form of a Senate tyrannizes over the ^People, and silences and stifles the voice of the Majority.” The Gerry-Mander, or Essex South District Formed. into a Monster!, Salem Gazette, Apr. 2, 1813. Numerous other Nineteenth-Century partisan gerrymanders faced similar condemnation from politicians, the press, the judiciary, and the public. See Br. of Amici Curiae Historians in Supp. of Appellees at 23-34, Gill v. Whitford, No. 16-1161 (S.Ct. Sept. 5, 2017). Even if founding-era practice did support Legislative Defendants’ assertion that some degree of partisan gerrymandering was viewed as permissible — which it does not — long-standing, and even widespread, historical practice does not immunize governmental action from constitutional scrutiny. See Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 582, 84 S.Ct. 1362 (<HOLDING>). That is particularly true when, as here, the
holding that a similar hawaii statute violates equal protection holding that lprs are entitled to the protection of the equal protection clause holding that equal protection requires that state legislative districts be roughly equal in population holding that racially discriminatory use of peremptory challenges violates the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment holding that malapportionment of state legislative districts violates equal protection clause notwithstanding that malapportionment was widespread in nineteenth and twentieth centuries