You will then let me know how far such ideas of mine are thought worthy of notice, or what other plan you would have me pursue. I will be hastening towards Petersbourg so as to get there or rather about the black sea at the time when I can have an answer to this. It is to Chremenchuk8 that you should beg Sir James Harris to

6 I.e. the replacement of North's ministry by that headed by Rockingham at the end of March 1782. Shelburne held office as a secretary of state.

8 Kremenchug, an important town on the left bank of the Dnieper, situated at 49° 03′ N., 33° 25′ E. At this time it was the temporary capital of the southern province

7 A passage of about a thousand words omitted. Samuel mentioned the possibilities of ship-building at Archangel and on the Black Sea, and discussed timber resources in south Russia and southern Poland. He speculated as to whether he might be employed in Russia or elsewhere abroad on behalf of the British government to get ships built for the British navy.

Sir.

134

forward my letters unless in consequence of any letters of later date from you I may see cause to change my plan and should of course write to Sir James other directions about the disposal of my letters. If you were to beg Sir James to send an express with my letters it would cost but 5 pounds English. ... 9

### 428

### F r o m C h a r l e s H a n b u r y 1

#### 19 July 1782

Hamburgh 19 July 1782.

I have received Your Letter of 30th April,2 which I must beg leave to defer answering fully 'till my Return from a Journey which I am about to make tomorrow for about a Month.—I should not have deferred writing You so long if the Books You ordered had been compleatly ready sooner. I now have the pleasure to tell You they are to go on board of Captn. Man, who will be ready to sail in abot. a Week or ten days—Inclosed You will find a Rect. for them, which will entitle You to recieve them from the Ship—The Account of their Cost will follow in my next. I am much obliged to You for the Account of Your Brother, who is become a great Traveller — We may probably soon hear of his having been Physician and Prime Minister to the Prince of Abyssinia, and having stepped over the Source of the Nile, like Mr. Bruce3 —but to do him Justice I believe him more inclined to be original, than an Imitator even of Mr. Bruce. His Shoes and Stockings etc. have

known as New Russia, of which Potëmkin was governor; and it was a transit point through which had to pass practically all supplies connected with the colonization of the south which Potëmkin was pressing forward with great vigour (E. I. Druzhinina, *Severnoye Prichernomor'e, v 1775–1800 gg,* Moscow, 1959).

9 A final passage of about 250 words is omitted.

**428.** 1 B.M. III: 295–6 Autograph. Docketed: '1782 July 19 / Hanbury Hamburgh / to / I.B. Linc. Inn. / Brought to Chambers / July 27. Reced by / mistake not till Aug. 3d.'

Addressed: 'Jeremy Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn / London.' Two postmarks, the first indecypherable, the second, 'IV/30.'

For Samuel Bentham's meeting with Hanbury during the course of his journey to Russia, see letter 333, n. 1.

2 Missing.

3 James Bruce (1730–94), carried out a number of explorations in North Africa, the Levant, and Abyssinia between the time of his resignation from his post as British consul in Algiers in 1765 and his final return to Scotland in 1775. He claimed to have discovered the source of the Nile.

been in the mean time travelling to Russia and are returned safe to Hamburgh—I shall cause them to be redelivered to you by some Opportunity—I hope to have the Satisfaction of enjoying Your Friendship on my Return to England, and in the meantime I beg You will be assured that I am very ready to do You any Service being with Esteem

Sir,

Your sincere hble. Sert. C. Hanbury.

Jeremy Bentham Esqr.

At my arrival here I was most vexatiously disappointed at not finding a letter from you. Yet I am certain that upon the change of the Ministry you must have had something to say to me. The packet containing the last news I had from England I answered from Irkutsk by a long letter which on account of the time I sent it should reach you before this: but on account of the different manner of its going probably this will follow close after. My last news then from England except what I learn by the Russian Gazettes is of the 21st Octr. 1781 nearly 10 months ago. This delay in sending me letters I attribute to the impossibility that my freinds at Petersbourg think there is to send letters to any person in Siberia. The truth is the post goes every week and there is no more difficulty with respect to the examination of letters or any other account whatever in sending letters to Siberia than to any other part of the Russian or for what I know any other Empire. One letter and one only I have reason to believe is lost in its way to me, but that probably was [*several words crossed out*] not sent by the post.

The Gazettes tell us that the Duke of Richmond2 has reduced

**429.** 1 B.M. III: 297–8. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: 'S.B. to J.B. 2 Aug. O.S. 1782 / Barnaoul.'

2 In March 1782 Charles Lennox (1735–1806), 3rd Duke of Richmond, took the post of Master General of the Ordnance in the second Rockingham administration. He immediately mounted a crusade for economy within his department (Alison Gilbert Olson, *The Radical Duke,* 1961, p. 74).

the yearly expences of his department 400,000£. God grant it may be true! God grant also that the same spirit of Œconomy and patriotism may inspire those who preside in other departments! and that particularly with respect to the Marine that it may be perceived that everything is not as it were to be wished it should be and as it may be made to be. Inspired by the hopes that what I might have to say on the subject might now meet with some attention I wrote 2 or 3 Sheets on the (Economy of the Dockyards while I was descending the Angora river to Jeneseisk3 which with what I had before written at different times during my journey and while at Petersbourg will make a very considerable addition to what you know of my having on the subject. /On the other hand/ my judgement being become more comprehensive than it was when I left you I see the frivolousness of some few of my former ideas. /and on that account/ [*two words crossed out*] Upon reflection the errors of my own and of your judgement also seem to have had one general and frequent source namely that passionate desire of making *every* thing perfect, without sufficient attention to the relative importance of the different subjects which present themselves. Hence it has frequently happened that we have laboured long to effect a purpose very little worthy our attention. The consequence of this is not only a waste of time but an injury to one's reputation. The public seems much rather to support /admit of/ a man's doing nothing, than of his being occupied about what appears trifling. So in writing I [*words crossed out*] cant help being affraid of an appearance of an overgreat accuracy and of your pursuing your examinations and observations to too minute details. A reader will not readily pardon your leaving nothing for his invention to supply; the little confidence you put thereby in his understanding perhaps even touches his vanity; besides when the ideas are very consequent they rise in his mind before he can have time to read the words by which you impart them thus he is under the tiresome necessity of entertaining the same trifling idea twice. The motive I believe of this over accuracy is more often that of appropriating to yourself the whole of the merit by shewing you had those ideas than out of any apprehension that the reader might not have them, /at least I think I have caught myself acted upon by such a motive./ I do not precisely recollect from what particular

3 The river Angara in central Siberia rises out of Lake Baykal and follows a course over a thousand miles, first northward, then westward, eventually joining the upper waters of the Yenisey. Yeniseysk lies some distance downstream (north-west) from this confluence, at 58° 27′ N., 92° 13′ E., and at this period was an important commercial and administrative centre.

examples in your writings that I entertain these fears. I think however they may be seen in the View of the hard labour bill, perhaps respecting the devise for ornaments to the building, perhaps in your examination of instruments of punishment, or /perhaps in the consideration of/ means of marking the Convicts.4

### 430

### F r o m S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### 28 August/8 September 1782

#### Tobolsk August 28th 1782 O.S.

At Omsk fortress2 on the frontiers of the Empire towards the Kirgisian territories, I learnt by the Russian Gazettes of Rodney's success in the West Indias.3 At my arrival here yesterday I learnt the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, of his being succeded by Ld. Shelburne and the further changes in the Ministry.4 The post arrived today brings the disagreable news of the critical situation of Ld. Howe who with only 22 sail seems liable to be exposed to and even determined to engage with the combined fleet of the enemy amounting to 40 sail. Some little hopes the same papers give us /indeed/ that our fleet may be reinforced to 35 sail if so (as according to my calculation Ld. Howe's abilities =⅛ in addition to the force in a clearer expressed 35 + Ld. Howe's abilities = 40) we shall be a match for them.5 Such very interesting public news together with

4 For the respective passages in *A View of the Hard Labour Bill,* see Bowring, iv, 32–3, 10, 20–2.

**430.** 1 B.M. III: 299–300. Autograph. No address or docket.

2 Founded in 1716 at the confluence of the Om and Irtysh rivers, 55° N., 73° 20′ E., Omsk, during most of the eighteenth century, was one of a line of forts forming the defences of south-western Siberia.

3 This was Rodney's victory over de Grasse at the Battle of the Saints, 12 April 1782, which checked any aggressive move by the French in the West Indies for that year. De Grasse was taken prisoner and five French warships captured (P. Mackesy, *The War for America, 1775–1783,* 1964, pp. 457–9).

4 Rockingham died on 1 July 1782. Shelburne succeeded him as First Lord of the Treasury and chief minister. Thereupon Charles James Fox and the members of the Cavendish connection, who had aspired to dominate the administration, resigned their offices.

5 Early in July, while cruising off the Scillies to cover the arrival of the Jamaica convoy, Howe encountered the joint Franco-Spanish fleet in much superior strength. In hopes of getting a windward position to compensate for his inferior numbers he boldly sailed his squadron northward through the treacherous strait between the Scillies and Land's End. A storm dispersed the Bourbon fleet to the southward and the convoy, arriving a little later, had a safe passage into the Channel. Rumours

the circumstance of my not having received a single letter from England of a date later than October last makes me anxious to an extreme degree to reach Petersbourg and therefore almost in'cable of supporting the least delay in my journey.

The opening the new mode of Jurisdiction in this Government takes place here the day after tomorrow and though this is what I wished much to be present at and had promised to stay for, yet upon the receipt of this last news I lost all patience I went directly to the Governor General for the purpose of taking my leave. Nothing however would he hear about taking leave, he vowed to me that he would not let me have horses /till/ the day after tomorrow and in short will not permit me to set off before that time. In the mean time 'tis true I shall rest myself after my a little which upon the whole may not be time lost. . . .6

How Vexatious it is that I cannot know a syllable of what you write. My anxiety to know what you are about (which increases at every place I come to where I had expected to find letters) is now got to such a degree that I know not scarcely what I do At such a time as this certainly you must be otherwise employed than in the pursuing your former works. For my part /when I reflect on the probability of my being employed now in founding the dockyard works were I at home and at the same time read of the reinforcement for Ld. Howe not being ready I am as it were ready to [...?]/ the hopes I have that what I have to say may now meet with some attention my Zeal is without bounds. Was I in authority I should I believe never sleep but in my way from one dockyard to another. Messrs. The Commissioners of the navy and dockyard officers should have no more rest than I have /now/ on my journey. The fear of such a whip before their eyes as one of my Grenadiers puts life into the postillions with when they are lazy, would make these Gentlemen a little more alert. A little Russian discipline would now work wonderfull changes in such *lukewarm* dispositions. The master Shipwright himself when he has nothing better to do should blister his hands in setting an example to the workmen. Not one bit of ornament or accomodation for an officer should be a moment's delay. Is it possible that Carved work and mouldings, planing and polishings make at such a time as this a part of the employment of these workmen whose labour is of such great value /moment/? Is an hour in the day that is ½ day in the week *still* spent in cutting up and

about the reinforcements available to Howe were greatly exaggerated—no doubt deliberately (P. Mackesy, op. cit., pp. 478–9).

6 A passage about his plans for returning speedily to St Petersburg is omitted.

secreting of *chips*? Is it by such lying reports that the Lords of Admlty as well as Navy board or whosoever else it may concern still judge of the progress of the works in the dockyard? They would get better information from the newspapers.

### 431

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

#### 3 October 1782 (Aet 34)

Brompton Oct. 3. 1782. near Chatham

Hond. Sir

I have been looking out I don't know how long for the pleasure of a letter from you: your plan being of the itinerant kind, and mine stationary, I took it for granted you would let me know as soon as you were fixed. Possibly you may already have sent me a letter which owing to a misapprehension of my *homme d'affaires* in town, may have failed hitherto of coming to hand. As a letter I received from him last night contains some public intelligence to which you might not otherwise have access, I do not know but I may send it you with this.2

An enclosure which will be rather more interesting to you is a pretty long letter of Sam's dated Irkutsk June 16th that is the 27 1782.3 I received it last night, but not till after the post was gone: what part of it I shall send you by this post, or whether any part I can not yet determine, as I must keep it by me till I have had time to send him the answer he requires.4 You will regret with me that the account I gave him through Lord Shelburne's repeated importunities of the conversations I had with his Lordship relative to him, that this I say added to the accounts which had since reached him of the change of the ministry should have produced the effect which it appears to have produced upon him. At the same time you will doubtless rejoice with me at the prospect he has of /any one of/ three different establishments /which/ all of them promise to be lucrative to a very extraordinary degree, and two of which probably,

**431.** 1 B.M. III: 301–2. Autograph. No address or postmark. Docketed: 'fils Jeremy / Lr. datd. Brompton / Octr. 3 1782.'

2 Missing.

3 Letter 427. This letter had arrived before letter 424, which did not reach Bentham till the end of October (see letter 434).

4 This 'answer' is missing.

certainly one of them, wait only for his acceptance. One is the undertaking the management of Baron Strogonoff's salt-works:5 another is the undertaking the management of works of various kinds belonging to a person whose name he has thought it prudent not to mention, but who I think must be Mr. Dimidoff.6 The third is the farming an iron mine of the Crown.7 The second you will find he is actually pressed to undertake: the first you will see reason to think from the enclosed would be at his option: the third he /himself/ thinks he should obtain were he to apply for it. As the terms Mr. Dimidoff has declared his willingness to accede to are precisely the same as those you will see were approved of by Baron Strogonoff, you will be perfectly able to judge of the nature of them, though in the instance of the former he has given us no *data* from which we can judge of the precise nature of the undertaking, or of the profits to be reaped from it. The sheets I now send you, to confess the truth came with his last letter. I forbore shewing them to you, first, because as you will see he desired it,8 and secondly because I did not like you should be harrassed with projects which might prove abortive. As he has it now absolutely in his power to engage in a plan which he seems to prefer even to that very advantageous one, this latter objection as well as the former is now at an end. Till I knew of this of Dimidoff's, I was a little vexed at his not closing immediately with the other; though at the same time I imagined several other good reasons as possible at least which to you I feared might not prove so satisfactory as to me. Within a day

5 In two long letters, one dated 2/13 December 1781 but completed on the Russian New Year's Day 1782, and the other of 2/13 January 1782 (B.M. III: 268–9 and 278–80), Samuel Bentham gave a full narrative of his encounter with the wealthy Count Aleksandr Sergeyvich Stroganov (1733–1811), a member of a notable family of Siberian entrepreneurs, a favoured councillor of Catherine II, a count of the Holy Roman Empire, and a patron of the arts and sciences. At Stroganov's request Samuel made an examination of the count's salt-works at Solikamsk, put forward a number of suggestions for improvement, and outlined terms on which it might be worth while to a western expert to engage to make improvements. He was tempted himself by the prospects: 'A man I dare to say may be found, but why not undertake it myself? to clear by the salt works only about 50 or 60 thousand pounds in 10 years without any capital and without the necessity of above one or two years residence on the spot is no such contemptible object. I have already pretty well invented all the machines necessary for the improvement /of/ these works.' And after a further consideration on paper of various technical improvements he reached the conclusion that the profit might even reach the figure of £100,000.

6 Bentham's guess was incorrect. The person concerned was Potëmkin. See letter 427, n. 4.

7 Ibid.

8 In his letter of 2/13 January 1782 (B.M. III: 278), Samuel had written, without explanation: 'I would rather you should not show my father this nor the other small sheet.'

or two after I received the sheets herewith inclosed, I wrote to him a long letter /turning/ chiefly upon the philosophy of the Salt-works, and the manner of negotiating with the Baron: this latter part in French, that being the language in which the treaty would be carried on. The warmth with which I enter'd into that project, with /some/ other circumstances which I cannot particularly recollect will I am sure be sufficient to stop the alteration which you will see he had thoughts of making in his plans in consequence of what I had written to him by the direction of Lord Shelburne.9 That letter he must have had a chance of receiving very soon, after the time of his writing that which I have just recieved; and if that should not have been sufficient, I wrote him another a month after. He will therefore have received /some sort of/ satisfaction as to that point long before the period which you will see he says he should look out for, viz: that of a letter's reaching him /from me/ in answer to this last of his, which letter *ex majore* cautilâ I am now writing. He acknowledges the receipt of your two letters: the last he had received from us was one of mine written from Thorpe the 21 Octr.

The Bell-man is ringing, and I must put a speedy period to this letter—Sam's you may look for in a post or two.

The /real/ profits of the mine, which he says he thinks he could get the farming of he estimates at £12,000 a year after the two first years, which two first years would not be altogether without their profit. Bolton and Watt from whom he says he had the idea of the terms, are getting I have been told at the rate of 60,000£ a year by Watt's improvement on the Steam-Engine. What I now send is all that remains of Sam's last letter but one.10

My best respects wait upon my mother—What news from Scotland.

I may possibly make use of the frank to 'Patrick Barclay Esqr. Bath' in my next.—

> Your's dutifully and affectionately Jeremy Bentham.

Wolsey11 is very well and goes about with a stick by himself: I have seen him several times. He has let the house built in the room of that you were in; and lives in another hard by.

9 That is, written at the end of Bentham's stay at Bowood.

10 The letter of 2/13 December 1781, B.M. III: 268–9.

11 Not identified.

### 432

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

#### 5 October 1782 (Aet 34)

#### Brompton near Chatham Oct. 5 1782.

Hond. Sir

I wrote to you the day before yesterday by a frank of Mr. Gascoyne's.2 I now enclose Sam's promised letter:3 you have every scrap of paper that belongs either to that or the former one. You, /who/ have the convenience of books and maps, I wish you would be kind enough to tell me whether you can meet with any thing about *Chremenchuk* and *Barnaoul,* and what /longitudes and/ latitudes they are respectively in: *Irkutsk,* the place the letter is dated from, we both know. I remember visiting it with you not only upon Voltaire's map,4 but upon the globe. If you have a mind to astonish the politicians at Bakers (is it not?) with the extent of your political intelligence, you may tell them as a great secret, that Franklin has had a fit of the apoplexy from a (see the other leaf)5 retrograde gout, as I am informed by a friend of mine, /a physician/ who 〈...〉 to see him: but that on the 16th of last month (the day when my friend's letter was dated) which was three weeks after the fit, he was pretty nearly recover'd: on such a text, at this critical period, with a little management, a sermon of decent length, might I humbly conceive, be preached.

The ground I tread on here is classic ground. 'Give us our rights' lives next door but one:6 and Capt. Douglas /the engineer/ author of the anonymous imitation of Sterne entitled Travelling Anecdotes,

**432.** 1 B.M. III: 303–4. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jerey Bentham / Two letters dated at / Brompton near Chatham / Kent the 3rd and 5th Octr. / 1782.' He added another docket: 'Barnaoul / Chremenchick.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Bath.'

2 Probably Bamber Gascoyne (1725–91), of Bifrons, Barking, Essex, m.p. for Truro (see letter 342, n. 9). However his son of the same name was also sitting in parliament at this time, for Liverpool.

3 Letter 427.

4 The first edition of Voltaire's *Histoire de l'Empire de Russie sous Pierre le Grand,* 2 vols., Paris, 1759, included two maps of Russia between the preface and p. 1. Bentham and his father may have been consulting this, or one of the later editions (1760 and 1775).

5 These four words were added by Bentham at the foot of the page.

6 Major John Cartwright (1740–1824), the radical reformer. *Give us our Rights! or, A letter to the Present Electors of Middlesex and the Metropolis,* one of his best-known pamphlets, was published in 1782.

a stock book I warrant you at Bakers's, is somewhere in the camp.7 The Duke of Richmond at the review here was observed to take a good deal of notice of Major Cartwright, a bird of his own feather.8

The length of my last will account for, and, I hope, excuse, the shortness of this. Once more therefore adieu, and believe me ever your's dutifully and affectionately

#### Jeremy Bentham.

I hope it will not be long before I hear of the gouts you would have had, had it not been for the waters: and of the stock of health you have laid in against the winter.

### 433

### F r o m S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### 11/22 October 1782

Petersbourg October 11th 1782.

I arrived here the day before yesterday this was 10 days later than I had intended and should have done had I not stopt at Wolidimer a town 150 versts on the other side of Moscow2 while I sent here to have my letters forwarded to meet me at Moscow. The reason of my wishing to receive my letters before I came here was the assurance I was in to receive a letter from you in answer to the last I sent from Irkutsk3 in which I desired your advice respecting various matters and which it would have been infinitely better that I should receive before my return here. Finding however no letter from you or any body in England I came on here full of hopes of having some news from you from some body here. But how great is my vexation at not being able to learn one syllable of

7 Captain James Douglas (1753–1819) published in 1782 his *Travelling Anecdotes,* a description of a journey through Europe told rather in the manner of Sterne's *Sentimental Journey.*

8 At this time the Duke of Richmond, like Cartwright, favoured constitutional reforms of an extreme kind, including universal male suffrage.

**433.** 1 B.M. III: 305–6. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1782 Oct. 11 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / I.B. Lincs. Inn / Shairpe.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esq. / Lincolns Inn / London'; readdressed: 'At Mrs Davies's / Brompton / near Chatham.' Postmark: '. ..NO.' Stamp: 'stpetersbourg.' Note: 'Opened by G.W and J.T.'

2 Vladimir, about 120 miles east of Moscow, situated at 56° 8′ N., 40° 20′ E. A small town of little commercial importance—it was a centre mainly for local trade it had recently (1778) been made the administrative centre of a generality.

3 Letter 427, which had only reached Bentham on 2 October (letter 431).

news from you. As you must have /been surprised/ that you had not received more regularly news from me, I should have thought you would [have] addressed yourself to Sir James Harris or at any rate to Hynam to make some enquiries about me. Besides if you meant that I should come home and that by the way of Sweden and Denmark I could not but expect that you to be furnished with further credit at some of the merchants' houses for that purpose. Tis true I know of 2 parcels of letters which have missed me and are sent to distant parts of the country from whence they cannot return [*words crossed out*] for some weeks, now am I to stay here an indefinite time to wait for these letters the contents of which most probably are to advise me to be as expeditious as possible on my return, or am I trusting to that probability to resolve on setting off as soon as possible and contrary to all my former resolutions about money matters, take advantage of the credit I have from freindship and run a risk of rendering myself unpardonable in my father's /eyes/ and unhappy to desperation. The last letters I have from you namely of the 24th of October4 now a year ago I read over and over again and when I attend only to their contents I cannot but resolve to [*two words crossed out*] set off for Stockholm directly. But to do this I must be indepted here at least 400 pounds. 200 I have already drawn upon Mr. Shairpe5 for while I was on my journey, and for expences I must now be at here, together with those on the way home, I cannot take less than 200 more. He 'tis true without my asking has offered to supply me with that or more. My determination is after a most tormenting consideration to accept of Shairpe's offer and set off as soon as I have taken leave of tho〈se〉 in this country to whom I am under so great obligations.6 This will be perhaps a week or a little more. I believe I shall pass by Abo. I cannot hear from you in answer to this until I reach Copenhagen. By the next post I will give you further instructions about places where I may find letters from you. If those letters encourage me in my return I may see you before the year is out. But if by this step I have displeased my freinds God knows when I shall see you. Adieu.

4 Probably a mistake for 21st of October [1781], referred to in letters 427 and 431 but if not, this is yet one more missing letter of Bentham's.

5 Walter Shairp, British consul at St Petersburg from 1776 till his death in 1787.

6 Samuel did not adhere to this intention. A scrap of paper in his hand dated 22 October 1782 O.S. (B.M. III: 311) states: 'Here am I still and I cannot as yet fix the day of my departure. When I was at Court on Sunday the Empress did me the honour to express a wish of talking with me and therefore till she gives me an opportunity of doing so I cannot think of setting off. After that I must spend a day at Cronstadt and 2 or 3 more in taking leave.' In fact he was kept dangling round the court for many weeks and by the time he could have gone he had decided to stay.

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

#### 1 November 1782 (Aet 34)

#### Brompton Novr. 1: 1782.

Hond. Sir

145

 Many thanks to you for your account2 of that 'immensely distant place *Kiachta*': whereupon, be pleased to take notice that I have now lying before me a letter dated half of it from that same Kiachta, and the other half from Irkutsk: the former Feb. 16/27, the latter April 15/26.3 I have had it by a week or more, but on account of its staleness scarcely thought it worth writing about on purpose. It is short, and was written only for the purpose of announcing some good things he had been sending for us from that same Russo-Chinese town, from which or at least from the government in which it is situated, the Kamchatka trade is also carried on. Teas of various sorts, silks, indian inks, minerals, and above all some delicious rhubarb for you, enough to make one's mouth water but to think of. All sew'd up in raw hides: but God knows when, if ever, we shall set eyes on it. As to the letter I shall not I [think] send it by this conveyance, partly because I have ne'er a frank to Q.S.P. partly because I don't care to let it run any unnecessary risks, and partly because it will not be long before I shall hope for the pleasure of delivering it to you in person. I imagine in about a fortnight: if I outstay that term any time to signify I will contrive to let you have a copy.

The observation made in your second letter4 with relation to Sam's throwing out to me the idea of engaging *Mosberry*5 admitts of a very satisfactory answer: the letter though addressed to me,

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' Postmark: '〈...〉 NO.'

3 Letter 424.

4 Missing.

**434.** 1 B.M. III: 312–3. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jerey Bentham / Lr. datd. Brompton near / Chatham Kent Novr. 1st 1782.'

2 Missing.

5 The final passage omitted from the printed text of letter 427 which alluded to the idea of building ships in Russia for the British navy begins: 'For any schemes of Shipbuilding here it might be proper to send such a man as Mosberry.' On Mosberry see letter 383, n. 10. Samuel had thought of recruiting him on a number of previous occasions, but he had then shown reluctance (see *Correspondence,* ii, 350 and n., 387, 397, 430, 437, 507 n., 516, and 519).

was written for Lord Shelburne: nor was there to be any question about Mosberry's going, but upon the condition of his being sent on the account and in the pay of government; which might very well have taken place /if necessary, as Sam proposed/, without his knowing who the money came from. This consideration of the letters being an ostensible one, it will be necessary to bear in mind throughout, in order to put a right construction on several passages in his letter it: but all these are matters that will very well wait for our discussion till we meet.

As to the question concerning the personality of his great friend whom he has it in his choice to close with, my inference concerning Dimidoff was drawn /principally/ from the very passage from which you drew the contrary one. I could not very well imagine to whom the epithet of the greatest proprietor in the whole Empire could well belong to unless it were to a man who in his life could afford to spend £150,000 upon one single charity, which is what Cox in his account of the Russian prisons (a pamphlet which I shewed you once) says Dimidoff laid out upon an hospital at Moscow.6 As to his /Sam's/ mentioning Dimidoff as a third person, I thought that might perhaps only be a blind as I have known him I forget on what occasions lay great stress upon the necessity he said there was of being a good deal upon the reserve with regard to names. Upon farther consideration however it has appeared to me not improbable but that the person might be Count *Resamousky*7 whom he mentions in a letter written not a great while after his first arrival at Petersburgh as having about 70,000 £ a year. It was at this man's house I believe that Sam dined in company with the Empress, which squares very well with what he 〈said a〉bout the persons interest /at court/ being so strong.

The circumstance that Sam alludes to in the conversations that passed between Ld. Shelburne and me relative to him was one which I suppose did not occurr to me at the time of my giving you an account of those conversations. It was, that of his Lordship's advising that on his return home he should not omitt visiting the dockyard in Sweden and Denmark. In reply to that, I talked of the expense such a measure would require, and of the opportunities he had of staying where he was and trying some experiments from the success of which he had expectations, without any such expence.

6 Archdeacon William Coxe, the historian, published in 1781, *An Account of Prisons and Hospitals in Russia, Sweden, and Denmark.* Demidov is mentioned at p. 14.

7 Probably the extremely wealthy Count Kirill Grigor'yevich Razumovskiy (1728– 1803), until 1764 last Hetman of the Ukraine.

Then came the offer about the house at Wycomb, and the thousand pound, and so forth as I told you, and as I told him not omitting at the same time to express my wonder at so extraordinary a proposal, and my doubts about the sincerity of it; which doubts however it would have been very improper for him to have ecchoed back in a letter intended for his Ldships. eye.

I am sorry I omitted answering your second letter before you left Bath, which from that letter I had no idea of your quitting so soon.

 Here I am and this is all I can tell you as yet. As the Empress has done me the honour to tell me that she would wish to talk to me, it certainly depends upon her fixing a time. I have received at last a letter from you of a late date, but what alteration that may make in my determinations I cannot as yet let you know. In either case be of good cheer. I dispatched by the Kingston a vessel belonging to the duchess of Kingston2 formerly her yatcht now a merchantship under russian colours, 10 boxes and parcels directed for Lord Shelburne. I took the liberty of directing them to his Lordship partly because a part of the contents are destined for him and partly that the people at the custom house might be more civil. I must write to his lordship to explain the matter.3

The box of books and a parcel including a letter of the 15th of August 17814 is come to hand but no Phosporus have /I/ as yet found. Adieu for the present.

You know all letters are opened, but that is nothing.

**435.** 1 B.M. III: 314–15. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1782 Nov. 8/19 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / J.B. Linc. Inn. / Cathn. visenda.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esqr. / Lincolns Inn / London.'

2 The notorious Elizabeth Chudleigh (1720–88). See letter 248, n. 1.

3 This, an entirely non-committal letter, was written on 25 November 1782 O.S. (B.M. III: 316–17).

4 Missing.

I am very happy in the freindship of the young Prince Dashkoff:5 did you know him?

 Here I am still and the Lord only knows how long I shall be here. By one of the last ships which sailed from this port I sent so much of my minerals other natural productions etc. as have reached this place. There were 10 separate parcels the boxes marked G. H. I. and K. you should open because they contain a mixture of things, the rest contain minerals only, except the large basket which contains *stuffed birds.* The box I is rather smaller than the rest and covered with green oiled cloth, it contains 5 bottles of Astrackan wine.... 2

I received yours of the | | of November3 and have written to Mr. Eden4 at Copenhagen to beg him to forward to me the letters you tell me you sent there. I directed all these parcels to Ld. Shelburne in hopes that the contents would be less rummaged and damaged in the custom house.  He was brought up to have command of a number of foreign languages, including English (which the letters in the Bentham papers show that he wrote with idiomatic fluency), and he spent a period at the university of Edinburgh which awarded him its degree of m.a. In 1782 he was attached to Potëmkin as an adjutant, and from 1783, when he was made a colonel (at the age of 20), he engaged seriously in a military career. He and his mother were on bad terms, and later on Samuel, on at least one occasion, tried to pour oil on the troubled waters of their relationship.

**436.** 1 B.M. III: 318–20. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1782 Dec. 13/24 / S.B. Petersbourg / to / I.B. Linc. Inn / Inclosing Sambouski's. Reced Jan. 24.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn / London', and, 'Via Ostende'. Postmark illegible. Stamped 'st petersbourg'.

Copy in Jeremiah Bentham's hand, B.M. III: 321.

2 A passage of about 150 words detailing the contents of various parcels is omitted.

3 Missing. The date was omitted by Samuel.

4 Morton Eden (1752–1830), later 1st Baron Henley, British envoy extraordinary at Copenhagen from 1779 to 1782.

put in order.5 In the meantime you will take possession of the whole .. .. 6

You have however magnets enough I hope. On espère que si vous n'avez pas d'autres qualités, vous deviendrez au moins *attraiant* par là et moi comme un imbecile, je vous ai envoyé toute ma portion d'attraits. Je m'en apperçois helas trop tard! This is feminine dictation.7

Comme je ne vous reverrai pas bientôt encore, mon cher frère, je veux que vous ayez une idée de ce que je suis apropros[?]. Me voici, il me semble que je suis un *demi* degré moins gauche que lorsque je suis parti de l'angleterre. J'ai pris un peu de coquetterie, ce qui fait que j'ai soin que mes habits soient mieux faits, que j'ai des manchettes propres à l'habit que je porte. Il me paroit aussi que je marche moins mal, et que je salue avec un peu plus de grâce, et quand je me tiens tranquile je ne me jette pas si fort en arrière. Voici ce que concerne ma figure. Quant à ce que je peux avoir acquis en fait de connaissances, sciences, etc. etc. etc. je n'en parlerai point. Je veux vous donner le plaisir de les decouvrir petit à petit, pour ce qui concerne la langue françoise, vous voyez comme je l'écris; mais je n'ose me flatter de parler aussi bien; car je trouve des gens assez francs pour rire à gorge déployée de quelques unes de mes expressions. Pour ce qui s'agit de ma conduite, je ne puis cesser de m'étonner, mon cher frère, que vous ayez pû me laisser aller sans guide clair-voyant; car il y a des occasions ou je suis aussi *helpless* qu'un enfant de quatre ans; et si je n'avois trouvé des âmes charitables qui voulussent bien me servir de (нянкa) /(a kind of russian nurse)/ et qui me disent, ne faites pas çeci, faites ça, n'allez pas là, allez ici, je ne puis pas répondre de tout ce que ma maladresse, mon peu de prévoyance auroit pu me faire faire. Ç'aurait été à vous à repondre de tous les accidens, désagréments, malheurs, catastrophes, dans lesquels je me serois precipité. Mais j'ai eu le talent de me faire des amis, voilà mon bonheur. Vous sçavez que la *faiblesse* et l'*ignorance* sont quelquefois *intéressantes.*—Sachez, mon cher frère, que je suis intéressant dans plus d'un genre, car on m'assure que j'ai fait quelques conquettes dans ce pays, la première par où je débutoit à mon premier sejour ici étoit brillante, mais j'étois une bête alors. Je fis le dédaigneux et l'on me planta là; et l'on dit tout haut que j'étois un imbecile. Depuis je suis devenu plus

5 B.M. III: 316–17.

6 About six lines relating to his mineral collections omitted.

7 These four words were added afterwards at the foot of the page.

prudent et plus coquet. Je ne traite pas ces choses avec autant de rusticité

—————

All this French you will perceive to be dictated par un esprit feminin. I am chiefly indebted to the dictatrice for what little improvement I have made in the french language, but as to any further consequence of such a liason you have neither to hope or to fear.

I am busy at present in writing a paper of my observations on *cases meet for improvement* in the economy of the works which constitute the greatest part of the riches of the country I have been visiting. In a day or two it will be finished and soon afterwards presented. I shall then be able to give you some news that will be interesting.

I have received yours of which the last date is Novr. 21st.8

The thoughts of abandoning such brilliant prospects were the effect of an excess of sincere patriotism and a greater excess of what might be stiled pretended.9 Neither were the grounds on which they were to be abandoned so slender as they appear to you. But the business of Justification as it cant be done on many accounts fully, may as well be deferred.

My good freind Mr. Sambouski10 begs me to intreat you to send the inclosed by some safe hand. There are few men whom I esteem more than this same Sambouski, and the degree of respect he meets with here is exceedingly great. Pleschejeff and he were both with the grand Duke on his travels and of course are come back. I certainly have as many and as firm freinds as come to the share of one man. A propos of freinds. You or my father have heard something to the prejudice of my Mechanical freind. It proceded partly from some money concerns in which some people here were the sole causes of what appeared a want of probity in h〈im〉 〈a〉nd partly from his professing, and associating with those who profess'd no great respect for religious concerns. Notwithstanding these circumstances his probity and moral character is more interesting than his mechanical abilities.

—————

10 The Benthams had first come to know Samborskiy when he was chaplain to the

8 Missing.

9 The degree of Samuel Bentham's subtlety (he is referring to letter 427) is not fully revealed, but it is probable that not only was he playing off Russian prospects against Shelburne's promises but, in the knowledge that his letters home were opened as a matter of course, also trying to create an impression of interest, but not eagerness, for Russian consumption.

'Projet d'un corps de droit'.11 How I rejoice that it is nearly finished! but cant the word Projet be changed for one less obnoxious. I who am more *prudent* have entirely blotted out that word from my dictionary.

 J'ai été lié enchaîné par un devoir, et j'ai bien regretté de ne pouvoir voler au rendézvous. Je sens plus que jamais le désavantage

Russian embassy in London. He returned to Russia early in 1780 to become director of an agricultural institute at St Petersburg (*Correspondence,* ii, 202 n. 3 and 392–3).

11 This probably indicates that Bentham had at least made substantial progress in the major enterprise of producing a French version of the elaborate treatise on legislation on which he had by now been at work, in one form or another, for a dozen years (the abbreviated title 'Projet' appears on many of the Mss. in French dating from this period). If so, there had evidently been a substantial modification in Bentham's plans since letter 426 to Ashburton was drafted in early June. The claim that the new project was 'nearly finished' was characteristically over-optimistic: in fact Bentham never did finish the work in this or any other form. The materials for the *Projet d'un corps de droit* were among those used by Dumont for *Traités de législation civile et pénale,* Paris, 1802.

**437.** 1 B.M. III: 324–5. Autograph. Docketed: '1783 Jan. 25 / Warville Brompton Row / to I.B. Linc. Inn.' Saturday was the 26th.

Addressed: 'Jeremy Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn Old Buildings / No. 6.' Above the address 'Not Chief' is added in another hand.

Printed, *J.-P. Brissot, Correspondance et Papiers,* ed. C. Perroud, Paris, 1912, p. 59, where it is incorrectly attributed to June 1783; and, omitting the compliments, in English translation, in Bowring, x, 191.

Jacques Pierre Brissot (1754–93) trained for the law but decided to pursue a literary career. In 1778 he was engaged to undertake the French edition of the *Courrier de l'Europe,* a journal published in London. In November 1782 he came to London to engage in various literary ventures. From that December until November in the following year he was producing the *Correspondance Universelle, ou ce qui intéresse le bonheur de l'homme et de la société,* under a Neufchâtel imprint, though the printing was probably done in London by Cox, the printer of the *Courrier de l'Europe.* Late in 1783 he managed to launch his *Licée de Londres,* a periodical aimed at French readers, and in part printed at Paris, dealing generally with literature, politics and

de vivre si éloigné de vous, de tous les secours littéraires que je pouvois me procurer à Londres; et cela va me forcer de prendre dans un mois un autre logement. Mais pour le Changement, j'atens la fin d'un ouvrage que j'ai entrepris, et qui sera terminé dans 8 jours. Agréez mes excuses et faites les agréer je vous prie à votre ami Monsieur Swediar, que je suis honteux et désolé de n'avoir pas encore vu—. Le tems est afreux—Il est impossible de sortir—Je suis avec respect

Monsieur

Votre très humble et obt.

 I have written by this Post to Sir Joseph Banks2 President of the Royal Society to inform him of the late director of the Academy of Sciences being turned out of his place and Princess Dashkaw

society in England. He also published various other productions. But his undertakings did not prosper, he ran into debt, and he returned to Paris in May 1784. This letter is one of a number which passed between him and Bentham during his stay in London, and the beginnings of the French Revolution later occasioned a renewal of their correspondence. Their acquaintanceship seems to have commenced almost immediately after Brissot's arrival in London: in the first issue of the *Correspondance Universelle* he gave notice of forthcoming publication by Bentham under the title, 'Principes de Législation sur les lois pénales' (*Correspondance et Papiers,* ed. Perroud, xxiv–xxvii, 58). Brissot's own account of his sojourn in London, including a pen-portrait of Jeremy Bentham, is in his *Mémoires,* ed. C. Perroud, 2 vols., Paris, n.d., i, 302–97.

**438.** 1 B.M. III: 326–7. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1782 Jan. 31/Feb. 10 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / I.B. Linc. Inn / Princess Dashcoff Directrice. Reced Mar. 12.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esq. / Lincoln's Inn / London. Via Ostend.' Postmark: 'MR 12.' Stamped: 'st petersbourg'.

In a previous rather terse and uninformative letter dated 30 December 1782 O.S. (B.M. III: 322–3), Samuel had told his brother that a paper of his on the economy of mines and saltworks had been received with pleasure by the Empress, but that the holidays were holding up further approaches to the court. Potëmkin had been taking an interest in his information about Siberian industry. For his father's and brother's concern at the lack of real news about his prospects see letter 440.

2 Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820), the naturalist. A manœuvre to get Samuel Bentham introduced to him before his departure on his continental tour is mentioned in letter 309. Samuel's letter to Banks is in the Dawson Turner Copies of Banks Correspondence at the British Museum (Natural History), South Kensington (vol. iii, pp. 15–16). It establishes that a meeting between them had taken place.

appointed directrice in his stead. I at the same time offered to satisfy any curiosity he might have respecting the interiour parts of this country. I enclosed him a copy of the speech the Princess made at the first meeting. Now you must bestir yourself to afford all scientific information, and as any proposals for the improvement of Science will at present stand an excellent chance of being forwarded you may rummage up all you have of that kind. My great intimacy with the Princess and more particularly with the son ensure me a great deal of attention. Tomorrow the Princess will present to the Empress a plan of mine of a chart for exhibiting a view of the absolute and comparative state of Population of the whole or any parts of the Empire. It is a little thing too simple to have much merit but may probably take very much. Mechanical digest If I have time I should like to put in order and propose. I have also some new ideas on the motion of water in rivers at different depths.

I wrote to you by a Mr. Capper3 who set off from here about a /fortnight/ week ago by him I sent you copies of papers I gave in on the Empress's desire on the mines and saltworks in Siberia.4 I have but just received your letter [*long unreadable crossing out*] to which Wilson had put a Postscript.5 I cant answer it by this post. When I can tell you more about my Chart I will write again.

Would you give some of the seeds I sent you by Mr. Capper to Sir Jos. Banks. The flower seeds some of them I hope will be propagated in Queen's Square Place.6 You never tell me what Charles is about.

### 439

### T o t h e E a r l o f S h e l b u r n e 1

#### 5 February 1783 (Aet 34)

Lincoln's Inn, February, 5, 1783.

My Lord,

Upon my happening at Streatham to mention the Code lately promulgated by the French king for the government of Corsica,

3 Capper seems to have been in business at St Petersburg. Samuel later contemplated going into partnership with him to run an oil-pressing plant and did join with him in a venture to import English cloth into Russia.

5 Missing.

6 This was a 'collection of the seeds of plants peculiar to Siberia' (B.M. III: 322–3). It may have been the occasion of the acknowledgement which forms letter 445.

**439.** 1 Bowring, x, 126.

4 Missing.

your lordship had the goodness to offer to procure me a copy of it. If no measures should yet have been taken for that purpose, I would not wish to take up any portion, however small, of a time so precious as your lordship's, about a matter that might be effected by ordinary means.2

But, my Lord, there is a work which less than your lordship's influence could hardly be sufficient to obtain, and which your lordship, if not already apprized of it, will, I hope, not be displeased to hear of. The title of it is, 'Mémoires concernant les Droits et Impositions en Europe.' It is said in Smith's Wealth of Nations, b. v. ch. 1, to have been compiled by order of the French Court 'for the use of a Commission employed for some years then past in considering the proper means for reforming the Finances of France.'3

I have been told that there were but 100 copies printed of it, and that it has been never sold. Mr. Anstruther, lately elected Member for ––––––, happening to be at Paris just as it was printed, obtained a copy.4 I have asked him for a sight of it by means of a common friend; but he had given it to Lord Loughborough, whom nobody, that I am acquainted with, cares to ask.5 The case is the same with regard to Lord Stormont, who I thought might possibly have another.6

M. de Rayneval, I should think, must know of it, if he thinks proper to acknowledge.7 Should there be one copy of it procurable, and but one, I would humbly beg the use of it for a few weeks: should there be two, I should even hope your lordship might think proper, as a matter of grace, to grant me the informer's share.

7 Joseph Mathias Gerard de Rayneval (1746–1812), French diplomat. During the last three or four months he, as French special envoy, had been conducting with Shelburne the negotiations which led up to the Peace Treaties of 1783.

2 This was, *Code Corse; ou Recueil des édits, declarations, lettres patentes, arrêts et reglemens, publiés dans l'isle de Corse depuis la soumission à l'obeissance du roi,* 3 vols., Paris, 1778.

3 Adam Smith, *An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations,* 2 vols., 1776, makes reference to these *Mémoires* at Book v, ch. ii, p. 413.

4 John Anstruther (1753–1811), 2nd son of Sir John Anstruther, 2nd bart., was m.p. for Anstruther East Burghs from 21 January 1783 till 1790.

5 Alexander Wedderburn (1733–1805), 1st Baron Loughborough, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas.

6 David Murray (1727–96), 7th Viscount Stormont, nephew and heir to William Murray, 1st Earl of Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench. Stormont, a professional diplomat, had been British ambassador at Paris, 1772–8. He was now associated with Lord North and Charles James Fox in opposition to Shelburne's ministry, which was on the point of collapse after defeats in parliament, and was shortly to become Lord President of the Council in the Fox-North Coalition.

To save your lordship the trouble of getting the title transcribed, I have repeated it on the other leaf.

I have the honour to be, with all possible respect.

Your Lordship's much obliged, and Most obedient humble Servant, J. B.

Mémoires, etc., en plusieurs volumes en 4to., composés et imprimés il y a quelques ans par ordre de la Cour de France, mais jamais publiés.

### 440

### F r o m S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### 9/20 March 1783

Petersbourg March 9th 1783.

 It is now above a fortnight that I have your letter of the 28th Jany.2 in my pocket reading it every day and have not as yet sent any answer to it. The indeterminateness of my situation, your vehement reproaches and a consciousness of my deserving them for the trouble and uneasiness I have given to my father and you and in short all my freinds in England render me hitherto incapable of writing any kind of letter to him. And I must own to you that I feel that nothing less than your threat of writing to Sir J.H. 3 at the expiration of the 3 months could force me to get the better of this reluctancy. You need not doubt however but that that threat will operate the desired effect, of such importance I conceive it to be to me in every respect to stand well with him.

The papers which I sent to you by a Mr. Kapper4 I trust to for giving you some little satisfaction, by proving to you that I have not been quite idle. Every day since my having given in those papers, I have been expecting to have a private audience with the Empress and I trusted to the courage that that event would give

**440.** 1 B.M. III: 330–1. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 Mar. 9/20 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / I.B. Linc. Inn. / Catha. visa.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esqr. / No. 6 Lincoln's Inn / London.' Postmark illegible. Stamped: 'st petersbourg'.

2 Missing. The reference to Shelburne at the end of this letter seems to indicate that Bentham's had contained reports of the first moves by the parties of Charles Fox and Lord North to combine against him.

3 I.e. Sir James Harris. 4 See letter 438.

me to write to my father. I have now had that honour. Her majesty expressed herself much pleased with my observations and very sensible of the Utility of them. Since that she has let me know I have through Princess Dashkoff asked leave to communicate to her in future such ideas as appear /to/ me usefull towards the improvement of the parts of the country I have been in /for/ which offer she expressed herself much obliged to me, and gives me leave to address anything to her through the Princess's hands. She also ordered a Chart of one of the provinces to be done according to a plan of mine for exhibiting an absolute and comparative view of the state of population, which Chart I am in hopes may be ready to present to her in a fortnight. An English Courier which Sir James will dispatch shortly, shall bring you a full account of all this, together with the letter which you require. [*two lines crossed out*] I expected from what you said to have heard something from you about Davies's freind. Ld. Sh. reign will not be long I suppose.

The Courier perhaps may set off in 3 or 4 days perhaps not this fortnight or more. I have begun my letters for him.

### 441

### T o S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### 23 April 1783 (Aet 35)

#### Epithalamica.

Permitt me, my dear Sir, to express my grateful acknowledgements of the honour done me in condescending to consult me on your proposed marriage. The observations which I took the liberty of submitting to you in consequence have reached Petersburgh I imagine, about ten days; before which time I take it for granted the question they relate to has one way or other been decided. But from

**441.** 1 B.M. IV: 46–9. Autograph.

Addressed: 'I.B. to S.B. / Epithalamica / Don't open this if the match fails. / It will only plague you. / It is *badinage* Castle-building etc.'

Although filed among papers of the year 1784 the contents of this letter exclude it from that sequence. The only explicit indication of date is a heading of a paragraph near the end: 'Wednesday April 23rd at night.' In 1783 April 23 was a Wednesday. Moreover, in no other year could Bentham have written: 'Alas, poor E. Florida! Jack Spaniard /you know/ is to have it again' (p. 158 below)—a reference to the preliminaries of the peace of Versailles which had been made public about three months before. This letter appears to be a reply to the missing letter mentioned in letter 438 at n. 3.

a gentleman in your situation much consistency is not to be expected: love seeming to have been as generally admitted as charity, to the privilege of covering a multitude of sins. As my good star would have it I did not take a very peremptory part on the one side or the other: and as you were pleased to ask me whether I had anything to say for or against I accordingly made the compleatest use of the liberty thereby given me, by offering such arguments as occurred to me on both sides. With regard to one argument /On one topic/ I must confess I was altogether silent; viz: the degree of your affection for the fair object: not as holding it to be the least material of the number, but that some how or other I could not help looking upon it as more than probable that some time or other it might present itself to your consideration of its own accord. The event has proved that presumption not to have been ill grounded: insomuch that the stone, which the builder thought it unnecessary to lay, has accordingly danced into its place with as much alacrity as if /Apollo/ Neptune or Amphion had piped a country dance to it, and is become /after all/ the head-stone of the corner. To these observations you, Sir, who after having been long enough the pupil of a court are now arrived to the dignity of prescribing to it its topics for conversation, have doubtless the answer ready: You knew /me/ too well not to be assured that to imagine it possible that any advice of mine on such an occasion could be of any other than the moderate and impartial stamp of which it proved to be. And now, I think, it may be time the account of compliments should close on both sides.

This is the first reference in the correspondence to the love affair between Samuel Bentham and the Countess Matyushkina, which dragged on until finally broken off under pressure from her parents about the end of 1783. Sof'ya Dmitriyevna Matyushkina (1755–96) belonged to the highest circles of Russian society. Her father, Count Dmitriy Mikhaylovich Matyushkin (1725–1800), was a privy councillor and chamberlain. Her mother, Anna (1716–1804), belonged to the proud family of the Gagarins, being the daughter of Prince Aleksey Matveyevich Gagarin. She was Grand Mistress and Lady in Waiting at the empress's court, and at one time had been a favourite with Catherine II though, to judge by the reported critical comments of the empress on her opposition to a match between her daughter and Samuel, this was the case no longer. Anna's younger sister, Dar'ya, was to show, out of family pride, the most determined opposition to any such match. She was married to Prince Aleksandr Mikhaylovich Golitsyn (1718–83), a distinguished soldier now holding rank as fieldmarshal, who, until his death in October, seems to have occupied some sort of *locus parentis* in the affairs of his wife's niece during the absence of her father in Moscow. Countess Matyushkina herself was about twenty-eight years of age at this time. The French diplomat Bourrée had known her a few years earlier and described her as pretty, lively, and pleasant, 'la tête fort romanesque', but summed her up as a heartless flirt. However, her feelings for Samuel seem to have been quite genuine. For a less critical description of her see letter 464.

Ever since I have decypherd the *arcana*2 I have been as full of cogitabundities as ever Mambrès was.3 That Miss or Countess or Princess or whatever she is should have her nose burst out a bleeding, upon Mama's speaking to her, that this bleeding should produce a recal of the fatal prohibition, and that notwithstanding such recal and Miss's being at her own disposal into the bargain and having made so many and such explicit tenders of her sweet self there should be any 'fear' of her resolution to bring the matter to a conclusion. *Encore* if there had been a father: but I don't find there is any such personage in the case. Certainly if you have stated the matter accurately and fairly, the knot must have been tied and the zone bound long enough before this. So say I, and so says Wilson, who is the only person to whom I have yet communicated it. My hypothesis is, that whatever want there may be of resolution is on the side of the gentleman: who has always been a shilly-shally sort of a gentleman, more so even than his brother, ever since I have had the honour of his acquaintance.

And to think of my Sam's getting a wife, and being by and by a father! and of my having a sister, and by and bye being an Uncle, by God's blessing, and having a parcel of mongrel animals half children and half bears for nephews and nieces! I shall expect a full and exact description of her whether she is hairy all over, how long her claws are, and whether she has got a tail—One thing appears, that whatever may be her excellencies in other respects, she wants the property the E. Florida bears have (you remember) of 'never attacking a man'. Alas poor E. Florida! Jack Spaniard /you know/ is to have it again. Lucky enough we did not go there.4

I hope by the Courier we shall hear the name, and something about the assets. I wish it may prove a Princess (not that a Princess is anything with you) or at least a Countess or a Baroness, /only/ for Jezebel's5 dear sake. The passage in which you spoke of your intimacy with Princess Dashcoff was a dagger to her.6 Not long after /our receiving/ that letter, Far asked me at table to give you that commission which I suppose you have received before now,

2 This may be an indication that part of Samuel's missing letter was written in sympathetic ink.

3 The sorcerer in Voltaire's *Le taureau blanc,* which Bentham had translated in 1774 (see *Correspondence,* i, 185 and n. 4).

4 Some references to East Florida in earlier correspondence suggest that Bentham had then toyed with the idea of emigrating there (*Correspondence,* i, 170 n., 174 and n., 179, 235).

5 Their step-mother, Mrs Bentham.

6 This passage is in letter 438.

about Brompton the Painter;7 adding that he understood he was intimate with Sr. J. Harris. Hardly intimate said I: he was not the sort of man for Sir J. to be intimate with: though he used, as I understood to take some notice of him. 'Oh' says Madam, /with one of her angelic looks,/ 'but at that distance, very slight acquaintances are always magnified into great intimacies.'  If it should be a Princess, to be sure poor dear Jezebel will break her heart: there will be no occasion for a Jehu to throw her out of the window.

Then as to assets I wonder whether her expectations are equal to poor Miss Pleschijeff's? What will she and her brother, your bosom friend say to this abandonment?  This I suppose we shall one of these days know the quantum of: as also who the two rich people are to whom she is heiress, and what she may expect from each. Her mother, I suppose, is one of them. But pray, Mr. Sir, what do you mean by *'heiress'*? Do you mean that their assets *must* come to her at all events, or only that they will come to her, if they do nothing to prevent it? Tell me in either case where their estates, if on land, are situated, that I may find them in the maps, and send me a map in which they may be found, if there be such an one, /colouring/ marking the spot distinctly. I suppose if they bring in a hundred a year they will be as large as an English county. And tell me the ages of the Mother and the other friend.

If these friends, or either of them, should come to at last, you and she will of course be presented at Court on the occasion of the marriage. If so, it will probably find its way into the Petersburgh Gazette. Would it not be a great treat to Mrs. Q.S.P. if from thence /or otherwise/ it could be made to find its way into our Gazette?  If I do not mistake, Frazer who when Under Secry. of State wrote you your recommendations, is writer of the Gazette. All that is woman against woman; but independant of all that, which is not worth crossing the threshold for, there may be a real advantage in becoming the topic of conversation here on a ground rather creditable than otherwise. It might contribute to

7 Richard Brompton, who died in 1782, spent the last few years of his life at St Petersburg holding an appointment as portrait painter to Catherine II.

8 For Miss Pleshcheyeva and Bentham's earlier jesting on that subject, see *Correspondence,* ii, 429 n., 445 and n.

smooth the road for example to a Commissionership should that be eligible.

You /who/ know what a Castle-builder I am, may imagine what a number of Castles I am building upon this ground.—/Behold a specimen./ You, who want to revisit England, and to have the pleasure of shewing it to the Princess Beareoff or Oursoff whatever her name is, as likewise of shewing her to your friends, pretend to yourself and make yourself believe (though it is no such thing) that a visit hither is necessary to your carrying on whatever projects of improvement you may have upon the anvil. The Princess, her own revenue not being able to keep her in cloaths, much less to pay the expence of such a ramble, profers an humble petition to the Princess Dowager. A grant of 3 or 400 pounds passes the seal: whereupon the Princess attended by Sammy Sneak, and the favourite lady of the bed chamber, visit this once happy isle /like the Princess of Babylon./ Coming in summer, they find nobody in London: they stay therefore no longer than just to take up Jerry Sneak. That makes just a Coach-full, or in short, as no Coach but the Q.S.P.-ian ever travelled with less than 4 horses, two Postchaises, which would cost no more. They then take a ramble over England, to look at Saltworks, Mines and Mechanism.

They go first to Cornwall, taking Bath in their way, and Bowood in their way to Bath. In Cornwall they visit Basset with whom Carey is intimately connected:9 and from Bowood they get a heap of other recommendations. From Cornwall instead of returning to London, they visit the copper-mines in Gloucestershire, then the Salt works which I have seen at Northwich in Chester. Not far from Chester is Manchester, where liveth a very capital Manufacturer whom Capper knows, and who dined at Q.S.P. the day Capper dined there. In the Manufactories in the neighbourhood of Manchester is to be seen a variety of mechanism. *Farr* was telling me t'other day of a man with an odd name who had in a short time made a matter of 50,000£ /in that neighbourhood/ by the invention of machines for abridging labour. The mines in Derbyshire, and the manufactories at Birmingham, would then be on the way to London.

Q.S.P.s when they went to Scotland paid for Postchaises for 1100 miles, which came to I don't know whether it was £50 or 70£. This would not be quite so many miles but as there has been a tax since

9 Sir Francis Basset, 1st bart., m.p. (1757–1835), of Tehidy, later Lord de Dunstanville, a great mine-owner in Cornwall, and a friend of Jeremiah Bentham (cf. letter 354 at n. 3. 'Carey' is probably an error for [Reginald Pole] Carew.

of I think it is 1½ or 2d. a mile, we will say it would come to 60£. This for two Post-chaises would be £120. I am afraid there must be something of a Swiss servant to dress hair, who would ride in one of the chaises as the ton is, except when one came to a great house, then he must ride post thither and from thence. This say would make it £130. Two guineas a day for travelling expences for two months 60 guineas allowing 7 pound for extra expences that would make it £200. If /it could be/ ten weeks so much the better. While the Sneaks were examining mines and manufactures the Princess would be reposing her sweet person. If she could be prevailed upon to trust the said person to the sea the whole expence might be brought within £300: and in coming at least that way they would probably save time. If an additional £100 could be obtained they might return by land in the winter, which they should do by way of Sweden. There there would be a great deal in the chemical and mine- way to be seen. This way Capper says is rather cheaper than the other. An English carriage bought secondhand at Tattersals /for £40 or £50/ would make a great figure during the journey, and even at Petersburgh on the return.

The Princess would doubtless be wild for all this, and £200 a piece supplied by her two rich friends would do the business.

I take for granted the ordinary revenue would suffice for a fortnights stay in town, to see the Opera house, the Play-houses, the Pantheon, the Waxworks, and the Lions.

Neither Basingstoke (the Drs. abode) nor Whitchurch, humble as the appearance of things /is, then/ should be passed by unvisited: the expectations will reconcile her Highness to the humiliation. A pilgrimage should also be made to Browning-hill, to visit the dead Ancestors: more especially as I understand that estate is intended to be your's.

Was there ever a prettier scheme cut out upon paper? As a lawyer I cannot avoid turning my thoughts to the legal consequences of this hybridous conjunction. It won't be the first time of my reckoning my chickens, or what comes to the same thing, your chickens, before they are hatched. One good thing is, that as to all English privileges, you being an Englishman, mauvais sujet as you are, it is all the same where *Ursa minor* litters. They may inherit Q.S.P. and Browning-hill, trade without paying alien's duty, and sit in Parliament if they can bribe anybody to choose them. With regard to Russian privileges and disadvantages, it will be well worth your while to inform yourself, whether it would be for their advantage or otherwise to be whelped in Russia. Is there not for example,

a foolish sort of law forbidding Russian subjects [*several words totally obliterated*] without leave? Can children born out of Russia, of a father not a Russian, inherit lands in Russia: and in particular lands in the province in which Ursina's lands, if she has any, are situated?

Then as to yourself, do not /let/ the sound of the word tempt you to accept, much less to sollicit *'naturalisation'* without obtaining a distinct conception of the advantages or disadvantages that may attend it. You would not for example forfeit any of your English rights exercisible in England: but I am apt to think you would forfeit your claim to any protection from the Ambassador of England.

Nor is the plan of marriage perhaps a matter of intire indifference. You are not so bewitched, I hope, as to be incapable of acknowledging, that marry what you will, there may be occasions may hereafter happen, which may render it eligible to a man to have the possibility of recovering his freedom: and that even upon easier terms than that of having been previously made a notorious cuckold. In England a man who has been married in England may for adultery get a divorce by act of Parliament after a deal of trouble and at a most enormous expence. In Scotland he may be divorced for the same cause at much less trouble and expence. In Sweden and Denmark he may get a divorce for mere incompatibility of tempers /In a Catholic country no divorce at all./ Learn /if not too late/ how that matter stands in Russia: and if it be possible, marry in the place which is best for marrying in. Take notice that the foolish nincompoops called Legislators have not made provision for a tenth part of the varieties that may take place with relation to such an affair. The parties, natural born subjects the one of one country, the other of another: the marriage contracted for in a third; celebrated in a fourth: a cause of dissolution takes place in a 5th. dissolution applied for in a sixth: they have children born and estates in all: and they want to marry again in each. A pretty number of instances to ring changes upon!

Understand all this while, that I know perfectly well as I was telling Wilson, that this is a great Jack Whore you have got, and that all my nephews and nieces instead of going now and then upright with only a little of the Bentham stoop, will be all -offs and -wisky's and go constantly upon all fours: for Capper tells me no Russian female ever could remember the time of her having her maidenhead. I have accordingly promised Wilson a parcel of the tickets which I am going to get engraved with her picture taken

from the best dancer I can find in London, and under it 'Admitt the bearer and his friends.' And when you send over to [*words obliterated*] portion of the shift according to the Russian etiquette 〈. . .?〉 for to offer to palm off upon us and particularly upon such a Chemist as myself, a parcel of hog's blood or blood made a la mode de St. Januarias, but hold a bottle for the blood that comes from the next nose-bleeding produced by the next 'prohibition'.

Now you talk of whores /Jones is dead and/ Miss Ousnam is come back and lives with her father and mother.10 La Folle11 and they however do not visit. What could you do about La Folle? Unless Orsina were in good earnest what I have been telling you she is out of compliment, I never could bear any wife of your's should be two minutes alone with that cursed woman or her equally impudent daughter. One single pissing-bout with either of them would be sufficient to wash away all her delicacy. The young one met me once on the staircase in her shift without a blush: discussed with me the choice of the parts it was properest to cover; and the mother who was within hearing though not within sight, thought it a good joke. Poor thing! (I mean your Orsina) I cannot help thinking of her by the hour together, as I can conceive a man to think of a girl that his wife has just been brought to bed of.

Your rogue you, what a deal of life of one sort or another, good and bad together, have you seen at your age, while I have been but vegetating!

Oh, I'll tell you how I will manage La Folle: I will tell her you are afraid of seeing her, for fear of etc. again, after which you would never be able to endure your wife. She told me once, you yourself said to her that would be the case: and whether you ever said so or no, and whether you thought so or no when you said /it/, she will make no difficulty of believing it as true as the gospel to the world's end. Queen Elizabeth used to /sit and/ hear tag rag and bobtail talk in strains of rapture of her beauty when turned of seventy.

Wednesday April 23rd at night

 I have been trying to get some lights out of Smirnof12 about Orsina: but he is as dark as pitch. I asked him whether he knew of any lady of one of the first families (Remember, Mr. Two shoes you said one of the first families) who had no husband living and only

10 In 1778 Miss Ousnam had eloped with a second lieutenant of marines (presumably Jones), who had evidently not married her (letter 234, n. 4).

11 I.e. Bentham's hostess at Brompton, Mrs Elizabeth Davies.

12 The Rev. Yakov Ivanovich Smirnov (1759–1840), chaplain to the Russian church in London from 1780 till his death and also to the Russian embassy. (See letter 501.)

one daughter who was just of age. He knew of no such person. I asked him when a girl was of age to dispose of herself in marriage? I could not get any distinct answer to that neither. He seemed however to think that no girl who had a mother living could dispose of herself at any age without her mother's consent, unless impower'd to do so by the father's will. And as to the marriage of a girl of the Greek religion with a man of another religion [*many words obliterated*] I a〈lso〉 thought of asking him 〈. . .?〉 He 〈...?〉 Russian Statutes at large, and is to 〈...?〉 what he finds in a day or two. I did not tell him you were 〈the〉 party concerned: but neither had I any apprehension of what might be his suspicions. As you say the whole Court is up in arms about it, every thing of a secret is out of the question. You ninniest of all ninny-hammers! as if after desscribing her to the knowledge of any body that could have open'd the letter at Petersburgh you could not as well have told her name. It would be a great treat for example to M〈rs〉 Q.S.P. if her name were Yssoupof: Princess Yssoupof: attendu that one of the Dutchess's of Courland the last before Madlle.

Smyrnof was as busy as a bee packing up fine things in abundance for Count Soltakoff,13 the man that whilom commanded a Russian army.

### 442

### F r o m R e g i n a l d P o l e C a r e w 1

#### 25 May 1783

Dear Sir,

 If I were not in Expectation at this Moment of seeing Prince Wiasemskoy2 here, to go with me into the Country this day, I

13 Nikolay Ivanovich Saltykov (1736–1816). A distinguished soldier, who saw active service during the Seven Years War and the Russo-Turkish war of 1768–74, he later succeeded Potëmkin as president of the college for military affairs.

**442.** 1 B.M. III: 338. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 May 25. Pole Carew—Lower Gros/venor Street / to / I.B. Linc. Inn. / Matushkina's expectations.'

On 2 March 1783 Jeremiah Bentham wrote to Carew, seeking an interview in order to obtain first-hand accounts of Samuel. This move opened up a new friendship to Bentham. Samuel sent further news, both about the favourable progress of his approaches to Catherine II and about his love affair, in a letter to his father dated 23 April/4 May 1783 (B.M. III: 334–7). Possibly it was the arrival of this letter which set off the inquiry about Sof'ya to which this letter refers.

2 Available information about the prolific stock of the Vyazemskiys (Prince Pëtr

would have desired to have the Pleasure of seeing You at the present Moment. If Nine be a convenient Hour Tomorrow I shall be happy to see You.—I have sounded him a little on the subject.— I cannot learn that there is any Thing in the Absolute Disposal of the Lady, tho' much in Expectancy, dependant however as far as I can learn on the Will of others—

Yours etc.

in haste, R. Pole Carew.

### 443

### T o J a m e s A n d e r s o n 1

28 May 1783 (Aet 35)

Wednesday, May 28th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

 I am sincerely sorry you do not seem to acquiesce in Mr. Wilson's opinion, which is entirely mine. I will own myself anxious that this pamphlet may never see the light, and that much more on account of your reputation than your purse. There is really a combination among your friends—who are indeed very much your friends, or they would never undertake so invidious a task—to strangle this unhappy bantling in its cradle. Without pretending to assign all *their* reasons, to which I might not be able to do justice, I will take the liberty of giving you a few of *mine.* I say a few, for you will not expect that I should write a pamphlet, in order to prove that you ought not to publish another pamphlet. Why it is you should be so much attached to it, I cannot conceive; for I really do not see a syllable in it that is new. Whether the observations relative to the difficulty of collecting a revenue in thinly-peopled countries,

The subject of this letter was a pamphlet which Anderson printed privately later that year, entitled: *The True Interest of Great Britain Considered: or, a Proposal for establishing the Northern British Fisheries.*

V. Dolgorukov, *Rossiyskaya Rodoslovnaya Kniga,* 4 parts, St Petersburg, 1854–7), does not permit positive identification of this member of the family nor the establishment of his relationship to Countess Matyushkina. It seems probable that he was also the writer of letter 601 and that the perpetration in that letter of a confusion of cyrillic and roman lettering in the signature conceals the identity of a Prince Aleksandr Vasil'yevich Vyazemskiy, one of two men of this name, uncle and nephew, known to be living about this time.

**443.** 1 Bowring, x, 127–8.

are originally yours or not, I will not pretend to say, though I confess I suspect the negative; but sure I am they are yours already: witness your last pamphlet. Those relative to the inefficacy of bounties, and the injudicious, or supposed injudicious, conditions annexed to them, I thought ingenious when I read them, and well worth more attention than it suited me to bestow; but they, too, are yours already: witness your Observations on National Industry, in which this very subject is treated more satisfactorily, as far as I can speak upon recollection, than in the very pamphlet which professes to treat of nothing else. What you say of the difficulties attending infant manufactures, is there also anticipated. What is there in all this that you should be so anxious to 'discover' and to 'preserve?' Look back to your own works, and you will find it discovered and preserved already, as far as printing and publishing can discover and preserve it. Is it the idea of getting towns built on the spot in question? This has been suggested, and, you will excuse me for saying, suggested, I think, in a more instructive manner, almost these twenty years, by Sir J. Stewart, in the concluding passage of book ii. chap. 30, which I have before me;2 and, I am told, over and over again, in Campbell's Political Survey, which I have not seen.3 Is it the idea of engaging people at large to build, by grants of land? America, a country in much better repute, justly or unjustly, than the Scottish Isles, gives land without stint, without such conditions; and with timber on it that cries, 'come cut me,' as plain as ever a herring cried 'come catch me.' Is it the idea of giving the son of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, a place to rest his head on? America is large enough for him, and as open to him as to any disciple of Christ. I question whether you are aware that Jews, native Jews, are already, and have been for hundreds of years, upon just as good a footing, as to the acquiring of land, as native Christians; and that the object of the act (are you aware of that act?) which was so soon repealed, in consequence of a temporary and party clamour, was only to hold out naturalisation to foreign Jews.4 I speak from Blackstone, and from the act itself. Is it the

2 Sir James Steuart, *An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy; being an Essay on the Science of Domestic Policy in Free Nations,* 2 vols., London, 1767.

3 John Campbell, *A Political Survey of Britain; being a Series of Reflections on the situation, lands, inhabitants, revenues, colonies and commerce of this island: intended to show that we have not as yet approached the summit of improvement,* 2 vols., London, 1774.

4 The Jewish Naturalisation Act (26 Geo. II, c. 26) was passed in 1753 and repealed the following year in response to fierce public agitation. For the whole episode see Thomas W. Perry, *Public Opinion, Propaganda, and Politics in eighteenth-century England. A Study of the Jew Bill of 1753,* Camb. Mass., 1962.

idea of getting Parliament to venture the sum required, because that sum would not exceed, as you suppose without any calculation, the amount of *one month's* expense of the war, as you have written it in huge letters? My dear sir, do you consider that one month's expense of the war *is about a million of money, more or less*?—that a work not of supererogation, but of pressing necessity, long ago begun, and far advanced in the building,—I mean a penitentiary house for the home circuit,—stands still for the want of a tenth or a twentieth of that sum?—that a house somewhat upon that plan is wanted for Edinburgh, that £6000 would do the business, and that this trifle, as it may seem to you, is more than Mr. Stewart,5 late Provost of Edinburgh, the patron of the scheme, a most intelligent and public-spirited man, has any hopes of getting?—so he told me himself within these three weeks.

Catching fish in the Western Isles might be made a very beneficial business,—a business much more beneficial than it is,—a business more beneficial than any other that could be carried on with an equal capital; but not unless conducted by people, and they in considerable numbers, having fixed habitations in those isles. All this may be true; but what reason have you offered further than your own averment (repeated, and enforced in abundance of declamatory language) for thinking it so? What *data* have these twenty years' reflection and experience of yours (experience of what?) furnished, upon which any, even a most superficial judgment of the matter, can be grounded? What are the trades and manufactures, the association of which would be necessary for carrying on this branch of industry? Net-makers, hook-makers, and so forth. This might be known by surveying and analyzing the furniture of a fishing ship, etc., and considering whence it came. What would be the capital necessary for the stocking of those trades and manufactures? How is that capital to be supplied? If too great for one private undertaker, would it be too great for a partnership? If too great for a partnership, would it for an incorporated company? If too great for an incorporated company, who would be working for their own profit, is there any chance of its being carried

5 David Steuart (d. 1824), 5th son of John Steuart (1689–1776) 7th laird of Dalguise, Perthshire. He was Lord Provost of Edinburgh, 1780–2. For many years a banker and merchant in Edinburgh and Leith, as a young man he had spent some years abroad, had a wide-ranging mind, and included bibliophily and penal reform among his interests. John Howard received the freedom of the city in 1782 during his provostship, and in that same year Steuart published at Edinburgh, in collaboration with Archibald Cockburn of Cockpen (1738–1820), *General heads of a plan for erecting a new Prison and Bridewell in the City of Edinburgh* (William Anderson, *The Scottish Nation,* iii (1868), p. 511; *The Book of the Old Edinburgh Club,* xii (1923), p. 223).

on by agents appointed by the crown, working for the benefit of I don't know who? What do the Dutch lose by the disadvantages of distance? Is that disadvantage more than equal to the habitual and inveterate difference between British and Dutch economy? Supposing a greater profit might be made by a given capital employed in this way, than by the same capital employed in any other, (a point necessary to be made out, with at least some general show of probability,) why am I, who am carrying on a flourishing manufacture at Manchester, to be taxed, to have money taken out of my pocket, to be given to you to catch fish with in the isles of Scotland? Certainly I ought not, unless with that money you could bring to market a great many more pounds' worth of fish than I could of cloth. When you have given something of an answer to these questions, I may perhaps be able to supply you with as many more; and when you have answered those, then perhaps your pamphlet may have some claim to the title it assumes: supposing all the while that I, who am a mere novice in political economy, can, in the course of a most hasty and superficial glance, have gone any part of the way towards exhausting the considerations necessary for founding a judgment upon this complicated question. When you have collected the matter above alluded to, you may then the better afford to leave out all general disquisitions about human nature, especially if they should have nothing either very new in the matter, or pointed in the manner: all histories of the European transactions in the East Indies: all controversies founded on loose expressions of Mr. Howlett,6 or Mr. anybody else, relative to abstract propositions on the subject of population: all caveats against Dr. Tucker,7 or Dr. anybody else, about the property of supposed new ideas: all invectives against ministers, in or out of place, on the score of measures which have no other connexion with that in question, than in so far as they relate to money: all declamations founded on the supposition that the ruin of a country, which is to be starved this summer, is no otherwise to be prevented than by raising piles of brick and mortar, which may come to be lived in two or three years hence; but of all things, all passages tending to insinuate, in terms more or less explicit, that all political men, if not all men whatever, are equally blind and profligate, and that the whole stock of intelligence, as well as probity in the world, happens, by

6 John Howlett (1731–1804), vicar of Great Dunmow, Essex, wrote several works on population, including *An Examination of Dr. Price's Essay on the Population of England and Wales; and the Doctrine of an Increased Population in this Kingdom Established by Facts,* Maidstone, 1781.

7 Josiah Tucker (1711–99), Dean of Gloucester, writer on economic subjects.

some odd accident, to centre in a single person, whose censure, without the weight of proof, is to stamp indelible infamy on every head it lights on. It is now past one—I began at past eleven; and these representations, I see but too plainly, are coloured by the impatience which late hours, and multiplied avocations, give to a sensible temperament and feeble constitution: but if you make the requisite abatements, you may profit: and as you know the motive, (for what motive but one could have induced me to give us both this plaguing-bout,) you will forgive.

In the other sheet8 you have my opinion on your pamphlet; if, notwithstanding, you persist in printing it, all I have to say to you further is, that your orders will be obeyed. And yet, why in London? —in Edinburgh, printing is not only cheaper, but better done.

 I have just been writing to my father to give him some little account of my love matter and telling him at the same time of my being in all probability left *Chargé d'affaires* here for 2 or 3 months at Sir James's departure.2 It is today only that Sir James proposed it to me and writes to Mr. Fox3 to acquaint him with his intentions of leaving the business in my hands. I believe you have had very little expectation of my ever being engaged in political business and I believe not much inclined to imagine me fit for it. If I am not, I shall endeavour to make myself so while Sir James is yet here, and

8 Bowring states that this last paragraph was written on a 'second sheet'.

**444.** 1 B.M. III: 345–6. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 May 30/June 10 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / I.B. Linc. Inn.'

Addressed: 'Jerey Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn / London. [...?]' Postmarks: 'IV.5,' and one illegible. Stamped: 'st petersbourg'.

Copy by Jeremiah Bentham, B.M. III: 347.

2 Samuel Bentham's letter to his father is at B.M. III: 343–4. Harris's plan to hand over the care of the British mission at St Petersburg to Samuel in order to expedite his own return to England did not take place, because Catherine II decided that Samuel could not be admitted into the Russian service if he were also holding an official position under the British crown.

3 Charles James Fox had recently returned to office as Foreign Secretary in the Fox-North Coalition ministry headed by the Duke of Portland.

for that purpose I will /begin to/ go to school to him tomorrow. Besides the opportunity this may afford me of making freinds at home, it cannot but assist my views here of which I shall give you some account in a packet I send by sea.

Your poor brother is become very bare in several necessary articles, but in none so intollerably as in linnen. A reinforcement of a dozen of shirts is absolutely unavoidable. They would be much cheaper and better if you could continue to send them from England washed and marked.

With respect to my love affair, from the *first* to the last approve of my conduct. Whatever blame there is falls only on her for not acting now more resolutely in my favour. So that I shall have at any rate the consolation of having distinguished myself much to my advantage. The highest compliments imaginable I have received on the occasion. This to one of *our* disposition cannot but have alleviated much the vexation from the disappointment hitherto.

Sir James's freindship and confidence is very flattering to me and I doubt /not/ will be on all accounts advantageous.

As thou art so good and provident a brother I dare to say thou wilt endeavour to furnish me with such kind of knowledge as may be subservient to the employment I am going to engage in and in which I am most wanting. I dare to say Sir James has all kind of works which can afford any assistance, therefore dont plague yourself till I can give you some better account of what I think you could procure me.

Anderson. Yes it is probable that something very advantageous for us both may be brought about. Of this I will tell you more by the packet I send by sea.

On Monday last I gave in a letter for the Empress to her principal Secretary4 which I dare to say he presented yesterday. In a few days I may be able to guess of the event of it. It was an offer on my part to put into execution the improvements I proposed in my paper of which you have a copy. If She accepts the offer and grants me such terms as /to/ make such an employment desirable it may take place as soon as a new Minister is come here to take the political business out of my hands. In the meantime I shall be able to settle the conditions probably more advantageously than if I had not been in such an employment.

4 Aleksandr Andreyevich Bezborodko (1747–99). He became secretary to Catherine II in 1775 and after the dismissal of Count Panin towards the end of 1781 he was virtually Russian minister for foreign affairs. A draft of Samuel's letter to the empress offering his services is at B.M. III: 339–40.

I wonder I hear nothing about 'Principles of Penal Jurisprudence.'5 My present situation viewed on all sides is interesting enough. Be of good spirits. I ought to be notwithstanding my despondancy in my love affair. The coals may be blown up again now.

Letter of attorney you shall also have by shipping.

Although I have received your packet of letters I have not as yet got the box of books. I suppose the Custom house delays them.

### 445

### T o M r K l a n g e n 1

#### June 1783 (Aet 35)

Jeremias Bentham Londinensis Domino Klangen Chirurgo Imperiali pro fodinis apud Barnaoul in Siberia salutem.

Misit mihi aliquot abhinc mensibus frater meus junior Samuilis quindecim sexdecim plus minus summum specimina, quae tuae humanitati accepta rettulit. Acceptissima sane evaserunt nostris Botanophilis, utpote quorum nonnulla alia heic culta sed rara, alia specimine sicco, alia icone tantum, alia ne nomine quidem (specifico ingenuo) nota. Sic mihi pronuntiavit Josephus Bankes baronettus, Societatis nostrae Regalis Praeses, Solomon noster quod ad plantas attinet. Plantas ille non asservat nisi siccas: ejus autem /consilio/ communicavi semina a te missa supradicta variis cultoribus, inter quos Dominus Eaton, Hortulanus Regius apud Kew (juxta Londinium) magnopere laetatus est. Idem dixerim de Dno. Hope, Med. Doct. horti publici custode apud Edingburgenses, in Scotiâ. Chartas curavi tuo nomine inscribi ut ne donati cui debent, nesciant. O /Tu qui/ Botanicam amas, valde /ut/ delectareris si sentire posses quanto sit ea scientia apud nostrates in honore! Ut

5 Cf. letter 437, n. 1 (near the end). It would appear as if earlier in the year Bentham had given his brother good reason to think that he was about to publish the work on criminal jurisprudence which Brissot had announced.

**445.** 1 B.M. III: 363–4. Autograph. Draft with many corrections. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 June / J.B. Lincoln's Inn / to / Klangen Barnaoul.'

See letter 438, n. 6. Samuel Bentham had passed through Barnaul on his way back from Irkutsk to St Petersburg about the beginning of August 1782. Evidently Klangen had been extremely helpful; for, in a long letter of 20 June/1 July 1784 (B.M. IV: 70–80), about Russian plans and prospects, Samuel wrote to his brother: 'Microscope I wanted to give to Klangen at Barnaoul in consideration of what he has given and what in future he may give me in the way of Nat. Hist.'

taceam optimates et generosos, duodena aliquot imo et centena puto numerari posse /in hac vicinia/ eorum qui negotium faciant plantas alendi [*two words crossed out*] delectamenti causâ emendas inter quos non desunt qui opibus doctrinâ opibus, moribus etiam generosos aemulantur. Ut /conjicias/ in quantum divitiae /opes/ nostrae in hoc genere crescunt, ostendit mihi unus ex his 400 novarum seminum plantarum species, ab ipso solo hoc viro satas, quibus et aliae multae postea accessêre: alter, mesembryanthemae /specierum/ dupl numerum duplo /fere/ majorem /quam/ eorum quae Linnaeo innotuêre. [*Seven words crossed out*] /Ratus tibi non molestum fore symbolum tuum/ denuo addire /conferre/, quod ex liberalitate tuâ jam experta nullus /non est/ quod dubitem, catalogum adjeci plantarum Sibericarum /aliquot/ quae heic adhuc desiderantur.

Surrexerunt jam ex tuis jam missis plurimae, /inter quas Dryae geoidis, Robinia Halodendri, et Berberidis Sibericae memini./

Tune plantas colis, sicut et amas? Si ita est, fac sciam, /seminum quae viam tam longam patiuntur tam longam/ non indigebis. Si rescissem, misissem jamdudum, sicut aliis misi petente fratre ex catalogo: perpauca /species/ equidem perpaucas, quoniam aestas praeterita omnium quas novimus /colligendis seminibus/ maxime inopportuna. Egomet studiis urbanus merus et studiis politicis deditus non sum botanicus, sed /attamen/ botanices a pueritiâ amator. Quod ad experitus /portationes/ attinet, egomet mihi curae esset /feret/ eas tibi ad Petroburgam usque non molestas fieri: sed de reliquâ viâ opus fuerit me docueris, quo aliquid tibi et certius /et nullo aut saltem/ et minimo aut nullo pretio perveniat, praesertim postquam frater meus, qui id negotium potuerit curare, Russiam Petroburgam liquerit. Scripsi /Scribo/ tibi Latinâ, /compertus/ ea te usum linguâ: eadem licet rescribas, aut si magis tibi conveniat Gallicâ. Vale vir erudite, meque inter tuos numera.

Maximum est hie plantarum Pincusicum desiderium; ex borealibus partibus inquam quae tuo imperio conterminae, nostrum climata convenirent potuerint sine cura tolerare: exempli gratiâ

Pelinensis. Si arbor fructifera nobis nova /posset hie mitti/, aut etiam legumen aut etiam flos adeo speciosus ejus speciositatis ut posset /[...?] (favente eventu)/ per vulgum multipl venundari (de seminibus semper loquor) ita ut his succederet, nullus dubito, adeo liberales generosorum imo et hortulanorum /nonnullorum/ animi, quin collatione facta, munus pecuniarum conflare vellent quod dignum feret ut mittatur /ad regiones etiam adeo dissitas/. Tu istis regionibus nimis sane es remotus: sed [*three words crossed out*] /nostri/ forsan aliquem botanicum qui eas regiones est aditurus.

#### *Translation*

Jeremy Bentham of London to Mr Klangen, Imperial surgeon at the mines at Barnaoul in Siberia, greetings.

My younger brother Samuel sent me some months ago about sixteen specimens which he said he owed to your kindness. They have certainly proved most welcome to our Botanophiles, for some are cultivated here but are rare, others are known by dried specimen, others only by picture, and others not even by the name in its native form. Such was the information given me by Joseph Banks, baronet, president of our Royal Society, our Solomon when it comes to plants. He only keeps dried plants; but on his advice I sent some of the aforesaid seeds to various growers, among whom Mr Eaton,2 Royal gardener at Kew (near London) was exceedingly pleased. I could say the same of Mr Hope, keeper of the public garden at Edinburgh in Scotland. I had the documents inscribed with your name so that those who received this gift might not be unaware to whom they are indebted. O you who love botany, how delighted you would be if you could feel how great honour that science is held in among our people! To omit the aristocrats and men of breeding, I think about 112 could be named in this area who make a business of raising plants to be bought for pleasure: among them some who rival even the well-born in learning, wealth and character. So that you may guess to what heights our riches in this department are growing, one of these people showed me 400 species of new plants sown by this one man alone, and afterwards many other species have accrued to these; another showed me species of mesembryanthemum to about twice the number of those known to Linnaeus. Thinking that it would not be troublesome to you to contribute your portion anew—this I can hardly doubt in view of the liberality we have already experienced from you—I have added

2 William Aiton (1731–93).

a catalogue of some Siberian plants still lacking here:

Many plants have already come up from the seeds you sent, among which I recall Dryas Geoides, Robinia Halodendron, and Berberis Siberica.

Do you cultivate plants as well as loving them? If so, let me know, and you shall not lack for seeds that can stand so long a journey. If I had found out, I should long ago have sent them, just as I have sent to other people when my brother made requests from the catalogue: but a few kinds only, for the past summer has been the most unsuitable we have known for collecting seeds.  As to safe transport, I could take care that they give you no trouble as far as Petersburg; but as to the rest of the journey, I must be given information as to how something may come to you both safely and at little or no expense, especially since my brother, who could have seen to the matter, has left Petersburg. I write to you in Latin, having heard that you are conversant with the language: you may write back in the same, or, if it is more convenient to you, in French. Farewell, learned man, and count me one of your friends.

There is a great want here of [. ..?] plants: I mean from the northern districts bordering on your empire—[such plants] will be able to withstand our climate without trouble: e.g. the *Pelinensis.* If a fruitful tree that is new to us could be sent here, or even a vegetable, or even a flower so beautiful that it could be (with luck) sold publicly, I have no doubt—so generous are the hearts of the aristocracy (and even some of the gardeners)—that they would be willing to make a collection and get up a gift of money worth sending even to regions so far removed from us.  Je me rapelle très bien avoir vu dans le Courier2 quelques pièces relatives à la Neutralité armée,3 et je vais les Chercher.

La critique que vous faites de M. Pr. de R. 4 doit être fondée; car je vous crois bien versé dans les lois de votre pais. Mais si vous connaissiés aussi bien le Nôtre, vous verriés qu'il n'est pas mal d'y equilloner [*aiguilloner*] les esprits par des Comparaisons avec les Constitutions étrangeres. Vraies ou non, elles font un certain effet et le bien se fait toujours.

Je n'ose pas vous répéter que j'espère bientôt avoir le plaisir de me rapprocher de vous, et de vous voir plus souvent.5 Je ne veux pas vous fixer le tems, car je vous ai appris à ne me plus croire sur cet article et les circonstances m'y ont forcé. Cela viendra plutôt que vous ne comptés, croiés moi tout à vous sans cérémonie

#### De Warville.

**446.** 1 B.M. III: 348–9. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 June 11 / Warville Brompton Row / to / I.B. Lincoln's Inn.'

Addressed: 'Jeremy Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn Old Buildings No. 6.' Postmark '13/IV.' Stamped: 'penny post not paid. t'.

Printed, *J.-P. Brissot, Correspondance et Papiers,* ed. C. Perroud, Paris, 1912, pp. 58–9.

2 I.e. the *Courrier de l'Europe.*

3 In 1780 Catherine II of Russia had taken the lead in forming an alliance of northern neutral states for the mutual protection of their merchant shipping against interference by the western Powers which were engaged in the American war of independence (Isabel de Madariaga, *Britain, Russia and the Armed Neutrality of 1780,* 1962).

4 Antoine Francois Prost de Royer (1729–84), of Lyons, a writer on jurisprudence, had begun in 1781 the publication of a new edition of Baillon's *Dictionnaire de Jurisprudence* (*J.-P. Brissot, Mémoires,* ed. C. Perroud, 2 vols., Paris, n.d., i, 258–64).

5 In July Brissot was still at Brompton Row, but he later found accommodation at 26 Newman Street.

### 447

### F r o m S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### 2/13 June 1783

#### Petersbourg June 2nd O.S. 1783.

 I told you by last post2 of my having given in a letter for the Empress offering my services to inspect the execution of the improvements I had proposed in my paper of observations. I cannot as yet tell the answer which she gave immediately on reading it, verbatim, but the tenour of it was a desire of having me, and the liberty of choosing the place with a kind of intimation that I should propose the terms and mode of engagement. In short the whole of the manner in which the letter was presented and the answer given was very flattering. I shall know much more about it tomorrow morning, but in the mean time I cannot but let you know thus much: besides something came into my head yesterday which though I have not sufficiently considered yet the sooner I give you /time/ to think about /it/ the better. First there is no reason to doubt her Majesty's being already disposed to engage me. Secondly when she comes to know that I am to be entrusted with the ministerial business from the time of Sir James's departure to the coming of the next minister, my being thought in my own country capable of executing that business cannot but raise me in her opinion. The alarm that several persons in power must be in from the idea of a person being employed in an economical department with the probability of his having permission to address himself directly to the Sovereign, has already begun to shew itself; and there is reason to imagine that alarm may be increased. My situation then in this respect joined to my chargé d'affaires business must render my situation for these 6 months to come particularly interesting. I do not say anything here about my love concern because that I think must now be determined one way or the other in a fortnight.

It occurred to me yesterday that you would receive infinite

2 Letter 444.

**447.** 1 B.M. III: 350–1. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 June 2/13 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / I.B. Linc. Inn / Cath. accepting offers.'

Addressed: 'Jeremy Bentham Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn / London', and redirected, 'Brompton / near Chatham, Kent', and endorsed: 'Missent to Maidstone'. Three postmarks: '12/IV'; '7 o'clock.'; 'kent post paid' [*date illegible*].

satisfaction and some advantage in being witness to what I shall be doing for these 6 months to come. In some /respects/ you could help me /very/ much; but then in other respects I fear you would govern me too much.  You might come out and even return also by sea: but it must be unknown to all but your most intimate freinds, or to all if possible. It must be under another name and without going with public company. Could you not pretend to go into the country. You would be at the same time my Mentor and my Pupil. You would be witness to my outset /at/ the most important period of my life, and be assured you would receive instruction.

I have a sheet or two ready to go by shipping. I shall add another today and dispatch it by the first opportunity. I shall by that opportunity answer your last letters.

### 448

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

#### 13 June 1783

Lincolns Inn June 13. 1783.

Hon:d Sir

 I am just now returned from Barking, where I went on foot, and came back by the same conveyance. Tyser2 told me he happen'd to be at Waters's3 at the time the Bailiffs came with the Appraiser: but since then he knows nothing of Waters, nor of the key, nor of the house nor any thing that belongs to it. He took a walk with me thither: but the windows were shut up, the door fast, and no getting in. I thought it would answer no purpose breaking in: it might have two bad effects; the discharging the Sheriff, upon the supposition of his remaining hitherto responsible: and the making a breach which might afterwards be made use of [by] idle boys and thieves.

Your old dwelling-house is in better luck. The gentleman you heard of who made use of it to entertain ladies in, continued in it but a fortnight. For some time past young Tyser has been tenant

**448.** 1 B.M. III: 352. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Son Jeremy's letter about The Houses at Barking in Essex / dat'd June 13 1783.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / at the Black Boy Inn / Chelmsford.' Postmark: '13/IV.' 2

Not identified. 3 Not identified.

to it; not much, as it should seem to the old man's liking. After laying out about thirty pound upon it he has let it *again* to a Major *Cameron,*4 who is related to Cameron5 who is in partnership with Sir Charles Raymond,6 and who (I mean the Major) is married to a sister of Lady Raymond. They are expected in it to day. Tyser and I went thither together; and I explored every nook and cranny of the premises: house, garden, fields, out-houses, and every thing. Young Tyser I did not see: he being at work at Sir Charles Raymond's: but I saw old Mrs. Tyser, and young Mrs. Tyser, and five 〈...〉 children, out of, I think, nine they have in all. Further particulars, being rather tired I hope you will excuse my deferring, till we meet. Indeed the above is every thing that is material: except that I should have told you, Major Cameron has taken the house for a year and no longer. I beg my best respects to my Mother, and am

> Hon:d Sir

Your's dutifully and affectionately Jeremy Bentham.

### 449

### F r o m S a m u e l B e n t h a m 1

#### ? 12/23 June 1783

#### Code

Certainly they would not bear to have any imperfections pointed out. Where what you have to say agrees with their plan

4 Not identified. 5 Not identified.

6 Sir Charles Raymond, 1st bart. (1713–88), of Valentine House, Essex, was a prosperous London banker. His wife was Sarah, da. of Thomas Webster of Bromley, Kent.

**449.** 1 B.M. III: 466. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 / S.B. Petersburgh / to / J.B. Linc. Inn / Code advice / xviii.'

The dating of this letter presents difficulties. This attribution is suggested by the fact that this letter is now located next to a draft of a letter written by Samuel to his father dated 12/23 June 1783, recounting the crisis when his love affair became known to Countess Matyushkina's family (B.M. III: 468–9, copy sent ibid., 353–6). However, it may not have been dispatched until a few days later, with other letters dated 26 June/7 July (B.M. III: 365, 366). The most indicative piece of internal evidence is the passage: 'Made in the manner above mentioned suitable to this country it might be published here free of all expence by Princess Dashkoff's im-

say so and give them as much of the merit as you can spare where what you have to say contradicts their plan go on and take no notice of their's. There seem to be two ways in which a work of this kind can meet with credit here. One is from being the production of an author who either on account of this very work or some former one has acquired great reputation in Europe. The other is from taking all the example appearing to found the whole of it from an amplification of the principles which may be discovered or which a devout admirer may think he discovers in the Instructions which the Empress has given for that purpose or from the laws themselves which She has hitherto made. On this latter plan what the author has to say is, I have been employing myself for these 10 or 15 years in pursuing your principles to all the cases imaginable so as to produce an exhaustive code. The immediate exigencies of improving particular branches of legislation must be supposed to be the reasons which have prevented her having completed herself a work of this kind, not but what the 'Instruction pour le Code' alone was sufficient for the Sovereign. /In/ this said 'Instruction' then or in some of the laws themselves *hints* at least totidem litteris must be found for every reform and expedient proposed. In this manner if the work be published in french it will be certain of success. Would the success be purchased in this way at too dear a rate? All this which you may conceive exceptionable might be brought in in the form of an Appendix of notes and preface. The work itself might appear pure in English and even in the french edition as published in other countries.

Made in the manner above mentioned suitable to this country it might be published here free of all expence by Princess Dashkoff's immediate power. Besides I could appear myself as the Editor of the french edition published here, which would gain me credit and save you that independency of Character in England which I hope you will never deviate from. If you can make the Americans adopt in some degree your ideas you will then shine most nobly, but could you have the most flattering offers here, I should oppose your accepting them with all my might. I may sell my independance in a great degree and in more ways than one, and that I hope may serve for us both.

To be sure were you here just now we might cook up several things which would advance my interest exceedingly. Without

mediate power.' About a month later, on 16/27 July, Samuel wrote to his brother: 'I told you in my last packet that your work might be printed here, but I am affraid I was mistaken' (letter 457).

you, Love, indecision, and if you will have it indolence render me very little able to profit of the favorable opportunities which present themselves. The freinds I have now may shortly be unable or unwilling to serve me. This certainly is the crisis of my good or bad fortune in this country.

### 450

### T o D a v i d S t e u a r t 1

#### 27 June 1783 (Aet 35)

June 27th, 1783.

 I take advantage of your very obliging permission, to trouble you with a memorandum of the documents I wish for, relative to the criminal law of your part of the island.

By way of a clue, give me leave to mention the purpose. Upon the supposition that the influence of religious instruction is beneficial, upon the whole, to the temporal interests of society, and that the labours of the clergy do a certain degree of service by what they contribute towards turning this influence to account; I know of no observable standard more exact for estimating the value of that service, than the comparative paucity of such mischievous acts, as the law has stigmatized under the denomination of crimes. England, which, containing such a number of people, and such a quantity of wealth, pays to its clergy such a sum, (which is distributed among them in such a manner,) has, in a given period, such a number of criminals: Scotland, which, containing such a number of people, and such a quantity of wealth, pays to its clergy, so much less in proportion, and that distributed in a different manner—has, in the same period, such or such another number of criminals. I am apt to think it would turn out that this latter number, instead of being greater than that in England, in proportion as the pay of the clergy

Sir,

**450.** 1 Bowring, x, 129–31.

Bowring identified the recipient as Dugald Stewart (1753–1828), one of the notable scholars at the university of Edinburgh about this period, who became professor of moral philosophy in 1785. However, internal evidence makes it certain that this letter was addressed to David Steuart, recently Lord Provost of Edinburgh (about whom see letter 443, n. 5). He, but not Dugald Stewart, was interested in prison reform and in the work of John Howard (hence Bentham's 'claiming kin to you and Mr. Howard as a kind of brother in the trade', with a reference to his pamphlet on the Hard Labour Bill). The phrase 'that I may pay the amount of it to your house in London' also indicates that the letter was sent to a man who was in business.

in Scotland is less, is in fact less; and that therefore, in Scotland, the clerical work is not only done for less money than in England, but better done. This is the inference I am disposed to draw from the Table of Convictions in Scotland, already published by our excellent friend Mr. Howard.2 But, as that table extends to no other than capital crimes, the information it affords can be, as you must perceive, but very unsatisfactory with a view to my purpose. It is the more so, inasmuch as the same crimes which are capital in England, are not so, in every instance, in Scotland, and *vice versâ.* To be sure, in both countries the denominations of crimes, etc., are, in but too many instances, determined not so much by the real nature of the mischief, as by extraneous and accidental circumstances, such as the punishment or mode of prosecution—but this is an imperfection I cannot help. I must take the information, and be glad to get it too, as it stands. What I wish for is, therefore, a table of the crimes, that within a certain period (suppose from the beginning of the century) have been *known to be* committed in Scotland,—the more extensive as to the sorts of crimes, and the more minute the distinctions, so much the better. As to the distinctions, those given in Mr. Howard's table are, as far as that goes, sufficiently particular: the head of murder excepted, inasmuch as it makes no distinction between homicide in prosecution of robbery, and the murder of a defenceless person through particular enmity, fair duelling, and I don't know how many other species I could point out, but which are as different from one another as guilt from innocence.

I say, have been *known to be* committed; and, therefore, a table of the *trials* would be much more satisfactory than a table of the bare *convictions,*—and still more so, an account, which I suppose it is impossible to obtain, of *informations* lodged before a magistrate. You have a method, I have heard, of transporting suspected persons, with their consent, without a trial; of these, some, I presume, would, were it not for such provision, have gone into the class of those informed against, but discharged for want of sufficient evidence—others into the class of convicts.

I dare say it is but a small part of all this information that is attainable; but any part that it should be in your way to obtain for me, without too much trouble, I should think myself infinitely obliged to you for.

2 See J. Howard, *The State of Prisons in England and Wales,* 2nd edn., Warrington, 1780, p. 445: 'Table X. An Account of the Number of Prisoners convicted of Capital Crimes in Scotland from 1st January 1768 to 1st July 1779.'

To a man of Mr. Stewart's turn of mind, the various public uses which at any rate such a sort of document might be put to, and the credit which (if my conjecture be well-grounded) the result would reflect upon his friend, must, if fame says true, hold out inducements infinitely more favourable than any that could be presented by the acknowledgments of so insignificant an individual as myself. And that the information may receive a much greater degree of circulation than I could expect to give it, we will make Howard insert it in his next publication. He will, I dare say, be very glad of it, for he seemed to acquiesce in my remarks on the incompleteness of that printed in his own appendix. Be there more or less of it, the copying of it must necessarily be attended with some expense. —You will be kind enough to direct the copyist to make a memorandum of it, that I may pay the amount of it to your house in London.

I took the liberty, as you may perhaps remember, of claiming kin to you and Mr. Howard as a kind of brother of the trade, which I certainly am, as far as endeavours go at least, however inferior in point of means. The only proof I can as yet produce to you, in support of such a pretension, is contained in a little pamphlet,3 a copy of which herewith sent, I hope you will do me the honour to accept.—I am, with great truth and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

J.B.

The expense and trouble it cost me, were not wholly thrown away, as the Bill, which was the subject of it, underwent a number of alterations, several of which, I understood by a note from Sir W. Blackstone, were the consequences of my remarks.

3 *A View of the Hard Labour Bill.*

### T o J e r e m i a h B e n t h a m 1

#### 8 July 1783 (Aet 35)

Brompton near Chatham July 8th 1783

Hond. Sir

183

 I write now, only that, upon your weekly visit to town you may find a letter to thank you for your favour of the 3rd. instant.2 It gives me the highest satisfaction to see you so well reconciled to the miscarriage. When I see you uneasy, I never can be easy myself: and when I see you satisfied, I never can be much otherwise. As to the rest I have two recipes for content: one is to look always forward and never backward: the other is to look to the bright side of things, and never to the dark. By the facility I have acquired of practising these two lessons, I think I have made myself a tolerable good practical philosopher: but on this occasion, I must confess, you have got the start of me. The disappointment does not now sit, /nor even/ did it from the first *fall* heavy on me, because I never suffer'd myself to entertain any thing more than a very faint expectation of success, and because no disappointment ever could for these many years, or heavy ever can sit heavy on me: but you are not even so much as disappointed. To be sure /in/ what light soever we ought to look upon the news, good or bad, nothing can be more flattering than the manner in which it has been convey'd to us. I have sent your letter, as it is, to town, to be forwarded to my Uncle and to Mr. Mulford.3 It is the more agreable to me inasmuch as I look upon it as affording no inconsiderable presumption that the air of the Terras agrees with you.

For my part I am here very much at my ease, in a situation very favourable to the only occupation and the only amusement I am capable of. Owing to a variety of causes I get forward here much better than at London.

The matter to which this letter relates has not been ascertained.

**451.** 1 B.M. III: 367–8. Autograph. Docketed by Jeremiah Bentham: 'Fils Jeremy / Lr. datd. Brompton / July 8 1783.'

Addressed: 'Jeremiah Bentham Esqr. / Queen's Square Place / Westminster.' Postmark obliterated.

2 Missing.

3 I.e. his mother's brother, George Woodward Grove (d. 1784), and Grove's cousin, John Mulford (1721–1814).

The Mr. and Mrs. Bentham you missed of were the very persons you conjectured:4 you were in better luck than I. What grounds they could have for the surprise they expressed at finding you out of town, I know not, If they had asked me about it, they would have heard: as they did not, I said nothing to them on the subject. I received them civilly while they staid, but it was no object of mine to protract their visit.

L'occasion qui devoit, mon Cher Confrère, me faire passer par Chatham, n'aura pas lieu; ainsi je ne Compte plus sur le plaisir que je m'étois promis d'aller y passer deux Jours avec vous. Je ne vous cacherai pas, quel était l'objet de mon voiage à Douvres. Je suis marié, mais jusqu'à ce jour mon mariage a été secret pour plusieurs raisons. Mon amie vient me rejoindre à Londres, et je devois aller au devant d'elle à Douvres. Mais d'autres motifs font que je fattens à Londres à Chaque Jour, à Chaque Instant.

J'espere bien cet hiver en étant plus près de vous avoir les moiens de m'instruire sur mille points qui sont loin d'être éclaircis. En attendant je vous souhaite toutes le plaisir que vous ne pouvez

4 Perhaps Edward William Bentham (d. 1785) and his wife. See the genealogical table, *Correspondence,* i, p. xxxviii.

**452.** 1 B.M. III: 369–70. Autograph. Docketed by Bentham: '1783 July 8 / Warville Brompton Row / to / I.B. Brompton / 5.'

Addressed: 'Jeremy Bentham Esqr. / at Mrs. Davies Wood Street / Brompton / Near Chatham.' Postmark: '8/IY'.