group of supervisors who preside over the conduct of the examination.37

What about the *Vinaya* part of the curriculum, the subject which had been the focus of so many polemics up to then? Geshe Rinchen Ngödrub (*dge bshes* Rin chen dngos grub), a scholar specialising in monastic discipline, who had been teaching in Dolma Ling for several years, proposed to design a new program for this part of the studies. Being one of the defenders of full ordination for nuns and the author of a book based on his many research findings on the subject (See (Ser byes lha rams ngag gi dbang phyug Rin chen dngos grub 2007)), he decided to build up an agenda founded on Indian classical root texts and an auto-commentary (*rang 'grel*) by S´akyaprabha. ¯ 38 Unlike so many other texts, the latter had not been further commented by Tibetans until he himself had recently drawn up a commentary in thirty paragraphs. He had already used it as a teaching tool in Dolma Ling and it had been also distributed to all the other nunneries in exile. His proposal was astute: knowing that the Tibetan monastic curriculum draws mostly on commentaries by Tibetan scholars, his suggestion of returning to the original, supposedly more authentic text would probably confer more prestige on the nuns, in the absence of full ordination. He was, of course not the main decision maker, but had consulted several other *Vinaya* scholars, among them Geshe Kesang Damdül (*dge bshes* sKal bzang dgra 'dul) and Jamphel Dragpa ('Jam dpal grags pa) from the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics; both appreciated the importance given to Indian scholasticism and confessed to him that they would like to see a similar program in monasteries.39

After the Dalai Lama's intercession, an official approval from the big monastic universities in the South of India was deemed to be unnecessary. Likewise, the *Gandentripa* finally agreed by phone; it is interesting to note here that both the Minister of the Department of religion and culture, as well as the head of the Gelukpa school,40 had been appointed recently, in 2011 and 2009 respectively. Thus, the *geshema* issue was resolved thanks to the Dalai Lama, but also partly after a series of political changes and because of a new generation of monk scholars like Geshe Rinchen Ngödrub.

#### **5. Going for Examination**

The meeting was a success, and many nuns who had previously "disappeared" returned to their respective nunneries to participate in the project. In 2013, the first round of examinations took place, with the participation of twenty-seven nuns from five different nunneries.41 In 2016, a total of twenty nuns, including six from Dolma Ling, passed their final exam; some had failed intermediate steps or dropped out altogether.

The final exam was organised in one of the participating nunneries, Geden Chöling, at the beginning of May 2016; it consisted of debate sessions (Figure 3), written examinations—in Buddhist philosophy, but also in Tibetan grammar, history and in Western science—, and the oral defense of an approximately fifty-page-long dissertation on subjects dealt with in the Five Great Treatises—the main corpus of texts studied by Tibetan monastic students—which had to been handed in beforehand. To make these examinations credible in the eyes of the Tibetan population and in particular of the clergy, its organisation was entrusted to the Department of religion and culture, whereas the topics were developed by *geshe*s from the three monastic universities located in southern India. Likewise, the invited auditors came from the "three great seats." Most were quite young graduates themselves and several of them were from the same region in Tibet, Kham, as some of the nuns taking the examination.42

**Figure 3.** Debate test during the final exam for the *geshema* degree. **Figure 3.** Debate test during the final exam for the *geshema* degree.

As for the sociological profile of the nuns who passed the final exam: eleven were from Tibet; six came from Tibetan‐speaking Indian regions where Tibetan Buddhism is traditionally practiced (one from Spiti, one from Ladakh, two from Zanskar, and two from Kinnaur), two from the Tibetan‐speaking enclave of Mustang (Nepal) and one from Bhu‐ tan. All come from families with farming or pastoral background, that is, populations who live in the Himalayan countryside where access to education is still very rudimentary, especially for girls. All nuns had also faced many obstacles before being able to study Buddhist philosophy: many had no nunneries in their native regions, which has led them to move—for some of them far away from their original home; a few Tibetans had been banned from staying in a nunnery since the quotas for admission in contemporary Tibet are very restrictive; and most have faced a lack of economic support. Nuns from Dolma Ling were not the only ones who had spent a considerable amount of time building their nunnery. In addition, all have had to carry heavy administrative burdens in their respec‐ tive institutions, from which monk students are generally exempt. Therefore, most nuns had started their studies at a relatively late age and made frequent temporary interrup‐ tions, which explains why this first group of graduate nuns had an average age of about 43 years—the youngest being 36 years and the oldest 50. As for the sociological profile of the nuns who passed the final exam: eleven were from Tibet; six came from Tibetan-speaking Indian regions where Tibetan Buddhism is traditionally practiced (one from Spiti, one from Ladakh, two from Zanskar, and two from Kinnaur), two from the Tibetan-speaking enclave of Mustang (Nepal) and one from Bhutan. All come from families with farming or pastoral background, that is, populations who live in the Himalayan countryside where access to education is still very rudimentary, especially for girls. All nuns had also faced many obstacles before being able to study Buddhist philosophy: many had no nunneries in their native regions, which has led them to move—for some of them far away from their original home; a few Tibetans had been banned from staying in a nunnery since the quotas for admission in contemporary Tibet are very restrictive; and most have faced a lack of economic support. Nuns from Dolma Ling were not the only ones who had spent a considerable amount of time building their nunnery. In addition, all have had to carry heavy administrative burdens in their respective institutions, from which monk students are generally exempt. Therefore, most nuns had started their studies at a relatively late age and made frequent temporary interruptions, which explains why this first group of graduate nuns had an average age of about 43 years—the youngest being 36 years and the oldest 50.

The results of the first *geshema* exam were announced in July 2016: all the twenty nuns who participated passed and three of them did so with distinction. The diplomas were awarded in December the same year at an official ceremony that was organised in Drepung monastery in parallel with the celebrations of the 600th anniversary of its found‐ ing. The Dalai Lama personally handed the nuns their certificates in the presence of many religious dignitaries, monks and nuns from the various monasteries in the area, as well as representatives of the Tibetan administration in exile (Figure 4). Since the monastic uni‐ versity of Drepung is located in Mundgod, one of the major Tibetan settlements in exile, the organisers of the ceremony have assured a maximum of Tibetans attending the event and thus recognising the nuns' achievements.50 The results of the first *geshema* exam were announced in July 2016: all the twenty nuns who participated passed and three of them did so with distinction. The diplomas were awarded in December the same year at an official ceremony that was organised in Drepung monastery in parallel with the celebrations of the 600th anniversary of its founding. The Dalai Lama personally handed the nuns their certificates in the presence of many religious dignitaries, monks and nuns from the various monasteries in the area, as well as representatives of the Tibetan administration in exile (Figure 4). Since the monastic university of Drepung is located in Mundgod, one of the major Tibetan settlements in exile, the organisers of the ceremony have assured a maximum of Tibetans attending the event and thus recognising the nuns' achievements.43

**Figure 4.** The graduation ceremony of the first group of *geshema*s (Photo courtesy Olivier Adam). **Figure 4.** The graduation ceremony of the first group of *geshema*s (Photo courtesy Olivier Adam).

However, although nuns had now followed a similar curriculum to the monks and a suitable solution was found for the issue of the study of monastic discipline, rumours spread about their *geshe* status being considered as "low" (*chung ba*). In the Tibetan mo‐ nastic hierarchy, there exists a distinction between four different *geshe* degrees, the highest possible one being the *geshe lharampa* (*dge bshes lha ram pa*); it is awarded by the three great monasteries only to a minority of selected monks after a revision and examination period of six years (instead of four). Furthermore, after their graduation, many monks take up tantric courses in one of the two specialised monastic colleges Gyuto (rGyud stod) and Gyumé (rGyud smad), also reserved for men. In order to allow the nuns to meet as many requirements as possible, the Tibetan Nuns Project, supported by the Dalai lama, negoti‐ ated with the former, situated close to Dolma Ling in the valley of Dharamsala, to accept nuns as well; it was finally decided that the most convenient way was to regroup all the *geshema*s in Dolma Ling and to invite teachers from Gyuto in order to instruct them. Thus, a first course of tantric studies was initiated in late 2017 for a duration of one year. Twenty‐ three *geshema*s took part and received a certificate from the Minister of the Department of religion and culture, Venerable Karma Gelek Yuthok (Karma dge legs g.yu thog), at the beginning of 2019 (Central Tibetan Administration 2019). However, although nuns had now followed a similar curriculum to the monks and a suitable solution was found for the issue of the study of monastic discipline, rumours spread about their *geshe* status being considered as "low" (*chung ba*). In the Tibetan monastic hierarchy, there exists a distinction between four different *geshe* degrees, the highest possible one being the *geshe lharampa* (*dge bshes lha ram pa*); it is awarded by the three great monasteries only to a minority of selected monks after a revision and examination period of six years (instead of four). Furthermore, after their graduation, many monks take up tantric courses in one of the two specialised monastic colleges Gyuto (rGyud stod) and Gyumé(rGyud smad), also reserved for men. In order to allow the nuns to meet as many requirements as possible, the Tibetan Nuns Project, supported by the Dalai lama, negotiated with the former, situated close to Dolma Ling in the valley of Dharamsala, to accept nuns as well; it was finally decided that the most convenient way was to regroup all the *geshema*sin Dolma Ling and to invite teachers from Gyuto in order to instruct them. Thus, a first course of tantric studies was initiated in late 2017 for a duration of one year. Twenty-three *geshema*s took part and received a certificate from the Minister of the Department of religion and culture, Venerable Karma Gelek Yuthok (Karma dge legs g.yu thog), at the beginning of 2019 (Central Tibetan Administration 2019).

Between the years 2017–2019, twenty‐three more nuns passed their *geshema* exams with success: six in 2017, ten in 2018, followed by seven in 2019. Because of the Covid pandemic, examinations had to be postponed during the last two years (2021–2022), but have resumed in August 2022.52 Between the years 2017–2019, twenty-three more nuns passed their *geshema* exams with success: six in 2017, ten in 2018, followed by seven in 2019. Because of the Covid pandemic, examinations had to be postponed during the last two years (2021–2022), but have resumed in August 2022.44

Dolma Ling has produced this far sixteen *geshema*s. Two of them who have obtained top scores, Tenzin Künsel and Delek Wangmo, were hired as teachers in 2019; they are teaching junior Buddhist philosophy classes and supervise the debate sessions; moreover, they have decided to take responsibility for the many new young nuns from Ladakh, Zan‐ skar, and Nepal, who joined Dolma Ling in the winter of 2022 because of their respective nunneries being emptied after the pandemic; they are preparing them especially in the Tibetan language in order for them to be able to follow the Buddhist philosophy courses. Other *geshema*s have chosen to go into retreat, to work on research projects launched by the Tibetan medical institute and the Central Tibetan Administration, to deepen their knowledge of Western science by taking up courses in the exchange program with the University of Emory, to lead meditation courses for laywomen, or to give tuition for Dolma Ling has produced this far sixteen *geshema*s. Two of them who have obtained top scores, Tenzin Künsel and Delek Wangmo, were hired as teachers in 2019; they are teaching junior Buddhist philosophy classes and supervise the debate sessions; moreover, they have decided to take responsibility for the many new young nuns from Ladakh, Zanskar, and Nepal, who joined Dolma Ling in the winter of 2022 because of their respective nunneries being emptied after the pandemic; they are preparing them especially in the Tibetan language in order for them to be able to follow the Buddhist philosophy courses. Other *geshema*s have chosen to go into retreat, to work on research projects launched by the Tibetan medical institute and the Central Tibetan Administration, to deepen their knowledge of Western science by taking up courses in the exchange program with the University of Emory, to lead meditation courses for laywomen, or to give tuition for

children during school holidays; it turned out that the new degree has opened up many new possibilities for nuns.

#### **6. Female Emancipation and Monastic Education**

Even though it might be a little early to draw conclusions on the nuns' change of status after becoming *geshema*s, a few remarks can already be made.

A first point is the reception of these nuns by their families and the society. As soon as the information about the examination results came out, several families of the nuns, especially those from India, set out in order to celebrate the event, even before the official graduation ceremony had taken place; they thus expressed the pride with which they received the news. Families from Tibet were also keen to let their nun members know about the joy they felt for them by congratulating them through social media or sending relatives from India to take part in the celebrations in the respective nunneries, which lasted over several months.45

When visiting some of the nunneries involved in the Buddhist philosophy education program during the following years, I have also noticed that these *geshema*s have acquired a new status among their sisters: previously considered simply as elders, they now receive significant respect in their respective institutions. Young nuns treat them with the same reverence as male religious masters, that is, they serve them and bow in front of them—the Tibetan way of showing respect. In the temple of Dolma Ling, *geshema*s now have a special seating arrangement, with higher places than those reserved for the other nuns—even though male teachers are always seated slightly above them; they no longer must participate in menial chores such as cooking or cleaning. By contrast, two of them were elected to the office of disciplinarian (*dge bskos*) and general manager (*phyag mdzod*), the two highest positions generally attributed to nuns in their institutions; the abbot, or in the case of Dolma Ling, the principal, is and has always been a monk or a layman.

Generally speaking, the *geshema*s are also highly valued as teachers by other nunneries and by Tibetan schools, where some have already started to work in recent years; however, for the time being, the watchword is that they have first to serve their original nunneries, which are also very much in need of female teachers.46 Most importantly, *geshema*s have become role models for young nuns. And they take this very seriously, for example, by regularly addressing the younger generation in order to encourage them in their studies; this is also significant for them, since, as some have pointed out to me, they did not have any examples to follow when they embarked on this type of study.

In recent years, as mentioned above, the curriculum of Gelukpa monastic education has been introduced into many monasteries and nunneries in exile. The same is true for Tibet. In several Gelukpa nunneries in Kham, we can now find nuns who are preparing the *geshema* degree while learning debate.47 More surprisingly, perhaps, nuns of the Bon tradition, which is distinct from Buddhism but shares many characteristics when it comes to monasticism, were also awarded the *geshema* degree.48 In October 2018, a ceremony took place in honour of nine Bonpo nuns from the three different regions of Tibet (Ü-Tsang, Kham, and Amdo) who had passed their *geshema* degree at Khyungmo (Khyung mo) nunnery in Thika (Khri ka), Amdo ('Chi med g.yung drung 2018). The initiator and main teacher was Geshe Söpa Gyurme (*dge bshes* bSod pa 'gyur med), who studied at the famous Bonpo monastery of Menri (sMan ri) in India.49 It is quite possible that he had established a similar curriculum of either nine or thirteen years of study in Bonpo monasteries and nunneries in Tibet.50 More recently, the only Bonpo nunnery in exile, Ratna Menling (Ratna sman gling), bestowed the *geshema* degree for the first time on five nuns, four from Tibet and one from Dolpo (Nepal) (Central Tibetan Administration 2022). As for those from India, debate was part of their academic program, which covers a total period of eleven years.51 The *Vinaya* part of the study, which also takes a year, was not contentious, because Bonpo nuns can choose to become fully ordained: they are called *drangsongma* (*drang srong ma*) and follow a total of 360 precepts (Roesler 2015, p. 436).

I already mentioned the *khenmo* degree, which has been awarded to nuns by the Nyingmapa school in Tibet. Contrary to the Gelukpa school, the latter had taken the decision to open education and diplomas to female monastics very early on, at the beginning of the 1990s. The initiative had begun in the religious encampment of Serthar Larung Gar, founded by one of the greatest contemporary lamas and religious revivalists, Khenpo Jigme Phüntsok (mkhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs, 1933–2004). His niece, Mumé Yeshe Tsomo (Mu med ye shes mtsho mo, b. 1966) or Mumtsho, as she is affectionally called by her disciples, was among the first group of nuns to receive the *khenmo* degree. Being the abbess of the Pema Khandro Duling (Padma mkha' 'gro'i 'du gling) nunnery, located inside the religious encampment, and recognised as a living *khandroma* (*mka' 'gro ma*), a female incarnation and saint, she can be considered as one of the greatest Tibetan Buddhist nuns of our time (Schneider 2013, pp. 156–61; 2015). Over the years, the academic program for nuns in Larung Gar has been refined and institutionalised, now taking up to fifteen years for "cultural studies" (*rig gnas*; here mainly Tibetan, English and Chinese language) and Buddhist philosophy studies and up to thirty years for those who continue with the tantra section (*rgyud sde*) and oral instructions into the lineage of Longchenpa (kLong chen pa, 1308–1364) (Padma'tsho/Baimacuo, pp. 11–12). In 2021, more than a hundred nuns held the *khenmo* title, a milestone in terms of female monastic education (Ibidem, p. 9). Many of them are now teaching younger nuns in Larung Gar, but also in various other nunneries of eastern Tibet; moreover, nuns have started to participate in research and editing projects, the publication of the *D. akin ¯ ¯ıs Great Dharma Treasury* (*mKha' 'gro'i chos mdzod chen mo*), a collection of fifty-three volumes on Buddhist women from Mahapraj ¯ apat ¯ ¯ı to Mumtsho, being a major achievement and new endeavour of female scholarship.52

A similar development can be observed in at least one other Nyingmapa nunnery in eastern Tibet, Tashi Gönsar (bKra shis dgon gsar), albeit in a more modest way.53 Since 2011, seven nuns have received the *khenmo* degree; their study program was more informal, based mainly on teachings and initiations given by their lama and different invited religious masters over many years during the bi-annual religious assembly, and a complete course in Tibetan medicine, organised on the premises of the convent; these *khenmo*s are now instructing in a more organised way, i.e., in classes designed for younger nuns. Some are also involved in the teachings during the religious assemblies that several hundred nuns, monks and lay people attend in order to deepen their Buddhist knowledge. Furthermore, several of them are working as doctors in the Tibetan medical clinic, which is run by the nunnery.

Meanwhile, Nyingmapa nuns living in India and Nepal are still waiting to get the official approval to become *khenmo*s. For several years now, many nuns from Tsogyal Shedrupling nunnery (mTso rgyal bshad sgrub gling) in South India and Shugseb (Shug gseb) nunnery in Dharamsala have finished their nine-year course, usually required for monks before taking the final examination; however, nuns have been only given the diploma and title of *lobpön* (*slob dpon*) or "teacher," an inferior qualification and designation. Here too, it seems that because of their lack of full ordination, Nyingmapa dignitaries have so far been hesitant to bestow the degree,54 but it looks as if there will be an alternative solution in a very short time.55

Last but not least, the Sakyapa school in India recently announced the graduation of three nuns as *khenmo*s.56 The degrees were awarded after ten years of rigorous studies containing in particular the "Eighteen renowned scriptures [of Sakya philosophy]" (*grags chen bco brgyad*) and four years of teaching experience.57 The decision of bestowing the *khenmo* degree to nuns was taken by a committee of Sakya scholars who consulted with Sakya Tridzin (Sa skya khri 'dzin, b. 1945), 41st throne holder of the Sakyapa school.

#### **7. Conclusions**

For more than thirty years now, Tibetan nuns in exile have started to engage in higher Buddhist studies previously reserved for monks. The journey to become a *geshema* has been long and full of obstacles; however, there were also many people who helped the nuns,

first and foremost the Dalai Lama and the managers of the Tibetan Nuns Project, but also, of course, many monks who were mobilised as monastic allies. When talking about the new *geshema*s, the Dalai Lama modestly says "that is my small contribution,"58 thereby indicating how important the establishment of proper education for nuns has also been for him. His continued commitment to nuns' monastic education clearly stands in contrast with his timid support for their full ordination.

The opening up of religious education for nuns has significantly changed the status of women in Tibetan monasticism and Tibetan societies, in Tibet itself, in exile, as well as in the Tibetan-speaking parts of the Himalayas. In the near future, nuns will no longer depend on monks for teaching and administrating their institutions. In the eyes of laypeople, they now deserve more respect, which, in turn, has translated into more social support and esteem than they used to get in the past; moreover, nuns are now able to contribute better to society by teaching, instructing, and also counselling lay people, especially lay women.

In the absence of full ordination, one cannot say that there is parity or equality between monks and nuns, but a great step towards empowerment has been taken. By persevering seriously in their studies, nuns have shown their capacity to engage in the same type of higher Buddhist education as their male counterparts; it will now be up to them to continue and preserve the tradition of Tibetan scholasticism.

The question also remains how important the ordination status actually is in the modern context where degrees are more and more institutionalised. As one of the contemporary scholars of Tibetan religion and culture, Khenpo Tenkyong, reminds us: the most famous *geshe* in Tibetan history was Dromtönpa (whose full name is sBrom ston rgyal ba'i 'byung gnas, 1004–1064)—chief Tibetan disciple of Ati´sa (982–1055?) and founder of the Reting (Rwa sgreng) monastery (Gardner 2010)—who was not a monk but a lay devotee (*dge bsnyen pa*; Skt. *upasaka ¯* ), renowned for his teachings on monastic precepts.

Some further challenges always persist, like the fact that nuns are seen as "small" *geshe*s compared to seemingly "full-fledged" monk *geshe*s. Some people continue to propagate malicious gossip, suggesting that nuns might not be as good in debating as monks or that they have not thoroughly understood the content of Buddhist philosophy. Another hurdle is their participation in politics, which, in a cultural system where politics and religion are closely intertwined, was and is always in some regard the prerogative of monks. During the recent 2021 elections in exile, one of the *geshema*s from Dolma Ling, Delek Wangmo, was appointed as election commissioner, the first time that a nun has held such a position (Tenzin Dharpo 2020). However, it seems to me unlikely that a nun will be elected as a parliamentarian in the near future, even though monastics, male and female, have two voices and ten reserved seats to be distributed among the four Buddhist schools and the Bonpos.

Thus, with regard to monastic education, the traditional gender asymmetry is always prevalent, but by tackling unequal access to religious instruction, it is also slowly being dissolved. The success of the first *geshema*s has clearly inspired the other Tibetan Buddhist schools, who, in turn, have been quick to act by also awarding degrees to their nuns.

**Funding:** The research for this article has been made possible thanks to funding received from the Centre de recherche sur les civilisations de l'Asie (CRCAO), the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) and the École française d'Extrême-Orient (EFEO).

**Acknowledgments:** I am grateful to Charles Ramble, Nicolas Sihlé, Ester Bianchi, as well as for the anonymous reviewers for their willingness to read an earlier draft of this article and for their suggestions and corrections.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

#### **Notes**

and nuns were those founded by the Third Dragkar Lama from the Gelukpa school (Schneider 2011) and Adzom Gar (A 'dzom sgar), from the Nyingmapa school, situated in the Tromtar (Trom tar) region of Kham (personal communication from the nun Sherab Wangmo, born 1947). Contemporary religious encampments such as Larung Gar (bLa rung sgar) and Yachen Gar (Ya chen sgar) tend to exist for longer time.

#### **References**

Lobsang Gyatso. 1998. *Memoirs of a Tibetan Lama*. Ithaca and New York: Snow Lion Publications.

Perdue, Daniel E. 1976. *Debate in Tibetan Buddhist Education*. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives.

## *Article* **Taiwanese Nuns and Education Issues in Contemporary Taiwan**

**Yu-Chen Li**

The Graduate Institute of Religious Studies, National Cheng Chi University, Taipei 11605, Taiwan<EMAIL_ADDRESS>
**Abstract:** In this article, I discuss the Buddhist educational profile of nuns in contemporary Taiwan by introducing the development of monastic education for women. Taiwanese women's mass ordination created a Buddhist renaissance after postwar Taiwan, a national ordination system based on monastic discipline, as well as the revival of monastic education. Both ordination and monastic education are very strong institutional settings for women's monastic identity. Its findings, firstly, shed light on how the increased opportunities for women's education in Taiwanese Buddhism have continuously attracted young female university students. Secondly, these so-called scholarly nuns come to Buddhist academies as students and eventually become instructors. These scholarly nuns elevate the standards of their Buddhist academies and use their original academic specializations to expand the educational curriculum of their school. The role of scholarly nuns in contemporary Taiwan exemplifies that Buddhism provides educational resources for women, as educational resources enhance women's engagement in Buddhism.

**Keywords:** contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism; nuns; gender; monastic education; *bhiks.un. ¯ı*s' identities

#### **1. Introduction**

In 1990 at Colombo University, a Theravada monk said to his student, a Taiwanese ¯ nun named Xing-yan 性嚴, "You must be a very important figure or someone who will hold an important position once you return to Taiwan; otherwise how could you (a nun) study abroad?" She replied, "No, I'm just an ordinary Buddhist teacher. After I return to Taiwan, I won't change to any other position and will continue to teach at my original Buddhist academy. I do appreciate my study here for enriching my pedagogy so as to benefit my students in the future".1

The Theravada monk's question reflects the idea that monastic leadership requires ¯ significant education and that most nuns are excluded from this path. In contrast, Taiwanese nuns enjoy advanced Buddhist education both as students and teachers.

In contemporary Taiwan, improvements in Buddhist nuns' education have promoted the profile of Buddhist nuns, increased their social support, and raised their self-esteem (Li 2016; Eichman 2011). The profile of postwar Taiwanese Buddhist nuns has also been the focus of increased scholarly attention. At least 30% received college education before the 1990s (Din 1996; Li 2005), and 70% owned graduate degrees in Taipei as of 2011, endorsing high esteem and social respect for Taiwanese nuns.2

Previously, much of the research regarding Taiwanese Buddhist academy education has focused on the history, curriculum, and academic goals (Huang 2008b; Borchert 2017). Moreover, studies tend to be more passive (if not male-centralized) analyses. From a gender studies perspective, I argue that research on Taiwanese monastic education should focus more on how female students, teachers, and faculties are involved in the educational system because the majority members of such Buddhist institutes are women.

#### **2. Buddhist Education and Monastic Membership**

Monastic education is designed for initiation into collective monastic life within Buddhist communities. Education, discipline, and initiation comprise the "Triple Platform

**Citation:** Li, Yu-Chen. 2022. Taiwanese Nuns and Education Issues in Contemporary Taiwan. *Religions* 13: 847. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/rel13090847

Academic Editor: Nicola Schneider

Received: 18 August 2022 Accepted: 2 September 2022 Published: 13 September 2022

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**Copyright:** © 2022 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

Ordination" (*santan dajie* 三壇大戒), specifically the initiation of *´srama ¯ n. era* and *´srama ¯ n. eri*, *bhiks.u* and *bhiks.un. ¯ı*, as well as the receiver of *bodhisattva-´s¯ıla*. 3 For the monastic, and at every stage of membership from novice beginner to high-ranking monk, monastics undertake the specific responsibilities and education that correspond to their standing.

In practice, only those receiving full initiation are qualified to engage in certain facets of monastic education, and thus, much is withheld from *´srama ¯ n. eri* and laypeople. Without the appropriate knowledge, lower-level monastics cannot reprimand more eminent monastics and are disqualified from participating in monastic administration. In other words, the establishment of monastic education not only relates to an efficient ordination system but is also closely tied to monastic hierarchy in defining the obligations and rights of monastic members.

Historically speaking, monastic education has been almost always reserved for male members; thus, those religious women who were well-educated enjoyed privileged status. Contemporary scholars, such as Karma Lekshe Tsomo, who have been long devoted to promoting women's religious status, tend to emphasize nuns' education (Tsomo 1999). Moreover, the majority of research focusing exclusively on monastic education has taken the role of nuns as Buddhist teachers for granted and even assumed that education empowers women in the religious circle (LeVine and Gellner 2005). The scholarly emphasis on women's monastic education mainly recognizes its role in nuns' full monastic membership. I argue that the more understanding we have of Taiwanese nuns' engagement in education, the greater the chance for establishing a more modern, improved monastic education system for nuns.

Lack of education is usually a source of disadvantage for women in terms of social achievement; such is also the case in religious establishments. There are many cases in which religious orders excluded women from the clerical hierarchy for their illiteracy (Liu and Feng 2019). Ironically, though, religion itself very often offers women greater chances for education outside the public school system. For example, the reason why Buddhist education attracted many Taiwanese women in the 1950s to 1970s was its function as a public-school alternative. It was not until 1968 that the Taiwanese government prolonged compulsory education from six to nine years. Before this, Taiwanese parents with limited resources only invested in their sons' education, and so, the free tuition, room, and board offered by Buddhist institutions provided girls the chance for education.

These relatively small and often temporary Buddhist academies relied heavily on the support of their host monasteries. In return, the Buddhist academies regularly included monastic training in the curriculum and advocated the Dharma lineage inherited from the abbot or abbess of the host monastery. Gradually, regular Buddhist institutes, such as the Yuanguang Buddhist Academy (*Yuanguang foxueyuan* 圓光佛學院), the Fuyan Buddhist Academy (*Fuyan foxueyuan* 福嚴佛學院), the Fo Guang Shan Tsunglin University (*Foguangshan congling xueyuan* 佛光山叢林學院) (hereafter FGS),4 the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies (*Zhonghua foyansuo* 中華佛研所), and the Lotus Buddhist Ashram and Institute of Sino-Buddhist Studies (*Lianhua xuefo yuan, Huafan foxue yanjiusuo* 蓮華學佛 園,華梵佛學研究所), emerged (Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies 2002; He 2006). These mainstream Buddhist institutes are open to both monastics and the laity, both male and female, except for the Lotus Buddhist Ashram Institute, which is only for women. Students learn advanced Buddhist training in a place financially and practically independent from the host monasteries. Instead of being part of a Dharma lineage (*famai* 法脈) in which Buddhist knowledge is transmitted from master to disciple, teachers and students become affiliated with each other within a lineage of Buddhist learning (*xuemai* 學脈).

#### **3. Buddhist Academies and Nuns in Post-War Taiwan**

In Buddhist traditions such as those found in contemporary Taiwan, where the monastic education system is institutionalized like a modern Western education system and where women are able to receive the same education as men, the issue of women's Buddhist education remains quite complicated. Since the conclusion of the Chinese Civil War (1927–1949), Taiwanese Buddhist circles have emphasized monastic education as a continuation of the Buddhist reforms from the first half of twentieth century China, creating an important context regarding monastic education from this period (Jian 2001; Chan 2005).

Monastic education reform usually emerged as the first immediate strategy for Buddhist communities to resolve crises (Pittman 2001). As the social elite tried to confiscate monastic property to build modern public schools, since the end of the nineteenth century, one of the most influential Buddhist reformers, Master Taixu (1890–1947), urged Buddhist leaders to develop monastic education. He believed that Buddhism was in decline and attributed the crisis to the waning of monks' social status caused by lack of education. More specifically, Taixu urged his fellow Buddhists to devote themselves to more cultural, educational, and charity activities to save Buddhism (Lin 2001). Taixu's introduction of modern institutes of Buddhist learning were extremely important for Buddhist reform efforts. However, his plans only marginally included nuns' education. Though Taixu realized that traditional monasteries could not compete with the modern school system, he ignored the massive participation of women in Buddhist learning (Li 2020, p. 590).

Buddhist educational reforms in post-war Taiwan did not simply imitate those in mainland China but reflected aspects of orthodox Chinese Buddhism in pre-colonial Taiwan. Less than one hundred Chinese monks fled to Taiwan after 1949, but they maintained their dominance within the Buddhist Association of Republic of China (*Zhongguo Fojiao hui* 中國佛教會) (hereafter, BAROC), the only officially recognized national monastic representative organization. This led to a series of movements to purify the influence of Japanese Buddhism in order to restore the orthodox position of Chinese Buddhism (Jones 1999).

Most importantly, BAROC began to educating Taiwanese monks and nuns through the ordination system. The ordination system established and dominated by BAROC was a new invention gradually organized by Venerable Baisheng 白聖 (1904–1989) (Huang 2012). BAROC was a tentative aggregation of monks that had fled from China, including members of different areas and schools. BAROC leaders therefore decided to use canonical texts as the foundation to reestablish the ordination system, which allowed them to disregard problematic regional and sectarian differences. Before Martial Law ended in 1987, only BAROC could bestow ordinations and issue ordination certificates in Taiwan (Li (Forthcoming)).

From 1953 to 1987, the number of female ordinands far surpassed male, being four times more on average (Li 2008a, 2010). Some assistant nuns later became female monastic leaders famous for their oral interpretation of *Vinaya* scriptures during ordination. For example, Ven. Tianyi 天乙 (1924–1976) helped Baisheng in these training programs and was the first female ordination master in Taiwanese history. As a consequence, she became Baisheng's first Dharma heir (*fazi* 法子) (Jianye 1999; Li 2000, 2008b). More significantly, BAROC's reforms, which initially only addressed the full ordination of monks and nuns, caused a surge in popularity for Buddhist institutes and the study of canonical scripture. After the 1990s, most Taiwanese monasteries stopped running their own Buddhist academies. Large-scale Buddhist academies, such as the FGS Buddhist Academies, the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies, and the Lotus Buddhist Ashram and Institute of Sino-Buddhist Studies, took their place. These served as the basis for Buddhist universities that were founded later.

To sum up, in post-war Taiwan, Buddhist orders sought to ordain large numbers of women and established educational institutes to target young women and recruit new members (Huang 2008a; Li 2010). Taiwanese Buddhist institutes were usually open to both nuns and laywomen. Most institutes had one small class in each school-year until these students graduated and irregularly reopened the school for another group of students if they needed. In contrast to these small and short-lived institutions, several larger Buddhist orders also ran regular educational institutions, which transformed into Buddhist universities after 2000. Education, ordination, and Buddhist academies would shape the network for Buddhist nuns in Taiwan (Li 2016).

#### **4. From Scholarly Nuns (**學士尼**) to Religious Teachers (**宗教師**)**

In addition to Buddhist monastic education, which served the vehicle of ordination system, Taiwanese Buddhists also paid great attention to attracting young students to Buddhism. As Ven. Yinshun 印順 (1906–2005) pointed out, "To revive Chinese Buddhism, the focus should be placed on the youth, the intelligentsia, and the laity" (Yinshun 1970; Qiu 2000). This vision was reified in the establishment of Buddhist clubs in universities and winter and summer camps for college students. The first Buddhist student club was established under these conditions at National Taiwan University in 1960, and the number of such organizations increased to 73 by 1990 (Shengyan 1990).

Two Buddhist summer camps played pioneering roles in the 1960s and 1970s: that of the FGS order and the Learning Association of Vegetarian and Monastic Discipline (齋戒學會) (hereafter ZJXH) (Huang 2008a). Ven. Cihui 慈惠 and Ven Cijia 慈嘉, two nun disciples of Ven. Xingyun 星雲 who held master degrees from Japanese universities, became instructors at FGS Buddhist camps (Yongdong 2003; Li 2005). The founder of ZJXH, Ven. Chan-Yun 懺雲 (1915–2009), entrusted the Luminary Nunnery to manage female participants. Most of the women subsequently entered the Luminary Nunnery, making it the most famous nunnery of scholarly nuns (Din 1996; Huang 2008a).

The FGS's comprehensive program of Buddhist education aims to achieve their ideal of a Pure Land on earth. Although they attach great importance to classical Buddhist education, they reject sectarianism through their own concept of "establishing a common understanding across the Eight Buddhist schools" (八宗共榮) and put forth a particular style of monastic education, whereby they try to establish a common understanding across various sects (Manyi 2005). Furthermore, they offer students Japanese and English classes as they approach graduation in order to prepare them for an international career. Besides Buddhist academy education, FGS also consistently holds short-term training programs every year to help students refresh practical secular skills and reinvigorate their spiritual practice. The principles of humanistic Buddhism serve as FGS's blueprint for helping nuns develop in all aspects of cultural education and Dharma promotion (Chan 2005; Manyi 2005; Hui Kuan 2008).

The ZJXH summer camp strictly observes sexual segregation and requires all female students to leave Lianyin Temple 蓮因寺, where the camp is regularly held, by 4 p.m. The Lianyin Temple originally cooperates with the Luminary Nunnery (香光寺) and later also with the Yide Nunnery 義德寺 to accommodate female students attending the summer camps (Huang 2008a). Based on the convenient connection, two nunneries recruited many female college students from the summer camps and later developed into their own institutes. Campus Buddhist studies clubs and summer Buddhist camps have attracted so many female college students who then go on to receive tonsure that a special term has been created to refer to these Taiwanese nuns: scholarly nuns (學士尼, literally "nun with a bachelor's degree").5

The Luminary Institute aims at providing women Buddhist education and preparing them to serve as teachers in the Buddhist learning programs at the seven nationwide branches of the Luminary Nunnery (Jianye 2000).6 In addition to traditional Buddhist monastic education, the nun students of the Luminary Institute also receive journalism, editing, and teaching training (Huang 2008b). The aim of the Buddhist education is to prepare students to attend the Luminary Institute and eventually move on to enter their own Buddhist orders (Huang 2008a, pp. 90–91). In a sense, the institute creates a new kind of modern Buddhist teacher rather than traditional masters preaching the Dharma and focusing on particular scriptures.

Income from ceremonial services is an important source of monastic economy, but the Chinese Buddhist modernization movement has viewed ceremonial services as an impediment to progress since the beginning of the 19th century. Those educated Taiwanese nuns receiving scripture-centered studies also follow the negative attitudes towards ceremonial services and ritual performs. As most monasteries and nunneries mainly relied on ceremonial services and are unable to provide academic work for their nuns, a tension between

immerged among monastic members. Those who are reluctant to perform ritual services tend to become "religious teachers", a position rarely seen at most small-scale nunneries.

For the disconnect between the sculptural-studies-centered education and monastic economy, graduating from Buddhist academy means certain kind of unemployment. The graduated nuns need to readjust to the ceremonial services. Even during their school years, these nun students are often accused as being not gregarious and lazy, leading their contemporary leave from their own nunneries to maintain the pace of student life. Therefore, some nuns tried to extend their student status as long as possible, such as keeping on transferring among different institutes to avoid the embarrassing situation after graduation, which created the term "professional students" to refer the phenomena.

Among Taiwanese Buddhist academies, the Luminary Nunnery established by scholarly nuns (more than 75%) also surpassed other Buddhist orders in Taiwan with the number of nuns having doctoral degree (at least 10 by 2000). These doctoral nuns are all scholarly nuns benefited by their bachelor degree in various professions. Their profession may be critical for spreading Dharma in modern society, but they are usually not included in the curriculum of the Buddhist Institute. After graduation, almost all of the nuns now holding these doctoral degrees chose to teach in universities, claiming that their positions there could be more influential than staying in Buddhist institutes. As these Ph.D. *bhiks.un. ¯ı*s are overqualified for general monastic education, instead of dissociating with them, the Luminary Nunnery leaders gradually figured out a strategy to preserve good relationship with these high-profile nuns. The abbess Wuyin 悟因 strongly supported these nuns in their search for advanced study in various fields at colleges and universities across the world. These professional nuns develop their religious career outside monastic circles as university professors and research fellows, while the Luminary Nunnery continues to recognize them as members with a relatively flexible appointment. In this way, this group of nuns has adopted a new identity as religious teachers (宗教師).

Taiwanese nuns who have been educated at Buddhist academies take divergent paths in their practice. On the one hand, some turn towards the development of a modern, professionally certified Buddhism and create *bhiks.un. ¯ı* groups with this goal in mind, such as the Luminary Nun's Organization, an organization concerned with promoting Buddhist education in society. On the other hand, some, such as those at the Nanlin Nun's Center南林 尼僧苑), focus on strict observation of the precepts and ascetic practice in an effort to rectify the decline of *Vinaya* (monastic discipline 戒律). Their inward and outward approaches illustrate the two extremes of scholarly nun practice in Taiwan: one ascetic and inward focused and the other progressive and focused on society. On both sides, Buddhist nuns come with specializations in various fields from higher educational institutions and then supplement their study with Buddhist academy education. Interestingly, neither education level nor area of specialization seems to affect the number of nuns who favor ascetic or humanistic Buddhism.

#### **5. Nun Teachers and Nuns' Education in Taiwan**

The deeper tension between genders in the monastery can be largely attributed to the norms of Buddhist tradition, which promote male leadership in the order. However, the social changes in contemporary Taiwan have compromised male authority in the monastery, where nuns not only outnumber monks but have also surpassed them in terms of education level. The following case focused on Fuyan Academy (福嚴佛學院) demonstrates this reshaping of gender hierarchy and division of labor in Taiwan.

Ven. Yinshun 印順 (1906–2005) established the Fuyan Academy for monks in 1961; however, there were only two male novice students, and the classroom was filled with an audience of nuns. Therefore, the Fuyan Academy changed the system for nuns. In the following decades, Fuyan Academy trained many nun students and teachers in light of Yinshun's style of scriptural studies. Among these nuns, Zhaohui 昭慧 (b. 1957) has been famous for her interpretation of the work of Ven. Yinshun. She continues to be known as a

scholarly nun, having graduated from the Taiwanese Normal University, attended the FGS summer camp, received tonsure, and being devoted to teaching Yinshun's work.

When Ven. Zhenhua 真華 (1922–2021) was appointed as the sixth dean of Fuyan Academy in 1985, he decided to "rectify" the situation by limiting enrollment to only monks, a move that radically altered the situation. Nuns who were students and teachers had to move out and find new lodgings and affiliations. In response, Ven. Zhaohui gathered those nun teachers and graduated students dismissed from the Fuyan Academy and established a new institute for women, the Hongshi Academy (弘誓學院). Ven. Zhaohui, who was at that time serving as a professor in the Department of Religious Studies at Hsuan Chang University (玄奘大學), created a joint program for these two institutions. Afterwards, many of her nun students and colleagues attained master degrees in her department (Li 2008b).

In short, though higher levels of education bring Buddhist nuns new social roles, such as instructor in dedicated Buddhist education institutes, they are rarely accepted into the hierarchical power structures of monasteries that remain under the jurisdiction of Buddhist monks. The identity of Buddhist nuns in Taiwan tends to stress their roles as "religious teachers" after they leave the family and serve in other spheres. Their status as "religious teachers" also transitions their career from religious vocation to professional occupation.

After the 1990s, most Taiwanese monasteries stopped running their own Buddhist academies, and many large-scale Buddhist academies appeared on a regular basis. Since 2000, to promote Buddhist education, Taiwanese Buddhists have donated money and resources to establish six Buddhist colleges and universities, including the Huafan College of Technical Science (華梵理工學院), the Medical Colleges of Tsu Chi Ji University (慈濟 醫學院), the Nanhua College of Humanities (南華人文學院), Hsuan Chuang University, Foguang University (佛光大學), and the Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts (*Fagu wenli xueyuan* 法鼓文理學院). Many monks and nuns attend these Buddhist colleges and universities to pursue their Buddhist education rather than Buddhist institutes. Meanwhile, certain well-established Buddhist institutes continue to cooperate with these colleges to promote their education. Even though a greater emphasis is placed on academic achievement through this exchange, ironically, most Buddhist institutes insist more on their scriptural and philosophical approach.

Taiwanese nunneries have gradually created their own features for various religious goals, specifically for Buddhist orders with more than 200 female monastic members. They have tried to distinguish their own monastic education in specific ways. For example, the students and teachers at the Luminary Academy aim for Buddhist social education; the Ling Jiou Mountain Buddhist society (靈鳩山佛教基金會) established a museum of world religions to promote interreligious dialogues, and the Buddhist Institute of the Nanlin Nunnery (南林僧苑) offers more specific *Vinaya* education for nuns. Other relatively large Buddhist organizations, such as the FGS monastery and the Sangha University of the Dharma Drum order, gather data on students' post-graduation employment opportunities, which range from classics' translation, digital publication, meditation instructors, and monastic management, among others. These specialized Buddhist academies also advertise new kinds of jobs taken on by students. Most importantly, nuns make up 80% of the monastic order and contribute to more diverse and professional development of Buddhism based on Buddhist learning rather than sectarianism.

According to my previous research, in the 1990s, there were at least 26 Taiwanese *bhiks.un. ¯ı*s who received scholarships from the Chinese Buddhist Association for Safeguarding the Sangha (中華佛教護僧協會) to study abroad (as compared to only four Taiwanese *bhiks.u* scholarship recipients); this number does not include nuns who were supported by other monasteries. It is quite common in Taiwan for Buddhist academies to send nuns to study abroad. Some monasteries send monks and nuns to study abroad in order to establish overseas outposts and start local branches of their school. Others allow nuns to use scholarships or family support in order to take leave and study abroad. These nuns gradually become critical personnel in the process of internationalization of Taiwanese Buddhism.

Most of the nuns with a Ph.D. continue to devote themselves to Buddhist education either at their original Buddhist academy or at a Buddhist university. Although Buddhist education in Taiwan was institutionalized in the 2000s, with the establishment of Buddhist universities, large Buddhist academies remain active even to the extent of cooperating with Buddhist universities. Nun students at Buddhist institutes often go on to graduate at Buddhist universities. Most monasteries require tonsured college graduates to go to Buddhist institutes for further education. After the 2000s, the Buddhist education system in Taiwan continued to produce more and more nun teachers who hold doctoral degrees from domestic Buddhist academies and universities. Given that domestic tuition fees are cheaper than those abroad, there are more domestically educated nuns than foreign-educated nuns in Taiwan. In addition, given the high number of graduates, there is fierce competition for employment at Buddhist academies and universities.

These so-called Buddhist universities are unique because they are funded by Buddhist organizations, but on the whole, they are average public universities. They only have a few departments related to Buddhism, so naturally, there is a limit on the number of staff and students in Buddhist studies. In order to meet the requirements of the Ministry of Education, which promotes appointments of staff with a degree gained abroad, educators with foreign degrees are favored, making it harder for nuns with domestic degrees to pursue an academic career. That is not to say that domestically educated nuns are refused teaching positions, only that it is harder for them to attain such positions. More specifically, a fault has emerged between faculty and resources.

Instead of severing ties with their nunneries, these doctoral nuns established their own small institutes and supported their lives by various teaching jobs. They often become part-time teachers at both Buddhist institutes and public schools. As the abbesses of their new nunneries, they enjoy more freedom to arrange their monastic lifestyle, such as to change the designation of their nunneries into "lecture halls" (講堂) to focus on Buddhist teaching program and publication. Like the scholarly nuns who are continuously affiliated with their masters' nunneries, these abbesses who have doctoral degrees and affiliate with other Buddhist academies run various Buddhist classes as well as publish their books and address their small lecture halls or Buddhist abodes as satellite instructors.

Let us now return to Ven. Xinyan of the anecdote that opens this paper. She first studied in Sri Lanka for a year and later obtained a Ph.D. in Buddhist Studies in the United Kingdom before returning to Taiwan and assuming the role of provost at her Buddhist institute, Yuanguang Buddhist Academy. She is not a case of a satellite instructor. She has been financially supported throughout by the academy, which seeks to install well-educated nuns in leading positions. Indeed, there have been three other nuns at the academy who have received doctorates abroad in Japan and the United States. All four nuns returned to teach at Yuanguang Academy with a clear mission: to develop the Buddhist educational content and programs at the academy. Xingyan credits the dean for letting her concentrate on her studies and obtain her degree as well as understanding that Taiwan's Buddhist education system is becoming increasingly academic, so there is a need to cultivate qualified teachers.

Today, most of the junior-high-level institutions of the above-mentioned Buddhist academies were converted into preparatory schools for foreign students, with courses offered for the students with respective native languages to learn classic Chinese and Mandarin. In this way, nun teachers and instructors at Buddhist institutes also stimulate the sense of gender equality for foreign monastic students.

#### **6. Conclusions**

There are few women in the global Buddhist community that have received a Buddhist education, and the level of education that they enjoy is generally not comparable to that of men. If monastic education is compulsory and becomes part of religious life, then it is an invaluable resource for nuns, yet few have been allowed to receive such an education. This is not the case in Taiwan. From doctrine to practice and from self-cultivation to the

cultivation of others, Taiwanese Buddhist nuns can acquire knowledge and skills through education and thus benefit themselves and others. Among the well-known Buddhist nun leaders of modern times, many have received a Buddhist education and are able to spread the Dharma and lead others.

At first, less than 100 Chinese monks came to Taiwan to preserve Chinese Buddhism after 1949. They then went on to reestablish the BAROC to form a new ordination system, opening the door for ordination and monastic education to Taiwanese women. This led to a large influx of women participating in Taiwanese Buddhism. Furthermore, this rare opportunity allowed for the gradual establishment of outstanding Buddhist nuns' groups, both in terms of quality and quantity.

Because of the increased opportunities for women's education, Taiwanese Buddhism continues to attract young female university students, the so-called scholarly nuns, who come to Buddhist academies as students and eventually become instructors. These scholarly nuns elevate the standards of their Buddhist academies and use their original academic specializations to expand the educational curriculum of their schools. That being said, Buddhist academies continue to prioritize a more traditional Buddhist education. Furthermore, the average Buddhist nunnery does not have enough suitable jobs for this supply of scholarly nuns and Ph.D. nuns. As a result, many have relied on their expertise and established separate, specialized Buddhist academies or entered the public education system to teach. The younger generation of Ph.D. nuns has established their own nunneries, where they serve as instructors and teach a Buddhist curriculum.

**Funding:** This research was funded by Taiwan Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) on the research project of The Education System of FGS and Yuanguang Buddhist Academic in the Post-War Taiwan (MOST 109-2410\_H-004-179).

**Acknowledgments:** I am indebted to Ven. Xing-yan and Miao-fan who kindly provided information in interviews. I would also like to thank Ester Bianchi and Nicola Schneider for their support, which helped produce and shape this article. However, all faults remain entirely my own.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

#### **Abbreviation**

*T Taisho shinsh ¯ u daiz ¯ oky ¯ o¯* 大正新修大經*. 85 vols, Edited by Junjiro Takakusu ¯* 高楠順次郎 *and Kaigyoku Watanabe* 渡邊海旭*. Tokyo: Taisho Issaiky ¯ o Kank ¯ okai, 1924 ¯* –1934.

#### **Notes**

6 The Luminary Nunnery has established seven branches: Jiayi Huiguan 嘉義會館 in Jiayi City in 1981 (1984); Zichulin Convent 紫 竹林精舍 in Kaohsiungin 1984 (1987); Anhui School 安慧學苑 in Jiayi County in 1988 (1988); Dinghui School 定慧學苑 in Miaoli County in 1995 (1995); Yinyi School 印儀學苑 in Taipei in 1997 (1997); Yanghui School 養慧學苑 at Taizhong City in 1998 (1998); and Xiangshan Nunnery 香光山寺 in Taoyuan City in 2003 (2003). The dates shown in the parentheses indicate the year their Buddhist courses began. The reason the majority are named as *xueyuan* 學苑 is to identify the locations as Buddhist educational institutions (Jian 1995).

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