But how did the Italian faction respond to these views? Te reactions were not slow in coming. And they were not limited to the city of Split. Te newspaper *L'Eco di Pola*, for example, reported that the theatre would no longer have anything to do with Italian opera and quoted the words of Ivan Manger (the mayor who succeeded Bulat), who apparently stated categorically that "Italian companies would never set foot [in the theatre], nor would one hear flthy operas by Verdi, Rossini, Donizetti, Bellini, etc.".442 In the meantime, according to the reporter, municipal funds were being squandered, beginning with a generous grant to a Bohemian operetta company, which "swallowed up the fne sum of 4,000 forins, all paid for by the *Comune*".443 Te Italian-oriented newspapers also complained that the quality of the opera productions in the new theatre was not as good as it was, and never missed an opportunity to pour scorn on the new theatre management (led by Bulat) and its choices.444 Te theatre was now depicted as an "ill-fated outft" (*disgraziata baracca*), and one of the frst productions of the new management, hosted after handsomely paying the impresario and engaging "beer-hall singers" (*cantanti da birreria*), was described as "indecent, unthinkable, small-minded" (*indecente, impossibile, gretto*).445 Tese "beer-hall singers" had been brought

440 "Il nuovo teatro avrà carattere nazionale, e perciò l'erezione dello stesso è attesa con vivissimo interesse dalla patriottica cittadinanza croata di Spalato"; "Il nuovo teatro a Spalato", *Il Diritto Croato*, 26. 2.1890.

441 Duško Kečkemet, *Antonio Bajamonti*, p. 252. The very person of Bajamonti himself was by this time associated in every possible respect with the Autonomist Party, against which the Croatian nationalists were now engaged in a fierce struggle: "The opponents, who immediately perceived his strength in the Autonomist Party, were not slow in fiercely fighting against the man who by that time personified the party and they subjected him to the most appalling calumnies. No act of his life was overlooked: everything that came from him was examined, criticised and unfairly distorted." ("Gli avversari che subito intravvidero quale forza possedesse in lui il partito autonomo non tardarono a combattere ferocemente l'uomo che quel partito oramai personificava e lo fecero segno alle più atroci calunnie. Nessun atto della sua vita fu passato sotto silenzio: tutto quanto da lui precedette fu esaminato, criticato, slealmente falsato."); *Il Piccolo*, X, no. 3292, 14.1.1891.

442 "non metteranno mai passo compagnie italiane, né si udirà porcherie d'opere di Verdi, Rossini, Donizetti, Bellini, ecc."; "Gazzettino Dalmato", *L'Eco di Pola*, 5.1.1895.

443 "mangiò la bella somma di fiorini 4.000, pagati dal Comune"; "Gazzettino Dalmato", *L'Eco di Pola*, 5.1.1895.

444 On the political conflict between the previous mayor (and director of the Italian theatre) Antonio Bajamonti and Gajo Filomen Bulat, see Luciano Monzali, "Antonio Tacconi e la Comunità Italiana di Spalato", *Atti e memorie della Società dalmata di storia patria,* vol. XXXIV, Società Dalmata di storia patria, Venezia 2007, pp. 50*–*55.

445 "Ancora del teatro…balcanico". *Il Dalmata*, Split, 15.5.1894. The Croatians themselves would soon admit that the situation had become extreme, though only after "insulting the good Italian artistic tradition of Spalato, which at the Teatro Bajamonti had had very respectable productions of opera and

by Ladislav Chmelenský, the frst of a series of impresarios from eastern Europe, who, if only for a few years, would decisively change the character of the opera seasons.

#### 4.7.1 The director-impresarios: Ladislav Chmelenský, Johann Pištek, Vendelin Budil and the eclipse of Italian opera

In the year of its inauguration (1893), the Teatro Nuovo hosted a production of *Il Menestrello*, a one-act opera by Salvatore Strino (not to be confused with the three-act *melodramma giocoso* of the same name by Serafno Amedeo de Ferrari, frst performed in 1859 and then staged in Rijeka in 1869 and 1879).446 After which the new theatre management received a letter from Ivoplem Hreljanović, the superintendent in Zagreb, enquiring if the new theatre was prepared to have operas sung in French as well as Croatian. Given that the new board of directors was for the most part close to the Croatian Nationalist Party, it was indeed happy to present repertoire that featured not only Italian companies.447 Hreljanović was negotiating to organise a season in Split, but had realised that the Croatian singers were unfortunately not numerous. As a result, it would not be possible to organise a Croatian company to perform a series of diferent operas. One solution would be to expand the company by using Czech singers, though their number would be minimal. Hreljanović considered Czech theatre companies to be rather weak and didn't feel like using them to enlarge his own cast. "If therefore it is allowed to sing in French," he wrote, "it will be easier to form a company and the company itself will be better."448 Tis proposal came to nothing, but the new theatre did actually start to welcome non-Italian companies, and from 1894 to 1898 it hosted three directors from the theatre of Brno.449 In this instance, therefore, the contracts were drawn up between the

spoken theatre, at a time when the scores and transportation cost double. To hear *Faust –* with excellent artists and superb staging – one paid a lot less than to hear these virtuosos that need muzzling!" ("insultato alla buona tradizione artistica italiana di Spalato, che al Teatro Bajamonti ha avuti spettacoli d'opera e di prosa decorosissimi, quando gli spartiti e i mezzi di trasporto costavano il doppio. Per udire il *Faust –* con artisti eccellenti e con una messa in scena superba – si pagava assai meno che per udire questi virtuosi da museruola!"); *ibid.*

446 Strino's libretto is dated 1892. *Signale für die musikalische Welt*, no. 7, 1893, p. 104.

447 The theatre had in fact been inaugurated with a company from the National Theatre of Zagreb; Nevenka Bezić Bozanić, "Novinske vijesti o scenskim priredbama u Splitu (1884–1918)", *Dani Hvarskoga kazališta: Građa i rasprave o hrvatskoj književnosti i kazalištu*, VII/1 (1980), p. 397.

448 "Se quindi verrà permesso di cantare in francese, formare una compagnia sarà più facile e la compagnia stessa sarà migliore."; Letter from Ivoplem Hreljanović to the theatre management of Split, Zagreb, 6.10.1893, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII [original in Croatian, translation by Noemi Silvestri].

449 The directors who followed one another at the theatre of Brno from 1891 until the end of the century were Ladislav Chmelenský and Václav Hübner (1891–92), Vendelín Budil (1892–93), Jan Pištěk

theatre management and the director of another theatre, with the hosted director acting as a genuine impresario.450

A frst season given by Ladislav Chmelenský in 1894 was harshly criticised in *Il Dalmata*, both for the cuts made to the scores and for the quality of the performances themselves, as we shall see below.451 *Il Dalmata* was hostile to the new management of the theatre and never missed an opportunity to reignite the controversy. In the spring season of 1894 there were reports that the Croatian management had had performances suspended and forced the impresario to deliver on his commitments and at least change the principal parts. "Look what we have now come to, or rather what these gentlemen with their ridiculous bigoted megalomania have come to: shooting themselves in the foot!", referring to the Croatian board of directors.452 Te situation seems to have calmed down, however, when Johann Pištek came forward in March 1895.

(1993–96), Pavel Švanda (1896–97) and once again Jan Pištěk (1897–98); http://www.rozkvetlekonvalinky.estranky.cz/clanky/divadla/narodni-divadlo-brno.html [accessed 9. 9. 2019].

Pištek proposed a company of 70 that had already been booked at the National Teatre of Brno for seven months. Tis company, directed by Baron Pražak,453 was also to be engaged in the summer months at the Vinohrady Teatre in Prague. "It is a splendid company," Pištek wrote, "with an opera repertoire that is well studied and prepared".454 Te operas it was performing included quite an eclectic range of titles: *Lohengrin*, *Carmen*, *Der Freischütz*, *Il trovatore*, *Alessandro Stradella*, *Faust* (Gounod), *Le postillon de Lonjumeau*, *Un ballo in maschera*, *Dalibor*, *Hubička*, *Prodaná nevěsta* and *Tajemství* (Smetana), *Šelma Sedlák* and *Tvrdé palice* (Dvořák), *U Studenca* (Blonek) and *Teharski plemiči* (a Slovenian opera by Benjamin Ipavec). Tis appealing mix of German, Italian, French, Bohemian and Slovenian titles might well have intrigued a public in Split that for the most part would be unfamiliar with them. Te theatre management accepted the proposal and proceeded to draw up a contract in German for the 1896 opera season (in fact German was the language used by staf in Split to communicate with the Czech and Bohemian directors). As always in these cases, the theatre management was mentioned in full at the top of the document. Unlike the other practice at the coastal theatres, the custom at Split was to list all the members of the management (name and surname) at the beginning of the contract and not only against the signatures. Tis was the formula: "Between the Teatre Management in Split, represented by the President Dr. G.F. Bulat, the associate members Dr. Anton Boglić, Peter Katalinić, Dr. Eduard Karaman and the Secretary Dr. Eduard Grgić on the one hand, and Herr Johann Pistek, theatre director in Brno on the other hand, the following contract is concluded".455 Pištek was to give a cycle of 25 performances with a series of operas that difered partially from the list proposed in his earlier letter. From this selection we again realise that Italian opera was only one of various options. Te works to be performed were ten: "1. Dalibor, 2. Prodana nevjesta, 3. Lohengrin, 4. Willhelm Tell, 5. Afrikana, 6. Pikova dama, 7. Traviata, 8. Maskarni ples, 9. Postillon, 10. Martha". Here we have a confrmation of what Giovanni Mazzoleni had feared for the theatre of Šibenik: that with the custom, typical of the troupes coming from the east, of presenting many more operas than the Italian companies, the public would get used to having a faster turnover. Moreover, a specifc clause in the

453 Otakar Pražak (1858–1915), a politician and lawyer from Brno (Brünn). He was also the Czech minister of agriculture between 1906 and 1908. See the short biographical note in Gustav Mahler, *Caro collega: lettere a compositori, direttori d'orchestra, intendenti teatrali*, Il Saggiatore, Bologna 2017 [through books. google.com accessed 30.10. 2019].

454 "È una compagnia splendida, che dispone di un repertorio operistico ben studiato e preparato."; Letter from Johann Pištek to the theatre management of Split, [place illegible], 30.3.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

455 "Zwischen der Theater Direction [*sic*] in Spalato vertreten durch den Präses Dr. G.F. Bulat, die Anschluss-Mitglieder Dr. Anton Boglić, Peter Katalinić, Dr. Eduard Karaman und den Secretär Dr. Eduard Grgić einerseits und den Herrn Johann Pistek Theater-Direktor in Brünn anderseits wird abgeschlossen folgender Vertrag."; Contract between the theatre management of Split and Johann Pištek, Split, January 1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

contract stipulated that certain operas would have to be sung in Croatian: "to have the operas Dalibor, Prodana nevjesta, Traviata, Maskarni ples and Martha sung in Croatian".456 Tis was the result of the change in the municipal administration, from Italian to Croatian (we must also remember that the mayor of the city was now part of the theatre's board). Translations into Croatian of the texts of Smetana's *Dalibor* and *Te Bartered Bride* were commissioned from August Šenoa and August Harambašić respectively and paid for in Zagreb;457 the theatre of Split had no one to do the job.

Unfortunately, however, in spite of the rich programme of operas,458 attendance seems to have been poor, thus prompting fears over the success of the season itself.459 At the end of the 19th century the theatre could net up to 500 forins or more per night, but this of course

459 "It is absolutely true that the theatre is not attended as much as it should be", wrote two hitherto unidentified correspondents to the management of the Teatro Nuovo, "above all in the last few days. We have no intention of investigating the reasons for the scant attendance in spite of the fine opera repertoire and the excellent performances of singers, soloists, chorus and orchestra. The fact remains, however, that audiences have been meagre and, if things continue in the same vein, the impresa will not do well. There is no need to point out that a failure of the impresa in material terms will have devastating effects on our theatre and will deal a mortal blow to Slovenian music in Split, which, thanks to our Czech brothers, has opened up new horizons in the field of the musical arts, because certainly no one again will want to provide us with the very best of the musical world […]. Concerned as we are about the future of our theatre and fully intending to perform our patriotic duty by fulfilling the wishes of our citizens, we beg the management to take into consideration the desires expressed by Signor Pištek in his letter." ("È la pura verità che il teatro non è frequentato quanto dovrebbe essere, soprattutto negli ultimi giorni. Non abbiamo intenzione di indagare sui motivi di questa frequentazione scarsa malgrado un buon repertorio operistico ed esibizioni eccellenti sia da parte dei cantanti che dei solisti, dei coristi e dell'orchestra. Comunque, fatto sta che le visite sono state scarse e se le cose andranno avanti così, l'impresa non riuscirà. Non c'è bisogno di sottolineare che il fallimento dell'impresa dal punto di vista materiale avrà delle consequenze devastanti per il nostro teatro e sarà un colpo mortale per la musica slovena a Spalato, che, grazie ai nostri fratelli Cechi, ci ha aperto nuovi orizzonti nel campo delle arti musicali, perché sicuramente nessuno vorrà più fornirci con il meglio del meglio nel mondo musicale […]. Preoccupati per il futuro del nostro teatro ed intenzionati ad eseguire il nostro dovere patriottico accontentando i desideri dei nostri concittadini, preghiamo la direzione di prendere in considerazione i desideri espressi dal Sign. Pištek nella sua lettera"); Letter from [illegible sender] to the theatre management of Split, Split, 27. 4.1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

456 "die Opern Dalibor, Prodana nevjesta, Traviata, Maskarni ples und Martha in croatischer Sprache singen zu lassen"; Contract between the theatre management of Split and Johann Pištek, letter "m" of Art. 1, Split, January 1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

457 See Letter from [illegible sender] to the theatre management of Split, [illegible place], 20.3.1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII. Zagreb informed Split that the theatre had its own copyists, who charged 6 florins for a translation, regardless of the length of the piece; Letter from [illegible sender] to the theatre management of Split, 8. 2.1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

458 In her article "Novinske vijesti o scenskim priredbama u Splitu (1884–1918)", Nevenka Bezić Bozanić refers to around twenty operas performed in the season of 1896. In the contract, however, only ten titles are mentioned; Nevenka Bezić Bozanić, "Novinske vijesti", p. 406.

depended on audiences actually coming. Te population doesn't seem to have responded as expected to the varied proposal ofered. Tis was also one of the reasons Pištek asked for, and was given, an increase in the endowment, from 3,800 to 5,000 forins,460 or, according to another source, as much as 6,000 forins. Tis sum, added to the theatre receipts of 9,978.75 forins for 35 performances over 49 days (hence in the end ten nights more than those programmed), brought in an overall income of 15,970.75 forins. Unfortunately, however, the costs came to 10,758.95 forins plus travel expenses of 4,440 forins, making a total of 15,198.55 forins. If we then deduct this last sum from the income of 15.970,75, we are left with a proft of just 779,80 forins.461 Considering the sheer numbers of the company, one could hardly speak of lavish earnings.

Te management then tried to organise a month of performances for the spring season of 1897, possibly with a company from Zagreb or an opera company from Czech territories, as in the previous months. As proposed by the members Grgić and Katalinić, the theatre committee decided unanimously that the management should ask the municipal government again for an increase in the endowment for 1897, from 4,000 to 6,000 forins, and to have the use of the theatre without paying rent.462 In the end the spring season was run by an Italian, but it was not long before a Bohemian company was back again. When Vendelin Budil, director of the theatre of Plzen,463 came forward in 1898, he was ofered a contract to stage seven operas: *Dalibor*, *Evgenij Onegin*, *Pikova dama*, *Tajemství*, *Dubrovsky*, *Heimchen am Herd* and *Evangelista* (*Evangelimann*). Tis time Italian opera had completely disappeared: if two years earlier there had remained a faint trace in the programme, now there was none at all. To the Italian impresarios or agents who now wished to bid for the contract, such as Vincenzo Ceruso or Nazzareno Perazzini, the director of the theatre Edouard Karaman declared that the management was "sorry" (*dispiacente*) not to be able to negotiate for the spring season, "given that this year a cycle of exclusively Slavic operas has to be given in our theatre".464

460 See Letter from the municiple council of Split to the theatre management of Split. Split, 20.5.1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

461 See Letter from [anonymous sender] to the theatre management of Split. [n. p., n. d.], HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

462 See Minutes of the shareholders' meeting of 25. 8.1896, Split, 25. 8.1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

463 Some sources mention Budil as director of the theatre in Plzen only from 1902 to 1912 (Jan Chovanec, *Theory and practice in English studies*: proceedings from the Eighth Conference of English, American and Canadian studies, Masaryk University, Brno 2005, p. 163, or Jiří Holý, *Geschichte der tschechischen Literatur des 20. Jahrhunderts*, Edition Praesens, Vienna 2003, p. 32), but in the manuscript of the Split contract he is referred to as "Theater-Director in Pilsen" already in 1898.

464 "dovendosi quest'anno dare sul nostro teatro un ciclo d'opere esclusivamente slave"; Letter from Edouard Karaman to Nazzareno Perazzini, Split, 27.11.1897, MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII. Or another example, this time to Ceruso: "The writer is not in a position to take into consideration the proposal of opera productions for the spring season, given that it is at present in negotiations for Slavic opera."

Te theatre director in Split pointed out to Budil the obligation of bringing 25 performances (with the freedom to give more – if appropriate) and stressed that in no way would it be possible to increase the already substantial endowment of 4,000 *gulden* (i.e. 4.000 forins) or to reduce the stipulated number of 11 soloists, 24 choristers and 32 orchestral players, since the theatre space was large and would need to be properly flled with a suffcient number of artists.465 Regarding the eleven soloists, the contract also explicitly specifed the need to engage the tenor Pták, who worked at the National Teatre of Prague.466 Te precise naming of soloists was not a standard feature of all contracts, but here it was done. As regards the 32 orchestral players, the contractor was expected to take into account the musicians available in Split and supplement accordingly.467 Specifying the use of local musicians was not to be taken for granted, for a clause in the previous year's contract stated that the impresa was "free to engage everyone from outside if it wanted".468 What

("La scrivente non è in grado di prendere in pertrattazione l'offerta fatta d'uno spettacolo d'opera per la stagione di primavera essendosi attualmente in trattative per un'opera slava."); Letter from Edouard Karaman to Vincenzo Ceruso, Split, 27.1.1898. HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

465 "The impresario would only be obliged to give 25 performances, but he would be free to give more. The endowment of 4,000 gulden could not be increased in any case, as no other amount was available. He would receive the 4,000 gulden only for good artists and a fine staging. Any reduction of the 11 soloists, 24 choristers and 32 musicians would be absolutely impossible because the theatre space and especially the stage are enormous." ("Der Unternehmer wäre nur auf 25 Vorstellungen verpflichtet, es bleibe ihm eher frei auch mehr Vorstellungen zu geben. Die Dotation von 4.000 Gulden könnte auf keinen Falle erhöht werden, da kein anderen Betrag zur Verfügung steht. Die 4.000 Gulden bekäme er nur für gute Kräfte und schöne mise en scene. Eine Reducirung [*sic*] der 11 Solisten, 24 Choristen und 32 Musiker wäre absolut nicht möglich da die Theaterraumlichkeiten und besonders da der Bühne sind riesig gross."); Letter from Edouard Karaman to Vendelin Budil, Split, 29.12.1897, MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

466 Bohumil Pták (1869–1933), a tenor from Prague, began his career as an actor in travelling troupes, and had his debut at the opera house of Brno in *The Bartered Bride* in 1890; *Größes Sängerlexicon*, edited by Karl J. Kutsch and Leo Riemens, Saur, Bern 1993, p. 2374. In the event, however, it appears that the company from Plzen fell short of expectations, though this circumstance was not made public in the Croatian newspapers. This bias was noted by Nevenka Bezić Bozanić: "This company seems to have been weak, but since it was a Slavic company, it was not attacked in the newspapers, as would have happened if a weak opera company had come from Italy." ("Čini se da je ova družina bila slaba, ali zbog toga što je to ipak bila slavenska družina, nisu je napadali preko novina, kao što bi se dogadalo kad bi došla koja slaba operna družina iz Italije."); Nevenka Bezić Bozanić, "Novinske vijesti", p. 407.

467 "to bring the orchestra consisting of at least 32 musicians, taking into account the forces available in Split, which are listed in the enclosed letters, and to provide the same with the necessary music supplies"; ("das aus wenigstens 32 Personen bestehende Orchester mit Berücksichtigung der in Spalato verfügbaren Kräfte, welche in beigeschlossenen Briefe verzeichnet sind, mitzubringen und dasselbe mit den nothwendigen Musicalien zu versehen"); Contract between the theatre management of Split and Vendelin Budil, Split, 1898, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

468 "libero all'impresa di scritturare volendo tutti […] di fuori"; Contract between the theatre management of Split and Alberto Landi, Split, 11. 2.1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I, XII.

was normal was that the contract specifed the number of orchestral players needed. For if there were insufcient musicians on site, it could indicate which instruments the impresario would have bring in; or conversely, which instruments were already available on site. From the 1896 contract with Pištek we learn that only seven players were available in Split: a frst violin, a second violin, a second viola, a second double bass, a frst oboe, a second cello and a trombone. Tis was even fewer than the 12 players mentioned the year before, in 1895, by the impresario Antonio Lana. In his negotiations with the management, Lana wrote that he would have to bring to Split another 13 players from outside, almost all of them principal parts that cost 7 lire a day.469 Moreover, in 1895 there also appeared to be no choristers in the city, either male or female. Needed, therefore, was a contingent of 30 singers overall, each to be paid 4 forins a day: a substantial outlay.

#### 4.7.2 Italian impresarios in Split

Also negotiating with the theatre management at the same time as Lana – though this time for operetta – was Giuseppe Ullmann, who pointed out that an endowment of 3,300 forins such as that granted by the theatre of Split for the spring and autumn seasons, would not be enough to bring soloists, choristers and 16 orchestral players, since the whole sum would be spent on travel and board. Te only way round this would be to split the overall revenue 60–40, thereby ensuring that the opera company, with its 60 percent, could use the proceeds to cover at least the living expenses, amounting to about 250 forins. Tis practice, Ullmann noted, was to be found at almost all theatres in Italy.470 Te endowment of 3,300 forins was only slightly higher than the 3,000 granted by the Comune almost twenty years previously.

Even though the impresario Andrea Brigoni had proposed *Rigoletto* and *La favorita* or *La traviata* and *La Gioconda*, and was prepared to accept an endowment of 2,000 forins, the choice of impresario for the Teatro Nuovo in Split fell to Giulio Milani in 1895. However, Milani wrote in a letter of a "frst instalment of 3,500 forins owed to me", from which we deduce that the sums assigned to the impresario had perhaps been increased at a later stage.471 He brought to a conclusion an opera season that included *Rigoletto*, *La forza del destino* and *Faust*, which was successful from the point of view of the audiences, but ended with the confscation of Sormani's scenery, Rancati's properties and the costumes of De Caro's

469 See Letter from Antonio Lana to the presidency of the theatre of Split, Milano, 2. 2.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

470 See Letter from Giuseppe Ullmann to the theatre management of Split, Split, 27.1.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

471 "prima rata di f. 3.500 dovutemi"; Letter from Giulio Milani to the theatre management of Split, [n.p.], 19. 4.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

company. So Milani found himself in the position of having to appeal to Bulat, the director of the theatre, declaring that – contrary to the accusations – he was not responsible for the failure to pay the bills.472 In spite of this mishap, three years later he wrote again to the theatre management in the hope of running a second season, this time ofering *La bohème* and *La Gioconda* and fxing the numbers of the choruses and orchestra both at 36, with 8 ballerinas. Te scenes and properties would once again come from Sormani and Rancati of Milan, the costumes from Chiappa; the soloists would be placed under contract with Casa Ricordi.473 Milani's intent was to bring Puccini in person to Split using *La bohème* as a bait ("Very probably I will convince the publisher to persuade Maestro Puccini to come to Split").474 Puccini had visited Rijeka three years earlier, but there is no evidence that he came to any Dalmatian theatres in the following years. Instead we fnd that Milani was recommended to the theatre management of Zadar, by both the agent Grabinski Broglio and Simonetti, on various occasions in the early years of the 20th century.

We do not know if there was an opera season also in November of the same year (1895). A draft contract suggests that the impresario Karaman had replaced Alberto Gigliuzzi or Alfredo Vecchi in the running of certain productions. But it is unsigned and with evident corrections, so unquestionably not a defnitive document.475 To be sure, a season was organised in October of the previous year, and this was the new theatre's frst autumn season, with opera bufa followed by ballets. Te impresario Anacleto Tavernari had made contact with the theatre management in 1894 to propose the Genoese opera company of Ansaldo, formerly managed in September in Pula by Alberto Vernier with the very same operas (*Don Pasquale, Il barbiere di Siviglia* and *Crispino e la Comare*; with the exception of *La sonnambula*); the same operas were performed in the same month of October in Zadar, again conducted by Ettore Mariotti.476

472 See Letter from Giulio Milani to Gajo Filomen Bulat, Trieste, 12. 6.1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

473 "in order to assure this honourable management that all the artists will be of exceptional repute, the names of the artists will be placed under contract with the G. Ricordi publishing house of operas" ("per assicurare cotesta onorevole Direzione che tutti gli artisti saranno di riputazione eccezionale, i nomi di questi saranno messi in patto di contratto colla casa editrice delle opere G. Ricordi"); Letter from Giulio Milani to the theatre management of Split, [n.p.], 6.3.1898. HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

474 Letter from Giulio Milani to the theatre management of Split, [n.p.], 6.3.1898. HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

475 Draft contract between Alberto Gigliuzzi and Giuseppe Karaman, Split, November 1895, HR-MGS: Kazalište 3/ kut. I–XII.

476 The impresario Anacleto Tavernari was in a partnership with the bass Lodovico Contini and the conductor Augusto Franzoni. "From 1882 to 1905 he was an agent for the Teatro Reinach, and directed *Fra Diavolo*, a theatrical journal with agency, in Parma (1883–1885); he then moved to Milan and worked in the *Trovatore* agency*.* He organised opera seasons and was the impresario at various theatres, among which, for many years, the Teatro Grande of Brescia." ("Dal 1882 al 1905 fu agente per il Teatro Reinach, e diresse a Parma il *Fra Diavolo*, giornale teatrale con agenzia (1883–1885); si trasferì poi a Milano,

What is certain is that there was also a successful season of Italian opera in 1897 proposed by Alberto Landi, which however left the impresario "without a forin" and forced him to ask the municipality – via the theatre management – for a further subsidy to enable him to fulfl his other "residual obligations" (*residuali obblighi*) in Split.477 It was essentially a matter of shipping to various destinations, at the end of the season, crates full of equipment, sets, costumes, scores, properties, jewels and footwear, and leaving for Italy. Landi found himself, therefore, with various outstanding debts and the immediate need to return all this material. He wished, therefore, to provide a detailed account of his income and expenses: it would immediately explain the losses, concerning which – he was keen to point out – he was not complaining. Indeed he felt satisfed to have run the season and properly represented the impresa at the theatre of Split, "which has directors that are so respectable and kind" (*che ha a direttori persone così rispettabili e gentili*). He therefore appealed to the management and the mayor, asking them to fnd some arrangement whereby he could be relieved, as he wrote, "from this terrible state of anxiety, to which I am not accustomed and which is made all the more painful and distressing by fnding myself far from my country and without contacts and resources".478 Landi duly sent the management his list of expenses: a document of great interest today, for it tells us (as we have already seen in the case of other impresarios and other seasons) what an impresario's real expenses were when running a theatre under contract. It shows with great clarity how he arrived at the loss of 2,541.92 forins indicated at the bottom of the document:

lavorando nell'agenzia del *Trovatore.* Organizzò stagioni liriche e fu impresario di diversi teatri, tra i quali, per molti anni, il Teatro Grande di Brescia."); *Il Dizionario della musica del Ducato di Parma e Piacenza*, http://www.lacasadellamusica.it/Vetro/Pages/Dizionario.aspx?ini=T&tipologia=1&idoggetto=1450&idcontenuto=2791 [accessed 22. 8. 2020].

477 Letter from Alberto Landi to the theatre management of Split, Split, 12. 6.1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

478 "da questo orribile stato di angoscia, a cui non sono abituato, e che mi si rende più grave e penoso trovandomi lontano dalla patria e senza conoscenze e risorse"; Letter from Alberto Landi to the theatre management of Split, Split, 12. 6.1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

Initially the intention had been to give *Aida*, *La favorita* and a third opera to be decided. Subsequently, as one gathers from the table above, it was decided to stage *Ruy Blas*, to which *Il trovatore* was also added (see the entry: "Per timpani, trombe, parrucche e carte del

479 Report on the expenses and income of the impresario Alberto Landi, Split [1897], HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

Trovatore")*.* Tere are certain entries in the table that were not listed singly: an example is the expense of hiring the music, costumes, sets, properties and trasportation for *Ruy Blas* and *Aida.* Tis prevents us from understanding how much the individual suppliers charged for the hire and delivery of their wares. Incidentally, it is not known if Landi, in response to this detailed disclosure (a catalogue that even includes the cumulative cost of beer for the extras), was gratifed in his request for a further subsidy.

Te table also mentions the soprano Emma Zilli, who was engaged for three nights only and whose presence was not indicated in the contract, though it was later reported in *Il Cosmorama.*480 Te contract, in fact, had specifed not only the tenor Enrico Caruso, but also the soprano Nice Barbareschi, the mezzosopranos Alessandrina Dombroska and Giulia Salvi, the baritone Ferdinando Guarini and the bass Ettore Brancaleone.481 As mentioned earlier, naming the artists within the contract, and not separately, was not a standard feature of all contracts for opera seasons. Moreover, in previous contracts drawn up with the theatre, the impresario had always been given the responsibility of sourcing the orchestral players, but had never before been allowed to bring in all the musicians from outside (in the past the impresarios had drawn on the musicians of the Narodno Glazbe and the Zvonimir company; the reason being to help build up a good local orchestra to meet the theatre's needs and give fnancial support to the musicians of the two ensembles). In this particular contract, however, there was a clause saying that a whole orchestra could be made up from scratch, thereby giving the impresario the right to engage the whole band externally if it wanted. Tis measure met with strong opposition from the Croatian musicians, who feared that the impresario Landi would recruit the entire orchestra elsewhere, without even considering the local musicians, who were "better than all the external forces put together".482 With the stroke of a pen, the management had not only destroyed all hopes of forming a local orchestra for the theatre, but also unfairly excluded all the willing local musicians who were capable of contributing to the artistic development of the city.483 But

480 "Artisti scritturati – Emma Zilli", *Il Cosmorama*, 6.5.1897, p. 4.

481 In his contract, signed by the directors Karaman, Boglich and Katalinić representing the theatre in Split, Landi also pledged to engage as soloists a supporting tenor and a supporting bass whose names are not given. The conductor was to be Antonio Siracusa, who is remembered as having worked at the Teatro Bellini and Teatro Mercadante in Naples, and also as assistant conductor (*maestro coadiutore*) at the Teatro San Carlo in the same city. Contract between the theatre management of Split and Alberto Landi, Split, 1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

482 "migliori di tutte le forze esterne messe insieme"; Letter from [illegible sender] to the theatre management of Split, Split 12.3.1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

483 "The undersigned," the still unidentified writer from Split wrote, "dissociates himself from the misunderstanding of the task assigned to the management of our theatre, which the *Comune* did not build so that it should fall into the hands of various foreign speculators, but to satisfy an emotional need of our Croatian people. I call on the management to correct this oversight." ("Il sottoscritto si dissocia da questo fraintendimento del compito assegnato alla direzione del nostro teatro che il comune non ha costruito per farlo cadere nelle mani di vari speculatori stranieri, ma per provvedere ad un bisogno sentimentale

in spite of the protests, this clause remained in the contracts of Split at least until 1905. In the case of this particular contract, it is hard to say if the orchestral players were indeed engaged externally. Te table given above is not clear on the matter, given that the entry "For four *decine* (10-day periods) paid to the artists, to the choral, orchestral and dance ensembles" (*Per quattro decine pagate agli artisti, alle masse corali, orchestrali e danzanti*) is not itemised. However, if there had been musicians from outside, they would have appeared in the travel expenses, yet here it mentions only the "return journey for the double bass to the mainland, for the clarino, for the prompter" (*viaggio di ritorno al contrabbasso in fermo, al clarino, al suggeritore*). If outside support was brought in, it was probably minimal. Nonetheless, regardless of the grievances concerning external personnel, the contract with Landi had already caused ofence for the mere fact that it had been concluded without frst obtaining the consent of the municipality.

In spite of his losses, Landi reapplied to run the theatre in the following year, asking for an endowment of 4,500 forins. He planned to stage *Carmen*, *Mignon*, *Cavalleria rusticana* and *Pagliacci* with 24 subscription performances. Tis time everything needed – costumes, sets, properties, machinist, chorus, orchestra and ballerinas – was to come from the Teatro Comunale of Trieste thanks to the agency of a certain Molini ("my friend Molini, whom you will well remember," he wrote to the management in Split).484 As for the principal singers, they would follow him directly from Naples. Here again he names them in advance: two Polish singers, Ida Monteleone (her real name was Ida Lewenberg; this was an Italianisation) and Mary Metella Koslowska, the Venetian Cesira Menon and (returning to Split) Giulia Salvi from Rome. Te tenors would be Enrico Quadri and Josè Lima, the baritones Carmine Montella and Alfredo Conti, and the bass Paolo Poggi. Te conductor was to be Rafaele Delli Ponti, "the present conductor who has been directing my company for seven months".485 In the same year (1898) Landi also tried his luck at the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, sending a letter through Salvatore Strino. In both cases the proposal came to nothing. At Split the choice fell on the Bohemian company brought by Vendelin Budil, whom we met in the previous section. But what followed at the theatre of Split from Budil onwards was, for at least a dozen years, another long series of seasons devoted almost exclusively to Italian opera. It was this revival that prompted certain writers on current afairs in the following decade to make scathing comments like the following when reporting on the local theatre: "Te new municipal theatre or 'Općinsko Kazalište', built in 1891, in spite of being destined

del nostro popolo croato. Prego la direzione di correggere questo inconveniente."); Letter from [illegible sender] to the theatre management of Split, Split 12.3.1897, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

484 "l'amico Molini che ricorderete benissimo"; Letter from Alberto Landi to the theatre management of Split, Split, 14.3.1898, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

485 "l'attuale direttore che da sette mesi dirige qui la mia compagnia"; Letter from Alberto Landi to the theatre management of Split, Split, 14.3.1898, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII. Raffaele Delli Ponti (1864–1936), who had studied at the Conservatorio of Naples, was a composer and conductor, and for a period also artistic director of Casa Sonzogno.

to be a temple of the Croatian muses, preferred to receive the Italians, because otherwise the proceeds would sufer terribly. Troupes from the theatres of Zagreb and Bohemia gave only short runs of performances there".486 As always, the Italian political press wasted no opportunity to belittle the choices of its Croatian opponents.

Also surviving is a copy of the contract between the theatre management and the impresario Achille Stehele dated 1899. It specifed the performance of four operas (*I puritani*, *La traviata*, *Lucia di Lammermoor*, *Ernani*) for a run of at least 20 nights, using a chorus of 22 and an orchestra of 32. Quite independently, the baritone Ferdinando Guarini, who appeared in the cast previously engaged by Landi, also proposed a season of Italian opera in 1899, with *Mefstofele*, *Lucia di Lammermoor* and *La traviata*. For *Mefstofele* he intended to use the bass Scarneo in the lead role, just as the impresario Geremia Abriani had proposed to the same management four years earlier. Guarini promised 20 orchestral players from Milan, a chorus of 24, and a group of 8 ballerinas; and in spite of ofering one opera fewer, he asked for an endowment of 5,000 forins, in other words 500 more than what Landi, the previous impresario, had requested, and a good 3,000 forins more than Stehele himself;487 but nowhere near, it should be added, the 8,000 forins demanded in the same year by Olimpio Lovrich to stage a season of *grand opéra* and French ballet featuring *L'ebrea*, *Gli Ugonotti* and *I pescatori di perle*. 488 Te management duly chose the proposal that entailed a smaller outlay: Stehele had signed for an endowment of just 2,000 forins. As often happened, Italian repertoire opera carried the day over *grand opéra*, and when it came to choosing, the decisive factor was the need to contain expenditure: hence another demonstration that making savings had priority over artistic aspirations.

Unfortunately we have no information on the endowment for the next season, but what is certain is that a prudent approach was adopted when it came to choosing the conductor, Lorenzo Perigozzo, who resided in the city and had been teaching at the Zvonimir musical society in Split since 1897.489 It was he who conducted the frst performance of *Otello* in the city. Once again the decision was made to opt for a season of Italian opera, in spite of the fact that a proposal had arrived directly from the management of the National

486 "Il nuovo teatro comunale "Općinsko Kazalište", eretto nel 1891, per quanto destinato a tempio delle Muse croate preferì di accogliere le italiane, perché altrimenti ne soffriva terribilmente l'incasso. Truppe dei teatri di Zagabria e della Boemia vi diedero delle brevi serie di rappresentazioni."; Eligio Smiric, *Studio sull'italianità della Dalmazia in base a documenti ufficiali*, Tipografia del Governo, Zadar 1920, p. 12.

487 See Letter from Ferdinando Guarini to the theatre management of Split, Milano, 27.3.1899, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

488 See Letter from Olimpio Lovrich to the theatre management of Split, Aix le Bains, 22. 8.1899, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

489 Lorenzo Perigozzo (Verona, 1866-Torino, 1935), who studied at the Liceo Rossini in Pesaro, was a conductor, composer and singing teacher. He wrote a few operas and pieces for violin and piano. *Enciclopedia moderna italiana. Fietta-Piemonte,* Sonzogno, [Milano], 1941, p. 2639.

Teatre of Zagreb to organise 24 performances in May 1900: 12 nights of spoken theatre in the frst half of the month, and 12 nights of opera in the second half. Te repertoire and the cast of soloists would be the same as those then current at the National Teatre. Te choice of operas and plays, however, would be left to the Teatro Nuovo of Split.490 Even the impresario Corbetta reappeared in 1901, proposing the same operas and artists he had programmed for the Politeama Ciscutti of Pula; in other words, *Cavalleria rusticana, Pagliacci*  and *Carmen* with the tenors Bambacioni491 and Villalta and the prima donna Elsa Plater (he was also quick to point out that Plater had just recently sung alongside Tamagno).492

Among the competing proposals that arrived at Split in 1904 were those of two agents acting on behalf of their respective impresario clients. On the one hand, Grabinski Broglio was proposing the impresarios Giorgio Trauner and Ettore Forastiero, who were ready to give *Aida* and *La Gioconda* with a subsidy of 9,000 crowns (the two had worked at Zadar a few months earlier and were to continue to work there for another three years).493 On the other, Paolo Rocca represented the impresario Vittorio Riva, "a wealthy man" (*persona facoltosissima*),494 who would bring *Tosca, La traviata* and *Lucia di Lammermoor* and the singers Silla Carobbi495 and Maria Alexandroviez. When negotiations over Broglio's project foundered, Rocca's was given the go-ahead. Under the new provisions, the poster was to be written in Croatian.496 Rocca would pay the required deposit of 1,000 lire as soon as the company's dealings with Casa Ricordi had been completed. Ricordi, as well as asking for 2,500 lire just for *Tosca* (though this was actually lower than the previous year's list price of

490 See Letter from the management of the National Theatre of Zagreb to the theatre management of Split, Zagreb, 28. 8.1899, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

491 On the tenor Giovanni Bambacioni, see the biography dedicated to him by Leda Rivarolo, *L'uomo che non fu Caruso*, Cavallo di Ferro, Roma 2009.

492 See Letter from Giuseppe Corbetta to the theatre management of Split, Split, [1901], HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

493 See Letter from Luigi Grabinski Broglio to the president of the theatre of Split, Milano, 19.3.1904, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

494 Letter from Paolo Rocca to the theatre management of Split, Milano 27. 8.1904, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

495 Silla Carobbi (1856–1933), a highly-regarded baritone from Pistoia, created the role of Scarpia in *Tosca.* He sang alongside various celebrated singers of the period, such as Roberto Stagno, Francesco Tamagno, Gemma Bellincioni and Caruso. He also worked with Gustav Mahler; see https://mahlerfoundation. org/mahler/contemporaries/carobbi [accessed 22. 8. 2020].

496 "Here attached I return the contract duly signed," Rocca wrote, "with the draft of the poster to be drawn up in Croatian. It will be a splendid season and everything will proceed in the best possible way because the impresa is first-rate and one that gets things done, as they say, like gentlemen." ("Qui unito rimetto il contratto regolarmente firmato con la minuta del cartellone da redigersi in lingua croata. Sarà una stagione splendida e tutto procederà nel migliore modo perché l'impresa è di prim'ordine e di quelle che fanno le cose, come si dice, da signori."); Letter from Paolo Rocca to the theatre management of Split, Milano 7. 9.1904, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

3,000 lire),497 claimed a right of assent when it came to approving the opera company. Te agent plainly admitted that the baritone would not come cheap, but that it would be worth it: "Silla Carobbi in Tosca is tremendous," Rocca wrote, "I really don't know how you will be able to pay for this artist, but in any case the good fortune lies with Split, which with not too much would have a production worthy of La Scala and, let's be honest, also worthy of your theatre".498 As for Maria Alexandroviez, she managed to sign the contract for Split one hour before receiving another excellent proposal by telegram: maybe a better one than that ofered by the Teatro Nuovo (judging from Rocca's comment): "Unfortunately Split is costing her more than 5,000 lire; but she is a lady who knows how to keep her word, even at her cost, and this is something your honourable management should take note of".499 Te contract was therefore concluded between the theatre management and the impresario, who undertook to stage the three said operas. (Except for *Tosca*, they had already been taken to Pula fve years before; Riva was once again in Pula in October 1904 for *Rigoletto* and *La traviata*). We know for certain that Riva was given the contract, for we have his signature on the receipts for three instalments of the endowment of 2,666.66 lire each.500

Most likely this contract was used also to draw up the following one with the impresario Gabriele Ruotolo:501 Riva's name was removed and replaced with that of Ruotolo. Te operas staged in the previous season, *Tosca, La traviata* and *Lucia di Lammermoor*, were erased and substituted – in pencil – with *Siberia*, *Fedora* and Massenet's *Manon*. Riva's contract was probably simply taken as a model for the following typewritten one and identical terms were applied to Ruotolo in 1905. Here again it listed the artists (by name and surname) selected to perform – in the defnitive version of the contract – *Fedora*, *Manon*, *Mignon* and *Stella*. 502 Here too, at Article "k", we fnd the clause (dating back to the contact with Landi of 1897) which stated that the posters and programmes were to be written exclusively in Croatian, "except for that part that refers to the title of the opera

497 See Letter from Giulio Ricordi to the theatre management of Zadar, Milano, 14.3.1901, HR-DAZD, folder 10.

498 "Silla Carobbi nella Tosca è stragrande; non so veramente come potrà pagare quest'artista, in ogni modo la fortuna è di Spalato che con poco avrebbe uno spettacolo da Scala e diciamolo pure anche degno del vostro teatro."; Letter from Paolo Rocca to the theatre management of Split, [Milano], [1904], HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

499 "Purtroppo Spalato le costa più di 5.000 lire; ma è una signorina che sa mantenere la parola data anche se con sacrificio e di ciò cotesta onorevole direzione deve prenderne buona nota."; Letter from Paolo Rocca to the theatre management of Split, [Milano], [1904], HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

500 See Receipt for instalment of the endowment signed by Vittorio Riva, Split, 3.12.1904, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

501 Ruotolo's name appears more than once in the theatres of the coastal region. Together with the artist Raffaele Albini, he had directed a Compagnia Buffa Napoletana in the 1870s.

502 In a previous version of the contract the formula used was "tre opere tra *Fedora*, *Manon* (Massenet), *Mignon* e *Stella*".

and to the artistic personnel, which can be written in Italian".503 It was now necessary, therefore, not only to perform certain operas in Croatian, but also to make adjustments to the publicity. As we have already seen, this also happened at Šibenik, where the poster for *La traviata* in 1914 was in Croatian and all the singers were Croatian (the company was that of the National Teatre of Osijek). It is in this contract that, for the frst time, mention is made of a penalty to be applied if the staging of the opera season is delayed.504 Te endowment of 8,000 crowns was granted together with 16 boxes. However, there was perhaps a further increase of 4,000 crowns if some months later the impresario Giorgio Trauner wrote to the theatre management of Zadar (where he was then engaged) as follows, with the probable aim of asking for an increase in the endowment: "Even at Split they had to increase the endowment from 8,000 to 12,000 crowns in order to guarantee an opera season that was better than usual."505 If this increase really happened, it could have also been justifed by the fact that the season, made up exclusively of Sonzogno operas, presented various premieres for Split; and as we know, new operas cost more. Even when Ruotolo returned to Split three years later, he made sure to include an important premiere: that of *Andrea Chénier* (again an opera by Giordano), to be combined with *Un ballo in maschera* and *Rigoletto* in a season conducted by Arturo Bovi.506 Te contracts at Split, it is worth pointing out, did not impose obligations concerning the type of opera, unlike those for Zadar for example. Tey neither indicated a specifc number of repertoire operas per season, nor stated a commitment to include frst performances. In this manner the opera seasons might have a less standardised format and all the works be new for the city, as happened in the 1905 season.

From 1908 onwards, in spite of the various proposals sent to the management, there is no record of further opera performances with Italian companies until the War, with the exception of *Il matrimonio segreto* brought from Šibenik and conducted by Bovi. On the other hand,

503 "salvo per quella parte che si riferisce al titolo dello spettacolo ed al personale artistico che potrà essere estesa in italiano"; Contract between the theatre management of Split and Gabriele Ruotolo, Split, 4. 9.1905, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII, and Contract between the theatre management of Split and Gabriele Ruotolo, Milano, 7. 9.1904, HR-DAŠI-103, folder 4.

504 "h.) to begin the season towards the end of the month of October, under the penalty of 40 (forty) crowns for every day of unjustified delay after the first week of November 1904 has ended" ("h.) di dare principio allo spettacolo verso la fine del mese di ottobre, sotto comminatoria di una penale di Cor. 40 (quaranta) per ogni giorno di ritardo non giustificato dopo terminata la prima settimana di novembre 1904"); Contract between the theatre management of Split and the impresario Gabriele Ruotolo, Split, 4. 9.1905, HR-MGS: Kazalište 4/ kut. I–XVII.

505 "Anche a Spalato dovettero portare la dote da 8.000 a 12.000 corone per assicurarsi uno spettacolo migliore del solito"; Letter from Giorgio Trauner to the theatre management of Zadar, Milano, 28.6.1906, HR-DAZD, folder 26.

506 The presence of these last two operas is deduced from the contents of a contract with the bass Egidio Garavaglia.

visits from the opera company of the theatre of Zagreb are recorded in 1910, 1911 and 1913 and that of Osijek in 1914. Te theatre in Split also continued to function with companies giving plays and operetta. It is worth noting, in conclusion, that when it came to opera and operetta, the clauses in the contract did not greatly difer, though there was usually a certain disparity between the two in the part concerning the presence (and quantity) of dancers.

#### 4.7.3 Census of the opera seasons at Split

Te table is based on archival material found in HR-MGS: Kazalište, 1–4, and the periodicals *L'Arte Melodrammatica*, *La Scena*, *Narod* and *Euterpe*, assisted by the consultation of Mirjana Škunca's book, *Glazbeni život Splita od 1860. do 1918*, 507 and Nevenka Bezić Bozanić's article, "Novinske vijesti o scenskim priredbama u Splitu (1884–1918)"*.* 508

507 Mirjana Škunca, *Glazbeni život Splita.*

508 Nevenka Bezić Bozanić, "Novinske vijesti", pp. 397*–*454.

509 This last opera is added by Mirjana Škunca, *Glazbeni život Splita*, p. 54.

**Size of orchestra, choruses, ballet corps for opera seasons at the theatres of the eastern Adriatic coast (1861–1914):** *in italics =* deduced from a periodical; with asterisk\*= deduced from a poster and periodical; ° = deduced from the contract; § = requested in the tender specifcations; "= deduced from the correspondence

#### The contracts and the seasons at Split 351

© 2024 Böhlau Verlag | Brill Österreich GmbH https://doi.org/10.7767/9783205216537 | CC BY 4.0

# **5 Opera repertoire in the theatres of the eastern Adriatic (1861 – 1918)**

Opera repertoire in the theatres of the eas-

tern Adriatic (1861–1918)

Opera types and repertoire

#### 5.1 Opera types and repertoire

In the preceding tables we saw that opera seasons were not a regular phenomenon in all the theatres considered. Te theatre guaranteeing the greatest frequency of seasons was that of Rijeka (frst, with the Teatro Adamich, opera was staged during the Lent-spring season only; later, after the inauguration of the Teatro Comunale, an autumn season was occasionally added), followed by Zadar, where the seasons could start in spring or autumn depending on the year. Tere was a similar state of afairs at Pula, where, for around ffteen years from at least 1898, there were regular opera seasons in two seasons a year instead of one. Te situations of Šibenik and Split, on the other hand, were diferent. While the opera seasons in Šibenik were very irregular, with gaps of years between one season and the next, in Split the vacuum of around a dozen years (1881–1893) was institutional, dictated by the fre at the Teatro Bajamonti, followed by a renewed intention to ofer regular annual seasons.1 In various theatres an autumn season could be preferred to the Lent-spring season, also because it cost less to engage singers at that time of year.

We cannot truly speak of "opera programming", at least not in the modern sense of the term, given the great variability displayed in the choice of programmes right up to the printing of the poster (and, at times, even *after* the promotional material had been printed). Tere was certainly a diference between the programmes of the larger and smaller cities. For the most part the opera productions came from outside and the novelties were the prerogative of theatres such as those of Rijeka and Zadar. Indeed some works were performed at Zadar even before more important venues like those of Vienna or Venice. Putting on new operas, however, entailed a greater cost, primarily because of the rental expenses to be paid to the publishers, so in the cities in which there were no contractual obligations with the impresario on the type of opera to be staged, it was easier to fall back on the repertoire. Programming opera scores belonging to diferent publishers within the same season also meant higher rental fees. But while, on the one hand, choosing to stage the operas of just one publisher meant a fnancial saving, on the other, the potential disadvantage was that the opera considered as "new" did not always suit the wishes of the impresario and the theatre management.

1 Even during these twelve theatre-less years, attempts were made to organise opera performances at the Sala Gran Orfeo of the Caffè Troccoli.

Anyone involved in organising opera seasons in Italy was also challenged by the hostility reigning between the two leading publishers: Ricordi and Sonzogno. "Tese two frms", the impresario De Monari wrote, "have for some time put in place a system of mutual boycotting, which, even if it doesn't harm either of them, seriously damages the interests of entrepreneurs. And it is only recently that we rarely have some examples of a promiscuous repertoire, which gives us all hope for better times in the future".2 Te repertoire could therefore be heavily infuenced by the publishers. But we have also seen how the local citizenry played an active part in the choices, at times writing to the theatre management to suggest what it wanted to hear. When an anonymous letter arrived at Zadar signed "A friend of the management on behalf of many who would like to subscribe" (*Un amico della direzione a nome di molti che intenderebbero abbonarsi*), the message sent was that the management should persevere in programming repertoire operas rather than new ones, given that the former would meet with the greater favour of the local population and would also be considered a novelty by the young, who would never have heard them before. "If it is a matter of satisfying four worthy gentlemen", the anonymous writer added, "who can lay their hands on a couple of extra forins, perhaps after even going to the sacrifce of hearing operas in other cities, then also include a new third opera, but if you intend to entertain the whole citizenry and put on good shows, then give *Ernani*, *L'ebrea* or *I due Foscari*, for the music is easier and has greater feeling than the new operas and, despite being repertoire operas, they would still be new for the young people of Zadar".3

As is well known, the choice of repertoire was often a compromise between the desires of the impresario and the needs of the theatre management. Te composer, on the other hand, as has already been argued by Michael Walter, now had less weight in the process of organising opera seasons, and his power to infuence the repertoire was relatively unimportant in this period. Accordingly, it is very rare to fnd letters from composers in the archives consulted.

2 "Queste due Case hanno messo da vario tempo in attuazione un sistema di boicottaggio reciproco, che se non nuoce a nessuna di esse, pregiudica gravemente gl'interessi degli speculatori. E solo oggi abbiamo raramente qualche esempio di repertorio promiscuo, ciò che fa sperare, in seguito, tempi migliori per tutti."; Letter from Eugenio De Monari to the theatre management of Zadar, Milano, 8. 8.1899, HR-DAZD, folder 10.

3 "Se si trata [*sic*] di compiacere a quattro signorotti che poterono disporre un pajo di fiorini, ed anche questi forse previa privazione per andare a sentire opere in altre città, date pure anche la terza opera nuova, ma se intendete di divertire tutta la cittadinanza e fare dei bei teatri date l'*Ernani*, l'*Ebrea* oppure *I due Foscari* la cui musica è più facile e più sentimentale di quello che non lo siano le opere nuove e che abbenché opere di repertorio pure per la gioventù di Zara sarebbero nuove."; Letter from anonymous sender to the theatre management of Zadar, Zadar, 12.3.1895, HR-DAZD, folder 8. On such occasions one might simply inform the theatre management of the desired titles, as for example: "According to a great many citizens, the third opera to be chosen should be Ernani" ("Dietro il sentire di moltissimi cittadini la terza opera da sciegliersi[sic] sarebbe l'Ernani"); Letter from Ego e comp. to the theatre management of Zadar, [n.p., 1895], HR-DAZD, folder 8.

Some operas were considered to be less performable than others. "It is very easy to advise an impresa to give one or other opera", a newspaper wrote, "but the difcult thing is to actually stage it, for at times a combination of many important factors is in confict with this objective". Tere were, for example, certain operas of the old repertoire, like *Il profeta*, *Don Carlos*, *Roberto il Diavolo* and *Freischütz*, that many would have liked to see staged, but, as the writer remarks, "who today can dig out the performers suited to interpreting them perfectly?"4 It was not merely difcult to fnd singers suited to the specifc repertoire; the economic sacrifces required to engage them would be out of proportion to the theatre's limited resources. On matters of repertoire, therefore, expectations could not be pitched too high, for the impresa could only ofer as much as the budget allowed. In the words of the impresario Mariano Ungherini, for example, the operas that were either difcult to stage or "of very uncertain outcome" (*esito infelicissimo*) included *Don Carlos*, *Mefstofele*, *Lohengrin*, *Tannhäuser* and *Il Re di Lahore*, for the principal reason that the endowment granted amounted to around 7,000 forins in the fnal years of the 19th century.5 *Mefstofele* was considered to be "tough" (*pesante*).6 And also in the opinion of the impresario De Monari, *Don Carlos* would not work ("*non va*" was how he put it bluntly),7 which explains why it was never performed in the coastal theatres in a period of almost sixty years. Performances of *Don Carlos* were recorded at Trieste in 1868, otherwise only in Zagreb in 1870, sung in the Croatian translation by Franjo Žigrović-Pretočki.8 Tere was also a certain reserve about *Simon Boccanegra*, which again was never staged in the period considered and was heard in Trieste only in 1891 (and only in 1931 at the Zagreb Opera).9

Operas could be programmed and then immediately cancelled if they were found to be unsuccessful at neighbouring theatres. Richard Strauss's *Salome* was due to be staged at Rijeka in 1911, but was cancelled after the opera met with failure at Trieste.10 At times

4 "È molto facile consigliare un'impresa di dare una o l'altra delle opere, ma il difficile sta nel metterlo in scena, opponendosi talvolta a questo desiderio il concorso di molti importanti fattori"; and later, "gli esecutori adatti alla loro perfetta interpretazione chi li pesca fuori oggi?"; "Cose d'arte", *L'Eco di Pola*, 2.9.1893.

5 Letter from Mariano Ungherini to the theatre management of Zadar, Fabriano, 17. 6.1893, HR-DAZD, folder 7.

6 In the five cities considered for this research, *Mefistofele* appears in only seven seasons over a period of nearly sixty years.

7 Letter from Eugenio De Monari to the theatre management of Zadar, Milano, 8. 8.1899, HR-DAZD, folder 10.

8 Nikola Faller, *Repertoire Hrvat. zem. kazališta od 1. listopada 1870. do 31. srpnja 1937,* Kronika Zavoda za književnost i teatrologiju JAZU, God. 4, Br. 9–10, Zagreb, 1978, p. 41.

9 See, for example, what the agent Pessina wrote about a production of *Boccanegra* at the theatre in Madrid: "I do not believe Simon Boccanegra to be an opera that will give money to the impresa" ("non credo il Simon Boccanegra un'opera che darà denaro all'impresa"), quoted in José María Domínguez, "El Teatro Real de Madrid durante la gestíon del empresario Ramon de Michelena (1882–94)", *Acta Musicologica*, LXXXVII/ 2 (2015), p. 229.

10 Lovorka Ruck, *Operni zivot u Rijeci*, p. 191.

an opera could also be chosen according to when it had last been staged at the theatre in question. If its last performance had been too recent, it was preferred to choose something else. Te impresario Giorgio Trauner, for example, in his negotiations with Zadar in 1906 was explicit on this point: "In the common interest I would suggest replacing Bohème with Faust, especially since, on examining the list of productions given at this theatre, I fnd that Faust was last performed in 1888, whereas Bohème is much more recent, in 1897".11 Judging also from certain comments in the newspapers, some in the audience did not like to remain anchored to what they had already heard, but instead wished to hear operas from the new repertoire.12 Yet although Ricordi and Sonzogno published around 250 new operas in the ffteen years between 1900 and 1915, most of these works enjoyed few repeats and gradually dropped out of the programming in subsequent following years.13

From our survey of the programming over sixty years in the fve cities considered, we can say with certainty that the genre most extensively cultivated was Italian opera, followed by French and (with many fewer) German. Opera bufa could be combined with opera seria within the same season, or there could be seasons entirely consisting of opera seria or opera bufa (in the latter case a lower budget was required). Te opera seasons could also include a few operettas, if the company should propose a mixed repertoire (as we fnd in the programming at Split). *Table 1. Italian opera and its presence in the coastal theatres*14 details the frequency with which the various works appeared in the opera seasons (though without counting the number of performances per season). Te further down an opera appears in the list, the less frequently it was performed in the area. Te colour of the box indicates the theatre where it was performed.15 In cases where there is any doubt over the performance of a given opera or any uncertainty between two titles, no mention is made of the operas concerned, hence the overall frequency of the operas is underestimated. Te following *Table 2. Composers of the Italian opera repertoire*  16 gives an account, composer by composer,

11 "Io direi nell'interesse comune di cambiare la Bohème col Faust, tanto più che esaminando l'elenco degli spettacoli dati a questo teatro, trovo che il Faust è stato rappresentato l'ultima volta nel 1888 mentre la Bohème è molto più recente nel 1897"; Letter from Giorgio Trauner to the theatre management of Zadar, Milano, 17. 7.1906, HR-DAZD, folder 26.

12 This happened, for example, at Pula when, after a successful performance of *Norma*, the *Teatro Illustrato* wrote that the audience was "already too familiar with this score [and] would have preferred an opera from the new repertoire" ("già troppo famigliare con questo spartito avrebbe preferito un'opera del nuovo repertorio"); "Da Pola", *Il Teatro Illustrato*, 1892, p. 172.

13 Matteo Paoletti, "Mascagni, Mocchi, Sonzogno. La Società Teatrale Internazionale (1908–1931) e i suoi protagonisti", *Arti della Performance: orizzonti e culture*, IV (2015), p. 20.

14 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1qrAuqHsRh\_8YLKy5JYo TrLJS0\_ZXaJt6/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true.

15 The titles of the opera in the table have been abbreviated for ease of visualisation.

16 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1nDGFMap19X\_S6hltSs NkwMfinfvvIQnE/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true.

of the diferent titles performed and the number of stagings (again only Italian operas are included). Te composers are listed in alphabetical order.

Te table clearly shows that these theatres were also dominated by the Verdi-Donizetti-Bellini trio, as was already standard practice in the Italian peninsula. By this time repertoire opera was what dominated the majority of the seasons' nightly performances. Te opera that appeared most frequently was *Il barbiere di Siviglia*, a work that was much loved by the public and could also be staged without too much efort on the part of any impresario. Te data also confrm that an opera like *Crispino e la comare* was very popular at the time, only to disappear from the repertoire, thereby following the same destiny as *Pipelet* or *Le educande di Sorrento,* about which little more remains today than their titles. *Crispino* even came to Split before Trieste. What is abundantly clear is that the coastal theatres maintained close ties with the Italian legacy of the past and an operatic tradition that was predominantly Italian. Indeed none of these theatres (with the exception of Split, dating from the management of the Teatro Nuovo) had much contact with the hinterland. Tis is also demonstrated, for example, by the data relating to the performances of Italian opera at the theatre of Zagreb, where the programming of these titles between 1870 and 1937 was not so frequent. *Table 3. Italian opera in Trieste-the coastal region-Zagreb* 17, which details all the Italian operas staged in Zagreb in those 67 years,18 reveals that they received their frst performances there somewhat later than on the Dalmatian coast. Tey were sung in Croatian in the translations by Josip Eugen Tomić, Mijo Bišćan, Ivan Trnski or Ferdo Miler, among others. Tis table also shows that in most cases the works were frst given at the Teatro Comunale of Trieste and then arrived at the coastal cities of the eastern Adriatic only at a later stage.

Regarding French opera, the chart below shows that the most frequent productions were those of *Faust* and *Carmen* (for which Sonzogno had secured the exclusive rights for Italy in 1879), whereas a greater diversity of titles is found with the composers Meyerbeer and Massenet. Overall, there were twenty-one titles that could be programmed in the coastal region. Te table indicates the year and place in which the opera was frst given and the overall number of seasons

17 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1E0GCtZQTlsu\_ OOL9if-tsDjSIl1WAdzK/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true

18 This is based on the opera repertoire documented by Nikola Faller, *Repertoire Hrvat. zem. kazališta od 1. listopada 1870. do 31. srpnja 1937,* Kronika Zavoda za književnost i teatrologiju JAZU, 4, Br. 9–10, 1978. Chronologies for the theatre of Zagreb were for the first time drawn up by Nikola Faller, who collected the posters of the theatre seasons as from 2 October 1870, the date of the premiere of Ivan Zajc's *Mislav*, with which the permanent activity of the opera house in Zagreb got underway. Faller became a student of Zajc, who initially employed him at the Croatian National Theatre as a répétiteur. Then in 1894 he became conductor and director of the opera of Zagreb; it was under his direction that Lisinski's *Porin* was staged three years later. He was also superintendent of the theatre of Osijek between 1910 and 1912 as well as being a composer. For a biographical profile, see the entry dedicated to him in the Oesterreichische Musiklexicon: https://www.musiklexikon.ac.at/ml/musik\_F/Faller\_Nikola.xml [accessed 18. 6. 2020] or the notes in the Introduction to Nikola Faller, *Repertoire Hrvat. zem. kazališta*.

in which it appeared in the period 1861–1918, without regard to either the places or the number of performances per season. In cases of uncertainty, the number of seasons has been rounded down. Te titles of the operas are given in the form in which they appear in the documents:

What clearly stands out is that most of the frst performances were given at Rijeka, which also happened to be the theatre with the highest endowments per opera season. We do not know if the French operas that we fnd in the repertoire were always performed in Italian translation. No document clarifes the point, but it is highly likely (at least in the case of Rijeka). *Faust*, the most frequently represented of all, would have been given in the translation of Achille De Lauzières, which after its debut at La Scala in 1862, was the version in which it circulated for decades to follow. In all probability the other operas were also staged in their respective Italian translations, as was the custom in second half of the 19th century (with the probable exception of *Postillon*, given that it was performed in Split after the inauguration of the Teatro Nuovo). In 1904 Sonzogno had 55 French operas in his catalogue,19 among which some were considered to be complex and difcult to stage by

19 Matteo Paoletti, "Mascagni, Mocchi, Sonzogno. La Società Teatrale Internazionale (1908–1931) e i suoi protagonisti", *Arti della Performance: orizzonti e culture*, IV (2015), p. 17.

the impresarios themselves. One such opera, as was stressed by the above-cited impresario Ungherini, was Bizet's *I pescatori di perle* (which besides was also too expensive).20 As for Saint-Säens' *Sansone e Dalila*, it was rejected at Zadar in 1900 for being too 'academic' and belonging to a genre that seemed not to be greatly appreciated in the city. Te opera, the impresario De Monari wrote, "generates no interest in any theatre because it isn't for the audience masses, but wins over only the profound musician. Signor Sonzogno himself has repeatedly reproached me for putting this opera in the programme and has always advised me to insist on a change in order to avoid fnancial disaster".21 In other words, the publisher himself advised against producing an opera that would be too much of a challenge. De Monari therefore duly asked for the opera to be replaced with Mascagni's *L'amico Fritz*, which would be new for Zadar.22 In general Zadar liked French opera less than Rijeka, a point that can be verifed simply by adding up the relevant works listed in the complete table at the end of this section. Concerning *Manon* there is at times a certain confusion, given that it is not always clear in the sources whether we are dealing with Puccini's opera (often abbreviated as *Manon* in the newspapers and correspondence) or Massenet's. Again, French opera often arrived in the coastal theatres before Zagreb, though here the tendency is less clear-cut than with Italian opera. Nonetheless, the fact remains that in almost all cases the French operas were given frst at the Teatro Comunale of Trieste before arriving at the coast. In *Table 4. French opera*, 23 we see that only *Taïs* (listed in italics) was performed solely at Rijeka, hence with no possibility of making comparisons with productions at either Trieste or Zagreb.24

While a variety of impresarios proposed French opera, only a few ofered German or Austrian works (among these were Rossegger, Sforza, Trauner and Alpron-Battaglia). In the period considered the German operas were not only very few in number (with fve out of eight being Wagner operas), but also appeared many years after their French counterparts and many years after their premieres in the original language. To confrm this point, we need only observe that the Wagner operas listed in the following table came to

20 See Letter from Mariano Ungherini to the theatre management of Zadar, Fabriano, 17. 6.1893, HR-DAZD, folder 7.

21 "non fa interesse in nessun teatro perché non è per la massa del pubblico ma conquide soltanto un profondo musicista. Il sig. Sonzogno stesso mi rimproverò ripetutamente di avere posto in cartellone quest'opera e sempre mi consigliò di sollecitare il cambio onde evitare un disastro finanziario."; Letter from Eugenio De Monari to the theatre management of Zadar, Trieste, 5. 2.1900, HR-DAZD, folder 10.

22 See Letter from Eugenio De Monari to the theatre management of Zadar, Trieste, 5.2.1900, HR-DAZD, folder 10.

23 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1zcImHPGM-gNBtza Tcg-Ko37SaWJkW05T/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true.

24 Where the table has no coloured box indicating a production at the Teatro Comunale di Trieste, this simply means that the opera was not staged there.

the coastal region between 40 years (*Lohengrin* or *La Walkiria*) and 52 years (*Tannhäuser*) after their frst performances. And even allowing for the delayed Italian premieres and the fact that the Italian impresarios would take these operas frst to the mainland theatres and only later to the coastal area, it is still worth noting that *Lohengrin* and *Tannhäuser* arrived in Rijeka as many as 19 and 25 years after their premieres in Bologna in 1871 and 1872 respectively. Nor can we say that the neighbouring Teatro Comunale of Trieste exerted any infuence in this process, given that the two operas arrived in Trieste much earlier, in 1876 and 1878 respectively. *La Walkiria* (Die Walküre), which was given its frst Italian performance at La Fenice in 1883, arrived in the coastal region 27 years later. And though *Parsifal* was given at Trieste in 1914, it was never staged at the coastal theatres in the period considered. Also evident in the table below is that almost all the premieres were given at the theatre of Rijeka.

Perhaps it is signifcant to note, as we can see in *Table 5. German opera*, 25 that *Lohengrin*, *Tristano e Isotta* and *I maestri cantori di Norimberga* all came to Rijeka before Zagreb (and in the case of *I maestri cantori* even ten years before the Comunale of Trieste);26 As did Flotow's *Martha*. 27 Karl Goldmark's work was presented only at the theatres of Split or Šibenik, for the sole reason that it was part of the repertoire of the Czech or Croatian companies that visited both cities (at Šibenik *Heimchem am Herd* was given in its Croatian version *Cvrčak za ognjištem*). Composers such as Wilhelm Kienzl and Goldmark were practically unknown to the Italian companies that gave opera seasons in the coastal region. Tere might perhaps have been a possibility of including Goldmark's *Die Königin von Saba* in one of fnal seasons of the century, since the opera was staged in both Trieste and Zagreb (1898–1900), but as yet there is no documentary evidence either that an opportunity to produce it arose or that it was considered suitable. Flotow's *Martha*, on the other hand,

25 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1X587FBWPCXdot 2518s0z3I277ktznQQA/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true.

26 Nikola Faller, *Repertoire Hrvat. zem. kazališta*, p. 92, 97, 176.

27 Nikola Faller, *Repertoire Hrvat. zem. kazališta*, p. 101.

was a diferent matter, for instead it had long circulated in the repertoires of the Italian companies, with the diference that from Pula down to Zadar it was performed in Italian, whereas at Split, the contract with the impresario (1896) explicitly required the work to be given in Croatian.28

As regards any further Russian, Czech or Croatian repertoire (which arrived only with the Bohemian, Czech and Croatian opera companies), this was the sole prerogative of the theatres of Split and Šibenik, and then only from the years 1894 (Split) and 1910 (Šibenik). In fact, before 1894 the area was visited only by Italian opera companies, even though the majority of the population was ethnically Croatian.29 From that date on, this repertoire was performed in Croatian. Tis was a practice that theatres like those of Pula or Rijeka would have had difculty establishing; the tender specifcations at Rijeka even stipulated that the language of performance had to be exclusively Italian.

Te Czech companies were those that brought with them the most eclectic repertoire. Included in their programmes for individual seasons was an assortment of titles from Italian, French, German, Russian, Czech and Croatian opera. It was at Split that the public could hear for the frst time Smetana's *Bartered Bride* (*Prodaná nevěsta*), *Te Secret* (*Tajemství*) and *Dalibor*, along with Tchaikovsky's *Queen of Spades* (*Pikova dama*) and *Eugene Onegin*. Among the Russian works ofered was Nápravník's *Dubrovsky*, a work in the repertoire of the Czech company brought by Vendelin Budil. And it was again at Split that Lisinski's *Porin* found a season ready to host it, after its premiere at Zagreb in 1897.30 Te interesting thing to note is that none of these titles were performed at the Teatro Comunale of Trieste in the period considered (see *Table 6. Opera from eastern Europe and elsewhere*),31 in contrast with all the repertoires discussed previously. Te most diverse seasons, therefore, were those presented at the theatre in Split: perhaps not the best-funded seasons (from the point of view of the endowments), but certainly those in which the public had the opportunity to enjoy a very wide assortment of works.

Te table below brings together all the information given by the available documentation on the opera repertoire of the coastal theatres for the period 1860–1918. Since it has not always been possible to recover the data in full, the results have no claim to completeness. For each year the table has two lines, the upper indicating the performances given from 1 January to 31 August, the lower those given from 1 September to 31 December.

28 Contract between the theatre management of Split and Johann Pištek, letter "m" of Art. 1, Split, January 1896, HR-MGS: Kazalište 1/ kut. I–XII.

29 Already in 1757 the British architect Robert Adam mentioned performances by Italian companies in Split; Duško Kečkemet, *Ante Bajamonti*, p. 199.

30 On the date of the premiere of *Porin*, see *Repertoar hrvatskih kazalista 1840–1860–1990*, 2 vols., Globus i Jugoslavenska akadeija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb 1990, p. 192.

31 The table can be consulted at the link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1R6BxCAo7elPMvlh H52DQB6Ew486v2qUk/edit?usp=drive\_link&ouid=106256926039059801585&rtpof=true&sd=true.

### 5.2 Presence and circulation of local composers in the opera programming

An attempt has also been made to understand how the programming of the most frequently performed operas combined, if at all, with those by local composers and what type of circulation the local works might have had: whether they in turn succeeded in crossing the Adriatic and arriving in Italy, or alternatively took other routes towards the north or north-east. First of all, we must clarify that there were very few local composers: certainly not a signifcant number when compared to all the other composers represented by the productions staged.

Let us take, for example, the works of Nicolò Stermich [Niccolò de Stermich, Nikola Strmić], who also worked for a period as one of the directors of the Teatro Nuovo in his home city of Zadar. His opera *Desiderio duca d'Istria* was given its frst performance at the Teatro Nobile in Zadar in 1861 (staged by a visiting company from Italy and performed on four nights), but had no further productions.32 Sabalich reports that the orchestra gave a fne performance, but that the singers were unsatisfactory and moreover clothed in "shabby and flthy costumes" (*vestiario logoro e sudicio*).33 Four years later Stermich made a successful comeback with the opera *La madre slava*, which was well received at Trieste and Zagreb in 1865 and 1866 and continued to be staged until the 1870s,34 but was never performed at the coastal theatres*.* At the time Stermich was still a young composer (twenty-six when the Trieste premiere of *La madre slava* was staged, only twenty-two when *Desiderio* was given). In the archival documents we also fnd mention of his son Pietro, who was engaged in the 1896 season, again at the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar, though not as a composer, but as *maestro concertatore* and conductor. We also Presence and circulation of local composers in

the opera programming

32 For the Oesterreichisches Biographisches Lexikon, *Desiderio duca d'Istria* was also known by the title *Rachis* (Primoz Kuret – Hubert Reitterer, "Stermich von Valcrociata, Nicolò" in *Oesterreichisches Biographisches Lexikon*, vol. XIII, 2008, p. 220), whereas for Andrea Sessa, *Flavio Rachis* was the title of the opera by Luigi Badia set to the same libretto, Giovanni Battista Canovai's *Desiderio duca d'Istria* (Andrea Sessa, *Il melodramma italiano 1861–1900. Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei compositori*, Olschki, Firenze 2003, p. 456–457). Zdravko Blažeković, in the entry "Strmić [Stermich di Valcrociata], Nikola", *Grove Music Online*, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/ omo-9781561592630-e-0000044168 [accessed 30.5. 2023], mentions a performance of fragments of the opera in Milan already in 1856. For the early years of Stermich, his influence on musical life in Zadar and his friendship with the *maestro concertatore* Antonio Ravasio, see Katica Burić Ćenan, "Nikola Strmić and Antonio Ravasio – Promoters of Musical Life in Zadar in the Second Half of the 19th Century", *Bašćinski glasi*, XIII/1 (2018), pp. 121*–*42.

33 Giuseppe Sabalich, *Cronistoria aneddotica*, p. 256.

34 Ivano Cavallini, "L'Adriatico e la ricerca dell'identità nazionale in musica"*, Musica e Storia*, XII/3 (2004), p. 489. In Trieste it was deemed a "successo di stima", which – according to the theatrical jargon – meant a success attributed to the public's respect for the composer rather than for the intrinsic value of the work itself; Filippo Danziger, *Memorie del Teatro Comunale*, p. 94. On *La madre slava*, see Caterina Brugnera, "La madre slava di Nikola Strmić: un tentativo di incontro tra illirismo e opera italiana", *Musica e Storia*, XII/3 (2004), pp. 591*–*609.

learn that in 1899 the impresario Eugenio De Monari proposed to engage him for a production of *Fedora*, for an unspecifed role at the same theatre (though probably again as *maestro concertatore*). However, the proposal came to nothing owing to the opposition of the publisher Sonzogno,35 so the position was assigned to Maestro Falconi, a deputy conductor (*direttore d'orchestra sostituto*) at the Teatro Lirico of Milan.36 Concerning the other operas (today lost) of Stermich père (*Rachis, Sordello, Jacquinta*), no evidence has hitherto come to light.

Among the works of other local composers, those of Smareglia found a certain, though limited reception, at Pula,37 but it was commented in *L'Eco di Pola* that "the glory of Smareglia" was recognised in Germany before Italy, in accordance with the well-known rule *nemo propheta in patria*. Tis was certainly true in the case of *Cornill Schut*, which was performed frst at Vienna, then in Prague and Dresden in 1893, with a libretto by Illica translated into Czech.38 Te management of the Politeama Ciscutti seemed to support the idea of staging the opera, but "only in the right season and with a performance that will be absolutely special, following the criteria of the eminent composer".39 Te Politeama staged *Nozze istriane*  for the frst time in 1908, thanks also to the opera's success at the Volksoper of Vienna, and some years after its premiere at Trieste in March 1895. Apart from all else, the opera has a local subject, since the story is actually set in Dignano (today Vodnjan), a small town near Pula, against which a drama of love and jealousy is played out in a veristic atmosphere reminiscent of *Cavalleria rusticana*. In this way Smareglia was fnally able to see a work of his performed in his homeland for the frst time.40 Te theatre was packed and the composer

35 Eugenio De Monari wrote: "I have to say that I am truly very sorry not to have been able to engage Maestro Cavalier Pietro Stermich of whom I am a good friend (indeed he has set to music a romanza with lines of mine) and whom I shall favour in preference to anyone else. I was unable to engage him because our dear Commendatore Edoardo Sonzogno did not approve him and of that – I repeat – I am very sorry (publishers have certain ideas that are entirely their own)." ("Devo dichiararmi dolentissimo di non aver potuto scritturare il M. Cav. Pietro Stermich del quale sono buon amico (anzi egli musicò una romanza con versi miei) e che favorirò a *preferenza* di qualunque altro. Non mi è stato possibile scritturarlo perché l'amato Comm.e Edoardo Sonzogno non l'à [*sic*] approvato e di ciò – ripeto – sono dolente (Gli editori ànno [*sic*] certe idee del tutto loro."); Letter from Eugenio De Monari to the theatre management of Zadar, Gorizia, 12.3.1899, HR-DAZD, folder 6.

36 See Letter from Gustavo Argenti to Giorgio De Nakic d'Osliak, [Milano], 13. 2.1899, HR-DAZD, folder 6.

37 Smareglia was a native of Pula, the son of a mixed marriage: his father, Francesco Smareglia came from Dignano d'Istria (Vodnjan), while his mother, Giulia Stiglić, was a Croatian from Laurana (Lovran); Edoardo Perpich, *Il teatro musicale di Antonio Smareglia*, Unione degli Italiani dell'Istria e di Fiume, Università Popolare di Trieste, Trieste-Rovigno 1990, p. 7.

38 "Dalle terre di Germania", *L'Eco di Pola*, 8.10.1892.

39 "solo in apposita stagione e con una esecuzione del tutto speciale, secondo i criteri dell'eminente autore"; "Cose d'arte", *L'Eco di Pola*, 8. 7.1893.

40 In announcing the planned production the local newspaper reported: "It would be an epoch-making artistic event in the annals of the Politeama and we hope that once the inevitable difficulties have been

had 39 curtain calls; according to the papers, there was even a procession of "thousands of people" at the end of the performance.41

Tree years later a committee was formed in Pula to organise a season with operas by the composer, with the profts donated to charity. Tis would also include a performance of the opera *La Falena*, which was still unknown in the area. At the same time the newspaper *La Fiamma* made eforts to inform its readers about the composer's works, and particularly this one, with the intention of making him more familiar to, and appreciated by, a wider public.42 In 1914 *Abisso* was announced, as well as a repeat of *Nozze istriane*, for the autumn season, but nothing more was heard of the matter. Indeed it was mainly in Trieste that Smareglia had found enthusiastic supporters who strove to boost his reputation.43 From Trieste, Schmidl, as the representative of Ricordi, had ofered the score of *Nozze istriane* to the theatre of Rijeka, though his initiative failed to result in a production. On the other hand, the composer's brother, Giulio Smareglia, who was also director of the choir at the cathedral of Pula and a composer himself, was given the opportunity to see his own opera, *La notte di San Silvestro,* performed at the Politeama, again within seasons run by the impresario Alessandro Bolzicco, who had also produced *Nozze istriane.* At the Politeama Giulio Smareglia worked not only as chorus master but also as deputy conductor; and he wrote musical presentations and reviews in *Il Giornaletto di Pola*. He was also the composer of operettas: of these *Dr. Gasparo* and *Il capriccio del re* were performed at the Politeama in 1905 and 1906 respectively.

removed, this excellent project may be accomplished." ("Sarebbe un avvenimento artistico tale da far epoca negli annali del Politeama e noi auguriamo che rimosse le inevitabili difficoltà, il progetto, bellissimo, possa venire attuato"); "Per un grande spettacolo d'opera in quaresima al Politeama."; *Il Giornaletto di Pola*, 18.1.1908.

41 "La serata a teatro", *Il Giornaletto di Pola*, 30.3.1908.

42 "In our column "Teatro ed Arte", we shall undertake in the following issues to speak a little about all of Smareglia's operas, which have been such an excellent success wherever they are performed, and we shall dwell longer on La Falena, because it is unknown and has been chosen for staging in the next opera season. Today we urge everyone who can, to support the committee in its fine initiative also aimed at making the master better known and admired even in his home town, for together with Tartini he has succeeded in including an Istrian name among those of the foremost composers of his age and of every age." ("Noi nella nostra rubrica Teatro ed Arte, verremo a parlare nei prossimi numeri un po' di tutte le opere smaregliane che vanno ottenendo ottimo successo ovunque si rappresentino, e ci soffermeremo più a lungo su La Falena, perché ignota e prescelta a essere rappresentata nella prossima stagione lirica. Esortiamo oggi ognuno che è in grado di farlo, di sostenere il comitato nella sua bella iniziativa atta anche a render più noto e ammirato anche nella sua citta natale, il maestro che con Tartini è riuscito a mettere un nome istriano tra quelli dei primissimi compositori dei suoi tempi e d'ogni tempo."); "Una stagione d'opera smaregliana", *La Fiamma*, 1. 4.1911.

43 See Perpich, *Il teatro musicale*, p. 17.

Leaving aside these new works, which also included William Legrand Howland's *Sarrona*, sung in Italian with the young American composer present in the theatre,44 and *Rosilde di Saluzzo* (though we do not know if it really was performed in 1883:45 the opera is mentioned as having been favourably received at the Pergola of Florence only in the following year),46 the problem about the Politeama was that the theatre kept on presenting operas that had been repeatedly performed and no longer guaranteed a turnover in the repertoire. Increasingly over the years protests were raised from various quarters.47 In *Il Proletario* it was stressed that, no matter how great the commitment of the artists concerned, "certain musical works can no longer generate enthusiasm. Te revolution has happened not only in the music itself, but also, like it or not, in the feelings of the public".48 Several months later *Il Proletario* returned to the topic: "while we are respectful of Verdi's melodies, we are also thirsty for new and bold stuf. Astonish us with all the music you want, but do not force us to swoon over the old tunes!"49 So even if works by young local composers had emerged, they perhaps had little chance of being performed in Pula. When the theatre in 1910 was sold by the heirs of Muzzatti to Petinelli, Pregel, Viezzoli and Mattiassevich, the *Südösterreichische Nachrichten* drew attention to the fact that the purchasers would be responsible also for the direct management of the theatre and expressed the hope that the change of

44 "Politeama Ciscutti", *Il Giornaletto di Pola*, 19.3.1907. The premiere of *Sarrona* was given four years earlier in Bruges. It was performed in Italian.

45 In 1883 the management of the journal *L'Arte* of Trieste printed the libretto of this opera (with the text by Giulio Gutersohn and music by Adolfo Baci) "to be performed for the first time at the Politeama Ciscutti in Pula" ("da rappresentarsi per la prima volta al Politeama Ciscutti in Pola").

46 Ambiveri, *Operisti minori*, p. 14.

47 For example about the 1893 season the following was written: "We would just like it that, precisely in order to guarantee that success in financial matters which the management and administration quite rightly expects, things were done in such a way as to stage at least one work of recent date in the course of the said opera season and that it should be, if not new for the majority of our public attending the Politeama Ciscutti, at least not so familiar (because heard many times) as the operas planned for the same season. This is a modest piece of advice we believe we must give." ("Noi vorremmo soltanto che appunto per garantire quel successo in linea finanziaria, che la Direzione ed amministrazione s'attendono ben giustamente, si facesse in modo di dare nel corso della stagione d'opera suddetta alle scene almeno un lavoro di più recente data e che fosse, se non nuovo per la maggioranza del nostro pubblico frequentante il Politeama Ciscutti, almeno non tanto famigliare, perché sentito molte volte, come le opere destinate per la stagione stessa. È un modesto consiglio che noi crediamo di dover dare."); "Il Politeama Ciscutti", *L'Eco di Pola*, 5. 8.1893.

48 "certe opere musicali non possono entusiasmare più. La rivoluzione è avvenuta non soltanto nella musica stessa ma anche, voglia o non voglia, nel sentimento del pubblico."; "Il Trovatore al Ciscutti", *Il Proletario*, 9.3.1904.

49 "se siamo rispettosi delle melodie verdiane, siamo anche assetati di roba nuova ed ardita. Sbalorditeci di tutte le musiche che volete ma non costringeteci a spasimare eternamente sui vecchi motivi!"; "Politeama Ciscutti", *Il Proletario*, 5.10.1904.

ownership would bring a greater alternation of old and new operas in the programming. Up until then, the repetition of repertoire operas had given the Politeama the reputation for being a somewhat conservative institution.50 At variance with this opinion was a comment in the periodical *La Fiamma*, that instead valued the fact that the theatre exclusively staged the "old Italian repertoire" (*vecchio repertorio italiano*): hearing the old operas was indeed "appreciated", especially if "the modern ones and the very new" failed to reach what it called a "strip of land severed from the life of the world".51 Te operas announced for 1912 with the impresa Borboni were therefore *La sonnambula*, *La traviata*, *Il barbiere di Siviglia*, *Fra Diavolo*, *Cavalleria rusticana*, *Pagliacci* and *Don Pasquale*. 52 With the advent of the War, according to the *Gazzettino di Pola*, no more productions were given in Italian from 1914 to 1918, though in actual fact another four operas were to be staged.53

But where could a willingness to see changes in the repertoire come from? In general terms, one potential factor could have been the competition between diferent venues in the various cities, whereas, we must admit, competition in the coastal region was low. Alternatively, it might have come from the audiences themselves, with a request for either diferent genres of opera or specifc works that contrasted with the traditional programming. We should ask ourselves, however, whether the audiences at these theatres were really capable of judging the quality of a new opera. Given their long schooling in Italian repertoire opera,

50 "If we survey the opera repertoire of recent years, we find nothing but repetition, and we look in vain for important works of old and new composers that have long since become popular elsewhere, but with us have only become partially so merely through the agency of the gramophone or piano reduction. A rejuvenation of the programme is very desirable."  Eine Verjüngung des Programms ist sehr wünschenswert."); *Verkauf des Politeama Ciscutti*, Südösterreichische Nachrichten, no. 8, 18. 4.1910.

51 "lembo di terra tagliato dalla vita del mondo"; "L'opera al Politeama Ciscutti", *La Fiamma*, anno II, no. 77, 22. 6.1912.

52 In the end only *La sonnambula* was performed, with just two performances, for the impresa decided that the season was too far advanced; "Il Politeama Ciscutti nuovamente chiuso", *Il Giornaletto di Pola*, 24.6.1912. There were negotiations for *Tosca* and *La traviata* in December, but the newspapers are silent on the matter. *Tosca* was given only in the following year to open the season.

53 "For four years we have been deprived of productions in the Italian language, and for four years we have vegetated in the German. Art, they say, is international. But not for us. […] The Company of German operetta will stop at Pula until May of next year. The Germans will be delighted and will enjoy themselves; the Italians will have to stay at home." ("Da quattr'anni siamo digiuni di spettacoli in lingua italiana, da quattr'anni vegetiamo nel tedesco. L'arte, dicono, è internazionale. Per noi, no. […] La Compagnia d'operette tedesche si fermerà a Pola sino a maggio del prossimo anno. I tedeschi goderanno, si divertiranno; gli italiani dovranno rimanere a casa."); "Le operette tedesche al Ciscutti. Il teatro rinnovato", *Il Gazzettino di Pola*, 8.10.1918.

how would they react to novelty? Moreover, by the end of the century it was not just the city bourgeoisie that was going to the theatre; audiences were increasing and diversifying. Workers and their families were now present in larger numbers; children now had special tickets at reduced prices; and at Pula, as is known, soldiers and ofcers always had seats at the theatre. It was also to cater to this audience that operetta started to carry more weight in the programming. In general, we can say, Pula was more strongly anchored to the past on operatic matters.

We have already noted that the theatre that mixed Italian opera with other genres most extensively was that of Split. In comparison with the other theatres Split seems to have had more contact with the hinterland, and in particular with Zagreb. For example, in the period considered, the works of Ivan Zajc – if we except the performance of his opera *Amelia ossia il bandito* at the Teatro Comunale of Rijeka on 4 April 1860 – were performed exclusively in Split. Most likely it is only there that an opera like *Nikola Šubić Zrinski* could have been well received, considering the underlying Croatian subject matter (which was very welcome to the new board of directors at the Teatro Nuovo).54 From Šibenik northwards as far as Pula his works never appeared to have been even proposed; or at least that is the impression left by the documentary evidence. At Rijeka it would have certainly been impossible to stage an opera in Croatian. And even at Zadar or Pula it is difcult to imagine a performance, though more because of the opera's subject matter. In the 1860s, after the success of the operetta *Der Meisterschuss*, Zajc signed a new contract in Vienna with the management of the Teater auf der Wieden (with better conditions than the previous one), though for only two years, since it was probable that after this period the composer would move to Paris, for "he has already received some advantageous proposals from the capital".55 Te management of the theatre had accepted a new work by Zajc, which was to be performed shortly thereafter.56 Tough he was born in Rijeka, and had been the director and *maestro concertatore*, as well as a teacher, at the local Istituto Filarmonico for stringed instruments, it was actually in Zagreb that Zajc found his niche, from as early as 1870, the year in which he began to direct the city's opera house (he was also director of the Conservatoire). It is here that his works began to be heard.57 A similar career path was followed by his pupil

54 On opera, Croatian nationalism and the Pan-Slavism that permeates it, see Vjera Katalinić, "Die opern von Ivan Zajc zwischen nationalismus und Panslawismus", *Studia Musicologica*, LII/1–4 (2011), pp. 189–200. Another study that highlights the ideology underlying opera is that of Rozina Palić-Jelavić, "Ideologemi u operi Nikola Šubić Zrinjski Ivana pl. Zajca", *Kroatologija*, III/1 (2012), pp. 54*–*89.

55 Lovro Županović, "Zajc, Ivan", *The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians*, vol. XXVII, p. 724.

56 "Notizie locali. Il distinto maestro Giovanni Zaytz", *La Bilancia*, 9.5.1868.

57 Zajc, like Nicolò Stermich for that matter, had studied at the conservatoire of Milan and graduated in September 1855. Immediately afterwards he returned to Rijeka and was given a position as conductor of the theatre's orchestra. Just a few years later, however, he moved to Vienna, evidently pursuing the more lucrative posts that other cities could offer. On his early years in Italy, see also Noemi Premuda,

Blagoje Bersa, who was born in Dubrovnik, though he trained at the Vienna Conservatoire and then in Zagreb with Zajc himself. After the War he remained in Zagreb and was active as a composition teacher at the music academy.58Again, his *Oganj* (*Der Eisenhammer*) was performed in the coastal region solely in Split in 1911, a few years after performances of *Andrija Čubranović* (1901) and *Cvijeta* (1896) by Vladimir Bersa.59 So again these were composer who developed their careers elsewhere, even though they came from the area, knew it and had even worked in it for a period of time. We have no certain news of a performance in Split of *Miniego e Dobrilla*, an opera by Michele Strino, director of the city's Società Filarmonica. What is certain is that it was given its premiere in 1886 at Zagreb, where Strino had already had his *Le sartine in Carnevale* staged in the previous year*.* Tis once again reinforces the connection between Split and Zagreb, which was exceptional and had no parallel with the other coastal institutions. Even a composer like Vatroslav Lisinski, whose works featured strongly in Zagreb, remained almost completely unrepresented in the Dalmatian and Istrian coastal area. His *Porin* was given at Split in the same opera season that had included the works by Vladimir Bersa and Ivan Zajc (1901).

A yet diferent situation was that posed by Franz Von Suppé [Suppè], a Dalmatian composer who was indeed well represented by his operettas, but was never honoured with a performance on Dalmatian soil of any of his four operas. Leaving aside *Virginia*, his frst opera which was never performed at all, it is signifcant that no staging was ever made even of *Des Matrosen Heimkehr/Il ritorno del marinaio* (Te Mariner's Return), a work that happens to include many references to Dalmatia, but was only heard at its premiere in Hamburg in 1885, sung in German.60 Moreover, the original score of 1885 published the text and all the stage

*Pet godina (1850–1855) Ivana Zajca na Konzervatoriju u Milanu*, [n.p.] 1998, p. 25, http://search-1ebscohost-1com-132m4xl480029.han.kug.ac.at/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rft&AN=A15236&site=ehost-live [accessed 1. 6. 2020].

58 On Blagoje Bersa (1873–1934), see the biographical entry by Koralijka Kos, "Bersa, Blagoje", in *Oesterreichisches Musiklexicon online* [accessed 9. 9. 2019], or the entry by Lovro Županović, in *Hrvatski biografski leksikon*, vol.I, Zagreb, 1983, pp. 708–710, or even Lovro Županović's study of his life and work: *Blagoje Bersa: Život i djelo*, Povijesni Muzej Hrvatske, Zagreb 1974.

59 *Cvijeta* was given in Zagreb only two years later, according to the entry drawn up by Lovro Županović in: *Hrvatski biografski leksikon*, vol.I, Zagreb, 1983, p. 712*.* But on this point, see also Nevenka Bezić Bozanić, *Novinske vijesti*, p. 428. On Vladimir Bersa, see also Hubert Pettan, *Hrvatska opera: Zajčevi suvremenici*, vol.I, Muzički informativni centar Koncertne direkcije, Zagreb 1969, pp. 83–140.

60 For information on the composer's works and his life, see the two studies by Zdravko Blažeković, "Franz von Suppé und Dalmatien", in *Studien zur Musikwissenschaft: Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich*, XLIII (1994), p. 253–272 and Nenad Veselić, "Il compositore spalatino Francesco De Suppè Demelli tra Zara e Venezia"*,* in *La civiltà teatrale e musicale tra le due sponde dell'Adriatico dai primi del '700 ai primi del '900*. Atti del Convegno (Šibenik, 1 June 2002). Part I. no. 4, vol. XXIV, new series 13, p. 81–87. Otto Schneidereit devotes an entire monograph to the composer in *Franz von Suppé: der Wiener aus Dalmatien*, Lied der Zeit, Berlin 1977. For a historical contribution contemporary with the

directions in two languages: Italian and German. Te work is set on the island of Lesina (Hvar) and the characters represent distinctive types found in 19th-century opera. Tere are also various allusions to Dalmatia, such as the typical Dalmatian names of the characters, the traditional dances of the area, or the Dalmatian anthem sung at the end of the opera.61 Various conjectures can be made on the reason why such a work should not be staged in his homeland. In general, we must never forget the possibility that the composer himself, given the opportunity, might have wished to have it performed elsewhere, i.e. in theatres of greater prestige. And we must also consider that, by law, the composer of an opera earned 15% of the gross receipts from each production if the work was staged in a theatre of the frst rank: a percentage that dropped to 12% for second-rank theatres and 10% for all other venues.62 It was in his interests, therefore, to press for stagings to be made primarily in the principal theatres. Secondly, staging new works was also expensive, with costs that theatres lacking public subsidies would especially have difculty coping with. Many impresarios, furthermore, preferred not to take risks and relied on the repertoire operas that would surely attract a larger audience. In this specifc instance we know that the opera was ofered to the management of the Teatro Nuovo of Zadar through the agency L'Arte. Even though the printed publicity of the agents Gaillard and Luigi Bolognesi asserted that "Te novelties *Gioconda* by M. Zeller […] and *Il ritorno del marinaio* by Suppè bode well for a favourable reception on your part", in the event the hoped-for reception did not materialise.63 Most likely it was a proposal that arrived along with many others and was quickly dropped as being unrealisable.

Hence for these local composers we cannot apply to the coastal theatres the notion of the 'decentralisation of opera', as understood and formulated by Clair Rowden.64 Decentralisation, i.e. the performance of operas in smaller theatres, was a way of guaranteeing certain composers the possibility of seeing work performed that otherwise stood no chance of being staged in the more important theatres. Here we see an opposite situation, for more often we are dealing with new works that were frst performed in more important theatres abroad and that (except in the case of Stermich) only returned to their homeland at a later date.

years in which the composer lived, see Giuseppe Sabalich, *Francesco Suppé e l'operetta*, Vitaliani, Zadar 1888.

61 The conductor Adriano Martinolli d'Arcy has in recent years published the score; http://www.editfiume.com/lavoce/cultura/18532-il-ritorno-del-marinaio-omaggio-di-supp-alla-sua-terra-natale [accessed 28.10. 2020]

62 See also Fabrizio Barbaranelli – Enrico Ciancarini, *Civitavecchia e il teatro: rappresentazioni e teatri dal XVIII secolo ad oggi*, Gangemi, Roma 2015, p. 83.

63 "Le novità *Gioconda* del M. Zeller […] ed *Il ritorno del marinaio* di Suppè ci fanno sperare una buona accoglienza dal canto vostro"; Printed brochure sent by G. Gaillard and L. Bolognesi to the theatre management of Zadar, [n.p.] [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 8.

64 Clair Rowden, "Decentralisation and Regeneration at the Théâtre des Arts, Rouen, 1889–1891", *Revue de Musicologie*, XCIV/1 (2008), pp. 139*–*80.

The opera buffa repertoire and the Lilliputian

companies

#### 5.3 The *opera bufa* repertoire and the Lilliputian companies

At times those bringing opera bufa (hence repertoire opera, for the most part) to the region were also companies of children. All the coastal theatres witnessed the passage of one or other of such troupes (referred to as *compagnie lillipuziane*). One that was widely known in the 1870s and 80s was the Compagnia Romana directed by Luigi Becherini, which toured with a group of youngsters (none of them over the age of sixteen). We fnd them at the Teatro Nobile of Zadar in 1877 performing *Don Checco* by De Giosa, Lecocq's *Figlia di Madama Angot* and *Crispino e la comare* by the Ricci brothers. Tis last-mentioned opera, *Crispino*, was then ofered by Becherini also to the Teatro Sociale of Gorizia in the same year,65 and arrived in June in Graz, where it was reviewed in the *Grazer Zeitung*. Mention here was made of a *kleine Orchester* accompanying the troupe. As a rule, such companies employed few instruments and almost always used a piano. Besides, as has already been noted, children's troupes did not require large orchestral forces, also to ensure a proper balance of sound in the theatre. A child's voice was always less powerful than an adult's, even if in this case the soloists were not so young, given that they are referred to in the press as "adult children" (*erwachsene Kinder*).66 For the most part the artists were adolescents. Tey also performed

65 *Il Goriziano*, anno II, no. 79, 8. 4.1877, p. 3.

66 "Last Wednesday, the Luigi Becherini Children's Operetta Society inaugurated a guest performance at the Municipal Theatre with the amusing opera *Crispino e la comare* by Luigi and Federigo Ricci, which is no longer unfamiliar here. The soloists are for the most part quite grown-up children. The chorus and the small orchestra are made up in the same way. It hardly needs to be mentioned that we are not dealing here with elements from which one can expect perfect dramatic and musical assurance. They are only surrogates that are intended to attract interest through their idiosyncrasies. From this point of view, the dramatic portrayal of older characters and types by such youthful figures offers an extremely comical picture, especially if everything is done with the appropriate grandeur and a certain delicacy, as the 'children' of the aforementioned company do. All in all, they are excellently trained, and they play and sing together in a way only to be found in Italian companies. The audience, which was not very numerous, received the performances of the young company very gratefully." ("Im Stadttheater eröffnete die Kinderoperettengesellschaft der Herrn Luigi Becherini vorigen Mittwoch ein Gesammtgastspiel mit der hier nicht mehr unbekannten, recht amüsanten Oper *Crispino e la comare* von Luigi und Federigo Ricci. Die Solisten sind grösstenteils ziemlich erwachsene Kinder. In gleicher Weise ist der Chor und das kleine Orchester zusammengestellt. Das man es hier nicht mit Elementen zu thun hat, von denen mann eine vollkommene dramatisch-musikalische Leitung erwarten kann, braucht kaum erwähnt zu werden.   Sie sind insgesammt vortrefflich geschult, spielen und singen zusammen, wie dies eben nur bei italienischen Gesellschaften gefunden wird. Das nicht sehr zahlreiche Publikum nahm die Leistungen der jungen Gesellschaft sehr dankbar auf."); "Theater, Kunst und Literatur", *Grazer Zeitung*, no. 123, 2. 6.1877, p. 3. Another troupe that toured with similar

in Rijeka, where it was commented that "the sixteen-year-old bufo Giovanni Spina plays the old president – and nonetheless this young group performs serious and comic opera, ballets and heaven knows what else; the connoisseurs of Zadar claim that the young artists do a better job than their adult colleagues".67 From these few lines we learn that the company also tackled the serious repertoire and that the genres it ofered were fairly eclectic (though it was the bufo repertoire that was principally featured in the coastal area). Te twelve-year-old tenor Valdeburgo Perozzi and the sopranos Amalia and Elvira Ferrara, of eleven and thirteen years respectively, were considered among the fner artists of the company, which incidentally performed without a prompter. Tis last fact was stressed in the press, as a way of emphasising the young artists' skill and independence.68 Becherini had expressed the intention to embark on a tour of Europe with the children, but we have no further details on the subject.69 What is certain is that the season was greatly appreciated, since they were invited back to Zadar fve years later, after which they immediately moved on to Šibenik with the addition of other works from their repertoire. Among them was Francesco Ruggi's *I due ciabattini*, an opera that enjoyed a certain, though short-lived, success at the time and had entered the repertoire of certain troupes specialising in opera bufa. One such company was that of Giovanni Pascucci, which staged *L'elisir d'amore* at Zadar in 1870. Tis time it was a singing and dancing company of children from Trieste, in which the prima donna was sixteen and the tenor twelve.70 Te children that Pascucci managed, however, changed their provenance depending on the area in which they happened to be working, for we fnd him directing both a company of children from Modena and a "singing company of youngsters from Brescia" (*Compagnia di canto dei Giovanetti Bresciani*).71

Another company encountered a few decades later is the Compagnia Lillipuziana of Ernesto Guerra, probably the best-known and largest of the troupes working in this sector. It arrived ofcially in Dalmatia in 1905, and visited both Zadar and Pula in the following

productions at the time was that of the Modenese children aged between 9 and 14, directed by Alfonso Ferrari, which also performed at Gorizia in 1870; see Lucia Pillon, *Ottocento goriziano (1815–1915)*. *Una città che si trasforma*, Editrice goriziana, Gorizia 1991, p. 219.

67 "il sedicenne buffo Giovanni Spina è il presidente anziano – e tuttavia questa giovane schiera eseguisce opere serie e comiche, balletti ed il cielo sa che cosa altro ancora; i zaratini intenditori sostengono che i giovani artisti se la cavino meglio che non i loro colleghi adulti."; "Sulla compagnia d'operette"*, La Bilancia*, 11.5.1877.

68 The announcement of a performance at the Stadt-Theater of Graz, as well as clearly specifying the ages of the young leads, particularly pointed out that "the whole show will be performed by children without a prompter". ("Die ganze Vorstellung wird von den Kindern ohne Souffleur gespielt."); "Stadt-Theater", *Grazer Zeitung*, 2. 6.1877.

69 "Sulla compagnia d'operette"*, La Bilancia*, 11.5.1877.

70 "Teatri", *Gazzetta Musicale di Milano*, XXV, no. 32, 7. 8.1870, p. 261.

71 Carlo Avetta – Carlo Falchi, *Teatri: luoghi di spettacolo e accademie a Montepulciano e in Valdichiana*, Editori del Grifo, Montepulciano 1984, p. 251.

year. It was proposed to Zadar by Guerra's agent, Simonetti, initially mentioning *Crispino e la comare* and *Fra diavolo*, then including other operas already in the repertoire, like the omnipresent *Il barbiere di Siviglia*, to be performed with a payment to the theatre of 40% of the gross takings. Two years later Ernesto Guerra wrote directly to Zadar, this time without Simonetti's agency, ofering six performances at the Teatro Verdi from 3 to 8 November. In his request (which arrived extremely close to the date, just three weeks before the proposed frst performance) he ofered six operas,72 performing one a day, in the manner adopted by the opera companies from eastern Europe. He had performed the same repertoire shortly before at the Burg Teater in Vienna, where the company was invited to return in 1909.73 As regards Pula, they were back again in 1907; indeed, here we fnd two diferent children's companies appearing in the city within fve months of one another. Teir performances flled the theatre and probably generated more curiosity than a normal opera production with adult singers.74 Te repeated presence of Guerra's company in the region in the early years of the 20th century can certainly be explained by the public's interest in spectacles of this type, but is surely also due to the organisational skill of both its director and the agents negotiating on its behalf.

Guerra's group, which was founded in Reggio Emilia towards the end of the 19th century, consisted of around forty boys and girls between the ages of ten and fourteen who were given lessons in music, diction, singing, acting, dance and instrument.75 Ernesto Guerra also collected these children from situations of privation and hardship; some were orphans, an example being Ersilia Sampieri, who joined the company at the age of ten and went on to become a celebrated singer-entertainer.76 All the children received a basic literary education

72 The operas proposed were *Lucia di Lammermoor*, *Carmen*, *Cavalleria rusticana, Il barbiere di Siviglia*, *Don Giovanni*, *La sonnambula*, or *L'elisir d'amore.* See Letter from Ernesto Guerra to the theatre management of Zadar, Rijeka, 12.10.1908, HR-DAZD, folder 26.

73 See Letter from Ernesto Guerra to the theatre management of Zadar, Rijeka, 12.10.1908, HR-DAZD, folder 26.

74 Even the visit of Guerra's Compagnia Lillipuziana to Split brought a full house, as recalled by Nevenka Bezić Bozanić: "Publika, zeljna senzacija, napunila je kazaliste, bez obzira na kvalitetu, a voda trupe imao je od toga zacijelo koristi" (The audience, and the desired sensation [they caused], filled the theaters, regardless of the quality, and the troupe certainly benefited from that"); Bezić Bozanić, *Novinske vijesti*, p. 409.

75 Enrico Paganuzzi – Pierpaolo Brugnoli, *La musica a Verona,* Banca mutua popolare di Verona, Verona 1976, p. 358 and Maurizio Festanti – Giuseppe Adani – Claudio Cigarini, *La biblioteca Panizzi di Reggio Emilia*, Silvana, Cinisello Balsamo 1997, p. 212. The company's brochure wrote of "children under the age of 12"; Brochure of the Compagnia Lillipuziana, [n.d.], HR-DAZD, folder 11.

76 This was the stage name of Ersilia Ambrosi; Romualdo Marrone, *Guida insolita ai misteri, ai segreti, alle leggende e alle curiosità di Napoli*, Newton Compton, Roma 2015 [ebook], [accessed through Google Books]. Regarding certain performances by this company at the Teatro Biondo of Palermo, the *Rivista di Roma* was to write: "From 3 to 10 November there took place at the Teatro Biondo of Palermo some delightful performances by the celebrated Compagnia Lillipuziana directed by the worthy Maestro

that reached the *quinta elementare*, or fnal level of primary education. Te girls learned embroidery and sewing, while the boys were also given lessons in musical instruments by the professors who travelled with the company, in such a way that when they became adults and the time came for them to move on, they would fnd themselves "prepared for the struggles of life, with a small reserve of money and initiated to an honest and remunerative profession".77 Among those who heaped them with praise at the time was the celebrated composer Perosi, who after hearing the Compagnia Lillipuziana wrote to Guerra from Florence as follows: "Dear Maestro! I assure you that I was left enthusiastic by the manner in which your dear children sing. I know not whether to admire your patience or your skill for having brought to such perfection a choir of such true artists".78 It also appears that the company toured with a fairly numerous and noisy claque, which was therefore able to infuence the outcome of their performances.79 Preserved in the theatre collections of the state archives of Šibenik and Zadar are photos of the children wearing stage costumes for the diferent operas. Such intensive advertising naturally bore a cost, but it nonetheless gave the theatre management a clear idea of what was being ofered with great immediacy. Te company, which had a very wide-ranging repertoire (also including works by Guerra himself),80 could put on an average of seven operas in any single season.81 How was it possible to achieve such results in a period of fnancial hardship? Given that it was a company made up of children, the artists' fees were in no way comparable to those of adult singers, which made it possible to save on the single item of expenditure that usually had the greatest impact on the budget: the artists' fees themselves. We can assume, however, that the revenue was used for the upkeep of the young performers and to ofer them the education they needed.

Ernesto Guerra, who with his rare skill and patience has succeeded in turning a fair number of children saved from the streets into genuine, small and wonderful artists." ("Dal 3 al 10 novembre hanno avuto luogo al Teatro Biondo di Palermo delle rappresentazioni deliziosissime della celebre Compagnia lillipuziana diretta dal valoroso maestro Ernesto Guerra, che con la sua rara abilità e pazienza ha saputo fare di un buon numero di bambini raccolti sul lastrico, dei veri e piccoli meravigliosi artisti."); *Rivista di Roma*, 1904, p. 698.

77 "preparati alla lotta della vita, con un gruzzoletto di quattrini, ed iniziati ad una onesta e rimuneratrice professione"; "Compagnia lirica lillipuziana in Pola", *Omnibus*, 7.5.1906.

78 "Caro Maestro! Lo assicuro che rimasi proprio entusiasta della maniera colla quale cantano i suoi cari bambini. Io non so se più ammirare la sua pazienza e il suo talento per avere condotti a tale perfezione un coro di tali veri artisti"; "La compagnia lillipuziana al Politeama", *Il Giornaletto*, 6.5.1906.

79 *Il Teatro illustrato,* 1908.