*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *awgida*; Negidal *awwu ~ awgu ~ au*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha *hawuj*; Udihe, Oroch *n.a*.; Orok *hāwu*; Manchu, Sibe *ai* (Castrén 1856: 72; Janhunen 1991: 71; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 48b; Vasilevič 1958: 13b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 4; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 15; Zikmundová 2013: 204; see also Hölzl 2018a: 315–330); ii. 'how many': Nercha Ewenki: Urulga *adi*, Man'kovo *adī*; Khamnigan Ewenki *adī*; cf. Solon Ewenki, Orochen *adi*; Siberian Ewenki: Nepa, Yerbogochen, Upper Lena, North-Baikal, Barguzin, Tungir, Zeya, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Sakhalin *adï̄*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut, Negidal *adï*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha *hadu*; Udihe, Oroch *adï*; Orok *n.a.*; Manchu *udu*; Sibe *ut* (Castrén 1856: 72; Janhunen 1991: 71; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 10a; Chaoke 2014a: 165; Vasilevič 1958: 18a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 14–15; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 944; Zikmundová 2013: 224); iii. 'many': Nercha Ewenki: Man'kovo, Khamnigan Ewenki *kete*; cf. Solon Ewenki *hǝtǝ* 'extremely'; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Tokma, Upper Lena, Tungir, Aldan, Uchur, Chumikan *kete*; *other Tungusic*: Nanai *ketu*; Ulcha *kete ~ ketu ~ ket*; Udihe *ketu*; Oroch *ketu*; Orok *ketette* 'a little bit'; other Tungusic *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 79; Janhunen 1991: 42; Chaoke 2014b: 510; Vasilevič 1958: 231b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 455–456); p. Verbs:

### i. 'to find': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *baka-*; cf. Solon Ewenki *baha-*; Siberian Common Ewenki *baka-*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *baq-*; Negidal *baha-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *bā-*; Ulcha *bā- ~ baqa-*; Udihe *b'a-*; Orok *bā- ~ baqqa-*; Oroch *bā-*; Manchu *baha-*; Sibe *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 94; Janhunen 1991: 82; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 53b; Vasilevič 1958: 48a; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 66; Cincius 1975/77 1: 66–67);

ii. 'to come': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *eme-*; cf. Solon Ewenki *ǝmǝ-*; Siberian Common Ewenki *eme-*;

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *em-*; Negidal *eme-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *eme-*; Udihe *eme-*; Oroch *emegi-* 'to return'; Ulcha, Orok, Manchu, Sibe *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 73; Janhunen 1991: 66; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 173b; Vasilevič 1958: 558a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 452);

cf. Solon Ewenki *n.a*.; Siberian Common Ewenki *taŋ-*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut, Negidal *taŋ-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *taon-*; Ulcha, Orok *taun*; Udihe, Oroch *taŋi-*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a.*

(Castrén 1856: 86; Janhunen 1991: 25; Vasilevič 1958: 386a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 161);

### 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

(Castrén 1856: 84; Janhunen 1991: 79; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 573b; Chaoke 2014a: 169; Vasilevič 1958: 340a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 49–51; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 764; Zikmundová 2013: 220);

cf. Solon Ewenki *silgi*-; Orochen *šilki-*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Tungir, Zeya, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Sakhalin *silki-*; Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya *hilki-*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *helka-*; Negidal *silki-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *silko-*; Ulcha *silču-*; Udihe *sik-*; Oroch *sikki-*; Orok *siltu-*; Manchu *silgi-*

(Castrén 1856: 84; Janhunen 1991: 92; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 615; Chaoke 2014a: 169; Vasilevič 1958: 352b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 84b; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 794);

ix. 'to forget': Nercha Ewenki: Urulga, Khamnigan Ewenki *omŋo-*; cf. Solon Ewenki *ommo-*; Orochen *omŋo-*; Siberian Ewenki: Nepa, Tokma *ommo-*; Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Sym *omgo-*; Remaining dial. *omŋo-*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *omŋa*-; Negidal *omŋo-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Orok *omgo-*; Ulcha *oŋbo-*; Udihe *oŋmo-*; Oroch *ommo-*; Manchu *oŋgo-*; Sibe *onů-*

(Castrén 1856: 76; Janhunen 1991: 51; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 507a; Chaoke 2014a: 169; Vasilevič 1958: 322b Cincius 1975/77 2: 17; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 738; Zikmundová 2013: 219).

	- a. 'son': Nercha Ewenki *omolgi*; Khamnigan Ewenki *omolgī*;

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

cf. Solon Ewenki *omolǝ* 'grandson' (← Manchu *omolo*); Orochen *omolie*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, North-Baikal, Barguzin, Tungir, Zeya, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Chumikan, Ayan, Sakhalin *omolgī*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *omolgo*; Negidal *omolgi*; *Southern Tungusic*: Udihe *omolo*; Oroch *omolī*; Nanai, Ulcha, Orok *n.a.*; Manchu *omolo*

(Castrén 1856: 76; Janhunen 1991: 40; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 507a; Chaoke 2014a: 161; Vasilevič 1958: 322b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 17b; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 736);

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut, Negidal *tōki*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha *tō*; Orok *tō ~ toγo*; Udihe *n.a*.;  Nercha Ewenki *nī ~ ńī*; Khamnigan Ewenki *nī*; cf. Solon Ewenki *ni* 'which one'; Orochen *ni*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Sym, Tungir, Zeya, Uchur, Urmi, Chumikan, Sakhalin *ŋī*; Upper Lena, North-Baikal, Barguzin, Chumikan *nī*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut, Negidal *nī ~ ŋī*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *uj ~ ui*; Ulcha *ŋui ~ uj*; Orok *ŋuji ~ ŋuj ~ ŋui*; Udihe *nī*; Oroch *ńī*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 85; Janhunen 1991: 29; Chaoke 2014b: 340; Chaoke 2014a: 165; Vasilevič 1958: 280a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 660).

### **5.2 Phonetic differences between Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki**

There are some phonetic differences between Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects, which are possibly results of change in Khamnigan Ewenki in the 20th and 21st centuries.

(7) The deletion of Tungusic initial consonant \**h-* (< Proto Tungusic \**p-*) in Khamnigan Ewenki. In some cases *h-* is sporadically preserved in the

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

Borzya subdialect of Khamnigan Ewenki (Janhunen 1991: 46). The consonant *h-* was already deleted in the extinct Mankovo subdialect, while we find it in the extinct Urulga and do not see it in Urulyungui, the related subdialect of Manchuria. The initial *h-* disappeared in Solon Ewenki and Orochen too:

a. 'daughter, young girl': Nercha Ewenki: Urulga *hunāt*; Man'kovo *unāt*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Borzya *hunāǰi*, 15 Urulyungui *unād*; cf. Solon Ewenki *unaǰi*; Orochen *unāǰi*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Ilimpeya, Barguzin, Zeya, Uchur, Urmi, Chumikan, Sakhalin *hunāt*; Tokma *honāt*; Yerbogochen, Tungir, Aldan *sunāt*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *hunāǰ ~ hunāt*; Negidal *honāt*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *pondaǰo*; Ulcha *pundaǰu*; Udihe, Oroch *hunaǰi*; Orok *pundado ~ pundadu*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a*.   (Castrén 1856: 76; Janhunen 1991: 26; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 515b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 254b) ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *uqtu- ~ uqdu-*; HY *uqtu*- ~ *uγtu-*;

Literary Mongolian *uγtu-* 'to greet, to meet, to welcome'; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *ugta-*

(← Buryat); Dagur *ort*-; Buryat *ugta*- (Khabtagaeva 2017: 139);

	- a. 'head': Nercha Ewenki *dil*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *dil*, Borzya *dili*;

cf. Solon Ewenki *del*; Orochen *dili*; Siberian Common Ewenki *dïl*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut, Negidal *dil*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Orok *ǰili*; Ulcha, Udihe, Oroch *dili*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 90; Janhunen 1991: 27; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 127b; Chaoke 2014a: 158; Vasilevič 1958: 128b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 205b-206a, see also Hölzl 2018b: 129 for some discussion);

b. 'house': Nercha Ewenki *ǰū*, Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *ǰū*, Borzya *ǰūg*;

cf. Solon Ewenki *ǰu*, cf. *ǰūγ* (Ivanovskij); Orochen *ǰū*; Siberian Common Ewenki *ǰū*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ǰū*; Negidal *ǰō*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *ǰōg*; Ulcha *ǰūg*; Udihe *ǰugdi*; Oroch *ǰug*; Orok *duku*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a.*

(Castrén 1856: 94; Janhunen 1991: 41; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 385a; Chaoke 2014a: 162; Vasilevič 1958: 138a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 266);

5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

	- a. 'dog': Nercha Ewenki: Man'kovo *inakin*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *inakin*; Borzya *ninakin* (← Solon); cf. Solon Ewenki *ninihiŋ*; Orochen *ŋanakin*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Yerbogochen, Sym, Tungir, Urmi, Sakhalin *ŋinakin*; Upper Lena *ninakin*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ŋin ~ ŋen*; Negidal *ninahin ~ ŋinahin*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *inda*; Ulcha *iŋda*; Udihe *ińai*; Oroch *inaki*; Orok *nina ~ ŋina*; Manchu *indahûn*; Sibe *yindaʁůn* (Castrén 1856: 74; Janhunen 1991: 49; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 491a; Chaoke 2014a: 158; Vasilevič 1958: 280b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 661; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 498; Zikmundová 2013: 225); b. 'to go': Nercha Ewenki: Man'kovo *nene- ~ ŋene-*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Borzya *nene-*, Urulyungui *ene*-; cf. Solon Ewenki *nǝnǝ-*; Siberian Ewenki: Tokma, Tungir *gene-*; Remaining dial. *ŋene-*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ŋen-*; Negidal *ŋene- ~ gene-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *ene-*; Ulcha, Udihe, Oroch, Orok *ŋene-*; Manchu *gene-*; Sibe *gǝn(ǝ)-*

(Castrén 1856: 85; Janhunen 1991: 85; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 483b; Vasilevič 1958: 284a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 669–671; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 344; Zikmundová 2013: 212);

(14) The change of the consonant *VŋV* > *VgV* in Khamnigan Ewenki:

a. 'he/she': Nercha Ewenki *nuŋan*; Khamnigan Ewenki *nugan*; cf. Solon Ewenki *nugaŋ*; Orochen *nugan*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Tungir, Zeya, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Sakhalin *nuŋan*; Tokma, Upper Lena *noan*; North-Baikal *noan ~ nuan*; Sym *nugan*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *noŋen*; Negidal *noŋan*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *ńoani*; Ulcha *nān*, *nāni ~ nōni*; Udihe *nuan*; Oroch *nuań ~ nuańi ~ nuŋańi*; Orok *nōni*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 86; Janhunen 1991: 49; Chaoke 2014b: 338; Chaoke 2014a: 164; Vasilevič 1958: 299b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 611);

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

	- a. 'to catch': Nercha Ewenki *ǰawa-*; Khamnigan Ewenki *ǰaba-*; cf. Solon Ewenki, Orochen *ǰawa-*; Siberian Ewenki: Ilimpeya, Uchur *ǰaba-*; Remaining dial. *ǰawa*-; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ǰaw-*; Negidal *ǰawa-*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha *ǰapa-*; Udihe, Oroch *ǰawa-*; Orok *dapa- ~ dappa-*; Manchu *ǰafa-*; Sibe *ǰaf- ~ ǰavǝ-* (Castrén 1856: 93; Janhunen 1991: 90; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 361b; Chaoke 2014a: 168; Vasilevič 1958: 145b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 240–241; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 510; Zikmundová 2013: 215);
	- a. 'tongue': Nercha Ewenki *iŋi*; Khamnigan Ewenki *iŋŋi*; cf. Solon Ewenki *iŋi*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Tokma, North-Baikal, Barguzin, Tungir, Zeya, Sakhalin *inni*; Barguzin, North-Baikal, Chumikan, Zeya, Aldan *inŋi*; Chumikan, Ayan *ilŋi*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *i enŋe*; Negidal *ińni ~ ińŋi*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *siŋmu ~ sirmu*; Ulcha *sińu*; Orok *sinu*; Udihe *iŋi*; Oroch *iŋi ~ iŋŋi*; Manchu *ileŋgu* (Castrén 1856: 74; Janhunen 1991: 52; Janhunen 1991: ; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 334b; Vasilevič 1958: 174a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 316; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 492).

### **5.3 Solon Ewenki influence on Khamnigan Ewenki**

There are many words in Khamnigan Ewenki which were borrowed in Manchuria from Solon Ewenki. In most cases the Solon influence is observable in the Borzya subdialect.

	- a. 'Russian': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki (Urulyungui) *lūča*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki (Borzya) *lūta* ← Solon Ewenki *lūt*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Zeya *lōča*; Ayan, Aldan, May, Tommot, Uchur *ńūča*; Remaining dial. *lūča*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ńūči*; Negidal *lōča*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *loča*; Ulcha *luča ~ nuča*; Udihe *lusa*; Oroch *luča*; Orok *lūt'a ~ luča*; Manchu *loča* 'demon, devil'; Sibe *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 84; Janhunen 1991: 98; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 417a; Vasilevič 1958: 242a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 513b; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 626);

### 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

	- a. 'father': Nercha Ewenki: Urulga *ama*, Man'kovo *amā*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki *amin*

← Solon Ewenki *amiŋ*; Orochen *amin*; cf. Siberian Common Ewenki *amā*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *amā*; Negidal *amaj*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha, Udihe *amin*; Oroch *ama*; Orok *ama ~ amma*; Manchu *ama*; Sibe *amǝ*

(Castrén 1856: 72; Janhunen 1991: 23; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 27a; Chaoke 2014a: 160; Vasilevič 1958: 26a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 34b; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 39; Zikmundová 2013: 204);

b. 'carriage': Nercha Ewenki *terge*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki *tergēn* ← Solon Ewenki *tǝγunn*; Orochen *tergen*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Barguzin, Ayan *terge*; Manchu, Sibe *sejen*; 17 *other Tungusic*: *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 87; Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 676b; Chaoke 2014a: 163; Vasilevič 1958: 424a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 238; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 776; Stary 1990: 76);

Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *terge(n)*; HY, 'Phags-pa, Muq. *tergen*; Literary Mongolian *terge* 'vehicle; cart, wagon, carriage; car; rook (*in chess*)'; Manchurian and Onon Khamnigan Mongol *terge*; Dagur *tǝrǝγ*; Buryat *terge* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 134; see also Doerfer 1985: 104);

	- a. 'fingernail': Nercha Ewenki *ośikta*; Khamnigan Ewenki (Urulyungui) *osigta*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki (Borzya) *usigta*

← \**usikta*: Solon Ewenki *usitt*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa *osīkta*; Yerbogochen, Tungir, Zeya, Aldan, Uchir, Urmi, Sakhalin *ohīkta*; Sym, North-Baikal *ošīkta*; Ayan *ōtta*;

16Vasilevič and Cincius indicate the final -n as a possessive suffix (Vasilevič 1958: 26a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 34b).

17Hölzl (p.c., 2020) drew my attention to the relationship of Manchu and Sibe forms with the Mongolic word. According to Norman (1977), a cognate *-rg-* regularly yields to *-ǰ-* in Manchu, e.g. Proto-Tungusic \**bargīlā*, cf. Ewenki *bargīlā* ~ Manchu *baǰila* 'on the other side', Proto-Tungusic *herga(kta)*, cf. Ewenki *irgakta* ~ Manchu *iǰa* 'gadfly'; Proto-Tungusic \**tuŋa*. There are also some Mongolic loanwords as *songgo-* 'to choose' → Manchu *sonǰo-* 'id.'; Mongolic *tergen* 'cart, vehicle' → Manchu *seǰen*; Mongolic *torγan* 'silk' → Manchu *suǰe* (the last two Mongolic loanwords are examined in this paper).

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *oste*; Negidal *ōtta*; *Southern Tungusic*: Ulcha *husta*; Udihe *waikta*; Oroch *hosi-* 'to scratch'; Nanai, Orok *hosikta*; Manchu *usiha*; Sibe *uśiχa ~ ušχa* (Castrén 1856: 76; Janhunen 1991: 98; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 535a; Vasilevič 1958: 328b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 26b; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 973; Zikmundová 2013: 224);

	- a. 'when': Nercha Ewenki *alī*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki *āli* ← Solon Ewenki *āli*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Vitim, Aldan, Uchir *alī*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *ālik* 'once upon a time'; Negidal *āli*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha, Orok *hāli*; Udihe *ali*; Oroch *āli*; Manchu, Sibe *n.a*.

(Castrén 1856: 71; Janhunen 1991: 32; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 2b; Vasilevič 1958: 25a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 32);

The loanwords from Khamnigan Mongol also belong here, the long vowel is possibly inserted under Solon Ewenki influence (Janhunen 1991: 100):

(21) 'medicine, drug': Nercha Ewenki *n.a*.; Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *n.a.*; Borzya *ēm*; cf. Solon Ewenki *ǝŋ*; other Tungusic lgs. *n.a*. (Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 156a); Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: HY, Muq. *em*; Literary Mongolian *em*; Manchurian and Onon Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat *em*; Dagur *ǝm*; Mongolic ← Turkic: cf. Old Turkic *äm* 'remedy';

(22) 'silk': Nercha Ewenki *n.a*.; Khamnigan Ewenki *tōrga*; cf. Solon Ewenki *tōγo*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Tokma, Upper Lena, Zeya, Uchur, Urmi, Chumikan, Sakhalin *tōrgā*; Manchu *suje*; other Tungusic lgs.: *n.a*. (Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 695a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 199b; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 824); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *torqan*; ZY *turγa*; Muq. *torqa*;

Literary Mongolian *torγan*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *torgo*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *torgo(n)*; Dagur *tɔrγw*; Buryat *torgo(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 135; see also Doerfer 1985: 94);

### 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

(23) 'marten': Nercha Ewenki *n.a.*; Khamnigan Ewenki *sōlugī*

← Solon Ewenki *sōlgǝ ~ sōlŋǝ*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Baunt, Barguzin, North-Baikal, Sakhalin, Tokko, Tommot, Tungir, Urmi *soloŋgō*; Sakhalin *solga*; Yerbogochen *honoŋgo*;

*other Tungusic*: Nanai *sol'u*; Udihe *selue*; Manchu *solohi*; Remaining lgs. *n.a.*

(Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 632a; Vasilevič 1958: 362b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 109a; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 813);

← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *solangqa*; Literary Mongolian *solongγa*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *solongo*; Dagur *n.a.*; Buryat *holongo* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 128; see also Doerfer 1985: 39–40; Rozycki 1994: 187);

### (24) Solon Ewenki lexical items:

a. 'sun':

i. Khamnigan Ewenki (Borzya) *sigün*

← Solon Ewenki *siguŋ*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Zeya, Aldan, Khingan, Uchur *sigun*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Negidal *siwun ~ sigun*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *siu*; Ulcha *siun ~ sun*; Udihe *sūn*; Oroch *seun*; Orok *šun*; Manchu *šun*; Sibe *šun* ;

ii. Nercha Ewenki *dilacā*; Khamnigan Ewenki (Urulyungui) *dilacā ~ gilacā*;

cf. Orochen *diliča*; Siberian Ewenki: Podkamennyj, Nepa, Yerbogochen, Ilimpeya, Upper Lena, North-Baikal, Tungir, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Chumikan, Sakhalin *dïlačā*; *other Tungusic lgs*: Lamut *dilača*

(Castrén 1856: 90; Janhunen 1991: 98; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 607b; Chaoke 2014a: 152; Vasilevič 1958: 350b, 128a; Cincius 1975/77 2: 78; 1: 206a; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 867; Zikmundová 2013: 222);

b. 'new': Nercha Ewenki *n.a.*; Khamnigan Ewenki *irkekīn* ← Solon Ewenki *irkǝhin ~ ikkiŋ*; Orochen *irkin*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Sakhalin *irkekīn* 'new, fresh'; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut ; Negidal *ihihīn ~ īhin ~ ihēhin*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *sikū*; Ulcha *sičeun*; Udihe *sike*; Oroch *ikken*; Orok *sitew ~ siteu*; Manchu *iče*; Sibe *ičǝ* (Janhunen 1991: 52; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 339b; Chaoke 2014a: 166; Vasilevič 1958: 178a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 328a; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 483; Zikmundová 2013: 215)

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

	- a. 'book': Khamnigan Ewenki *kinīska* ← Russian *knížka* 'small book' < *kniga* +*ka* Russian diminutive suffix;
	- b. 'pig': Khamnigan Ewenki *čūske* ← Russian *čúška* 'piglet';
	- c. 'bread': Khamnigan Ewenki *būlke* ← Russian *búlka* 'roll, white loaf';
	- d. 'candy, sweet': Khamnigan Ewenki *hampyētke* ← Russian *konfétka < konfeta* +*ka* Russian diminutive suffix ← German ← Latin;
	- e. 'sugar': Khamnigan Ewenki *sākar* ← Russian *sáhar* ← Arabic; etc.

### **5.4 Mongolic loanwords**

The Mongolic loanwords in Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki can be divided into two groups. The first one includes the Mongolic loanwords peculiar to both dialects, while the second group contains loanwords borrowed at a different time.

### **5.4.1 Mongolic loanwords peculiar to both dialects**

	- a. 'person, man': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *beye*; cf. Solon Ewenki *bǝyǝ*; Orochen *beye*; Siberian Common Ewenki *beye*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *bey*; Negidal *beye*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha, Udihe, Oroch, Orok *beye*; Manchu *beye*; Sibe *bey* (Castrén 1856: 94; Janhunen 1991: 59; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 67b; Chaoke 2014a: 158; Vasilevič 1958: 73b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 122a; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 89; Zikmundová 2013: 206) ← Mongolic 'body, organism': Middle Mongol: MNT *beye ~ be'e*; HY,

'Phags-pa, Muq., Rasulid *beye*;

18Russian loanwords in Khamnigan Mongol were analyzed in detail by Gruntov & Mazo (2015). These loanwords are possibly also present in Khamnigan Ewenki due to the fact that Russians lived together with Khamnigan Mongol and Khamnigan Ewenki people until the 1960s as one of our Khamnigan Ewenki informants told us.

5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

Literary Mongolian *beye*; Manchurian, Onon and Mongolian Khamnigan Mongol *beye*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan *biye*; Dagur *bǝy*; Buryat *beye* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 64; see also Doerfer 1985: 20; Rozycki 1994: 29); b. 'maral deer': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *bugu*; cf. Solon Ewenki *buγu*; Siberian Ewenki: Barguzin, Upper Lena, Vitim *buγu*; Zeya *buγ*; Ayan *buγe*; Sakhalin, Urmi, Uchur *buγuj*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *n.a.*; Negidal *bočan*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *bočā*; Ulcha *buča ~ boča*, Oroch *buča*; Manchu *buhû*; Sibe *bukun ihan* 'mountain antilope' (Castrén 1856: 95; Janhunen 1991: 24; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 84a; Vasilevič 1958: 64a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 101b; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 119; Stary 1990: 9); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT, HY *buqu*; ZY, Muq. *buγu*; Rasulid *buġa*; Literary Mongolian *buγu* 'a male deer, stag'; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *bugu*; Dagur *bɔγw*; Buryat *buga* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 67; see also Doerfer 1985: 78; Rozycki 1994: 37); c. 'type of duck': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *aŋgir*; cf. Solon Ewenki *aŋgir*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Negidal *ani*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *āŋgi*; Manchu *aŋgir*; Remaining lgs. *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 71; Janhunen 1991: 51; Chaoke 2014b: 52; Vasilevič 1958: 32b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 43b); Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT, ZY, HY *anggir*; Literary Mongolian *anggir*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat *angir*; Dagur *n.a*.; Mongolic ← Turkic:19 cf. Old Turkic *aŋït* 'a rather large bird predominantly red; the ruddy goose (*Anas casarca*)' (Khabtagaeva 2017: 59; see also Doerfer 1985: 68; Rozycki 1994: 19); d. 'to roar': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *barkirā-*; cf. Solon Ewenki *baggera-*; Siberian Ewenki: *n.a*; Remaining Tungusic lgs. *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 94; Janhunen 1991: 31; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 53a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 75b); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol *n.a*.; Literary Mongolian *barkira-*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *barkir-*; Dagur *n.a.*; Buryat *barxir-* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 63; see also Doerfer 1985: 101);

19Turkic: Yakut *andï ~ annï* 'scoter, pochard; black duck' → Siberian Ewenki: Ayan, Uchur *anni ~ andi* 'black duck'.

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

e. 'to think': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *bodo-*; cf. Solon Ewenki, Orochen *bodo-*; Siberian Ewenki *n.a.*; *other Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha, Udihe *bodo-*; Oroch *budu-*; Orok *boddo- ~ bodo-*; Manchu *bodo-*; Sibe *bot- ~ bod(ǝ)-*; Remaining lgs. *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 95; Janhunen 1991: 101; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 75b; Chaoke 2014a: 168; Cincius 1975/77 1: 88a; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 104; Zikmundová 2013: 207); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: *n.a*.; Literary Mongolian *bodo-*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *bod-*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *bodo-*; Dagur *bɔd-*; Buryat *bodo-*

(Khabtagaeva 2017: 65; see also Doerfer 1985: 78; Rozycki 1994: 33);

	- a. The disappearance of the Mongolic consonant *q-* through \**χ-*, which points to an early period of borrowing:
		- i. 'twenty': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *orin*; cf. Solon Ewenki *uriŋ*; Orochen *urin*; Siberian Ewenki: Barguzin *orin*;

*other Northern Tungusic*: Negidal *ojin*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai *hori*; Ulcha, Orok *hori(n)*; Udihe *waji ~ uai*; Oroch *oi*; Manchu *orin*; Sibe *orin*

(Castrén 1856: 75; Janhunen 1991: 23; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 534a; Chaoke 2014a: 170; Vasilevič 1958: 326b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 24; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 740; Zikmundová 2013: 219);

Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT, HY, 'Phags-pa, Leiden, Muq. *qorin*; Literary Mongolian *qorin*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *kori(n)*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *xori(n)*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan *χori*; Mongolian Khamnigan *orin*; Buryat *xori(n)*

(Khabtagaeva 2017: 123; see also Doerfer 1985: 81; Rozycki 1994: 169);

ii. 'thumb': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *ürügün*; cf. Solon Ewenki *ǝruguŋ*; Siberian Ewenki: Upper Lena, Chumikan *urugun*; Barguzin *huruwūn*; Aldan, Sakhalin, Urmi, Uchur *hurugun*; *other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *huregen*; Negidal *hojeŋen*; *Southern Tungusic*: Udihe *hue*; Oroch *hōŋo(n)*; Manchu *urhun*

### 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

(Castrén 1856: 78; Janhunen 1991: 46; Chaoke 2014b: 153; Cincius 1975/77 2: 354b; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 969);

← Mongolic \**χurugun*: Middle Mongol: MNT *quru'u(n)*; HY *quru'un*; Leiden *qurūn*; Muq. *qurūn ~ χurūn*; Rasulid *qurūn*; Literary Mongolian *quruγun* 'finger, toe; finger-like'; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *kurū(n)*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *xurū*; Mongolian Khamnigan *xurguon*; Buryat *xurgan*; Dagur *xɔrɔ̄* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 90);

b. The preservation of original Mongolic \**ti* which later became *či*:

65; see also Doerfer 1985: 76; Rozycki 1994: 31);

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

	- i. 'butter, oil': Nercha Ewenki (Man'kovo) *tosun*, (Urulga) *tohun*; Khamnigan Ewenki *tosun*; cf. Solon Ewenki *n.a.*; Siberian Ewenki: North-Baikal *tosun*; Aldan, Barguzin *tohun*; *other Tungusic*: *n.a*.  (Janhunen 1991: 24; Cincius 1975/77 1: 587a);

← Mongolic: MNT *nasu*; 'Phags-pa *nasu ~ nasun*; Leiden, Muq. *nasun*; Literary Mongolian *nasun*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *nahun*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *nasu(n) ~ nasa(n)*; Mongolian Khamnigan *nasu*; Dagur *nas*; Buryat *naha(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 119; see also Doerfer 1985: 127);

iii. 'bovine': Nercha Ewenki *ükür*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *ükür*; Borzya *hükür*;

cf. Solon Ewenki *n.a.*; Orochen *ukur*; Siberian Ewenki: Barguzin, Zeya, Aldan, Khingan, Uchur *hukur*; *other Tungusic*: *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 83; Janhunen 1991: 46; Chaoke 2014a: 157; Vasilevič 1958: 491b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 341); Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *hüker*; ZY *üger*; HY *hüger*; 'Phags-pa, Leiden, Muq. *hüker*; Rasulid *üker*; Literary Mongolian *ükür*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *üker*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *üker ~ ökör* (← Khalkha); Dadal-sum Khamnigan Mongol *ük'ür*; Dagur *xukur*; Buryat *üxer*; Mongolic \**ükür* 'bovine animal, ox, cow' < *hükür* ← Bulgar Turkic *\*hökür*: cf. Old Turkic *öküz* 'ox' ← Tokharian (Khabtagaeva 2017: 89; see also Doerfer 1985: 67);

d. The preservation of Middle Mongol intervocalic *q* which later is voiced:

### 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

	- i. 'homeland': Nercha Ewenki *n.a.*; Khamnigan Ewenki *nitug*; cf. Solon Ewenki, Siberian Ewenki *n.a.*; *other Tungusic*: *n.a*. (Janhunen 1991: 24);

← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *nuntuq ~ nutuq*; HY *nuntuq*; Muq. *nutuq*; Literary Mongolian *nituγ*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *nitug ~ nutug*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *nitug*; Dagur *nɔtɔg*; Buryat *nyutag*;

ii. 'sin': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *nigul*; cf. Solon Ewenki *niw ul*; Siberian Ewenki: Upper Lena *niŋul*; *other Tungusic*: *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 85; Janhunen 1991: 24; Chaoke 2014b: 316; Cincius 1975/77 1: 589a);

← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: 'Phags-pa *ni'ül*; Literary Mongolian *niγul*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *nigül*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *nügel* (← Buryat); Dagur *nugul*; Buryat *nügel* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 120);

	- i. 'mare': Nercha Ewenki *gēk*; Khamnigan Ewenki: Borzya *gēg*, Urulyungui *gē*;

20E.g. Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *kēgen* 'child' ~ Mongolic 'girl': Literary Mongolian *keüken*; Buryat *xǖxen*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *tēke* 'history' ~ Mongolic: Literary Mongolian *teüke*; Buryat *tǖxe*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *dē* 'younger brother' ~ Mongoli: Literary Mongolian *degüü*; Buryat *dǖ*, etc. (Janhunen 1990: 28).

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

cf. Solon Ewenki *gǝ*; Siberian Ewenki: Vitim *gēγ*; Barguzin *gog*; Upper Lena *gēn*;

*other Tungusic*: Manchu *geo*

(Castrén 1856: 81; Janhunen 1991: 41; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 207a; Vasilevič 1958: 84a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 145; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 345);

← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT, HY, Muq. *ge'ün*; Literary Mongolian *gegüü*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *gē*; Mongolian Khamnigan *gökü*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol, Buryat *gǖ*; Dagur *gǝu* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 52; see also Doerfer 1985: 102; Rozycki 1994: 88);

	- i. 'goat': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *imagan*;

cf. Solon Ewenki *imaγaŋ*; Siberian Ewenki *imagan*: Barguzin 'goat'; Uchur, Urmi, Sakhalin 'bastard calf';

*other Northern Tungusic*: Lamut *n.a.*; Negidal *imaja*; *Southern Tungusic*: Nanai, Ulcha, Udihe, Oroch *ima*; Orok *n.a.*; Manchu *imahû* 'Capricorn'; Sibe *n.a.*

(Castrén 1856: 75; Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 330b; Vasilevič 1958: 167b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 312b; Hauer 1952-1955: 497);

← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *ima'a*; HY *ima'an*; Muq. *ima'an ~ imān*; Rasulid *imān*; Literary Mongolian *imaγan*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *imā(n)*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *yamā(n)* (← Buryat); Mongolian Khamnigan *imagān*; Dagur *imā*; Buryat *yamā(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 90; see also Doerfer 1985: 37; Rozycki 1994: 116);

ii. 'antelope': Nercha Ewenki *n.a.*; Khamnigan Ewenki *ǰegerēn*; cf. Solon Ewenki *dʒǝgǝrǝŋ* 'Mongolian gazelle'; Siberian Ewenki *n.a.*;

*other Tungusic* 'roe deer, wild goat': Udihe *ǰeli*; Manchu *ǰeren*; Remaining lgs. *n.a.*

(Janhunen 1991: 100; Chaoke 2014b: 40; Cincius 1975/77 1: 282b; Hauer 1952-1955 2: 530);

Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: HY, Muq. *ǰēren*; Literary Mongolian *ǰeger-e(n)*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *ǰēre(n)*;

5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

Onon Khamnigan Mongol *dzēr* (← Khalkha); Dagur *ǰǝrǝn*; Buryat *zēren*;

Mongolic ← Turkic: cf. Old Turkic *yägrän* 'gazelle' (Doerfer 1985: 136; Rozycki 1994: 122);

iii. 'camel': Nercha Ewenki *n.a.*; Khamnigan Ewenki *temegēn*; Solon Ewenki *tǝmǝgǝŋ*; Orochen *temegen*; Siberian Ewenki: Barguzin *temegēn*;

*other Tungusic*: Nanai, Oroch *teme*; Manchu *temen*; Remaining lgs. *n.a*.

(Janhunen 1991: 100; Chaoke 2014b: 56; Chaoke 2014a: 157; Cincius 1975/77 2: 235a; Hauer 1952-1955 3: 899);

Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *teme'en*; ZY *te[m]mē*; HY *teme'en*; Muq. *temēn*; Rasulid *temēn*; Literary Mongolian *temegen*; Manchurian and Onon Khamnigan Mongol *temē(n)*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan Mongol *t'ɛmē*; Mongolian Khamnigan *temegēn*; Dagur *tǝmǝ*; Buryat *temē(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 133; see also Doerfer 1985: 77–78; Rozycki 1994: 206); Mongolic ← Turkic: cf. Old Turkic *täβäy* 'camel';

### **5.4.2 Mongolic loanwords borrowed at a different time**

Castrén's Nercha Ewenki material includes the Mongolic "early stage" loanwords which are present in other Tungusic languages as well, while Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol has Mongolic loanwords borrowed more recently.

(28) The final Mongolic consonant \**-l* is presented as *-n* in all Ewenki dialects:

a. 'saddle': Nercha Ewenki: Urulga *emegen*, Borzya *emēl*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki *emegēl* ← Solon Ewenki *ǝmǝgǝl*; cf. Siberian Ewenki *emegen*: Yerbogochen, Upper Lena, Barguzin, Tungir, Ayan 'saddle'; Zeya, Aldan, Uchur, Urmi, Ayan, Sakhalin 'pack saddle'; Podkamennyj, Ilimpeya 'men's hunting saddle'; *other Tungusic*: Lamut *emgun*; Orok *emē(n) ~ emegē(n)*; Manchu *eŋgemu*; Sibe *ǝmǝŋ*; Remaining lgs. *n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 73; Janhunen 1991: 100; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 172; Vasilevič 1958: 558b; Cincius 1975/77 2: 452b; Hauer 1952-1955 1: 252; Zikmundová 2013: 210); Tungusic ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *eme'el*; ZY, Muq., Rasulid *emēl*; Literary Mongolian *emegel*; Manchurian Khamnigan

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

Mongol *emēl*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *emēl ~ ömȫl*; Dagur, Buryat *emēl* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 83; see also Doerfer 1985: 21; Rozycki 1994: 70);

	- a. 'young': Nercha Ewenki *ǰalaf*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki: Urulyungui *ǰalō*, Borzya *ǰalau*

← Solon Ewenki *ǰalu*; cf. Siberian Ewenki: Aldan, Barguzin, Upper Lena, Zeya, Tungir, Uchur *ǰalaw*; *other Tungusic*: *n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 93; Janhunen 1991: 30, 54; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 356b; Vasilevič 1958: 147a; Cincius 1975/77 1: 245a); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *ǰala'ui*; Muq. *ǰala'ū ~ ǰalū*; Ist. *ǰalau*; Rasulid *ǰalawu*; Literary Mongolian *ǰalaγu*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *dzalū*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan Mongol *džalalgan* 'boy'; Dagur *ǰalɔ̄*; Buryat *zalū* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 93; see also Doerfer 1985: 127);

	- a. 'rope, loop, lasso': Nercha Ewenki (Mankovo) *desün*; (Urulga) *dehün*; cf. Khamnigan Ewenki, Solon Ewenki, Siberian Ewenki *n.a.*; *other Tungusic lgs. n.a.* (Castrén 1856: 89); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: ZY *dēsü*; HY *de'esün*; Muq. *dēsün*; Rasulid *dēsün*; Literary Mongolian *degesün*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *dēsün*; Dagur *dǝs*; Buryat *dēhe(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 80);
	- b. 'fly': Nercha Ewenki (Mankovo) *ilāsun*; (Urulga) *ilāhun*; Khamnigan Ewenki *ilāsun*;

cf. Solon Ewenki *ilā*; Siberian Ewenki *n.a.*; *other Tungusic lgs. n.a*. (Castrén 1856: 74; Janhunen 1991: 105; Dorji & Banzhibomi 1998: 324b; Cincius 1975/77 1: 306b);

← Mongolic: Literary Mongolian *ilaγasun*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *ilāhun*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *ilā*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan 5 Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki dialects

Mongol *ilā*; Dagur *xilā* 'horsefly'; Buryat *ilāha(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 90); cf. Orochen *dilkān*, other Ewenki dial. *dilkēn*;

(31) There is one Mongolic loanword which is absent in other Tungusic languages, yet must have been borrowed at an early stage:

a. 'forty': Nercha Ewenki, Khamnigan Ewenki *düčin*; in other Ewenki dialects *dïgin ǰār*; Solon Ewenki *n.a.*21 (Castrén 1856: 90; Janhunen 1991: 76); ← Mongolic: Middle Mongol: MNT *döčin*; ZY *düčin*; HY, Muq., Ist., Rasulid *döčin*; Literary Mongolian *döči(n)*; Manchurian Khamnigan Mongol *düči(n)*; Onon Khamnigan Mongol *düči(n)*; Dadal-sum Khamnigan Mongol *dötš'i*; Dagur *duč*; Buryat *düše(n)* (Khabtagaeva 2017: 81).

### **6 Conclusion**

As expected, the material examined shows a close connection between Nercha and Khamnigan Ewenki. Most of the vocabulary coincides, yet in several cases the other Ewenki dialects have differing forms (e.g. *nekün* 'younger brother', *nuŋnakī* 'goose', *timī* 'tomorrow', *nama* 'warm', etc.) or even lack some words (e.g. *düčin* 'forty'). These facts argue strongly for a common linguistic background between the two varieties. A separate group of vocabulary items includes the Nercha Ewenki words which have some phonetic differences from Khamnigan Ewenki, though these variants can possibly be explained by Castrén's transcriptions from 1856. However, there are some Khamnigan Ewenki words that changed phonetically recently, under the influence of Solon Ewenki – another neighboring Tungusic language of Manchuria. These include words with the unstable consonant *-n* (e.g. *amin* 'father', *tergen* 'carriage') and secondary long vowels in the first syllable of words (e.g. *āli* 'when'). These vowels also appear in the Mongolic loanwords (e.g. *ēm* 'medicine, drug', *tōrga* 'silk'). In addition, some Solon Ewenki words were borrowed by Khamnigan Ewenki after the migration from Russia (e.g. *sigün* 'sun', *irkekīn* 'new'). More likely, the Russian loanwords in Khamnigan Ewenki were borrowed at an early time but were not noted by Castrén in his Nercha Ewenki material. According to phonetic criteria (e.g. the preservations of the vowel \**u* in the last syllable, Middle Mongol *VqV*, and sequences \**ni* and \**si*), most of the Mongolic loanwords in Nercha and Khamnigan

21Solon *dǝhi* (Chaoke 2014b: 346) ← Manchu *dehi*.

### Bayarma Khabtagaeva

Ewenki dialects match each other. These facts also support a common linguistic heritage of the two varieties. Due to our short and preliminary fieldwork among the Khamnigan Ewenki people in 2017, further fieldwork is necessary for a morphological and syntactic analysis, which I was not able to present here.

### **Citation of data**

### **Acknowledgements**

This paper is supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. I would like to thank my colleagues and friends from Charles University Prague, Dr. Veronika Zikmundová and Dr. Veronika Kapišovská, with whom I conducted the fieldwork. Also, I would like to thank all our consultants and contacts in Hulunbuir, China. I am also grateful to Dr. Andreas Hölzl (University of Zurich) for his helpful and invaluable remarks.

### **References**

Atknine, Victor. 1997. The Evenki language from the Yenisei to Sakhalin. *Senri Ethnological Studies* 44. 109–121.

Bulatova, N. Ja. 1987. *Govory ėvenkov amurskoj oblasti*. Leningrad: Nauka.

Bulatova, N. Ja. 2002. Ėvenkijskij jazyk. In V. P. Neroznak (ed.), *Jazyki narodov Rossii. Krasnaja kniga. Enciklopedičeskij slovar'-spravočnik*, 267–272. Мoscow: Academia.

## **Chapter 6**

## **Functions of placeholder words in Evenki**

### Elena Klyachko

Higher School of Economics & Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences

Placeholders are used to fill in the pause when the speaker has forgotten the exact word. They have the syntactic properties of the word the speaker cannot recall (the target word). Studying placeholders is thus important for understanding how discourse works. However, the area has been much understudied, especially for low-resource languages, due to the lack of oral corpora. This paper fills in this lacuna for the Evenki language. It describes the functions of placeholders and their grammatical properties, drawing on data from oral corpora and elicitation. More specifically, it looks into the transfer of grammatical features from the target word to the placeholder. Dialectal distribution of placeholders and their correlates in other Tungusic languages are also discussed.

### **1 Introduction**

### **1.1 Placeholder words**

In conversation, speakers can employ a number of devices in case they hesitate or have forgotten the exact word. "Non-silence devices" which are used to fill in the pause are called fillers. More specifically, fillers "fulfilling the syntactic projection" of a phrase (in contrast to interjections) are called placeholders (see Fox 2010 for a discussion of the terms). For many languages, corpus-based placeholder studies may be difficult. Firstly, placeholder words were usually omitted in older published materials, which are not accompanied by audio. Secondly, the very technique of writing down texts without speech recorders (such as asking

Elena Klyachko. 2022. Functions of placeholder words in Evenki. In Andreas Hölzl & Thomas E. Payne (eds.), *Tungusic languages: Past and present*, 199– 225. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.7053369

### Elena Klyachko

the speaker to dictate) may have forced the speakers to use fewer placeholder words.

### **1.2 The Evenki language**

In this work, a study of placeholder words in the Evenki language is performed. Evenki is an endangered Tungusic language spoken in Russia, China and Mongolia. In Russia, there are fewer than 5000 speakers (*Russian census* 2010). For China, a number of 11 000 is given in Ethnologue (2019) but we should take into account that the traditional Chinese classification counts Solon, Aoluguya and Khamnigan Evenki as Evenki dialects whereas Oroqen is considered a separate language (Tsumagari 1992). However, Oroqen is actually closer to the Russian Evenki dialects (as well as Aoluguya and Khamnigan Evenki) than Solon. Therefore, if we count only dialects of Evenki proper in China, there are roughly 2500 Oroqen speakers (Whaley & Li 2000), fewer than 200 Aoluguya speakers (Tsumagari 1992), and fewer than 1000 Khamnigan Evenki speakers (Whaley 1998). As regards Mongolia, the Khamnigan Evenki language seems to be extinct. This paper addresses the Evenki dialects of Russia due to the lack of oral speech corpora from China or Mongolia.

The Evenki language is spread over a huge territory and comprises numerous dialects, which are quite different from each other. Vasilevich (1948) provides a classification of the Evenki dialects spoken in the former USSR, dividing them into three groups: Northern, Southern, and Eastern (see Figure 1 for a map).

### **1.3 Notes on Evenki morphology**

In this paper, placeholders are analyzed from the morphological point of view. Therefore, a brief introduction into the Evenki morphology will be given here.

Evenki is an agglutinating language with rich derivational and inflectional morphology. Nedjalkov lists the following morphological classes in Evenki (Nedjalkov 1997: 139–140):

### 6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

Figure 1: Evenki dialects of Russia (based on Vasilevich 1948, redrawn by Nadezhda Mamontova)

A nominal wordform has the template shown in Table 1. For example:

### Elena Klyachko

Verbal wordforms can be finite or non-finite (participles and converbs), depending on whether it can be the only verbal form in an independent clause.1 A finite verb form has the following template (Table 2).2

For example:

$$\begin{array}{ccccc} \text{(3)} & tfa\_1 & -ti\_2 & -pka & -l\_4 & -d\mathfrak{a}\_5 & -n\_6 & = da \text{ or } \\ & \text{tea} & \text{-vBLZ -CAUS} & \text{-INCH -NFUT -3SG -FOC} & \\ & \text{'She started to give tea to drink.'} \end{array}$$

Non-finite verb forms can have personal or number endings, which depends on the actual participial or converbial form itself. A non-finite verb form has therefore the scheme shown in Table 3.

Table 3: Non-finite verbal template

1Actually, there are rare cases of non-finite forms used independently in oral speech.

2 Some aspect affixes can precede voice affixes. There can be several aspect affixes in a verb form (Tables 2–3).

### 6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(4) is an example of a converb with no personal endings, (5) is a converb with personal endings, and (6) is a participle.

All wordforms can be followed by a clitic (as in 3).

### **1.4 Aims**

The aims of this work are as following:

### **1.5 Methods**

The study is mainly based on a corpus of texts, which have been recorded, transcribed and analyzed by a group of linguists, including the author of this work (Siberian-Lang corpus 2019). The material was recorded in 2007–2018 in Tomsk oblast, Krasnoyarsk krai and Irkutsk oblast. The corpus comprises mainly texts recorded from speakers of the Northern dialect group. A corpus of oral Evenki texts recorded in Krasnoyarsk krai by Nadezhda Mamontova in 2014 is also used (Corpora IEA 2019). Another source is descriptive grammars of the Evenki language: Konstantinova (1964), Nedjalkov (1997), and Bulatova & Grenoble (1999). Both corpora are more focused on the Northern and Southern Evenki dialects, while data on the Eastern dialects is scarce. Furthermore, the corpora of related Tungusic languages have been studied.

### Elena Klyachko

I conducted several elicitation experiments in Krasnoyarsk krai, Irkutsk oblast, and Khabarovsk krai. The design was straightforward: the speakers were given sentences containing placeholders and asked whether the sentences sounded acceptable and which words could be used instead. However, when analyzing the elicitation results, it should be taken into account that the status of the placeholder words is very low among the speakers. They are often referred to as "slips of the tongue" or "just insertions to connect the words together". Sometimes a speaker says about a particular placeholder that there is no such word, although they still use it in their own speech. Still, some speakers recall "people using these words in the past when telling something", and even try to distinguish the meanings of the placeholders.

### **2 Placeholder words in Evenki**

In this section, placeholder words in Evenki will be described in detail according to the following plan, which roughly follows Podlesskaya (2010).

### 6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

In all examples, the placeholder word will be put in **bold**, whereas the correspondent target phrase will be underlined. In translations, "whatsitsname" and "do that thing" will be used.

### **2.1** *aŋə* **/** *aŋi*

In the Evenki grammars, *aŋi* is described as a placeholder, though this exact term is not always used. In Konstantinova (1964: 265) it is called a demonstrative particle meaning 'whatsitsname, something'. In Bulatova & Grenoble (1999: 24, 26) it is classified as an interrogative pronoun as well as a placeholder, and its use in both nominal and verbal roots is described. In the corpus texts, it is pronounced as either *aŋə* or *aŋi*. It seems to be more frequently pronounced as *aŋə* when it is used independently, without any affixes. Furthermore, the stem is sometimes shortened to *aŋ*, without the final vowel. However, (10) shows that the final vowel is not just a connecting or epenthetic vowel (otherwise the form would be \**aŋtikiː* and not *aŋi-tkiː*). Prosodically, *aŋi* is often followed with a pause. However, this can be justified by the speaker actively trying to recall the target word. Generally speaking, intonation in Evenki is understudied (see, for example Morozova & Androsova 2019). Therefore, I will not go into greater detail regarding intonation.

### **2.1.1 Functions as a placeholder**

*aŋi* is used widely if the speaker cannot recall the exact word to ensure the fluency of the narrative. For example, in (7) there are two instances of *aŋi* for two nouns, which are both repaired on the spot. In (8), the first occurrence of the placeholder is repaired but the second is not.

### Elena Klyachko

### **2.1.2 Restrictions on the target word**

As (9), (10), and (11) show, *aŋi* can substitute for both nouns (including proper nouns) and verbs.

'They went to whatsitsname, to Moscow, home.' (G. K. Lapuko, Tura, 2008)

(11) *t͡ʃaŋit* bandit *tar* that *t͡ʃaŋit-pa* bandit-acc *tarə* that.acc *aŋi-waːt* whatsitsname-imper.1pl.incl *t͡ʃok-naː-γaːt* kill-prgrn-imper.1pl.incl 'Let us do that thing, let us go and kill that bandit (=bear).' (S. M. Andreyeva, Strelka-Chunya, 2007)

In (12), it replaces an adjective: the speaker could not come up with the Evenki word and switched to Russian.

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(12) *əməgən=ta* saddle=foc *on* how *aŋə* whatsitsname *skolskij* slippery.R 'The saddle is how, whatsitsname, slippery.' (I. K. Uvachan, Tutonchany, 2008)

There are no examples of *aŋi* replacing a numeral, a quantifier, or a postposition in our corpus or in the IEA RAS corpus.

In (13), *aŋi* may be considered to be replacing an adverb *ďuga* 'in summer'. It is the only example of that kind in our corpus.

(13) *hulakiː-l* fox-pl *koŋnomo-l* black-pl *aŋi* whatsitsname *ďuga* in.summer *o* intj *ďuga* in.summer *aŋi-wkiː-l* whatsitsname-phab-pl 'Black foxes whatsitsname, in summer, oh, in summer they usually do that thing.' (L. V. Mikhaylova, Tura, 2008)

In (14), *aŋi* has the same affixes as the personal pronoun following it (note that the 3rd person pronoun form in Evenki has a possessive affix historically, which behaves just like a normal possessive suffix in nominal forms). However, it would be strange for a placeholder to replace a personal pronoun. Perhaps, the speaker wanted to say "When we were going past her grave…" and then said simply "When we were going past her…". It is the only example in our corpus where the speaker uses a pronoun to "repair" the placeholder.

(14) *tara* that.acc *aŋi-liː-n* whatsitsname-prol-3sg.poss *nuŋan-duliː-n* 3sg-prol-3sg.poss *ŋənə-ďə-wun* go-psim-1pl.excl *eːkun=məl* what=indef *təpkə-l-də-n* shout-inch-nfut-3sg 'When we were going past whatsitsname, past her, something started to shout.' (G. K. Lapuko, Tura, 2008)

### **2.1.3 Functions other than those of a placeholder**

*aŋi* is sometimes used as an interjective hesitation marker as in Hayashi & Yoon (2010), when the speaker cites the direct speech of a character:

(15) *tuŋ* thus *ɲikə-rə-n=daː* do-nfut-3sg=foc *gun-ə-n* say-nfut-3sg *aŋi* whatsitsname 'Having done this, (he) said: whatsitsname….' (V. Kh. Yoldogir, Chiringda, 2007)

### Elena Klyachko

Sometimes, *aŋi* is used at the beginning of a new sentence (16) or at the end of a sentence (17) with seemingly no syntactic role or any actual placeholder function, being an interjection, marking hesitation and/or introducing a new topic.

In some of these examples, *aŋ* has a focus marker *=kə*:

(18) *ə-kəldu* neg-imper.2pl *ɲikagda* never.R *ə-kəldu* neg-imper.2pl *ɲiː-wə=dəː* who-acc=foc *aŋ=kə* whatsitsname=foc *abiʐat-tə* offend.R=pneg 'Never, well, never offend anybody.' (T. A. Bogdanova, Potapovo, 2011)

According to Idiatov (2007: 300), who follows Bulatova & Grenoble (1999: 24), *aŋi* can be used as an interrogative word. However, such usages are lacking in our corpus.

### **2.1.4 Mirroring the grammatical shape of the target word**

The questions of this section are: whether wordforms with *aŋi* can have all possible slots filled in; and which slots are copied from the target word. I must emphasize the fact that we cannot be 100% sure that the word recalled by the speaker is actually the target word. However, it will be our assumption. First, I will look into the slots of nominal and verbal wordforms. For nominal wordforms, there are no examples of *aŋi* taking the alienable possession suffix in our corpus. However, there are no examples where the target word is then recalled and actually has the alienable possession affix, either. Other slots can also be filled in. For example, in (19), a derivational intensifier affix is used together with the case and number suffixes.

(19) *irəktə-l-ə* larch-pl-accin *aŋi-kaːkuː-r-ə* whatsitsname-ints-pl-accin *o-ďa-n* make-futcnt-3sg 'He will make larches, whatsitsnames….' (S. P. Mukto, Uchami, 2014)

### 6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

In our corpus, intensifiers are the only non-inflectional affixes which are used in nominal *aŋi* wordforms.

As regards verbs, there are no examples of the derivational slot (including intensifiers) filled in for the *aŋi* verbal wordforms. Furthermore, the voice slot also remains empty in the corpus examples, although there are elicited sentences where the speaker uses a wordform with a non-empty voice slot (20).

(20) *ə-doː-tin* neg-cvpurp-3pl *aŋi-ďə-rə* whatsitsname-ipfv-pneg *isə-w-ďə-rə=doː* see-pass-ipfv-pneg=foc *loku-sa-ďa-ra=daː* hang-stat-ipfv-pneg=foc 'So that they will not do that thing, be seen, hang.' (S. P. Mukto, Uchami, 2014)

Aspect and mood/tense slots are, on the contrary, often filled. In (21), *aŋi* has non-empty aspect and tense slots, and in (22) the aspect and the mood (imperative) slots are filled.

As demonstrated by previous examples, *aŋi* can take nominal or verbal suffixes, mirroring the shape of the target. (11) shows that the mirroring can be partial: the inflectional affix (*-waːt* 'imper.1pl.incl') is copied whereas the derivational one (*-naː* 'prgrn') is not. However, there are some examples where *aŋi* is used with no suffixes at all. In (27), both strategies are followed. It is worth noting that the same speaker also uses verbal affixes with *aŋi* in other examples.

(27) *bi* 1sg *nuŋanman* 3sg.acc *aŋi* whatsitsname *sabira-∅-m* gather-nfut-1sg *i* and.R *kuŋakan* child *aŋ-duː* whatsitsnam-dat.loc *hapoki-kaːn-tikiː* boot-atten-all *rezin-tikiː* rubber-all *resinowij-duː* rubber-dat.loc *hisʲi-hi-ŋnə-∅-m* shove-incep-hab-nfut-1sg 'I whatsitsname, gathered it (the antenna) and put it into whatsitsname, child's rubber boot.' (L. D. Utukogir, Khantayskoye Ozero, 2011)

In (28), it is hard to distinguish between the placeholder and the interjective use of *aŋi*.

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(28) *eːkun* what *ta-wər* that-rfl.pl *gun-ďə-rə-n* say-ipfv-nfut-3sg *aŋi* whatsitsname *lutʃa-l* Russian-pl *kokoldo-l-tin* mitten-pl-3pl.poss *zə* foc.R 'What's that? – he says. – (It's) whatsitsname, Russians' mittens.' (L. A. Yeryomina speaking to M. D. Turskaya, Khantayskoye Ozero, 2011)

If we denote the suffix set of *aŋi* with *AS* and the suffix set of the target word with *TS*, we can theoretically consider the following cases:

Table 4 shows the distribution of these cases in our corpus for nominal and verbal forms separately.

Table 4: Suffix mirroring according to the corpus

### Elena Klyachko

We compare the suffix sets only in case the Evenki target word was actually used. Therefore, the cases when the speaker did not actually pronounce the target word or shifted to Russian are included into "other cases". However, even when the target word is lacking, the placeholder and interjective uses of *aŋi* can usually be distinguished with the help of *aŋi* forms and the context, such as the speaker's explanations in Russian.

It can be seen that full mirroring occurs in most cases. The cases of partial mirroring can be explained with several reasons:

	- (29) *toːliː* then *dolboː* at.night *baldiː-ŋahiː-w* be.born-cvsim-1sg *amiː-m* father-1sg.poss *gənnoː-saː-n* fetch-pst-3sg *umukoːn* one *atirkaːnmə* old.woman-acc *minə* 1sg.acc *baldiː-ďa-rakiː-w* be.born-ipfv-cvcond-1sg *aŋi-daː-n* whatsitsname-cvpurp-3sg *juː-b-doː-n* go.out-caus-cvpurp-1sg 'Then, at night, when I was born, my father went to fetch one old woman so that she would do that thing, make me go out. (A. I. Pankagir, Ekongda, 2007)'
	- (30) *it͡ʃə-t-mi=ka* see-dur-cvcond=foc *tuγi* so *aŋi-kaːkun* whatsitsname-ints *tarə* тот.acc *it͡ʃə-t-mi=doː* see-dur-cvcond=foc *gun-ďəŋoː-n* say-fut-3sg *fsʲigda* always.R *bəjə* person *gun-ďəŋoː-n* say-fut-3sg *tar* that *wojennij* military *nuŋan* 3sg 'When someone sees – (he is) very whatsitsname, when someone sees, they will say… A person will always say that he is a military man.' (G. K. Lapuko, Tura, 2008)

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(31) *a* and.R *tar* that *tuliː-gido-n* outside-side-3sg.poss *talu* birch.bark *aŋi* whatsitsname *aŋi-sʲi-kaːkuːn* whatsitsname-atr-ints *bi-fkiː* be-phab *tar* that 'And on the outside there is usually birch bark whatsitsname, with whatsitsname.' (S. P. Mukto, Uchami, 2014)

	- (32) *taduk* then *aŋ* whatsitsname *nuŋan* 3sg *aŋi-l-da-n* whatsitsname-inch-nfut-3sg *himuːrga-ra-n* become.silent-nfut-3sg *tar* that *ʃaman* shaman *ʃamani-tkaːn=tə* shaman-child=foc 'Then she started doing that, became silent, that shaman, little shaman.' (G. K. Lapuko, Tura, 2008)

We can suppose that the stem *himuːrga-* 'become.silent' already has an inchoative meaning, so it is not necessary to use the inchoative suffix. However, to prove this, a separate survey on the lexical restrictions for the stems in question should be carried out.

Finally, the target word used by the speaker may sometimes be not the target word originally intended. Thus, partial mirroring can show the speaker's doubts, whereas the original intention cannot be retrieved.

### **2.1.5 Frequency**

In our data, *aŋi* is quite frequent, occurring 350 times in a corpus of about 27,700 running words, i. e. about 12.6 times per one thousand words. This is much higher than the rates cited in Podlesskaya (2010) (5–6.7 per thousand), which may be explained by the lack of proficiency in some speakers. Actually, most speakers do not use the Evenki language in their daily life, and text generation presents difficulties for some of them, with lexical production being more challenging than following grammar rules. Many passive Evenki speakers have no trouble

### Elena Klyachko

declining a noun or conjugating a verb, including participial or converbial forms. However, recalling the exact lexemes demands much more effort from them. As a result, texts produced by such speakers might be grammatically correct but have nearly all meaning words replaced by placeholders.

### **2.1.6 Dialectal variation**

According to the corpus, *aŋi* is used in the dialects of the Southern and Northern dialect groups: Sym, Podkamennya Tunguska, and Ilimpeya dialects. However, the word seems to be absent from the Far Eastern Tugur-Chumikan and Sakhalin dialects: it does not occur in texts, and the speakers do not recognize it in context. We have little spoken data from other Eastern dialects.

### **2.1.7 Possible source and evidence from related languages**

In Idiatov (2007: 299–302), the functions of *aŋi* as both a placeholder word and an interrogative pronoun are discussed. The author also states a hypothesis about its origin, tracing it to an old genitive form of a word originally meaning 'thing' or, alternatively, "a fossilized genitive of the … 'what' root" (which can be found in other interrogative pronouns). *aŋi* can also be found in the Udeghe language, a relative of Evenki (Nikolaeva & Tolskaya 2001: 361, 362). In Udeghe, the target words for *aŋi* can be both verbs and nouns (including proper names), and *aŋi* tends to mirror the grammatical shape of the target. Furthermore, it can function as an indefinite pronoun.

In Uilta (Orok), a Southern Tungusic language, *aŋŋu* is a placeholder word (Idiatov 2007: 301, citing Cincius 1975/77: I: 45). According to our Uilta field data, its target words can be both verbs and nouns, just like in Udeghe, and it also has the mirroring feature.

### **2.2** *uŋun*

*uŋun* is a named-entity placeholder. To my knowledge, this stem has not been reported in Evenki grammars yet.

### **2.2.1 Functions as a placeholder**

In the texts, *uŋun* substitutes proper nouns: names of people (33, 34) or animals in tales (35, 36), as well as geographical terms (37, 38).

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(33) *uŋun* whatsitsname2 *tare* that *wot* so.R *gusʲə-ja* Gusya-coll *aŋi-tin* whatsitsname-3pl.poss *am* slip *ďeduʃka-tin* grandfather-3pl.poss *haː-∅-ndә* know-nfut-2sg *kosin-mo* Kosin-acc 'Whatshisname, do you know, whatsitsname, the grandfather of the Gusya's family, Kosin?' (P. K. Pankagir speaking to V. P. Khukochar, Tutonchany, 2008) (34) *bəjə* person *uŋun-mə* whatsitsname2-acc *dəwit-pa* David-acc *haː-∅-ndə* know-nfut-2sg

'Friend, do you know whatshisname, David?' (L. F. Utukogir speaking to A. D. Chempogir, Khantayskoye Ozero, 2011)

(37) *eː* intj *nu* intj *ər-tikiː* this-all *zə* foc *uŋun-tikiː* whatsitsname2-all *bi-nə* be-cvsim *bi-rkə-∅* be-prob-3sg *nawerna* perhaps *ərə* that *walok-tuk* Valyok-abl 'Yes, it <the settlement discussed previously> was perhaps in the

direction of whatsitsname, in the direction from Valyok.' (L. A. Yeryomina speaking to M. D. Turskaya, Khantayskoye Ozero, 2011)

(38) *uŋun-duk* whatsitsname2-abl *ə* intj *aŋi-l* whatsitsname-pl *ďa-li-n* relative-pl-3sg.poss *aŋi-duk* whatsitsname-abl *gulə-l-duk* house-pl-abl *əmə-rə-∅=dəː* come-nfut-3pl=foc

4http://corpora.iea.ras.ru/corpora/describe\_text.php?id=35

### Elena Klyachko

*isʲə-noː[-rə-∅]* see-prgrn[-nfut-3pl] *aŋi-laː* whatsitsname-loc.all 'His whatsitsname, relatives came from whatsitsname, village, came and went to see to whatsitsname.' (G. K. Lapuko, Tura, 2008)

There is actually one example from Mutoray (Southern dialect group) where *uŋun* is probably a placeholder for a common noun meaning 'hole in the ice' and not a proper noun. However, it is hard to judge from the context as the speaker does not actually pronounce the word. Importantly, the narrator tells the tale in the presence of her husband, who makes comment to what she says, so this can also be regarded as a sort of a dialogue:

It can be seen from most of these examples that, when *uŋun* is used in dialogues, the speaker often asks the interlocutor to help recall the missing target. This brings *uŋun* into a sharp contrast with *aŋi*. With *aŋi*, the target word can usually be restored from the context, even if not pronounced. With *uŋun*, it is important to recall the exact name of a person or a place. This is perhaps the reason for its being used in dialogues with the inhabitants of the same settlement, who have the same background knowledge. We can say that *aŋi* is a placeholder for a word, whereas *uŋun* is a placeholder for the notion: *aŋi* helps make the narrative fluent acting like a joker, whereas *uŋun* brings the interlocutor's attention to the word being missed.

Similar conclusions on the interactional use of a placeholder in Estonian have been made in Keevallik (2010).

### **2.2.2 Restrictions on the target constituent**

As shown before, the target constituent is a proper noun.

### **2.2.3 Functions other than those of a placeholder**

None have been found.

### 6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

### **2.2.4 Mirroring the grammatical shape**

*uŋun* mirrors the grammatical shape of a noun, copying case markers. Proper nouns in Evenki do not usually have alienable or inalienable possession markers. Plural number markers are theoretically possible but rare. Therefore, there is no surprise that *uŋun* has no number or possession markers in our data.

### **2.2.5 Frequency**

In our data, *uŋun* is quite rare, occurring only 13 times in a corpus of about 27,700 running words. As shown above, it occurs mainly in dialogues between several Evenki speakers, and such dialogues are rare in our corpus. In the IEA RAS corpus, it only occurs 2 times in a corpus of 121,286 running words (the majority of the texts are, however, written texts), both times referring to the name of an animal in a tale.

### **2.2.6 Dialectal variation**

In our corpus, *uŋun* is only found in the Ilimpeya dialect texts (Northern dialect group), and in Podkamennaya Tunguska texts (Southern dialect group). However, a speaker from Nakanno (Irkustk oblast, Yerbogachyon dialect, Northern dialect group) recalled this word being used in the past by elderly people, although she was not entirely sure. Speakers of the Tugur-Chumikan dialect (Khabarovsk krai, in the Far East of Russia, Eastern dialect group) did not accept the word.

### **2.2.7 Possible source and evidence from related languages**

We cannot trace the origin of *uŋun*, and it is not mentioned in the comparative dictionary (Cincius 1975/77).

In Negidal, a close relative of Evenki, *uŋun* is used as a general purpose placeholder for both nominal and verbal stems, mirroring the target word grammar, e. g. in a text from the Negidal corpus (Pakendorf & Aralova 2017):5

(40) Negidal

*net* no.R *baka-ja-βun* find-nfut-1pl.excl *uŋun-ma* hesit-acc 'No, we found a whatchamacallit.' (A. V. Kazarova, Vladimirovka, 2017)

5https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Record/MPI1084918. The original glossing of *uŋun* as hesit is preserved.

### Elena Klyachko

(41) Negidal

*iʨe-mi* see-ss.cond *hoŋte* other *mesto-duki-n* place.R-abl-3sg *tak* so.R *moʐno* be.able.to.R *uŋun* hesit *məjga-ʨa* think-pst *možno* be.able.to.R *t͡ʃto* that.R *rjukzak=to* rucksack.R=ptl.R *minə-βə* 1sg.obl-acc.def *muː-duk-in* water-abl-3sg *uŋun-ʨa* hesit-pst *ɟaβu-ʨa-ʨa* take-res-pst 'Looking from the side one could think that it was the rucksack that was holding me up.' (A. V. Kazarova, Vladimirovka, 2017)

In the dictionary of Even, another close relative (Robbek & Robbek 2005: 271), *uŋ* is glossed as "interjection" which has the meaning "pause". Matić (2008)shows that it is typical for the Eastern Even dialects. Arkady Taraboukine, a native speaker of Even born in Beryozovka and living in Anyuysk, gave the following examples of how it could be used.

(42) Even

*ťiɲiw* yesterday *bi* 1sg *bəri-ri-w* lose-nfut-1sg *uɲ-u* whatsitsname2-acc *halka-w* hammer-acc 'Yesterday I lost whatsitsname, a hammer.' (A. Taraboukine, Beryozovka, 2020)

(43) Even

*bi* 1sg *uŋ-ďi-m* whatsitsname2-PRS-1sg *mərgət-t͡ʃi-m* think-prs-1sg 'I am doing that thing, thinking.' (A. Taraboukine, Beryozovka, 2020 )

Therefore, in Even, just like in Negidal, *uŋ* is used as a general purpose placeholder for both nominal and verbal stems, mirroring the grammatical features of the target word.

We have no information of the stem *uŋ(un)* being used in Southern Tungusic languages.

To sum up, the *uŋ(un)* stem can be found in Northern Tungusic languages with its function ranging from a general placeholder in Even and Negidal to a proper noun placeholder in some Evenki dialects. Interestingly, it was not found in the Tugur-Chumikan dialect (at least in elicitation experiments), otherwise quite close to the Even language both geographically and linguistically. In all these languages, *uŋ(un)* mirrors the grammatical features of the target word.

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

### **2.3** *eː(kun)*

*eː(kun)* is an interrogative pronoun meaning 'what/who'. *eː(kun)* can also have a shortened stem *eː-* (Konstantinova 1964: 137), mostly in oblique forms. In Poppe (1977) as well as in Cincius (1975/77: I: 286), *-kun* is considered to be a morpheme, with *eː* being the original stem. According to Idiatov (2007: 303–308), it can refer to objects, animals and to humans but only when questioning their "kind" (for example, their belonging to a clan). The meaning is different in various dialects, with Vanavara dialect (Southern dialect group) speakers more approving of its referring to humans. Indefinite and negative pronouns are formed from the interrogative pronominal base (Bulatova & Grenoble 1999: 25). *eː-*/*ə-* is also the stem of the question verb 'what to do?'

### **2.3.1 Functions as a placeholder**

*eː(kun)* serves as a placeholder for both nominal and verbal stems:

### **2.3.2 Restrictions on the target constituent**

In the examples considered, *eː(kun)* can substitute for both nominal and verbal roots.

### **2.3.3 Functions other than those of a placeholder**

The functions of *eː(kun)* as an interrogative, indefinite or negative pronoun have already been discussed.

### **2.3.4 Mirroring the grammatical shape of the target word**

The examples show that *eː(kun)* mirrors the grammatical shape, sometimes partially. Due to the scarcity of the data, I will not discuss the percentage of partial vs full mirroring. Like *aŋi*, *eː(kun)* is sometimes used as an interjective hesitation marker:

(46) *eːkun=ka* what=foc *nawerna* perhaps.R *ŋinaki-r* dog-pl *kiki-rka-l* bite-prob-3pl *kujiː-koːt-t͡ʃə-nə-l* fight-ints-ipfv-cvsim-pl 'Well, perhaps the dogs bit <it>, when they were fighting.' (V. N. Saygotin, Bolshoye Sovetskoye Ozero, 2007)

An anonymous reviewer suggests that it could be a calque of Russian *chto zhe* что же 'what so', used sometimes as an interjective hesitation marker. I think it might be difficult to prove or confute it with little data on how discourse markers are generally calqued in Evenki. However, I still think it is not so. *Chto zhe* sounds quite formal, and is not wide-spread in Russian colloquial speech. The speakers who use *eː(kun)=ka*, though bilingual in Evenki and Russian, are not exposed much to the formal Russian style. Actually, prosodically and functionally *eː(kun)=ka* more closely resembles Russian *eto* это 'this' used very often as a hesitation marker, by native Evenki speakers, too, when they are speaking Russian.

Another important function of *eː(kun)* is its use when listing several objects of a kind, at the end of such enumerations, e. g.:

(47) *muldiː-ka-r* not.be.able-nmlz-pl *ərəgəri-t* at.all-advz *eː-wa=da* what-acc=foc *doku-ďa-miː=da* write-ipfv-cvcond=foc *eː-ďa-miː=da*

what-ipfv-cvcond=foc

'(They were) not able at all to write anything or do such things.' (V. Kh. Yoldogir, Chiringda, 2007)

(48) *umukoː-riktə* one-LIM *aŋi* whatsitsname *tar* that *ahiː* woman *moːni-n* rfl-3sg.poss *ďuː-duː* tent-dat.loc *bi-ďə-ri* be-ipfv-psim *tari-rikta* that-LIM *bi-ŋkiː-n* be-pstiter-3sg *sat-tɨ-fkaːn-ďə-nə* tea-vblz-caus-ipfv-cvsim *ə-ďə-nə* what-ipfv-cvsim

'Only one whatsitsname, that woman, who was in her own tent, only she gave tea to drink and did such things.' (E. K. Khukochar, Tura, 2014)

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

(49) *toʐə* also.R *ɲimŋakaːn=li* tale=q.R *eːkun=li* what=q.R 'Also a tale or what.' (I. I. Tsurkan, Yerbogachyon, 2016)

In (50), both stems of *eː(kun)* are used: *eːkun* as a placeholder and *eː-* in the enumeration.

(50) *walok-tulaː* Valyok-loc.all *toʐə* also.R *eːku-r-wa* what-pl-acc *oldo-ŋi-l-wa* fish-ind.poss-pl-acc *eː-l-wa* what-pl-acc *əmə-wu-pkiː-l* come-tr-phab-pl *bi-t͡ʃo-l* be-pant-pl 'They also carried whatsitsname, fish and such to Valyok.' (L. A. Yeryomina speaking to M. D. Turskaya, Khantayskoye Ozero, 2011)

The enumeration function of *eːkun* is close to what is described for Udeghe in Tolskaya & Tolskaya (2008). In Udeghe a repetition of the verbal form with the interrogative 'what' is used in the formation of open alternative questions.

### **2.3.5 Frequency**

In our data, *eːkun* and *eː-* are used 32 times (out of 27,700 running words) in the function of placeholders.

### **2.3.6 Dialectal variation**

*eː(kun)* as a placeholder is used in texts from the Bolshoye Sovetskoye Lake, Sovrechka, Ekongda, and Kislokan (Ilimpeya dialect, Northern group), Yerbogachyon (Yerbogachyon dialect, Northern group), Sym and Bely Yar (Sym dialect, Southern group), and Poligus (Poligus dialect, Southern group). There is an intersection between *aŋi* and *eːkun* areas, although texts from Bolshoye Sovetskoye Lake and Sovrechka lack the otherwise very frequent *aŋi*, which suggests some dialectal variation.

### **2.3.7 Possible source and evidence from related languages**

*eː(kun)* can be both used as a normal question word and as a placeholder by the same speakers. When used as a placeholder or an interjective hesitation marker, the *=ka* focus particle is sometimes attached, like in (46) or in (51):

(51) *it͡ʃəː-rə-w* see-nfut-1pl.excl *eːkun-ma* what-acc *eːkun-ma=ka* what-acc=foc *kiran-t͡ʃikaːn-mə* eagle-child-acc *toγo-t-t͡ʃə-riː-wə* sit-dur-ipfv-psim-acc *ďagda-duː* pine-dat.loc 'We saw whatsitsname, whatsitsname, a little eagle sitting on a pine.' (G. P. Boyarin, Sym, 2009)

### **3 Conclusions**

Evenki speakers employ various placeholders that mirror the grammatical form of the target word.These placeholders have different discourse functions: *aŋi* and *eːkun* are general purpose placeholders which provide speech fluency, whereas *uŋun* requires interaction from the interlocutor. There seems to be no difference between *aŋi* and *eːkun* when used as placeholders, although there is a hypothesis at a dialectal variation. *aŋi* and *eːkun* have usages other than those of a placeholder, which is typologically typical for placeholders, whereas *uŋun* is only registered as a placeholder in our materials.

*uŋun*, a placeholder with obscure etymology, has been found in western Evenki dialects, in Even and in Negidal. The westernmost and easternmost idioms have no contact nowadays, which suggests an ancient origin of *uŋun*. Interestingly, according to the considered materials, it is only in Evenki that *uŋun* has a special restriction on the target word, being a proper noun placeholder. *aŋi* is also quite wide-spread, as it is present in western Evenki dialects (i. e., in the Northern subbranch of the Tungusic family) and in two languages of the Southern sub-branch: Uilta, and Udeghe. However, there is quite little data on placeholders in Tungusic languages in general. It is urgent to study discourse and, specifically, the use of placeholders in the Tungusic languages, especially given their endangered status and the decline of communication in these languages.

According to the corpus data, there are some regularities in placeholders copying intensifier affixes from the target word but not other derivational affixes, or, for example, voice slots. Nevertheless, it should be studied in elicitation experiments whether such copying is theoretically possible. The corpus data also suggests restrictions on the part of speech of the target word even for general purpose placeholders (*aŋi* and *eːkun*), which should also be tested with elicitation. However, direct elicitation experiments for the placeholders proved to be inefficient due to the low status of these words. A different experiment design, such as asking to fill in the gap, should be attempted. Another important lacuna is the prosodic features of the placeholders. In this paper, I do not look into prosodic

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

features of the placeholder verbs in great detail. It should also be studied using the available oral corpora with annotated multimedia content.

### **Non-standard abbreviations**

Russian words are indicated with an R. Grammatical abbreviations include:

### **Acknowledgements**

This work was supported by the RSF (grant no 17-18-01649). I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editors of the present volume for their valuable remarks.

### **References**

Bulatova, Nadezhda & Lenore Grenoble. 1999. *Evenki*. Munich: Lincom Europa. Cincius, Vera I. et al. 1975/77. *Sravnitel'nyj slovar' tunguso-man'chzhurskih jazykov: materialy k jetimologicheskomu slovarju [A comparative dictionary of the Tungus-Manchu languages: Materials toward an etymological dictionary]*. 2 vols. Leningrad: Nauka.

*Corpora at IEA RAS*. 2019. Retrieved from: http://corpora.iea.ras.ru/corpora/ structure.php. (Accessed 08.10.2019.)

*Ethnologue: Evenki*. 2019. Retrieved from: https : / / www . ethnologue . com / language/evn. (Accessed 08.10.2019.)

### Elena Klyachko

6 Functions of placeholder words in Evenki

## **Chapter 7**

## **From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe**

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

### LLACAN CNRS, France

This article gives a comprehensive analysis of laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in the Udihe language. Their realization in different Udihe varieties is considered, and their etymology is traced. The classification of Udihe dialects is also discussed. The presence of pharyngalized vowels is one of the most important features that distinguishes the northern dialect cluster from the southern one. The loss of pharyngealized vowels has led to changes in the morphology and syntax of the dialects of the southern cluster. The analysis provides a basis for a complete picture of a dialectal continuum, which includes dialects of Udihe and the closely related Oroch language. The internal mechanisms of the dialectal continuum are presented, taking into account types of pronunciation in neighbouring varieties.

### **1 Introduction**

Udihe (Udeghe, Udege) is a highly endangered Manchu-Tungusic language spoken in the southern part of the Russian Far East. The Udihe live in Khabarovskij Krai (districts: Imeni Lazo, Nanaisky) and Primorskij Krai (districts: Terneiskij, Požarskij, Krasnoarmejskij), and also in the Jewish Autonomous Region. The original name is *Udihe* or *Udie*. 1 The official Russian name is *Udegeiskij jazyk*. 2 In

2The name *Udege* is the transmission of the self-designation *Udihe*: the pharyngealized element was perceived as a consonant /γ/ and was written down with the Cyrillic letter <г>, which reflected the local Russian pronunciation of /γ/ as a fricative consonant. In literary Russian <г> denotes a plosive consonant. "The Russian form *Udege* is based, in a certain sense, on a phonetic misunderstanding" (Kormušin 1998: 5).

Elena Perekhvalskaya. 2022. From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe. In Andreas Hölzl & Thomas E. Payne (eds.), *Tungusic languages: Past and present*, 227–262. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.7053371

1Until the 1920s, the Udihe did not have a common self-designation but used clan names, usually derived from names of rivers.

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

linguistic literature it is also known as *udeiskij* (Evgenij Šneider 1936) and *udyxeiskij* (Igor Kormušin 1998). In the 2010 census Udihe named themselves as: *Udie*, *Ude*, *Udegeitsy*, *Udexe*, and *Udexeitsy*.

According to the latest censuses3 (1989, 2002 and 2010), the number of Udihe is constantly decreasing from 1,902 in 1989 to 1,496 in 2010. In 2010, 620 people were registered in the Khabarovskij Krai; 793 people lived in the Primorskij Krai. An additional 83 Udihe were registered outside of these territories, including 42 people in the Jewish Autonomous Region. The census data also reflect the steady decline of the language: according to the 1989 census, Udihe was spoken by 462 people, in 2002 it was 227 people, and in 2010 it was only 103 people. The 2010 census shows a sharp drop in the Udihe competence in the Khabarovskij Krai (from 96 to 16 people).

Traditionally, the Udihe were semi-nomads, moving within a limited territory, each along a particular river and its tributaries, thereby forming territorial groups which usually consisted of several families. The territorial groups are mostly named after the corresponding rivers: (1) Kur-Urmi, (2) Samarga, (3) Anjuj, (4) Xungari, (5) Xor, (6) Bikin, (7) Iman, and (8) Sea shore (Namunka). In the 1930s, the Udihe were compelled to become sedentary: each territorial group was settled in a specially built permanent settlement: Kukan (Kur-Urmi), Bira (Anjuj), Kun (Xungari), Agzu (Samarga), Gvasjugi (Xor), Sjain, Mitaxeza and Olon (Bikin), Sančixeza (Iman). The less numerous Sea shore Udihe were dispersed. At present, the largest Udihe settlements are: Agzu (Terneiskij district), constituting about 80% of the population of the village; Gvasjugi (Imeni Lazo district; 65% of the population), Krasnyj Jar and Olon (Požarskij district; 55% of the population). Each territorial group is characterized by a specific language variety. Dialectal differences primarily concern phonetics and vocabulary, and to a lesser extent morphology and syntax.

Morphologically, Udihe is an agglutinative language; the agglutination is combined with elements of fusion mainly in verb paradigms. The root, both nominal and verbal, always occupies the extreme left position in a word; it is followed by derivational and inflectional suffixes, which form a chain that can number up to six or seven (in the case of verb forms). In addition to synthetic forms the verb system contains analytic constructions with auxiliary verbs. The verbal negative construction consists of a negative verb and a main verb without any specific con-negative suffixes (for more details see Hölzl 2015).

The peculiarity of Udihe inside the Manchu-Tungusic group is largely due to its phonetics and phonology, primarily the existence of several series of vow-

3 For an analysis of the census data, see Perekhvalskaya (2016).

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

els. The northern dialect cluster has four series of vowels: short, long (including diphtongoids), pharyngealized and laryngealized; the southern dialect cluster has three series: short, long and laryngealized. The phonological interpretation of these vowels is controversial (see Nikolaeva & Tolskaya 2001: 39–41).

The present article contains a comprehensive analysis of these vowels in Udihe dialects. It is shown that they developed out of tri-phonemic complexes of the V-C-V type, which are found in the closely related Oroch language.

When considering complex vowel phonemes, the phonological system of each territorial variety (dialect) is regarded as independent (Trudgill 1985). In each variety the full mode and the allegro modes of pronunciation are taken into account, which makes it possible to show that, roughly, the allegro mode of one variety corresponds to the full pronunciation mode of another variety which, in turn, creates a new allegro mode, etc.

The objectives of the article are 1) to give an overview of Udihe dialects and their clusters; 2) to display the anatomy of the "dialect continuum" by comparison of the modes of pronunciation in each territorial variety; 3) to show the relative character of the synchrony/diachrony dichotomy in a language description; 4) to demonstrate one of the mechanisms of tonogenesis in a previously atonal language.

### **2 The Udihe: Areal groups and dialects**

### **2.1 Udihe and Oroch**

The Udihe language area borders with Nanai, Ulcha and Ewenki, as well as, historically, Manchu dialects. Udihe had rather intensive contacts with these languages. Thus, Kur-Urmi Udihe situated in traditional Ewenki territory underwent significant influence of the latter. Bikin Udihe and Bikin Nanai (Kilen) acquired a number of similar features (Perekhvalskaya 2001). The linguistic border between Udihe, on one hand, and Nanai or Ewenki, on the other, are clear cut. Neither speakers nor linguists hesitate in attributing a variety to one or the other of these languages.

The situation of Udihe and Oroch is different.4 As there are no definite linguistic criteria for distinguishing "language" and "dialect", it is worth considering the ethnic identity of Udihe and Oroch speakers.

4 In addition, there is Kilen on the Chinese side, which has been heavily influenced by Udihe or Oroch (for details see Hölzl 2018). Negidal, most probably, also had an Oroch substrate (Pevnov 2012).

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

Traditionally, the Oroch lived along the sea coast and the Tumnin river. Their territory borders the Anjuj and Xungari Udihe area in the West and the Samarga Udihe in the South (see Figure 1). Culturally, the Udihe and Oroch are rather close. While the Nanai, who lived along large rivers Amur and Ussuri, were mainly fishermen, the Udihe and Oroch travelled along small taiga rivers, their main occupation being hunting; fishing and gathering were secondary occupations. Their neighbours in the North, the Ewenki, were reindeer breeders; neither Oroch nor Udihe were engaged in breeding.

Figure 1: Udihe territorial groups

Previously, the Udihe and Oroch as well as other local ethnic groups had "clan identity". "…the ethnonym Udihe (Udie) has been used since the 1930s. Before there was no general ethnic designation. Each areal group had its own self nomination: *huŋgakə* on Xungari, *bikiŋkə* on Bikin, *uniŋka* on Anjuj and so on" (Suliandziga et al. 2003: 142). The Oroch had no general ethnonym either. The Udihe call them *namuŋka* 'sea shore dwellers'. This name was also used for the Udihe

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

living along small rivers that flow into the sea further to the south, so Oroch clans were not distinguished from the Udihe.

The first reseachers did not separate the Udihe and the Oroch, which, apparently, reflected the real state of affairs. In the absence of a common selfdesignation, these people/peoples were called *Orochen* (*Orochon*) by the Russians. This name was given to the indigenous population living along the coast of the Tatar Strait and the Sea of Japan, by Jean-François de Lapérouse (Šrenk 1883: 142). This term is essentially erroneous, since it goes back to the Manchu-Tungusic word for reindeer, *oro(n)*.  Nevertheless, this ethnonym was used for some time.5 The *Orochon* were considered a separate ethnic group, along with the Gold (i.e., Nanai), Tungus (i.e., Ewenki and sometimes Even) or Gilyak (i.e., Nivkh).

In the modern scientific literature, the term *Udihe* appears for the first time in Sergej Brailovskij's work (Brailovskij 1901). He used the autonym of one of the groups of northern Udihe. Brailovskij also introduced the term *Tazy*6 as a synonym for Udihe. However, he did not separate the Udihe and the Oroch, and used the term *Oroch – Udihe*, and *Tazy* as synonymous. In the late 1920s, the campaign to change ethnonyms of Russian minorities was launched in the country. Old ethnonyms were assumed to be derogatory and were replaced usually by self-designations of respective peoples. Thus, Gold became Nanai, Gilyak became Nivkh, Tungus became Ewenki, Lamut became Even, etc. The Orochon were divided into three groups: Oroch, Udihe, and Tazy. This subdivision was apparently worked out by the famous geographer Vladimir Arseniev (Arsen'iev 1947-1949), who worked in the area.

This division is now universally recognized, and these ethnonyms are included in the list of Russian minorities. They were also recorded in Soviet passports as "nationality". At present, when these languages are on the verge of extinction, and people themselves firmly know their "nationality", this separation became reality. Still, the question arises how these idioms actually correlate.

5The term *Orochon*, referring to both the Udihe and the Oroch together, was used in all geographical, statistical, and other documents of the late 19th and early 20th centuries (see, for example, Šrenk 1883; Nadarov 1887; Margaritov 1888; Protodjakonov 1888; Przevalskij 1990 [1870]). It is worth mentioning that in Iman this designation is still used referring to the Udihe, being perceived as pejorative.

6The term Tazy goes back to Chinese 鞑子 *dázi* 'local resident of Primorye'; the word was already attested many hundreds of years ago in Chinese sources (Hölzl 2018: 116). Tazy is an ethnic group of Tungus-Manchu origin who have lost their native language and use a northern dialect of Chinese. Tazy were settled in the village of Mikhailovka, Olginskij district; about the Tazy language situation, see Belikov & Perekhvalskaya (1994).

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

The first dictionaries and other linguistic data on Udihe (Protodjakonov 1888; Leontovič 1898; Nadarov 1887; Margaritov 1888; Schmidt 1928), as well as a generalizing work of Brailovskij (Brailovskij 1901), did not separate Oroch and Udihe words.7 However, Brailovskij compared the data that he personally collected with words of other territorial groups, and came to the conclusion that the southern Udihe clans which had undergone Chinese influence were different from other groups. He combined northern Udihe (in modern terminology) and Oroch. At the same time, Brailovskij insisted on the cultural and linguistic unity of all "Oroch-Udihe". The same was the point of view of Peter Schmidt (Schmidt 1928). The anthropologist Viktor Lar'kin also considered Oroch and Udihe two dialects of the same language, and divided Udihe into several sub-dialects (Lar'kin 1959: 5). Udihe and Oroch have been considered separate languages since the 1930s, beginning with works by Evgenij Šneider (Šneider 1936, 1937), Valentin Avrorin and Elena Lebedeva (Avrorin & Lebedeva 1978).

Regardless of whether Udihe and Oroch should be considered closely related languages or distant dialects of the same language, the fact remains that their territorial varieties form a dialect continuum. The Xadi (coastal) variety of Oroch is close to northern Udihe. The frontier dialect (Koppi variety) is described as either the most southern dialect of Oroch (Avrorin & Lebedeva 1978), or the most distant dialect of Udihe (Kormušin 1998). In fact, here the "official" border between Oroch and Udihe just coincides with the administrative border between the Khabarovskij and Primorskij Krai. Since the mouth of the Koppi river administratively is a part of the Khabarovskij Krai, local "Orochons" received the passport designation "Oroch" and are officially the Oroch. Until recently, the linguistic position of the Koppi variety remained unclear. In 2010, together with Natalia Kuznetsova, we conducted a study of the Koppi variety. Based on these data, I came to the conclusion that the Koppi variety combines features of Oroch and Udihe, being a transition from the northern dialects of Udihe to coastal varieties of Oroch. However, it shows more properties characteristic of Oroch. One of the main features being the preservation of etymological V-q-V and V-h-V complexes.

### **2.2 Udihe and Kekar (Kyakala)**

Previously, the Udihe were also known as *Kekar* (*Kyakala*, *Kyakar* or *Kiyakara* in Manchu).  However, Ude and Kekar were not used as complete synonyms and referred not to one and the same but to two closely related ethnic groups. In 1998, Igor Kormušin wrote:

7There are newly found data on early Oroch (Alonso de la Fuente 2017).

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

Anthropologist Paul Schmidt in 1915 mentioned a remarkable fact, which did not attract due attention. Classifying the Manchu-Tungusic ethnic groups, he wrote that Oroch consist of three tribes: Oroch, Kyakar and Udihe. The term «Kyakar» [...] is preserved in Udihe in the form *kǣ'*8 (< *keka(r)*).9 As the legend says, there was also a legendary clan of the same name, which branched into several Udihe clans, localized mainly along the southern sea coast: *Amuliŋka*, *Geuŋka*, etc. If one takes into account that the *Udi*10 clan participated in the formation of Ulcha, and therefore should be localized much further to the north, then one should conclude that *Udi* and the *Kekar* correspond to the «Northern» and the «Southern» components of the Udihe ethnos respectively... (Kormušin 1998: 11–12, my translation – E.P.)

The anthropologist Anatoliy Startsev suggested that initially there were three Udihe clans: *Udie*, *Kæ* and *Piaŋka* (Startsev 2004). According to Lar'kin (1959) the large *Kæ* clan divided into several clans: *Kančuga* (Kancuga), *Geonka*, *Kuinka* and *Suanka*. It is worth pointing out that in Xor ("Udihe proper") there were only two clans: *Kjalundzjuga* (Kælunǯuga) and *Kimonko* (Kimoŋko). The clan names *Kančuga*, *Geonka*, *Kuinka*, *Suanka* are usual among the Bikin Udihe and *K'æ* was registered in Iman.

It may be concluded that two distinct groups, Udihe and Kekar, were classified as one "nation" which is now called Udihe (or Udeghe, Udie). *Udihe* corresponds to the northern dialect cluster (Xor and Anjuj varieties); *Kekar* corresponds to the southern dialect cluster (Bikin, Iman and Samarga varieties). Very roughly, it can be said that northern dialects ("Udihe") are closer to Oroch.

### **2.3 Udihe areal groups and dialects**

### **2.3.1 Overview**

Traditionally, the Udihe, being semi-nomads were spread across a fairly large territory: about a thousand kilometers from north to south. First researchers,

8Note that Kormušin used the apostrophe to mark laryngealized vowels after (not before) the character: *kǣ*' (Shn. *k'eæ*, Sim. *Ki'a*).

9 Janhunen has argued that it goes back to the word for 'edge', \*kira > kija > kae (2012). However, *K'eæ* 'clan *Kae'* and *keæ* 'edge' are not homonyms. *K'eæ* contains the laryngealized /'eæ/ which points to the historical change VqV > VʔV > V'V. It is mostly probable that the sequence \*keka transformed into *k'eæ*.

10*udi* might be a word from the Manchu branch of Tungusic: Manchu *weji*, Alchuka *udi*, Bala *udi* 'forest'. It seems there is no other Tungusic language that has a cognate of this word (Hölzl 2018: 121–122).

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

geographers, and anthropologists (see, for example, Arsen'iev 1947-1949: V, 81) indicated that dialectal differences in Udihe were so significant that the Udihe from different territorial groups hardly understood each other. However, modern studies showed that, with all the differences, the Udihe dialects are mutually intelligible (Simonov 1988; Perekhvalskaya 2010). Still, differences between Udihe dialects are not insignificant, and the mutual understanding between the dialects does not mean that they have identical systems (Trudgill 1985: 21–23).

Traditionally, Udihe dialects were named according to the river basins where they were spoken. Hunter-gatherer groups roamed within the basin of one river and acquired their specific language variety. The language of a larger areal group, however, was not uniform. Thus, Udihe clans living along the Bikin-river occupied specific smaller areas (along smaller rivers), and their language had specific features. There are still differences in the speech of those who came from the camps of Mitaxeza, Sjain, Olon, Sigou, Ulunga, Toholo, etc.

By the beginning of the 20th century, there were the following Udihe groups (Table 1): Kur-Urmi, Xor, Anjuj, Xungari (now Gur), Samarga, Bikin, Iman (now Bolshaja Ussurka).

Table 1: Udihe and Oroch dialects

In the 1930s, the Udihe were forcibly made sedentary: each areal group was settled in a specially built permanent settlement: Kukan (Kur-Urmi Udihe), Bira (Anjuj), Kun (Xungari), Agzu (Samarga), Gvasjugi (Xor), Sjain, Mitaxeza and Olon (Bikin), Sančixeza (Iman). The less numerous sea-shore Udihe were dispersed. In the 1960s and 70s in the course of the "consolidation of villages" campaign,

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

smaller Udihe villages were liquidated: Bira (Anjuj), Sančixeza (Iman), Sjain and Mitaxeza (Bikin). The Bikin Udihe resettled in the new Udihe village of Krasnyj Jar; and Anjuj and Iman Udihe were resettled into neighboring Russian villages. Therefore, a significant number of the Udihe were dispersed and came into daily contact with speakers of Russian. In the late 1930s the Kur-Urmi Udihe village of Kukan became a place of exile of political prisoners. After the building of the Khabarovsk-Sovgavan' railway, Kun, the village of the Xungari Udihe, became a railway station. Soon the Udihe were an insignificant part of the population in these villages.

At present, the largest Udihe settlements are: Agzu (Terneiskij district), where they constitute about 80% of the population of the village; Gvasjugi (Imeni Lazo district): 65% of the population, Krasnyj Jar and Olon (Požarskij district): 55% of the village population.

Each territorial group was characterized by a specific language variety. From a linguistic point of view, there are significant similarities between the Iman and Bikin dialects, on the one hand, and between the Xor and Anjuj dialects, on the other. They form the northern Udihe dialect cluster (Xor and Anjuj varieties), and the southern Udihe cluster (Bikin and Iman varieties). Samarga displays mixed features; however, it seems to be historically closer to the southern (Kekar) group. As for the Kur-Urmi dialect, it was heavily influenced by Ewenki. Orest Sunik expressed the idea of the proximity of Samarga and Xungari varieties (Sunik 1968: 231). According to Sunik, three dialect groups were distinguished in Udihe: Iman-Bikin, Xor-Anjuj and Samarga-Xungari. This statement cannot be verified because the Xungari variety has been completely lost and no data on it were published. From a purely a geographic point of view, the Xungari dialect should be placed in the northern cluster. Therefore, I will contrast the northern group (Anjuj, Xor) and the southern group (Bikin, Iman, Samarga) (2).

### **2.3.2 Dialect continuum**

The linguistic reality is more complicated than the division of language into two dialect clusters. Territorial varieties of Udihe and Oroch form a "dialect continuum". Neighboring varieties are linguistically rather close to each other, while the extreme points show significant differences. Moving from one variety to another, one can observe the gradual loss of certain linguistic features and the appearance of other features. This concerns all language levels: phonetics and phonology, morphology and syntax, vocabulary. In this article I will focus on the concrete realization of complex vowels in different varieties of Udihe.

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

Figure 2: Classification of Udihe and Oroch varieties

### **3 Data**

This work is based on the study of the following data:

	- Dictionaries of Oroch (Schmidt 1928; Avrorin & Lebedeva 1978);
	- Dictionaries of Udihe (Nadarov 1887; Šneider 1936; Kormušin 1998; Simonov & Kialundziuga 1998; Girfanova 2001).
	- Tungus-Manchu Comparative Dictionary. Materials for the etymological dictionary (Cincius 1975/77).
	- Linguistic descriptions of Udihe varieties (Šneider 1936; Sunik 1968; Simonov 1988; Kormušin 1998; Nikolaeva 2000; Nikolaeva & Tolskaya 2001; Hölzl 2018).
	- Tumnin and Xadi variety of Oroch, Khabarovskij Krai (2001, 2010); main speakers: Anatolij Namunka, Inna Akunka.

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

### **4 Pharyngealized and laryngealized vowels in Udihe varieties**

### **4.1 Udihe vowels**

The peculiarity of Udihe inside the Manchu-Tungusic group is largely due to its phonetics and phonology, and especially the existence of several series of vowels. Laryngealized (glottalized) and pharyngealized (aspirated) vowels are features that clearly distinguish Udihe from Oroch and other Manchu-Tungusic languages (Zinder 1948: 58; Cincius 1949). However, the pharyngealized vowels in Udihe prove to be less stable than the laryngealized ones. Bikin and Iman varieties have lost pharyngealized vowels completely, while in Samarga they are kept only in some root morphemes. They are fully preserved only in the Xor dialect. On the contrary, laryngealized vowels are preserved in all varieties, although their specific realization may differ significantly (Šneider 1936; Simonov 1988; Nikolaeva 2000). In fact, the concrete realization of laryngealized vowels is one of the important features which distinguish Udihe dialects.

One of the most significant features that distinguish northern and southern varieties is the lack of pharyngealized long vowels in southern Udihe (1):

Elena Perekhvalskaya

$$\begin{array}{ccccc} & & \text{'fire'} & & \text{'button'}\\ (1) & \text{Xor} & & t\bar{o} & \sim & to^bo\\ & \text{Bikin} & & t\bar{o} & \sim & t\bar{o} \end{array}$$

Table 2: Vowel inventory of the Xor and Anjuj varieties (Šneider 1936: 83–86; Simonov 1988)

*a*Laryngealized /'ə/ is postulated by Nikolaeva and Tolskaya on the basis of one verb form: the perfect stem for verbs of the type *ətətə-* 'to work' – *ətət'ə* 'he has worked' (Nikolaeva & Tolskaya 2001: 40). However, this phoneme has a very narrow scope: it does not occur in any other position.

Table 3: Vowel inventory of the Bikin, Iman and Samarga varieties

### **4.2 Interpretation of the Udihe complex vowels**

The interpretation of the Udihe vocalic complexes, laryngealized and pharyngealized, has long been controversial. Trubetskoi's phonology counts several dozen vowel phonemes in Udihe, as it was presented by Šneider (1936); in some other works the phonemic status of these complex vowels is not clarified (Nikolaeva 2000).

I regard suprasegmentals as an independent tier (Goldsmith 1976). Therefore, I postulate the appearance of the suprasegmental tier as a compensation for the simplification of the segmental tier. In Xor, Bikin and Iman varieties it was the

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

representation of the suprasegmental tier that underwent changes while the segment tier remained unchanged. The concrete realizations of pharyngealized and laryngealized long vowels differ according to the variety and also according to the mode of speech.

### **4.3 Pharyngealized long vowels**

### **4.3.1 Etymology**

Udihe pharyngealized vowels go back to a combination of three phonemes, V-s-V. In root morphemes:11

### In suffixes:

It is worth noting that the transition V-s-V → VʰV in root morphemes took place mostly when this complex was at the beginning of the word, in other words, when the root began with a vowel (see examples above). Later, a prosthetic glide

11Hereinafter, the correspondences are given according to Cincius (1975/77).

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

could appear *oʰɵ* > *woʰɵ* 'deer-leg fur'; *iʰi* > *jiʰi* 'larch tree', which already happened early in Udihe.

When a consonant was at the beginning of the word, this transition often did not take place, cf.:

Some words which have a consonant before the pharyngealized vowel do not have a convincing Tungus etymology:

(12) *gəʰə* 'bad', *düʰi* 'brain', *ʒaʰi* 'wild boar', *təʰu* 'all'.

Or go back to different complexes:

(13) Udihe *toʰo* 'button' ~ Negidal *toxon*, Nanai *toχõ* 'button', Manchu *toχon* 'metallic button'.

Intervocalic *-s-* in Udihe goes back to *-č-*: *asa-* 'to fit' ~ Oroch *ača-*, Nanai *ača-* 'to come to'; Ewenki *arča-* 'to meet'.

### **4.3.2 Realization**

Pharyngealization in different Udihe varieties can be realized as: a) a break of the sound by aspiration; b) breathy voice phonation, c) a "clean" long vowel. The concrete realizations of pharyngealized long vowels differ according to the variety and also according to the mode of speech.

Table 4 shows that each Udihe variety is characterized by two different modes of pronunciation: the full mode (FM) which is shown in the cell to the left and the allegro mode (AM) in the right cell.

Taking into account different tempo modes in each variety, Table 4 shows that the allegro mode of pronunciation of one variety corresponds to the full mode of pronunciation of the neighboring one, which produces a new allegro mode. It demonstrates the internal "anatomy" of the dialect continuum.

From a phonological point of view, the VhV sequence with a weakened consonant in the intervocal position is of particular interest. Acoustically it is a long vowel interrupted by aspiration. Its phonemic interpretation, however, can be twofold, depending on the variety analyzed.

12Šneider gives the forms *gaʰæ* 'duck' and *kəʰiə* 'word', which are not confirmed by modern material. I did not find such forms in any of the varieties.

Table 4: Types of realizations of pharyngealized long vowels in different Udihe varieties and Oroch. Comments: V-s-V and V-h-V: sequences of three segments; VʰV: long vowels interrupted by aspiration; V̤ ̄ : long vowel with pharyngealized phonation ("breathy voice"); V̄ : long vowel.

In Koppi, this is an optional pronunciation variant characteristic of the allegro mode; the full mode of pronunciation is V-h-V (sequence of three phonemes). In the speech of Alexandr Ivashchenko, a Koppi speaker, sequences of this type were pronounced as three syllables in the full mode of pronunciation. In order to clarify a word Ivashchenko could chant it, clearly dividing these sequences into three syllables *abdæha*13 'leaf (of a tree)' [ab.dɛæ.ha]. However, in the allegro mode, the V-h-V sequence contracted into a long vowel, interrupted by a brief aspiration [ab.dɛæʰa]. See the following pronunciation of the word /abdæha/ 'leaf (tree)' in allegro (left) and full (right) modes of pronunciation.

Figure 3: Koppi dialect, speaker Akexandr Ivashchenko: [abdɛæʰa], [abdɛæha] 'leaf'

Similar observations were made by Igor Kormušin:

In the fully marked type of pronunciation, if the vowels surrounding the pharyngeal consonant are similar, they are pronounced with equal length

13Hereinafter, aside from specific phonetic realizations, Udihe words are given in Šneider's writing system.

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

and, in fact, form two syllables with *h* being voiced: *ahanta* (a-ḩan-ta) 'woman', *gehe* (ge-ḩe) 'bad', *oloho* (o-lo-ḩo) 'boiled fish', *ihi* (i-ḩi) 'larch'. In the fully normal type of pronunciation, *h* is articulated simultaneously with the second vowel, becoming a pharyngeal overtone in its initial part; at the same time, the pharyngeal consonant is fused with the previous vowel, so that a single complex sound is formed; as a result, the syllable border is aligned differently, combining two syllables into one: aʰanta, geʰe, oloʰo, iʰi. [...] in the normally abbreviated type of pronunciation, the surrounding vowels fuse into a long one, the pharyngeal consonant following it [...] aʰnta, geʰ, oloʰ, iʰ. This pronunciation creates conditions for the deletion of *h* [...] (Kormušin 1998: 64–65, my translation – E.P.).

Kormušin distinguished three pronunciation modes: fully marked, normally full and normally abbreviated. They correspond to chant, full style and allegro mode.

According to my data, none of the varieties exhibit coexistence of all the types of pronunciation that Kormušin singled out. Most likely, the researcher combined phenomena observed in different varieties.

Evgenij Šneider who worked in the 1930s with Anjuj Udihe interpreted the sequence VhV (full style in Anjuj) not as a sequence of two syllables, but as a long vowel interrupted by aspiration.

Of course, *h* in this sound complex is not an independent consonant [...] When comparing Udihe words with pharyngealized vowels with words of the same meaning in other Manchu-Tungusic languages, it turns out that [...] the two-syllable combination became monosyllabic, i.e., the transformation process s (ş) > h (ḩ) was accompanied by the contraction of the pair of identic vowels. This resulted in the emergence of a new category of vowels, for example *aha*- 'to catch up' (Ewenki *asa*-); *imaha* 'snow' (Oroch *imasa*); *iḩi* 'larch' (Oroch, Manchu *işi*) [...] (Šneider 1937: 10–11, my translation – E.P.).

### **4.3.3 Realization of pharyngealized vowels**

### <IP_ADDRESS> Koppi

The two types of pronunciation, V-h-V and VhV, seem to be characteristic of the northernmost dialects of Udihe: Koppi, and, apparently, Xungari. Most likely, at the end of the 19th century pronunciation of pharyngealized complexes as three segments V-h-V was also characteristic for Xor Udihe. In Nadarov's work we

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

find *яга* (jaga) 'eye' (Shn. *jehæ*, Sim. *jâ*), *нюге* (niuge) 'nose' (Shn. *ŋyhɵ*, Sim. *ŋiê*), *того* (togo) 'button' (Shn. *toho*, Sim. *tô*). It is not clear what kind of sound was represented by the Cyrillic letter «Г»; most likely it was a pharyngeal consonant, possibly voiced. In some cases, Nadarov did not note it, cf. another variant of the word 'eye' *я* (ja), *нiама* (niama) 'leather jacket' (Shn. *nehæma*, Sim. *ñâma* 'leather').14

### <IP_ADDRESS> Xor

In Xor Udihe a "new category of vowel" was formed. In the 1930s, the Udihe on the Xor River apparently pronounced VhV in the full pronunciation mode, and VʰV in the allegro mode. The full pronunciation mode of Xor Udihe was the basis of "literary" Udihe, in which several textbooks for primary school were published. Simonov, who worked with Xor Udihe since the late 1970s, noted at that period the VʰV variant was the full mode, and pharyngealized vowels were pronounced V̤ ̄ in allegro mode:

Pharyngealized vowels are pronounced with a sharp increase in intensity towards the end of the phonation. [...] When the aspiration is present, it is not in the middle of the vowel, but is superimposed on its entire second half. (Simonov 1988: 52, my translation – E.P.)

Simonov presented to the speakers words with a pharyngealized vowel, pronounced in two syllables: "words \*je.hæ (instead of *jâ* 'eye'); \*a.han.ta (instead of *ânta* 'woman'); \*imo.ho (instead of *imô* 'fat') were simply not understood by speakers" (Simonov 1988: 52, my translation – E.P.).15

In 2006, only one type of pronunciation of pharyngealized vowels was observed in the Xor variety. With the most complete pronunciation mode, a separate word could be pronounced as VʰV. However, even in this case, aspiration appears also after the vowel, cf. Figure 4.

Figure 4 shows that the final part loses vocalic characteristics turning into an aspiration. The final complex consists of a long vowel (250 milliseconds), the duration of which is almost twice of the initial short vowel (u). Compare pronouncing by the same speaker of the Accusative case form of the same word: *umahawa* (Figure 5).

14Simonov suggested that Nadarov recorded pharyngeal (h) only at the rhythmic boundaries of the word, but this does not explain the presence of doublets in Nadarov's list of words: 'eye' *я* and *яга;* 'nose' *нюгу* and *нiонё* (Nadarov 1887).

15This consideration was the reason for changing the type of writing for Xor Udihe made by Simonov; he introduced circumflex "v̂" to mark breathy voice phonation (aspiration): *imô* ~ Shn. *imoho*.

Figure 4: Xor variety. Speaker Valentina Kjalundzjuga: *umaha* [uma̤a̤h] 'bone marrow'

Figure 5: Xor variety. Speaker Valentina Kjalundzjuga: *umahawa* [umaawa̤h] 'bone marrow acc)'

Figure 5 shows that the long vowel /ā̤/ in *umaha* has lost its pharyngealized quality, but the aspiration appears at the absolute end of the word. Such a transfer of aspiration to the end of the phonetic word may be an individual characteristic of the speaker, but most likely it reflects the pronunciation of pharyngealized vowels in the Xor variety. Kormušin also pointed out such a realization of pharyngealized vowels.16

Compare the realization of these two words in Figure 6. The principles of Autosegmental Phonology (Goldsmith 1976) explain this by the independent character of the suprasegmental level. Phonation characterizes the whole word and not any particular segment and is realized at the end of the word.

As pointed out by Kormušin, such a pronunciation creates the conditions for a loss of aspiration. This happened primarily with pharyngealized vowels in the final position, as in the examples above. Apparently, the loss of pharyngealization

16Nikolaeva questioned the possibility of such a realization: if pharyngealization is realized at the end of the word, it contradicts the basic phonotactic rules of Udihe. However, it is not a consonant, but a pharyngealized vowel (Nikolaeva 2000). This is an additional consideration in favor of the interpretation of these complexes as single phonemes.

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

occurred primarily in non-root morphemes. The pharyngealization, therefore, was lost in the personal markers 2sg, pl: *-i̤*> *-i*; *-ṳ* > *-u*; and in past tense suffixes: *-a̤- / -o̤- / -ə- > -a- / -o- / -ə- ̤* .

Figure 6: Xor variety. Speaker Valentina Kjalundzjuga: *umaha* [umaa̤h] 'bone marrow'; *umahawa* [umaawah] 'bone marrow (acc)'

Table 5: Personal possessive forms in Udihe varieties and in Oroch. The Oroch data are taken from Avrorin & Lebedeva (1968) and Avrorin & Boldyrev (2001). In both sources, alternative forms are given without comments. I suggest that forms which are closer to Udihe are characteristic of the Xadi dialect which is more innovative.

In the Xor variety, this loss is characteristic of the allegro mode of pronunciation. Auxiliary and negative verbs, being the most frequent ones, were also "erased" as the full mode of their pronunciation was replaced by the allegro mode. Besides, in the speech of younger Xor variety speakers, pharyngealized vowels are totally lost and have been replaced with pure long vowels in all positions.

Published Xor Udihe texts demonstrate incoherence in marking the pharyngealized vowels, which reflects differences in modes of pronunciation. An example are folklore texts recorded mainly with the Xor Udihe (Simonov et al. 1998). In the vast majority of past tense forms, pharyngealization is not marked in suffixes, cf. in text No. 1: *oloktoni* ( < \**olokto-ho-ni*) 's/he cooked'; *andalati* ( < \**andala-ha-ti*)

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

'they made friends'; *alasieni* ( < \**alasi-hə-ni*) 's/he waited' (Simonov et al. 1998: 74). Similarly, pharyngealized vowels in personal suffixes are also not marked in these texts. And in root morphemes, pharyngealized vowels are sequentially marked.

### <IP_ADDRESS> Samarga

In the Samarga variety, pharygealization is kept only in some root morphemes.

### <IP_ADDRESS> Bikin and Iman

Pharyngealized vowels are completely lost in Bikin and Iman, where the corresponding complexes are pronounced as clear long vowels, cf. the word for 'leaf': Oroch [abdasa]; Koppi variety [abdəha] (FM) ~ [abdəʰa] (AM); Xor Udihe [abdæʰe] (FM) ~ [abdæ̤e] (AM); Bikin Udihe [abdææ]. While in Xor the loss of pha- ̤ ryngealized vowels is a recent phenomenon, and elder speakers still pronounce them at least under the full mode of pronunciation, in the Bikin and Iman varieties, pharyngealization was not characteristic for the speech of people born in the 1920–1930s. This means that pharyngealized vowels were lost at least a hundred years ago. In the Bikin variety, the etymological pharyngealized vowels were replaced by long ones, and there is a tendency for these vowels to become short (Nikolaeva 2000: 115–116; Tsumagari 2012).

In sum, the data presented show that Udihe varieties present different stages of one process: weakening of the consonant in the intervocalic position with the substitution of segment units by suprasegmental ones.

### **4.3.4 Loss of pharyngealization and its effects in morphology**

Loss of pharyngealization had a significant impact on the morphological system of the southern dialects. The main consequence of the loss of pharyngealized vowels here was the formal coincidence of possessive suffixes of the first and second person singular and plural (Exclusive form) for vowel-final stems; cf. data in Table 6.

In southern Udihe, in order to clarify the "possessor", personal pronouns are used. While in northern Udihe the use of personal pronouns indicates emphasis, in southern Udihe it is neutral. Therefore, southern Udihe displays a greater degree of analyzability.

Table 6: Fragment of the paradigm of the personal possessive conjugation of the noun *kusigə* 'knife' in Bikin and in Xor Udihe. Forms merged in Bikin Udihe are bold.

### **4.4 Laryngealized long vowels**

### **4.4.1 Etymology**

Udihe laryngealized vowels go back to the V-q-V complex, which was a threephoneme combination and is present in many Tungusic languages, cf.:

17In sequences \*a-q-i the first vowel holds the phonation: [aʔ ai] or [a̰a̰i], in practical writing: *'ai.*

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

It should be noted that only the uvular variant [q] of the phoneme /k/ transformed into the glottal stop and further created the creaky voice phonation. The velar [k] was preserved in Udihe as [x] and [k]:

In Oroch, in accordance with an assimilation rule, the uvular allophone [q] occurs only after the vowels [a] and [o]. In other cases, the velar [k] appears. Apparently, a similar rule was also present in Udihe. The uvular [q] then transformed into the glottal stop. This explains why the series of laryngealized vowels in Udihe is limited to *'o* and *'a*.

Evgeny Šneider, on the basis of general system considerations, postulated the presence of the entire set of laryngealized long vowels, both simple and diphthongoids (Šneider 1936: 83). As Simonov showed, this does not correspond to the linguistic reality (Simonov 1988).

It is worth noting that "non-etymological" laryngealized vowels sporadically appear after the plosives *b, p, c*, if followed by the vowel *a*, cf.:

It is also noticeable that many Udihe words with laryngealized vowels do not have a reliable Tungisic etymology. Often they are attested only in Udihe: *'ana* 'boat ', *d'a* 'cotton wool'; *gob'o* 'fly', *'asa* 'bay'; *t'aŋki* 'middle',*s'ai* 'salt' and others. Still, these words are known in all Udihe dialects. The etymology of some other words is not very convincing, e.g. *od'o* 'grandfather' is compared with Oroch *ədiɣi*; Ulcha *ədəkə(n)* 'father-in-law' which is doubtful.

It may be supposed that Udihe had undergone influence of a substrate or adstrate non-Tungusic language which was also the source of non-Tungusic loanwords.

18However, consider Ewenki *bagadi* 'strong, brave', proto-Mongolian \**baɣatur* and proto-Mongolian *\*čaɣān* 'white'. Based on a comparison of Udihe forms with historically attested Mongolian ones (as given by Cincius 1975/77), it may be imagined that Udihe retained a more ancient form. However, Udihe laryngealized vowels originate from *-q-* and not *-g*/*ɣ-*.

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

### **4.4.2 Types of realization**

Laryngealization in different Udihe varieties can be realized as: a) a break of the sound by the glottal stop; b) creaky voice phonation, c) the increased intensity in combination with the low/falling tone. The flattening effect of laryngealization is observed in all Udihe varieties. However, only in the most innovative varieties of Bikin and Iman, it became the main (and in Iman Udihe the only) distinctive feature [+tone]. Thus, these varieties should be classified as tonal, which is untypical for Manchu-Tungusic languages.

The concrete realizations of laryngealized long vowels differ according to the variety and also according to the mode of speech.

Table 7: Types of realizations of laryngealized long vowels in different Udihe varieties and Oroch. Comments: V-q-V and V-ʔ-V: sequences of three segments; VˀV: long vowels interrupted by a glottal stop; V̰ ̄ : long vowel with laryngealized phonation ("creaky voice"); V̀̄ : long vowel with falling (low) tone.

Table 7 shows the two modes of pronunciation: the full mode (FM) which is shown in the cell to the left and the allegro mode (AM) in the right cell.

Udihe varieties and the closely related Oroch language represent changes of certain phonetic complexes "from consonant to tone"; each variety representing a certain stage of this process. The innovation was spreading, roughly, in the direction from north to south: Oroch → Koppi variety → Xor and Anjuj varieties → Bikin and Iman varieties.

Cf. the word for 'dog': Oroch [inaqi]; Koppi variety FM [ɩnæ̰ʔi], AM [inəʔ i]: Xor variety FM [inæʔ ai], AM [inə̰ḛi]; Bikin variey FM [inə̰ḛi], AM [inə̀èi].

### **4.4.3 Realization of pharyngealized vowels**

To study the realizations of laryngealized vowels in different Udihe varieties is a difficult task when based on written sources. In the case of pharyngealized vowels written sources provide more or less reliable information, but laryngealized

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

vowels are written with an apostrophe uniformly by all researchers; this spelling hides rather different types of realization.

### <IP_ADDRESS> Oroch and Koppi

According to Avrorin and Lebedeva, in Oroch the phoneme /k/ is realized as uvular [q] in the position after /a/, /ä/, /o/, between identical vowels, or before / i/ (Avrorin & Lebedeva 1978). This is also characteristic of the Koppi variety.

It should be noted that in slower speech, an aspiration [h] is clearly heard between the vowel and the uvular [q]: [naʰqi] 'dog', [beæʰqa] 'river', [araʰqi] 'strong spirit', [gaʰqi] 'crow'. A variant realization is a pause before [q], which is perceived as a "long stop": [maaʔqi]. Here (ʔq] represents a preglottalized consonant. See Figures 7 and 8 on the pronunciation of the words [beæʰqa] and [maaʔqi] in Koppi.

Figure 7: Koppi variety. Speaker Alexandr Ivaščenko: [beæʰqa] 'river'

Figure 8: Koppi variety. Speaker Alexandr Ivaščenko: [maaʔqi] 'there is no'

The spectrogram of [beæʰqa] 'river' shows aspiration after a long diphthongoid [eæ], then there is a gap followed by the stop [q]. The spectrogram of [maa\_ qi] 'there is no', seems to present no aspiration, but the silence zone before the stop lasts for more than 70 milliseconds.

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

In other phonetic contexts the phoneme /k/ is realized as a velar [k]: [ukəhə] 'door': Bikin *ukə̄*'door, doorway'. The Koppi speaker never pronounced [q] as [ʔ]. Apparently, this pronunciation is not typical for the Oroch language, including the Koppi dialect. Obviously, we are dealing with a sequence of independent phonemes, and not with a complex sound in this variety.

### <IP_ADDRESS> Xor

Šneider described laryngealized vowels of Xor Udihe as having a stop interrupting the vowel; Lev R. Zinder and Margarita I. Matusevich19 showed that this stop occurs closer to the beginning of the vowel (Zinder 1948). At present, these vowels are pronounced in allegro mode with "creaky voice" phonation. See two variants of *in'ai* 'dog' pronounced by the same speaker within the same recording session. At first, the speaker clarified the word (full mode); later, she pronounced it more "carelessly" (allegro mode). It is worth noting that the speech tempo remained almost the same; it was the intensity of pronunciation and the tonal pattern that changed.

Figure 9: Xor variety. Speaker Valentina Kjalundzjuga: *in'ai* 'dog': FM [ɩnæ̰ ʔ ai], AM [inə̰ḛi]

In Figure 9, the creaky phonation zone can be seen in AM pronunciation. It should be noted that in FM the part of the vowel before the stop is also pronounced with creaky phonation.

These observations confirm the conclusions made by Zinder and Matusevich. Indeed, there is a pronunciation variant when the vowel is broken by a stop. Still, at present the most common way to pronounce a "laryngealized vowel" in

19The results of the study of the Udihe phonetic system, carried out in the 1930s by Lev Zinder and Margarita Matusevich in the laboratory of experimental phonetics of Leningrad State University, were not published. Partially they were included in Zinder (1948) and Kormušin (1998).

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

Xor Udihe (FM) is when the vowel is not broken with a stop, but with a glottal approximant, cf. the utterance by V.T. Kjalundzjuga of the word *bul'a* 'ash', see Figure 10.

Figure 10: Xor variety. Speaker Valentina Kjalundzjuga: *bul'a* 'ash tree' [bʋlaʔa̰]

Thus, in Xor Udihe, three types of pronunciation of laryngealized vowels coexist: a) the vowel is interrupted by a stop; 2) by an approximant; 3) the vowel bears creaky voice phonation. However; the creaky phonation does not characterise the whole vowel, and happens in the place where the stop would have been pronounced under another mode of pronunciation.

### <IP_ADDRESS> Bikin, Iman

In varieties of the southern dialect cluster laryngealized vowels with glottal stop are not found. Specific realizations of laryngealized vowels are in fact a diagnostic feature that differentiate local varieties of Bikin Udihe. The Udihe came from different smaller camps before settling down in the village of Krasnyj Jar, and they still retain certain speech differences. Unfortunately, at present, it is difficult to make a detailed study of these varieties due to the poor preservation of the language and the small number of speakers. However, our language consultants distinguish people speaking *Sjain*, *Olon*, *Ulunga*, *Mitahiza*, *Sigou* and other varieties. Basing on the data that I have, it may be concluded that Udihe varieties located upstream the Bikin-river were more conservative in vocalism, and the most innovative one being Olon, the village lowest downstream.

The realization of laryngealized vowels in Bikin Udihe varies significantly. It may be a) a laryngeal spirant; b) creaky voice phonation; c) a sharp increase of intensity of the vowel in combination with a low tone. The latter [c] is typical primarily for people from Olon. Consider realizations of laryngealized vowels: laryngeal spirant and creaky voice phonation with a speaker of the Sigou variety.

Figure 11 shows that the laryngealized vowel is in the beginning of the word and is realized as a laryngeal spirant, clearly visible on the spectrogram. The

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

vowel [ā] is long and carries the creaky phonation. The next vowel [ɐ] is more close. The example presented concerns the full pronunciation mode in Bikin variety; in the allegro mode, laryngealized vowels are never pronounced as a laryngeal spirant.

Figure 11: Bikin variety. Speaker Lydia Simanchuk: *'ana* 'boat' [ɦanɐ]

Figure 12: Bikin variety. Speaker Lydia Simanchuk: *g'ai* 'crow' [gɐ̰ɛi]

In Figure 12, the laryngealized vowel occurs in a CV syllable. It has an articulation that is more close and carries the creaky phonation.

It is interesting that in some Bikin variants the laryngealized element, as an independent suprasegmental unit, can change its position in the word. It can be located at the beginning of the vowel (see Figures 11, 12), and it can also move to the end of the vowel (see Figure 13). It may be an individual characteristic of the speaker, or, perhaps, characteristic of a local variety. Figure 12 presents the example of phonation realized at the second part of the vowel.

Figure 13 shows a decrease in pitch on the laryngealized vowel. This peculiarity of pronouncing laryngealized vowels in the Xor variety was noted by Galina Radchenko, who conducted an experimental study of the phonetics of this variety (Radčenko 1988: 37). Radchenko explained this phenomenon by the tonelowering effect of laryngealization. This is even more obvious in the Bikin variety. Consider the pronunciation of *od'o* 'grandfather' by a speaker of the Sjain variety in Figure 14.

Figure 13: Bikin variety. Speaker Nadežda Kukčenko: *b'æsa* 'small river' [beæ̰xa]

Figure 14: Bikin variety, speaker Alexandr Kančuga: *od'o* 'grandfather' [ɔ̀dɔ̀]

Figure 15: Bikin variety, speaker Alexandr Kančuga: *b'oto* 'ligneous mushroom' [bɔ̀tɔ́]

Figure 16: Bikin variety. Speaker Alexandr Pionka: [baami ] 'I met'

### Elena Perekhvalskaya

Figure 14 shows a word pronounced in the full mode with creaky phonation. It shows that the laryngealized vowel is characterized by a high intensity and lowering of the pitch.

In the Xor variety low pitch was a side-effect of vowel laryngealization. In the Bikin variety, due to the gradual loss of creaky phonation in allegro mode, low pitch accompanied by a high intensity of pronunciation became the main distinctive feature of laryngealized vowels in some idiolects. Consider the following example: the word *b'oto* 'ligneous mushroom' pronounced by the same speaker.

The examples in Figures 14 and 15 present different tones (pitch movements): ɔ̀-ɔ̀ and ɔ̀-ɔ́.

Tone raising on the second syllable as shown in Figure 14 was described by Šneider in 1936 who interpreted it as an exponent of musical accent in Udihe (Šneider 1936: 92). See details in Nikolaeva (2000: 134–137). This interpretation seems erroneous, since accent (stress) is connected with the hierarchy of syllables in a word. In Udihe, a word is characterized rather by a melodic pattern, which is closer to tone than to stress. Thus, we may conclude that in the vocalic systems of southern Udihe, tonal systems are under formation. This is most obvious in bisyllabic and polysyllabic words; however, it is also characteristic of monosyllabic words which have at least two moras (Simonov 1988). Consider the following example: the verb *b'aami* 'I met' pronounced by a speaker of the Olon variety which is the most innovative one and where phonation was lost.

The laryngealized vowel is realized by a sharp raise of intensity together with low tone, in other words, on the suprasegmental level. The change "from consonant to tone" is complete.

### **5 Discussion**

Juha Janhunen suggested the appearance of tonal distinctions in Udihe are due to the Chinese influence (Janhunen 1999). His argument could be summarized as follows: a) Udihe is the southernmost of the Tungusic languages, and it was in contact with Chinese which is tonal; b) generally, tones in many Asian languages have arisen as "suprasegmental compensation" for the loss of segment sequences; c) four types of vowels of Udihe correspond to four tones of Chinese, as also noted by Radčenko (1988: 104). Janhunen pointed out that Chinese tones also have complex realizations and are characterized not only by changes in pitch, but also by the duration and the presence of different types of phonation. There are certain objections to this explanation.

### 7 From consonant to tone: Laryngealized and pharyngealized vowels in Udihe

First, the contraction of the V-s-V and V-q-V segment chains into a single complex vowel is already characteristic of the Koppi transitional dialect. And there was no Chinese influence in Koppi.

Second, the four types of vowels which correspond, according to Janhunen, to four tones of Chinese are found only in varieties of the northern dialect cluster. And, these are the varieties which were much less affected by Chinese influence than Bikin and Iman Udihe. Indeed, many features of the southern varieties can be explained by intensive contact with Chinese (for more details see Perekhvalskaya (2001). However, the influence of Chinese manifested itself, rather in the general trend to analytism, which was also noted by Tsumagari (2012: 83–84) and in a certain "simplification" of the system: alignment of paradigms by analogy, etc.