Margaret Dobbs

Margaret Emmeline Dobbs (19 November 1871 – 2 January 1962) was an Irish scholar and playwright, best known for her work to preserve the Irish language.
Life and career.
Born in November 1871 to barrister Conway Edward Dobbs. Her father was Justice of the Peace for County Antrim, High Sheriff for Carrickfergus in 1875 and High Sheriff for County Louth in 1882. The family spent time living in Dublin where Dobbs was born. She attempted to learn Irish. However, when her father died in 1898 her mother moved the family back to Glenariff. Her mother was Sarah Mulholland, daughter of St Clair Kelvin Mulholland Eglantine, Co. Down.
Dobbs was interested in learning Irish and found it easier to learn in Donegal where it was still spoken. Her first teacher was Hugh Flaitile. She attended the Irish College at Cloughaneely in the Donegal Gaeltacht. She brought the idea of promoting the language to the Glens of Antrim and her circle of friends. Dobbs was one of the small number of Protestant women interested in the Gaelic revival.
1904 saw the "Great Feis" in Antrim and Dobbs was a founder member of the Feis na nGleann committee and later a tireless literary secretary. In 1946, the Feis committee decided to honour her by presenting her with an illuminated address. It can be seen today at Portnagolan House with its stained glass windows commemorating a great Irishwoman. During her speech she said: ‘Ireland is a closed book to those who do not know her language. No one can know Ireland properly until one knows the language. Her treasures are hidden as a book unopened. Open the book and learn to love your language’.
Dobbs wrote seven plays, published by Dundalgan Press in 1920, though only three were performed. "The Doctor and Mrs McAuley" won the Warden trophy for one-act plays at the Belfast festival in 1913. However her plays were generally not a success and after 1920 she never wrote another. She continued to work on historical and archaeological studies and her articles were published in the "Ulster Journal of Archaeology", in a German magazine for Celtic studies, in the French "Revue Cletique" and in the Irish magazine "Eriu".
Roger Casement was a good friend and although Dobbs never made her political opinions known she contributed to his defence costs when he was accused of treason. Although her political views were not clearly known Dobbs had been a member of the Gaelic League and in the executive of Cumann na mBan.
She died at her home, Portnagolan House, Cushendall, on 2 January 1962.


Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy

Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD or EFD²) was a Eurosceptic and populist political group in the European Parliament. The EFDD group was a continuation for the Eighth European Parliament of the Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) group that existed during the Seventh European Parliament, with significant changes to group membership.
In 2017, it was one of the seven political groups of the parliament. This group was opposed to European integration. Twenty-four out of its 47 MEPs were from the United Kingdom, representing the UK Independence Party.
Its president was British politician Nigel Farage, who was first elected for the UK Independence Party, and then became an independent in 2018 before becoming leader of the Brexit Party in 2019. David Borrelli of the Italian Five Star Movement was co-president until January 2017, when he had to resign the co-presidency after a failed attempt by his party to transfer to the ALDE group.
History.
Formation for the 8th European Parliament.
Following the 2014 European parliament elections, the Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) group faced difficulties reforming for the 8th European Parliament, with various member parties and MEPs of the previous term's EFD either defecting to different parliamentary groups or failing to be re-elected.
On 4 June 2014, the Danish People's Party (Denmark) and Finns Party (Finland) were admitted into the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) and therefore were no longer attached to the EFD.
On 12 June 2014, the Five Star Movement (M5S) of Italy, having been rejected by the Greens/EFA and Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe groups, offered its activists a limited-choice online referendum to choose a European Parliament group for the party, in which 78% of participating activists voted for the EFD.
On 16 June 2014, Dutch MEP Bas Belder of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) moved from the EFD to the ECR group.
The EFD group was reformed on 18 June 2014 with MEPs from existing member parties: the UK Independence Party (United Kingdom) and the Order and Justice (Lithuania), in addition to new affiliates: the Five Star Movement, the Sweden Democrats (Sweden), the Party of Free Citizens (Czech Republic), the Latvian Farmers Union (Latvia) and a French independent MEP, formerly of the National Front.
On 24 June 2014, the EFD group name was revised to Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD), and David Borrelli of the Five Star Movement was chosen as the group's co-president.
Events during 8th European Parliament.
On 16 October 2014, it was announced that Iveta Grigule MEP from the Latvian Farmers' Union defected from EFDD to the ALDE group, resulting in the collapse of the group because it was no longer composed of representatives from at least a quarter of the EU's Member States. The criterion was restored on 20 October, with one Polish MEP, Robert Iwaszkiewicz from Congress of the New Right (KNP), joining the group, although the other party's MEPs remained Non-Inscrits.
On 24 January 2015, Amjad Bashir was suspended from UKIP pending a party investigation into financial fraud: Bashir defected to the Conservative Party within an hour of his suspension. On 20 March 2015, Janice Atkinson was suspended from UKIP and later expelled on 23 March for alleged financial fraud. Atkinson joined the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group at its launch on 15 June 2015.
In April 2015, Valentinas Mazuronis left Order and Justice and joined the ranks of Labour Party, also leaving the EFDD.
On 8 April 2016, Alternative for Germany (AfD) MEP Beatrix von Storch left the ECR group to join EFDD.
On 24 October 2016, Steven Woolfe left the group to sit as Non-Inscrits, followed by Diane James on 20 November 2016.
On 9 January 2017, the Five Star Movement voted in an online referendum to leave EFDD in order to join the ALDE group; however, they were rejected by ALDE later the same day. In the aftermath, two MEPs left the group, with Marco Affronte defected to the Greens/EFA group, and Marco Zanni to the ENL group. Other Five Star Movement MEPs pulled out of switching parliamentary group after threatened by party leader Beppe Grillo with a fine of €250,000.
In October 2017, with change in the French National Front, Florian Philippot, president of the "Patriotes", Sophie Montel and Mireille d'Ornano join the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group.
On 13 February 2018, former group co-president David Borrelli left the M5S and moved to Non-Inscrits.
On 3 July 2018, the 2 Sweden Democrats MEPs moved to ECR group.
In December 2018, Farage and multiple other MEPs left UKIP in protest over Gerard Batten's leadership. Batten in turn left the EFDD and then withdrew the remaining further 6 UKIP MEPs.
In April 2019, group leader Nigel Farage launched the Brexit Party, which he and ten of the other former UKIP MEPs in the group joined, along with one UKIP MEP from the Europe of Nations and Freedom group.
On the 26 June 2019 it was reported that the EFDD had failed to register for the 9th European Parliament, making them no longer an official political group.
Membership.
8th European Parliament, 2014.
At foundation, the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy had 48 elected members as follows:
8th European Parliament, 2019.
In 2019 the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy had 42 members of the European Parliament along with other affiliated parties as followed:
Political positions.
The bloc's primary goal was the reduction in the powers of, or even the dissolution of, the European Union. Nigel Farage, the bloc's president, was also the leader of the UK Independence Party and latterly the Brexit Party, both of which advocated for the immediate withdrawal of the UK from the European Union.
During the European Parliament debate about Catalan independence referendum in 2017, the EFDD, by the voice of Ray Finch considered that European Union should have made some intervention against Spain to protect Catalan independence. He considered that this referendum led to human rights abuses. According to him, people should have the right to vote even when the referendum is illegal.


List of indigenous territories (Brazil)

This is a list of indigenous territories in Brazil organised by state.


Suzanne Bischoff van Heemskerck

Suzanne Bischoff van Heemskerck (born 31 July 1950, The Hague) is a Dutch politician.


Placentia West-Bellevue

Placentia West-Bellevue is a provincial electoral district in Newfoundland and Labrador, which is represented by one member in the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly. It was contested for the first time in the 2015 provincial election.
The district was created following the 2015 redistribution which saw the elimination of the district of Bellevue. The district was largely preceded by the district of Burin-Placentia West which was abolished in 2015.
The district contains an intra-provincial ferry servicing South East Bight.
Members of the House of Assembly.
The district has elected the following Members of the House of Assembly:


Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro

The Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (, DPS) is a major opposition catch-all and a populist political party in Montenegro. The party was formed in 22 June 1991 as the successor of the League of Communists of Montenegro, which had governed Montenegro within the Yugoslav federation since World War II. Since its formation and the introduction of a multi-party system, the DPS has played a dominant role in Montenegrin politics, forming the backbone of every coalition government until 2020, when it entered the opposition in the aftermath of the 2020 parliamentary elections. This marked the first time since 1945 that the party (including its predecessor incarnation) had not been in power. The current President Milo Đukanović is the member of the party, including the former Prime Minister Duško Marković. The DPS is internationally affiliated with the Socialist International and Progressive Alliance, and is an associate affiliate of the Party of European Socialists.
Ideology.
The party evolved from the League of Communists of Montenegro as a reformist force after Yugoslavia's dissolution. In the 1990s, party was based on democratic socialism, social democracy and Serbian–Montenegrin unionism. In the 2000s, the party switched policy towards a common state with Serbia and would become the main proponent of the independence of Montenegro in 2006. Today's party is characterized by populist big tent politics with a slight centre-left lean, alongside elements of nationalism, a pro-European stance towards European integration, and some Third Way economics. Many considered the party and its three decades rule an kleptocratic and authoritarian regime.
After its ninth congress in November 2019, the ruling DPS dominantly increased its ethnic nationalist and even conservative discourse, by officially and institutionally supporting the rights of the canonically unrecognized Montenegrin Orthodox Church, announcing its "re-establishment". According to the ODIHR and Freedom House reports that the party established a hybrid regime, as well an electoral authoritarian system. After the fall of the its populist regime from the position of power after 30 years, due to results of the 2020 parliamentary election, the party claimed that the new big tent ruling coalition represents "threat for Montenegrin statehood and its independence". The period before the 2020 election was marked by the high polarization of the electorate. Several corruption scandals of the ruling party triggered 2019 anti-government protests, while a controversial religion law sparked another wave of protests. Election observers OSCE stated: "Abuse of state resources gave the ruling party an unfair advantage" and of inciting ethnic hatred, and said that although the elections were competitive, the governing party also benefited from a lack of independent media. In the 2020 election aftermath, President Đukanović, the Democratic Party of Socialists, together with its coallition partners, as well some newly founded nationalist parties, started pushing the narrative of "Montenegro being left to Serbia by the United States and the EU", although they are declaratively pro-western, which some media presented as a new turn in the foreign policy of the outgoing DPS regime.
History.
Background.
The history of the DPS begins with the political turmoil in Yugoslavia in the late 1980s. After Slobodan Milošević seized power in the League of Communists of Serbia, he went on to organize rallies that eventually ousted the leaderships of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia local branches in Vojvodina, Kosovo and Montenegro. This series of events, collectively known as the Anti-bureaucratic revolution, swept into power new party leadership in Montenegro, one allied with Milošević, personified in Momir Bulatović, Milo Đukanović and Svetozar Marović.
The League of Communists of Montenegro, under this new leadership, won by a landslide in the first relatively free multi-party election in Socialist Montenegro, held in December 1990, taking 83 out of 125 seats in the Montenegrin parliament. The party had a significant head start in the elections, as it had the entire established party structure at its disposal, while newly formed competition had to start from scratch. The party changed its name to the Democratic Party of Socialists on 22 June 1991.
With Bulatović as the president, the DPS closely aligned Montenegro with Serbia and the policies of Slobodan Milošević. The party was firmly in power during the turbulent early 1990s, which saw the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the beginning of the Yugoslav Wars. During these years, the party endorsed a union and close relations with Serbia (its sole partner in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1992). The party maintained the support of the electorate in this difficult period for Montenegro, winning both the 1992 and 1996 elections.
Split between Bulatović and Đukanović.
On July 11, 1997, the party's national committee (""Glavni odbor", abbreviated as "GO"") held a closed doors session after which the committee selected Milica Pejanović-Đurišić to replace Bulatović as the party president. The party split had enormous implications, making a political confrontation between Đukanović and Bulatović inevitable. This manifested in the 1997 Montenegrin presidential election held in October, which Đukanović won by a thin margin.
Bulatović went on to form the Socialist People's Party of Montenegro (SNP) out of his defeated DPS faction, whose platform held a unionist position on the question of Yugoslavia and its short-lived successor state, Serbia and Montenegro. Meanwhile, Đukanović became a fierce opponent of Milošević. As a result of Đukanović's relationship with the United States, Montenegro received significant amounts of economic aid during this period, and negotiated limitations on NATO bombings of its territory in 1999, whereas the rest of Yugoslavia was subject to significantly heavier attacks. The DPS government gradually severed ties with Serbia by taking control over customs and the economy, introducing first the German mark, and subsequently the Euro as legal tender, and generally reducing the influence of the federal government in Montenegro.
Montenegrin independence.
Following the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević on 5 October 2000, the DPS showed signs of greater support for Montenegrin independence. The campaign for the 2002 parliamentary elections was devoted to the question of Montenegro's independence. However EU mediated negotiations between the DPS and the newly elected democratic government in Serbia in 2003 imposed a three-year waiting period before an independence referendum could be held. The transitional period saw the transformation of the FR Yugoslavia to a loose union called Serbia and Montenegro. During the existence of the union state, the party congress added the goal of a "democratic, internationally-recognized, independent Montenegro" to its official platform. The party then spearheaded the pro-independence campaign ahead of Montenegro's referendum in 2006. With 55.5% of voters opting for independence, Montenegro became an independent state on 3 June 2006.
Post-referendum era.
In 2006 at the first parliamentary elections in independent Montenegro, as well as the subsequent elections in 2009 and 2012, the DPS confirmed its position as the strongest political party in Montenegro. The party has formed the basis of all parliamentary majorities and has been the backbone of all Government cabinets since independence, usually with its now traditional ally the Social Democratic Party of Montenegro (SDP) and ethnic minority parties.
Party vice president Filip Vujanović is incumbent President of Montenegro, currently serving his third term, having won presidential elections in 2003, 2008 and 2013.
Milo Đukanović remains the party president and its undisputed authority, serving either as Prime Minister or President of Montenegro from 1991 to 2006, 2008 to 2010 and 2012 to 2016. In 2006, the party leadership chose Željko Šturanović, former Minister of Justice, to succeed Đukanović as Prime Minister, until his resignation on 31 January 2008 for health reasons, whereupon Đukanović replaced him, only to resign again in December 2010 while retaining his role as DPS party leader. After winning the 2012 parliamentary elections, Đukanović once again assumed the position of Prime Minister.
Positions held.
Major positions held by Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro members:
Heads of Federal offices of Yugoslavia and<br>Serbia and Montenegro;


West Cavan (UK Parliament constituency)

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West Cavan was a parliamentary constituency in Ireland, which from 1885 to 1922 returned one Member of Parliament (MP) to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
Prior to 1885 the area was part of the Cavan constituency. After 1922 the area was not represented in the UK Parliament.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the western part of County Cavan, consisting of the baronies of Clanmahon, Loughtee Lower, Tullyhaw and Tullyhunco, that part of the barony of Loughtee Upper contained within the parishes of Annagelliff, Castleterra, Kilmore and Urney and the townland of Crumlin in the parish of Denn, and that part of the barony of Tullygarvey contained within the parish of Annagh.


Charlotte-Fundy

Charlotte-Fundy was a provincial electoral district in New Brunswick. It was created from the multi-member riding of Charlotte in the 1973 electoral redistribution, and was abolished in the 1994 electoral redistribution.


David P. Currie

David P. Currie (1936–2007) was the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Chicago Law School, noted for his histories of the Constitution in Congress and the Supreme Court, his casebooks on federal courts and conflict of laws, and his award-winning teaching at the law school. He was the son of legal scholar Brainerd Currie. His wife was Barbara Flynn Currie, Majority Leader of the Illinois House of Representatives.
Born on May 29, 1936, in Macon, Georgia, Currie earned a B.A. from the University of Chicago in 1957, and a LL.B. from Harvard Law School in 1960, where he served on the "Harvard Law Review". After clerking for Judge Henry Friendly and then Justice Felix Frankfurter, he joined the University of Chicago Law School faculty in 1962. His books include "The Constitution of the United States", "The Constitution in the Supreme Court: the First Hundred Years" (1985), "The Second Century" (1990), the four volume "The Constitution in Congress" and "The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany" (1994). He was also the author of the 1970 Illinois Environmental Protection Act and the first chair of the Illinois Pollution Control Board.


Blanca Canales

Blanca Canales (February 17, 1906 – July 25, 1996) was an educator and a Puerto Rican Nationalist. Canales joined the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party in 1931 and helped organize the Daughters of Freedom, the women's branch of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party.
As a leader of the Nationalist party in Jayuya, she stored arms in her house, which were used in a revolt in 1950 against United States rule over the island. During the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party Revolts of the 1950s she led members in the Jayuya Uprising, in which Nationalists took control of the town for three days.
Early years.
Canales was born in Jayuya, Puerto Rico, as Blanca Canales Torresola. She was the younger sister of writer and politician Nemesio Canales. Her family was politically active and her father was part of the "Partido Unión de Puerto Rico" (Union Party of Puerto Rico). It lobbied for the independence of the island. Her mother was a strong-willed woman who encouraged her children to think for themselves.
As a child, Canales read many books and stories about other nations and their heroes. She often accompanied her father to political meetings, where she enjoyed the speeches, flag-waving, and patriotic fervor. Canales finished her primary and secondary education in Jayuya.
In 1924, her father died and her mother moved to Ponce. Canales graduated from Ponce High School and, in May 1930, earned her bachelor's degree from the University of Puerto Rico. Before graduating, she attended a conference given by the President of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, Pedro Albizu Campos, and was impressed by the ideals of independence which he preached. Canales returned to the university that same year, and took a course of study in social work.
Nationalist Party.
Canales returned to Jayuya and worked at a local rural school. In 1931, she joined the Nationalist Party and was active in organizing the Daughters of Freedom, the women's branch of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. During the 1940s, Canales' active political participation was limited to making monetary collections because her job kept her constantly traveling from San Juan to Ponce.
After Canales joined the party, a series of increasingly hostile events between the U.S.-appointed government and the Nationalists took place in the 1930s. In 1936, Albizu Campos was arrested and on March 31, 1937 the infamous Ponce massacre took place. In 1947, Albizu Campos was released from jail.
Puerto Rican Gag Law.
On May 21, 1948, a bill was introduced before the Puerto Rican Senate which would restrain the rights of the independence and Nationalist movements on the archipelago. The Senate, which at the time was controlled by the "Partido Popular Democrático" (PPD) and presided by Luis Muñoz Marín, approved the bill that day. This bill, which resembled the anti-communist Smith Act passed in the United States in 1940, became known as the "Ley de la Mordaza" (Gag Law, technically "Law 53 of 1948") when the U.S.-appointed governor of Puerto Rico, Jesús T. Piñero, signed it into law on June 10, 1948.
Under this new law it became a crime to print, publish, sell, or exhibit any material intended to paralyze or destroy the insular government; or to organize any society, group or assembly of people with a similar destructive intent. It made it illegal to sing a patriotic song, and reinforced the 1898 law that had made it illegal to display the Flag of Puerto Rico, with anyone found guilty of disobeying the law in any way being subject to a sentence of up to ten years imprisonment, a fine of up to US$10,000 (), or both.
According to Leopoldo Figueroa, member of the "Partido Estadista Puertorriqueño" (Puerto Rican Statehood Party) and the only member of the Puerto Rico House of Representatives who did not belong to the PPD, the law was repressive and in violation of the First Amendment of the US Constitution which guarantees Freedom of Speech.
On June 21, 1948, Albizu Campos gave a speech in the town of Manati, which explained how this Gag Law violated the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. Nationalists from all over the island attended – to hear Campos's speech, and to prevent the police from arresting him.
Police repression.
On October 26, 1950, Albizu Campos held a political meeting in Fajardo. After the meeting Albizu Campos received word that he was going to be arrested and that his house in San Juan was surrounded by the police. He escaped from Fajardo and ordered the revolution to start. On October 27, the police in the town of Peñuelas, intercepted and fired upon a caravan of nationalists, killing four. On October 30, the nationalists were ordered to stage uprisings in the towns of Ponce, Mayagüez, Naranjito, Arecibo, Utuado, San Juan and Jayuya.
The first battle of the Nationalist uprisings occurred in the pre-dawn hours of October 29, in the "barrio" Macaná in the town of Peñuelas. The police surrounded the house of the mother of Melitón Muñiz the president of the Peñuelas Nationalist Party, under the pretext that he was storing weapons for the Nationalist Revolt. Without warning, the police fired upon the nationalists and a firefight between both factions ensued, which resulted with the death of two nationalists and six police officers wounded.
Jayuya uprising.
On October 30, 1950, the Nationalist leaders in Jayuya – including Canales, her cousin Elio Torresola (Griselio Torresola's brother) and Carlos Irizarry – entered the town of Jayuya with a group of nationalists in a bus and a car. Canales led the group to her house in "Barrio Coabey," a neighborhood of Jayuya, where she had been stockpiling arms and ammunition.
Armed with the weapons she had stored, Canales and the men attacked and occupied the police station. The Nationalists then occupied the post office, approached the telephone station, and cut the phone lines. Canales led the group to the town plaza, raised the Puerto Rican Flag (which was outlawed at the time), and declared Puerto Rico a Free Republic.
After being notified that Carlos Irizarry was wounded, Canales hurried to the town hospital but the police had shut down the hospital, and she found Irizarry leaning against a lamp post. He had been wounded in a gunfight at the police station. Canales rushed him to a hospital in Utuado, the neighboring town.
Jayuya was under Nationalist control for three days until it was attacked by U.S military planes, artillery, mortar fire, grenades, U.S. infantry troops, and the Puerto Rican National Guard commanded by the Puerto Rico Adjutant General Major General Luis R. Estéves, which occupied the town. The Nationalists surrendered on November 1, 1950.
Canales was arrested and accused of killing a police officer, wounding three others, and burning down the post office. Following a brief federal trial, she was sentenced to life imprisonment "plus" sixty years. In June 1951, she was sent to the Alderson Federal Prison Camp in Alderson, West Virginia. In prison she developed a close friendship with fellow nationalist Lolita Lebrón, who led the 1954 Nationalist attack on the US House of Representatives, and Rosa Collazo, the wife of Oscar Collazo and treasurer of the New York City branch of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party.
Later years.
In 1956, Canales was transferred to the Women's Jail in Vega Alta, Puerto Rico. In 1967, after 17 years in prison, Canales was given a full pardon by Puerto Rican Governor Roberto Sanchez Vilella. She continued to be an active independence advocate until the day she died.
Canales died in 1996 in her hometown of Jayuya. She is buried in the "Cementerio Municipal" (Municipal Cemetery) in her hometown Jayuya.
Legacy.
The house in which Blanca and Nemesio Canales were born and raised was turned into a museum by the City of Jayuya.
A plaque was placed at the monument to the Jayuya Uprising participants in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, honoring the women of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. Canales' name is on the second line of the third plate.
See also.
19th Century female leaders of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
Female members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party
 Articles related to the Puerto Rican Independence Movement


Ephraim John Burford

Ephraim Burford (1905 – 22 July 1997) was an English historian and author.
Burford was born in London and trained as an optician before later taking an interest in history. He fought against Franco in the Spanish Civil War


Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory

The Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory () is an indigenous territory in the northwest of the state of Amazonas, Brazil. There were extended delays while the territory was being identified and formally declared.
Location.
The Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory is in the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Amazonas.
The territory has an area of .
The Rio Negro flows through the northern portion of the territory, which is bounded by Colombia on the north and Venezuela on the northeast.
The Rio Negro defines the western boundary.
The settlement of Cucuí on the Rio Negro is in the northern portion of the territory.
Highway BR-307 runs through the eastern portion from the settlement of São Gabriel da Cachoeira up to Cucui.
In the east, 25% of the territory overlaps the Pico da Neblina National Park.
As of 2016 the Upper Rio Negro municipalities of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Santa Isabel do Rio Negro, Barcelos and Japurá had seven indigenous territories with a total population of 32,266 people.
These were the Alto Rio Negro, Médio Rio Negro 1, Médio Rio Negro 2, Balaio, Cué-Cué/Marabitanas, Rio Apapóris and Rio Tea. Most were decreed in the 1990s and all had been homologated apart from the Cué-Cué/Marabitanas.
The Cué-cué/Marabitanas adjoins the Balaio and Yanomami indigenous territories to the east, the Médio Rio Negro I Indigenous Territory to the south and the huge Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory on the other side of the Rio Negro to the west.
The Cué-cué/Marabitanas lies in the Rio Negro basin.
Vegetation is in the Amazon biome, and includes campinarana in contact with rainforest.
As of 2014 a total of had been deforested.
People.
ISA gave a population estimate of 1,645 in 1996.
As of 2008 FUNAI reported that there were 1,702 inhabitants, mostly Baré and Baniwa.
The families mainly lived by extracting natural products, although the subsoil of the region was rich in minerals.
As of 2010 the estimated population according to GT/Funai was 1,864.
This included Arapaso, Desano, Pira-tapuya and Tucano people of the Tucano linguistic family and Baniwa, Baré, Koripako, Tariana and Warekena people of the Arawak linguistic family.
The registered indigenous organizations are the Federation of Indigenous Organizations of the Rio Negro (FOIRN) and the Wariró House of Indigenous Products of Rio Negro.
After homologation of the reserve about 1,000 non-Indian residents and traders would have to leave.
History.
In 1984 three mineral prospecting licenses were granted in what is now the territory for phosphate, lignite and tungsten, with areas of , and respectively.
Identification of the Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory was started by ordinance 776 of 12 August 2003, and continued by ordinances in 2004, 2007, 2008 and 2010.
The indigenous leaders repeatedly called from recognition from the Fundação Nacional do Índio (National Indian Foundation, FUNAI) and the president of Brazil over the years while identification studies were dragging out.
Mércio Gomes, president of FUNAI from 2003 to 2007, was opposed to including all the land in one unit, and wanted it to be restricted to the perimeter of the left bank of the Rio Negro.
He said the delimitation group had been influenced by indigenous organizations.
Radical military factions were also opposed to the territory, which they saw as a threat to national sovereignty, although the military had been given guaranteed access to the territory.
Demarcation of the reserve in December 2008 gave it an area of .
The next step after publication of the 2008 demarcation report would be approval of the report, which would be followed by a 90-day period for challenges.
FUNAI conditionally identified the territory by Dispatch 595 of 16 December 2011.
With this action Márcio Meira, president of FUNAI, approved the demarcation study and sent it to the Ministry of Justice.
On 19 April 2013 the Federal Minister of Justice, José Eduardo Cardozo declared three indigenous territories, the Cué-Cué-Marabitanas, the Guanabara and the Tremembé de Queimadas.
The Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory was declared by Ordinance 1.703.
Cardoza denied that the identification delays had been caused by the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments.
After a 90-day deadline for challenges the territory could be confirmed as declared by the Ministry of Justice.
No announcement was made about the final homologation phase, which must be done by the President.
On 12 May 2016 Dilma Rousseff was suspended while the Senate discussed impeachment, and Michel Temer became acting President.
Ordinance 536 of 7 June 2016 confirmed the declaration of the territory.


Mauritian rupee

The Mauritian rupee (sign: ₨; code: MUR; ) is the currency of Mauritius. One rupee is subdivided into 100 cents. Several other currencies are also called rupee.
Coins.
In 1877, coins for 1, 2, 5, 10 and 20 cents were introduced, with the lower three denominations in copper and the higher two in silver. Coin production ceased in 1899 and did not recommence until 1911, with silver coins not produced again until 1934, when ¼-, ½- and 1-rupee coins were introduced. In 1947, cupro-nickel 10 cents were introduced, with cupro-nickel replacing silver in 1950.1000
In 1971 a new set of coins and banknotes were introduced by the Royal Mint. This set has Queen Elizabeth II on the obverse and a range of heraldic motives on the reverse. Some of the reverse designs for this set were designed by Christopher Ironside OBE including the 10-rupee, 200-gold-rupee and 250-gold-rupee (issued 1988).
In 1987, a new series of coins was introduced which, for the first time, did not feature the portrait of the monarch (Mauritius did not become a republic until 1992) but that of Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam. This coinage consisted of copper-plated-steel 1 and 5 cents (the 5 cents was substantially reduced in size), nickel-plated-steel 20 cents and ½ rupee, and cupro-nickel 1 and 5 rupees. Cupro-nickel 10 rupees were introduced in 1997. Coins currently in circulation are the 5 cents, 20 cents, ½ rupee, 1, 5, 10 and 20 rupees. Coins below 1 rupee in value are generally regarded as "supermarket" small-change. The 1 cent coin has not been seen in circulation for many years, and the last series of 1 cent coins issued in 1987 are only seen as collectors' items.
In 2007, a bi-metallic 20-rupee coin was issued to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Bank of Mauritius, and this has now become a coin in general circulation.
Banknotes.
The first banknotes were issued by the government dated 1876 in denominations of 5, 10 and 50 rupees. 1-rupee banknotes were added in 1919. In 1940, emergency issues were made of 25 and 50 cents and 1 rupee. In 1954, 25 and 1000 rupees were introduced.
The Bank of Mauritius was established in September 1967 as the nation's central bank and has been responsible for the issue of banknotes and coins since that time. The bank issued its first notes in 1967, comprising four denominations: 5, 10, 25, and 50 rupees, all undated and featuring a portrait of Queen Elizabeth II on the obverse. Over the years, some denominations were revised with new signatures of the Bank's Governor and Managing Director but were otherwise unchanged.
In 1985, the Bank of Mauritius issued a completely new set of banknotes of 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, 500 and 1000 rupees. A close study of these banknotes reveals an interesting array of subsets which were printed by two banknote printing companies (Bradbury Wilkinson and Thomas de La Rue). The banknotes were also designed at different time periods as there are very few identical and consistent design features appearing on all the denominations. Varying banknote numbering systems, different types of security threads, variations in the design and size of the Mauritian Coat of Arms, different ultraviolet light latent printing, inconsistent variations in the size incrementation between the denominations and multiple different typesets are just a few of the differences. This issue lasted up to 1998.
In 1998, The Bank of Mauritius made a new issue of banknotes consisting of 7 denominations, viz. 25, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1,000 and 2,000 rupees. These banknotes had a standard format and were all issued simultaneously in November 1998. All the banknotes of this issue were printed in England by Thomas de la Rue Limited. These first banknotes were withdrawn from circulation in June 1999 following controversies due to the ordering of the text (English, Sanskrit, Tamil) while the population of Mauritius was mostly Tamil.
The Bank of Mauritius made its latest issue of banknotes, which is still current, after June 1999.
Currently circulating banknotes.
Obverse designs.
Each denomination bears a hand engraved portrait of a prominent Mauritian figure, which appears on the left.
The top of the bill says "Bank of Mauritius". The portrait is toward the center-left of the bill and below the portrait is the name of the person in the portrait and their year of birth to year of death. On the bottom-left is the coat of arms of Mauritius. There is also a drawing of the Bank of Mauritius building and a portrayal of the statue of justice in the background of each of the denominations in the centre of the bill. The value of the bill is in the top-right corner with the "₨" symbol in front the value. Below the value in the top-right corner is a feature to aid the visually impaired. This is in addition to the differences in sizes between the banknotes of various denominations. The left side of the note says the numerical value of the note, with the "₨" symbol to the left of the value, written sideways left-faced up. On top of the numerical value on the left side is the serial number of the bill. The serial number is also on the centre-right of the bill. On the top-center of the bill is states "This Note Is Legal Tender For", then it states the bill's value written out in English (ex: "One Hundred"), and below that it says "Rupees". Below that it says the value of the bill in Tamil, and below that it says the value of the bill in Bhojpuri-Hindi. Below that is the signature of the Governor of the Bank of Mauritius and next to that is the signature of the Managing Director, or it could have the signatures of the First Deputy Governor, then the Governor, then the Second Deputy Governor. Below that is the year the bill was printed.
Reverse Designs.
The top left of the note on the reverse says "Bank of Mauritius". The left side of the note says the numerical value of the note, with the "₨" symbol to the left of the value, written sideways left-faced up. The top right of the note has the numerical value of the note with the "₨" symbol to the left of the value. Each denomination carries a different vignette, depicting various aspects of Mauritius. The Bhojpuri-Hindi value of the note can be found on the left side of the bottom of the vignette, with the Bhojpuri-Hindi abbreviation of rupee, "रु" ("ru") in front of the value. The Tamil and Gujarati numerical value of the note can be found on the right side of the bottom of the vignette. The Tamil value is above the Gujarati value.
Features for authenticity verification.
100-, 200-, 500-, 1000-, 2000-rupee banknotes
Iridescent band in gold: when held under the light, this band visualizes and disappears when the viewing angle is changed.
100-, 200-rupee banknotes
Silver metallic ink: dull silver metallic band running from top to bottom on front, left of note. Metallic strip also beneath top right value numeral.
500-, 1000-rupee banknotes
Silver Foil: two different images, value numeral or geometric shape, can be seen when viewed from different angles.
2000-rupee banknote
Hologram containing images of the dodo and the value "2000"
200-, 500-, 1000-rupee banknotes
Hologram containing images of the dodo and the denomination on the 200-rupee banknote, a deer and the denomination on the 500-rupee banknote and the Bank of Mauritius tower and the denomination on the 1000-rupee banknote.
25-, 50-, 500-rupee banknotes
Revised security features and the change of material from paper to polymer.
2000-rupee banknote
Revised security features and the change of material from paper to polymer.


Commonwealth Countries League

The Commonwealth Countries League (CCL), founded in 1925 as the British Commonwealth League, is a voluntary pan-Commonwealth civil society organisation. The objectives are to secure equality of liberties, status and opportunities between men and women and to promote mutual understanding throughout the Commonwealth. The CCL is non-party and is open to men and women from all countries. It promotes the education of girls and young women and links together women’s organisations throughout the Commonwealth. In particular it raises money for its associated charity, the Commonwealth Girls Education Fund.
History, Structure and Governance.
History.
The CCL grew from the British Commonwealth League, which in turn grew out of the British Dominion Suffrage Union (founded 1914).
The BCL was conceived as an idea in 1923 by a group of women who had been involved in the suffrage movement including Myra Sadd Brown, the League's first Treasurer. A group of Australian women had come to London to march in the suffrage parades in support of the British suffragettes, their main aim being to support women of any ethnicity, in other Dominions and colonies to get the vote. Women also came from India, the Caribbean, South Africa and other countries. The BCL was established to “promote equality of liberties, status and opportunities between women and men, and to encourage mutual understanding throughout the Commonwealth”. This was formally instituted as the CCL in 1925.
Mission.
The Commonwealth Countries League works for rights and interests of women in the Commonwealth by providing a platform:
The League's objective is to advance education and civil rights and preserve and protect health throughout the Commonwealth by providing grants, items or services to other charities and / or organisations established to advance education and preserve and protect health. In particular, through the Commonwealth Girls Education Fund, to educate and empower young women as agents of change in their own communities.
Governance.
The CCL is a registered charity run by a Board of Trustees and headed by a Chairman. The charity has a Patron and a President of the Executive Committee is elected every 3 years at the AGM.
 • Patron: Mrs Louisa Service O.B.E., J.P., M.A.(Oxon)
 • Chairman: Sir Peter Heap KCMG
 • President: Duchess Williams-Alonga
Membership.
Membership of the League is open to all with an interest in the aims. There are currently around 500 members, including most of the London-based High Commissioners or their spouses and a broad range of educators and supporters.
Charitable Activities.
The philosophy behind the CCL’s work is that educated girls with a highly developed sense of responsibility are more likely to provide a better future for themselves as well as for their communities. The primary recipient of funds from CCL activities is the Commonwealth Girls Education Fund (CGEF). Sponsorship enables girls, who have academic potential but whose parents or guardians cannot support them financially, to continue their secondary education in their own Commonwealth country. Other funding recipients include rural women’s enterprise support projects in Grenada and Ghana, and a clinic in Tanzania.
Events.
The league raises funds through subscriptions and events, which include afternoon teas, lunches and dinners, often hosted by a High Commission, and fashion shows. The major event of the year is the Commonwealth Fair which is held in November.


Squatting in Sri Lanka

Squatting in Sri Lanka occurs when people are displaced by war or natural disasters, find it difficult to transfer title or build shanty towns. The Government of Sri Lanka has attempted to regularize squatter settlements. In 2020, there were reported to be over 600,000 squatters on state land.
History.
The Government of Sri Lanka owns 80 per cent of the country's land and the rest is privately owned. Land is presumed to be owned by the state unless proven otherwise, under the State Lands Encroachments Ordinance. The government created state-sponsored land settlement schemes (SLSS) to house the population, mandated by the 1840 Crown Land (Encroachment) Ordinance (revised in 1949) and the 1935 Land Development Ordinance. As an unintended side-effect of these provisions, squatting occurs in SLSS zones because it is hard to transfer ownership.
In 1984, the government identified four types of housing in need of upgrading. These were slums where people were owners or renters, shanty towns constructed by squatters, peri-urban developments where people were owners or renters and derelict houses occupied by temporary workers. In 1998, the Registration of Title Act set up a system to register titles, which was first rolled out in the areas of Anuradhapura,
Gampaha, Gampola, Hambantota, Homagama, Jaffna, Kandy, Kurunegala, Negombo and Ratnapura.
After the Indian Ocean earthquake in 2004, many people were displaced and some started squatting. During the Sri Lankan Civil War (1983–2009) 289,915 people were displaced in the Vanni region. The government then announced the Prescription (Special Provisions) Act, which aimed to help people who had been displaced to reclaim their property. The act ensured that the previous doctrine of adverse possession after 10 years was no longer valid.
Sri Lanka Railways stated in 2018 that it owned 14,000 plots of land, of which around 10,000 acres had been squatted and that some occupiers were railway employees. In 2020, the Sri Lankan Sunday Times reported that in total over 600,000 people were squatting on state land and that the land commissioner had decided that those who had occupied their homes for more than eight years could claim title. A cabinet subcommittee was set up to investigate further but its meetings were delayed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.


Francis Reynolds (law professor)

Professor Francis Martin Baillie Reynolds (born 11 November 1932) is an emeritus professor of law at the University of Oxford and an honorary Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford. He is also a Fellow of the British Academy, an Honorary Queen's Counsel and an Honorary Bencher of the Inner Temple.
Reynolds was educated at Winchester and Worcester College, Oxford and was admitted to the Bar of the Inner Temple.
He specialises in international commercial law - international sales, carriage by sea, parts of the conflict of laws and the law of agency. He is the standing editor of "Bowstead and Reynolds on Agency" and was the editor-in-chief of the "Law Quarterly Review". Reynolds is also a contributing editor to "Carver on Bills of Lading" and "Benjamin's Sale of Goods".


Anthonie Duyck

Anthonie Duyck (c. 1560 – 13 September 1629 ) was Grand Pensionary of Holland between 1621 and 1629.
Life.
Anthonie Duyck was a descendant of a notable hollandic family which was founded in the 13th century. Anthonie was the son of Gijsbert Duyck, lord of Oud Karspel, who was appointed schout of Hoorn in 1580. Anthonie was born in The Hague and studied law in Leiden. In 1588, he became "advocaat-fiscaal" (public prosecutor) at the "Raad van State". This was, next to the States-General of the Netherlands, the central constitutional body of the United Provinces. As official of the "Raad van State," he accompanied Prince Maurice of Orange on his military campaigns between 1591 and 1602. He wrote long reports about these military campaigns for his superiors in The Hague. In 1602, he became "griffier" at the court of Holland. In 1619 even a justice in the Hoge Raad van Holland en Zeeland. He was named as one of the public prosecutors against his will for the special court which tried Johan van Oldebarnevelt. This court pronounced the death penalty in 1619. Duyck became Grand Pensionary of Holland in 1621. His tasks were moderate compared to the tasks of Oldebarnevelt. Oldebarnevelt was an important political leader, while Duyck was more an official.
Anthonie married twice, and his first wife, Elisabeth de Michely, gave him three children, all daughters.
Works.
From 1591 to 1602, Anthonie kept a journal, detailing his activities and events of the Eighty Years' War, in which the Dutch Republic was embroiled at that time. This journal was edited and published by the Dutch department of war in 1862, though of the seven books, one, book four, was lost.


Institute of Race Relations

The Institute of Race Relations is a think tank based in the United Kingdom. It was formed in 1958 in order to publish research on race relations worldwide, and in 1972 was transformed into an "anti-racist think tank".
Proposed by "Sunday Times" editor Harry Hodson, the institute began as the Race Relations Unit of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1952. Former Governor of the United Provinces Lord Hailey served as first chairman, while Philip Mason, formerly of the Indian Civil Service, served as its first director. The unit later became the Institute of Race Relations under the chairmanship of Sir Alexander Carr-Saunders. Mason remained as director.
The IRR’s objectives as an educational charity are to promote, encourage and support the study and understanding of, and exchange information about, relations between different races and peoples and the conditions in which they live and work; to consider and advise on proposals and endeavours to improve race relations and these conditions; and to promote knowledge on questions related to race relations.
Early history.
The founding of the IRR can be traced back to a 1950 Chatham House speech by "Sunday Times" editor Harry Hodson, "Race Relations in the Commonwealth", in which he described Communism and race relations as the two transcendent problems.
During its early life, the IRR was influenced in its work and funding by national strategic concerns about the future of Britain’s ex-colonies. Conferences were jointly organised with the Institute for Strategic Studies, and the Ford Foundation funded comparative policy-oriented research on the Caribbean, Latin America and Asia. Members of the Africa Private Enterprise Group (which included Rio Tinto, Barclays, Unilever et al.) helped to fund IRR research into tropical Africa.
In 1958, in response to "race riots" in Nottingham and Notting Hill, IRR produced the first study of domestic race relations, "Colour in Britain" by James Wickendon. In 1963, the Nuffield Foundation funded a five-year survey of British race relations, which commissioned 41 pieces of research, and published its findings as "Colour and Citizenship" by Jim Rose. Philip Mason, who had served as IRR director from 1952, retired in 1970 and was replaced by Professor Hugh Tinker. The IRR, centrally located in Jermyn Street in London’s West End, had more than 30 staff, a full book publishing programme, a library and information service and domestic and international research units.
Transformation.
By the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, a period in which governments had begun to introduce restrictive immigration laws and politician Enoch Powell had made a series of emotive speeches on the subject of racial conflict, the staff and a section of the membership of the IRR began to question the type of research being undertaken at IRR, whether the organisation was in fact as impartial as it claimed to be and if working so closely with politicians and the government could benefit the victims of racism. This brought the staff and ultimately the membership into confrontation with the IRR’s Council. Robin Jenkins, an IRR researcher, criticised the methodology behind "Colour and Citizenship", which he described as spying on black people. The Council, which was composed of chief executives from many leading multinational corporations, politicians from the Commons and Lords, newspaper editors and leading academics, tried to have him sacked and to close down the monthly magazine "Race Today", which was accused of bias. But at an extraordinary general meeting of members in April 1972 the Council was outvoted and resigned en masse.
After the change of direction of IRR, neither the corporate sector nor the large foundations were willing to support IRR's work, and the organisation faced a funding crisis. It moved from the West End to a disused warehouse on Pentonville Road, London, N1, where a tiny staff augmented by volunteers continued to run all its services. New sources of funding were found in the World Council of Churches' Programme to Combat Racism, the Methodist Church, the Transnational Institute and local authorities, including the Greater London Council. As a result of a fund-raising drive, the IRR was able in 1984 to purchase an office building in Leeke Street, London Borough of Camden, which has been its home ever since.
Work programmes of the IRR.
"Race & Class".
"Race & Class" – a journal on racism, empire and globalisation - continues to be published quarterly by the IRR through Sage Publications. Those who have served on its Editorial Board include Eqbal Ahmad, John Berger, Victoria Brittain, Malcolm Caldwell, Jan Carew, Basil Davidson, Thomas Lionel Hodgkin, Orlando Letelier, Manning Marable, Colin Prescod, Cedric Robinson, Edward Said and Chris Searle.
Pamphlets and reports.
The IRR since its transformation carries out small-scale "ad hoc" pieces of research on pressing aspects of racism, the results of which have been published as pamphlets and reports. In 1979 the IRR produced "Police Against Black People", evidence to the Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure which detailed the police's inability to see black people as part of the community whose consent was needed for policing. This was updated as "Policing Against Black People" in 1987. Themes of institutional racism were dealt with in the pamphlets "Race, Class and the State" (1976) and "From Immigration Control to Induced Repatriation" (1978). Other reports have looked at racism and the press, black deaths in custody, school exclusions, the deaths of migrants, and asylum seekers. More recently, "Spooked! How not to prevent violent extremism" (2009) examined the government’s counter-terrorism programme; and "Integration, Islamophobia and Civil Rights in Europe" was published in 2008.
Black history.
The IRR since the 1980s has been particularly concerned with promoting the study of black and anti-racist history – especially to inform the education of young people. To this end it has produced a series of "Race & Class" pamphlets on the experiences of black communities in the UK: "From resistance to rebellion" (1982), "Southall: the birth of a black community" (1981) and "Newham: the forging of a black community" (1991). Other pamphlets explore the intersection of race and labor, feminism, and other social issues. Illustrated pamphlets, "Roots of Racism", "Patterns of Racism" and "How Racism Came to Britain", are still widely used in education, as are the multimedia CD-Rom "Homebeats: struggles for racial justice" (1997) and the DVD "Struggles for Black Community" (four film documentaries on the history of Ladbroke Grove, Southall, Cardiff and Leicester originally made by Race & Class Ltd [a sister company of IRR] for Channel 4 TV in 1982). A Black History Collection of pamphlets, journals and ephemera relating to black settlement and struggles from the 1950s to the 1980s is available for consultation by appointment at IRR.
European Race Audit.
Since the 1990s a major part of the IRR's work has been the analysis of racism in Europe. In 1992, the IRR set up the European Race Audit, to trace emerging patterns of racism in Europe, including the growth of far-right parties and anti-immigration movements, government policies on immigration and race, policing and racial violence. The European Race Bulletin was produced as a print magazine until the end of 2009, when it was replaced by online briefing papers and downloadable reports. These have highlighted human rights abuses at the borders of Europe, the emergence of xeno-racism, the increase in deportations, the rise of Islamophobia and the challenge to multiculturalism. From 2008 to 2010, the IRR carried out a project on Alternative Voices on Integration in a number of European countries.
IRR News.
At the core of IRR's work is IRR News, a daily-updated free news service giving information about the impact of racism and experience of refugees in the UK. The news service which is a key source of national information carries news stories, features, reviews and events listings by IRR staff, volunteers and contributors, and has links to external sources (media and official reports).
As at 2011: Director: A. Sivanandan; Executive director: Liz Fekete; Chair: Colin Prescod; Vice-chair: Frances Webber. Other members of IRR's Council of management: Naima Bouteldja, Lee Bridges, Victoria Brittain, Tony Bunyan, David Edgar, Paul Grant, Gholam Khiabany, Herman Ouseley, Naina Patel, Fizza Qureshi, Danny Reilly, Cilius Victor.


Solidarity (Switzerland)

Solidarity () is a far-left political party in Switzerland. The party is a member of the European Anticapitalist Left.
History.
The party was founded in 1992 in Geneva. In the 1995 federal elections it received 0.3% of the vote, failing to win a seat. Its vote share increased to 0.5% in the 1999 elections, and a party member running on a list named "Alliance of the Left (Solidarity–Independents)" won a seat in the National Council. The party retained its seat in the 2003 elections, but lost parliamentary representation following the 2007 elections, in which its vote share fell to 0.4%.
The 2011 elections saw the vote share reduced to 0.3%, and although its vote share increased to 0.5% in the 2015 elections, the party remained seatless. Running with the Swiss Party of Labour in the 2019 elections, the party once again won a seat in the National Council, with the electoral alliance receiving a vote share of 1.0%.


Molapo Armoured Regiment

The Molapo Armoured Regiment (formerly Regiment Mooirivier) is a reserve armoured regiment of the South African Army.
History.
Origin.
The regiment was founded in 1941 as 2 Anti Tank Regiment and re-instituted in 1954 by the first vice-rector of the Potchefstroom University, Professor Fanus du Plessis.
During 1955 the regiment was converted to an armoured car regiment and renamed Regiment Hendrik Potgieter. In 1959 the Regiment was renamed Regiment Mooirivier.
Under the SADF.
This unit served in South Africa's various internal conflicts as well as during the South African Border War, including duty in South-West Africa and cross-border raids into Angola between 1975 and 1984. The regiment participated in Operations Askari, Modular, Hooper and Packer. The regiment was equipped with Eland 90s at that stage.
Under the SANDF.
82 Mechanised Brigade Division was disbanded, and Regiment Mooirivier was transferred to the new armoured 'type' formation, the South African Army Armoured Formation.
Current equipment.
The Regiment currently uses the Rooikat armoured fighting vehicle, equipped with a 76 mm quick-fire gun.
Name Change.
In August 2019, 52 Reserve Force units had their names changed to reflect the diverse military history of South Africa. Regiment Mooirivier became the Molapo Armoured Regiment, and have 3 years to design and implement new regimental insignia.


Gambian dalasi

The dalasi is the currency of the Gambia that was adopted in 1971. It is subdivided into 100 bututs. It replaced the Gambian pound at a rate of 1 pound = 5 dalasis, i.e. 1 dalasi = 0.2 pound = 4 shillings.
The name derives from "dala", a nickname of the 5 French West African franc note, which in turn derived from "dollar", while "butut" is from Wolof "butuut", "small thing".
As a result of inflation, now bututs coins have completely disappeared from circulation and the minimum monetary unit has become 1 dalasi.
Coins.
See also; "Coins of the Gambian dalasi"
In 1971, coins in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 25 and 50 bututs and 1 dalasi were introduced. The 1 and 5 bututs were struck in bronze while the 10 bututs were brass and the 25, 50 bututs and 1 dalasi were cupro-nickel. The reverse designs of the three higher denominations were taken from the corresponding denominations of the previous currency (1, 2 and 4 shillings), with the reverse designs for the lower three coins coming from the 6, 1 and 3 pence coins, respectively. All coins of this series depict former president, Sir Dawda Jawara.
New 1 dalasi coins were introduced in 1987, modeled on the 50 pence coin of the United Kingdom. These replaced the larger, round dalasi coins which never saw its widespread use as the lower denominations.
In 1998, a new coin series was introduced, in which the effigy of Dawda Jawara was dropped and replaced with the national coat of arms on the obverses. However, older Jawara era coins still commonly circulate as legal tender. The 1 dalasi coin was also downsized in size and weight, but none of the other coins were changed. Only 25 and 50 bututs and 1 dalasi coins are currently in circulation, they are of the 1998 issue which also included 1, 5 and 10 bututs coins but have since disappeared due to their low value.
According to the situation for 2019, bututs coins have completely disappeared due to their low value, the minimum monetary unit has become 1 dalasi.
Banknotes.
See also; "Banknotes of the Gambian dalasi"
Banknotes currently in circulation are 5, 10, 20, 25, 50, 100, and 200 dalasis. 1 dalasi notes were issued between 1971 and 1987. Current banknotes were first issued on 27 July 1996, then reprinted in 2001. On 27 July 2006, the Central Bank of the Gambia issued a new series of notes with images similar to the preceding issues, but with improvements in their designs, paper thickness, and security features. Most noticeably, the old white borders have been removed, giving the notes full printing of its main colors. Furthermore, the 5 and 10 Dalasis are coated with a special varnish to extend circulation life. Finally, the security features of the 100 Dalasis have been upgraded by the inclusion of a silver foil on the front of the note with the image of 100 embossed into the foil.
A polymer commemorative 20 Dalasis was put into circulation to commemorate 20 years of Progress and Self-Reliance under Yahya Jammeh's dictatorship.
On April 15, 2015, the Central Bank of the Gambia released a new family of banknotes that includes two new denominations, a 20 dalasis note to replace the 25 Dalasis note and a 200 dalasis note, twice the value of the previously highest denomination. All of the notes feature a portrait of the former President of the Gambia, Yahya Jammeh.
In February 2018, a new series of banknotes believed to be a reprinting of the 2006-13 issues, but with a new signature combination, will be released as an interim measure to replace notes with the portrait of former President of the Gambia Yahya Jammeh. The notes bearing his image will be removed from circulation.
A whole new series is being released during June 2019.
Commemorative banknotes.
1 Dalasi (1978) - opening of the Central Bank of The Gambia's building in Banjul.
20 Dalasis (2014) - 20 Years of Progress and Self-Reliance under the dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh.


Glasgow First

Glasgow First was a political party based in Glasgow, Scotland. It was formed in March 2012 after a series of Labour members of Glasgow City Council, said to be a fifth of their number, either resigned or lost the whip. The immediate cause was the deselection of a significant number of incumbent Labour councillors ahead of the 2012 local elections, where the Labour party hoped to put forward new candidates. Among those deselected where Stephen Dornan, Tommy Morrison and Anne Marie Millar.
The timing of the resignations caused issues for the Labour run council, which was simultaneously attempting to pass the Glasgow City budget, which many of the resigning candidates voted against. The budget ultimately passed by 40–38, with Labour having to taxi sick councillors to the vote.
The new party stood twenty candidates in the 2012 Glasgow City Council election with one elected.
However, on 6 February 2015 Cllr Stephen Dornan joined the Scottish National Party leaving the party without representation on Glasgow City Council. Party leader Tommy Morrison later rejoined the Labour party in August 2015.
The party was deregistered by the Electoral Commission in November 2015.


Forza Europa

Forza Europa was a centre-right political group with seats in the European Parliament between 1994 and 1995.
History.
27 MEPs from the Italian centre-right party Forza Italia, along with MEPs of the Christian Democratic Centre and the Union of the Centre, were elected in the 1994 European election and formed their own Group, self-referentially called "Forza Europa", on 19 July 1994. The group was unique at the time for being dominated one national-level political party, and being composed of MEPs from a single EU member nation. The group was generally sceptical of European integration.
The group was joined on 15 December 1994 by one MEP of the Italian Democratic Socialist Party, and one MEP of the Federalists and Liberal Democrats.
The Group lasted until it merged with the European Democratic Alliance to form the "Group Union for Europe" on 6 July 1995.


Crime in India

Crime in India has been recorded since the British Raj, with comprehensive statistics now compiled annually by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), under the Ministry of Home Affairs (India) (MHA).
As of 2019, a total of 51.5 lakh cognizable crimes comprising 32.2 lakh Indian Penal Code (IPC) crimes and 19.4 lakh Special and Local Laws (SLL) crimes were registered nationwide. Showing a 1.6% annual increase in the registration of cases (50.7 lakh cases), the crime rate per 100,000 population has increased from 383.5 in 2018 to 385.5 in 2019. More than a fifth of all registered crime (10.5 lakh) were classified as offences affecting the human body, which included violent acts such as murder, kidnapping, assault and death by negligence.
Over time.
A report published by the NCRB compared the crime rates of 1953 and 2006. The report noted that burglary (known as house-breaking in India) declined over a period of 53 years by 79.84% (from 147,379, a rate of 39.3/100,000 in 1953 to 91,666, a rate of 7.9/100,000 in 2006), murder has increased by 7.39% (from 9,803, a rate of 2.61 in 1953 to 32,481, a rate of 2.81/100,000 in 2006).
Kidnapping increased by 47.80% (from 5,261, a rate of 1.40/100,000 in 1953 to 23,991, a rate of 2.07/100,000 in 2006), robbery declined by 28.85% (from 8,407, rate of 2.24/100,000 in 1953 to 18,456, rate of 1.59/100,000 in 2006) and riots have declined by 10.58% (from 20,529, a rate of 5.47/100,000 in 1953 to 56,641, a rate of 4.90/100,000 in 2006).
In 2006, cognisable crimes were committed including (IPC) crimes and Special & Local Laws (SLL) crimes, with an increase of 1.5% over 2005 (50,26,337). IPC crime rate in 2006 was 167.7 compared to 165.3 in 2005 showing an increase of 1.5% in 2006 over 2005. SLL crime rate in 2006 was 287.9 compared to 290.5 in 2005 showing a decline of 0.9% in 2006 over 2005.
SOURCE: National Crime Records Bureau
Crime by location.
Location has a significant impact on crime in India. Surprisingly, Bihar is the 10th most safe state in India and hold better position than most of the more developed states. As of 2019. Delhi had the highest crime rate (incidence of crime per 100,000 population) among all States of India at 1586.1, rising steeply from 1342.5. Barring Kerala(1287.7), all other states and union territories had a significantly lower crime rate. Delhi's crime rate was 4.1 times higher than the national average of 385.5 that year. Contrary to popular belief, the most populous state of Uttar Pradesh only had the 16th highest crime rate in the country. This is a steep drop from 2015 when the state had an overall crime rate of 1293. States in Northeast India have consistently reported much lower crime rates, with 4 of the 5 states having the lowest crime in being from the region in 2018.
In terms of the absolute number of crimes in 2018, Uttar Pradesh reported the most (12.2% of nationally reported crime). Maharashtra, after topping the list over the previous 4-years, Kerala dropped to the third-position in absolute numbers, accounting for 10.1% of all crimes.
The violent crime rate (per 1,00,000 population) was highest in Assam (86.4), Tripura (62), Haryana (49.4), West Bengal (46.1) and Arunachal Pradesh (41.7). But in terms of absolute number of cases, Uttar Pradesh reported the highest incidence of violent crimes accounting for 15.2% of total violent crimes in India (65,155 out of 4,28,134) followed by Maharashtra (10.7%), and Bihar and West Bengal each accounting for 10.4% of such cases.
Sources :
Cities.
Among metropolitan cities, Kolkata(152.2 in 2018), was estimated to be the safest city despite the lack of data for 2019, since the crime rates of all other cities remained much higher in 2019. After Kolkata, Hyderabad(232.9) and Pune(320.4) had the lowest crime rates (per 1 lakh urban population) among the 19-cities with more than two million inhabitants in India. While almost all major cities have historically had a crime rate higher than that of their domain states, since 2018, Kolkata and Mumbai(309.9) have been the only mega cities to have a lower crime rate than their states, West Bengal and Maharashtra respectively. Among other metropolises, Kozhikode(523.2) and Pune were the only ones to have a lower crime rate than their states.
Delhi (1906.8) remained the most crime ridden urban area in India for the fourth-year as of 2019. Over 82% of the 290,000 crimes in Delhi were thefts which jumped by more than 25% in 2019. In sharp contrast, thefts accounted for just a little over 20% of the 3.2 million crimes registered nationwide. Crime in the capital city has incrementally expanded over the previous years and jumped from 2018 when the rime rate was 1385.1. Despite significantly reducing in scale, the crime rate in Kochi remained the second-highest at 1711.2, mainly due to Kochi Police booking the highest number of rash driving cases in their jurisdiction, 10508 separate cases in 2019. Jaipur (1392.5) had the third-highest crime rate for the second-year, with crimes against women rising fast. The city had the highest rape rate of 35.6 per 100,000 population.
Crimes against women.
Police records shows high incidence of crimes against women in India. Sexual assault against women in India is increasingly common. Despite a large population, statistically sexual assault in India is not rampant. According to the NCRB, as of 2018, the majority of crimes against women were registered under ‘Cruelty by Husband or His Relatives’ (31.9%) followed by ‘Assault on Women with Intent to Outrage her Modesty’ (27.6%), ‘Kidnapping & Abduction of Women’ (22.5%) and ‘Rape’ (10.3%). The crime rate per lakh women population was 58.8 in 2018, as compared to 57.9 in 2017.
Rape.
Rape in India has been described by Radha Kumar as one of India's most common crimes against women. Official sources show that rape cases in India have doubled between 1990 and 2008. While already on an upward curve, rape cases suddenly spiked in 2013.
Disturbing incidents of rape on senior citizens and infants are increasingly common. The incidence of rape had gone up significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic in India.
As of 2018, it was the fourth most common crime against women with the number of registered rape cases rising from 32,559 in 2017 to 33,356. Of these, 31,320 cases (93.9%) had a culprit who was known to the victim. The states which saw the highest absolute number of rapes were Madhya Pradesh (5,433 or 16.3% of all cases), Rajasthan (4,355 or 13%), Uttar Pradesh (3,946 or 11.8%), Maharashtra (2,142 or 6.4%) and Chhattisgarh (2,091 or 6%).
In 2018, the national average rape rate (per 1,00,000 population) was 5.2, same as the previous year. Tamil Nadu (0.9), Nagaland (1.0) and Bihar (1.1) had the lowest rape rates while Chhattisgarh (14.7) had the highest rape rate.
Dowry.
Dowries are considered a major contributor towards the violence against women in India. Some of these offences include physical violence, emotional abuses, and murder of brides and girls.
Most dowry deaths occur when the young woman, unable to bear the harassment and torture, commits suicide. Most of these suicides are by hanging, poisoning or by fire. Sometimes the woman is killed by setting her on fire – this is known as bride burning, and is sometimes disguised as suicide or accident. In 2012, 8,233 dowry death cases were reported across India. Dowry issues caused 1.4 deaths per year per 100,000 women in India.
Domestic violence.
Domestic violence in India is endemic. Around 70% of women in India are victims of domestic violence, according to Renuka Chowdhury, former Union minister for Women and Child Development.
The National Crime Records Bureau reveals that a crime against a woman is committed every three minutes, a woman is raped every 29 minutes, a dowry death occurs every 77 minutes, and one case of cruelty committed by either the husband or relative of the husband occurs every nine minutes. This occurs despite the fact that women in India are legally protected from domestic abuse under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act.
Organised crime.
Illegal drug trade.
India is located between two major illicit opium producing centres in Asia – the Golden Crescent comprising Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran and the Golden Triangle comprising Burma, Thailand and Laos. Because of such geographical location, India experiences large amount of drug trafficking through the borders. India is the world's largest producer of licit opium for the pharmaceutical trade. But an undetermined quantity of opium is diverted to illicit international drug markets.
India is a transshipment point for heroin from Southwest Asian countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan and from Southeast Asian countries like Burma, Laos, and Thailand. Heroin is smuggled from Pakistan and Burma, with some quantities transshipped through Nepal. Most heroin shipped from India are destined for Europe. There have been reports of heroin smuggled from Mumbai to Nigeria for further export.
In Maharashtra, Mumbai is an important centre for distribution of drug. The most commonly used drug in Mumbai is Indian heroin (called "desi mal" by the local population). Both public transportation (road and rail transportation) and private transportation are used for this drug trade.
Drug trafficking affects the country in many ways.
A survey conducted in 2003–2004 by Narcotics Control Bureau found that India has at least four million drug addicts. The most common drugs used in India are cannabis, hashish, opium and heroin. In 2006 alone, India's law enforcing agencies recovered 230 kg heroin and 203 kg of cocaine. In an annual government report in 2007, the United States named India among 20 major hubs for trafficking of illegal drugs along with Pakistan, Afghanistan and Burma. However, studies reveal that most of the criminals caught in this crime are either Nigerian or US nationals.
Several measures have been taken by the Government of India to combat drug trafficking in the country. India is a party of the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1961), the Convention on Psychotropic Substances (1971), the Protocol Amending the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1972) and the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (1988). An Indo-Pakistani committee was set up in 1986 to prevent trafficking in narcotic drugs. India signed a convention with the United Arab Emirates in 1994 to control drug trafficking. In 1995, India signed an agreement with Egypt for investigation of drug cases and exchange of information and a Memorandum of Understanding of the Prevention of Illicit Trafficking in Drugs with Iran.
Arms trafficking.
According to a joint report published by Oxfam, Amnesty International and the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) in 2006, there are around 40 million illegal small arms in India out of approximately 75 million in worldwide circulation. Majority of the illegal small arms make its way into the states of Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. In UP, a used AK-47 costs $3,800 in black market. Large amount of illegal small arms are manufactured in various illegal arms factories in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and sold on the black market for as little as $5.08.
Chinese pistols are in demand in the illegal small arms market in India because they are easily available and cheaper. This trend poses a significant problem for the states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh which have influence of Naxalism. The porous Indo-Nepal border is an entry point for Chinese pistols, AK-47 and M-16 rifles into India as these arms are used by the Naxalites who have ties to Maoists in Nepal.
In North-East India, there is a huge influx of small arms due to the insurgent groups operating there. The small arms in North-East India come from insurgent groups in Burma, black markets in Southeast Asia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka, black market in Cambodia, the People's Republic of China, insurgent groups like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Indian states like Uttar Pradesh and pilferages from legal gun factories,
criminal organisations operating in India and South Asian countries and
other international markets like Romania, Germany etc. Illegal weaponry found in North-East India includes small arms such as the M14, M16, AK-47, AK-56, and the AK-74, but also light machine guns, Chinese hand grenades, mines, rocket-propelled grenade launchers and submachine guns etc.
The Ministry of External Affairs and Ministry of Home Affairs drafted a joint proposal to the United Nations, seeking a global ban on small-arms sales to non-state users.
 ==Poaching and wildlife trafficking==
Illegal wildlife trade in India has increased. According to a report published by the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) in 2004, India is the chief target for the traders of wildlife skin. Between 1994 and 2003, there have been 784 cases where the skins of tiger, leopard or otter have been seized. Leopards, rhinoceros, reptiles, birds, insects, rare species of plants are being smuggled into the countries in Southeast Asia and the People's Republic of China. Between 1994 and 2003, poaching and seizure of 698 otters have been documented in India.
Kathmandu is a key staging point for illegal skins smuggled from India bound for Tibet and PRC. The report by EIA noted there has been a lack of cross-border cooperation between India, Nepal and the People's Republic of China to coordinate enforcement operations and lack of political will to treat wildlife crime effectively. The poaching of the elephants is a significant problem in Southern India and in the North-Eastern states of Nagaland and Mizoram. The majority of tiger poaching happen in Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, West Bengal, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. There was a famous leopard poaching case at Mankulam in Kerala in 2020. Following is a comparison of reported cases of tiger and leopard poaching from 1998 to 2003:
Samir Sinha, head of TRAFFIC India, the wildlife trade monitoring arm of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the World Conservation Union (IUCN), told Reuters in an interview "The situation regarding the illegal trade in wildlife parts in India is very grim. It is a vast, a varied trade ranging from smuggling of rare medicinal plants to butterflies to peafowl to tigers and it is difficult to predict how big it is, but the threats and dimensions suggest that the trade is increasing".
Project Tiger, a wildlife conservation project, was initiated in 1972 and was launched by Indira Gandhi on 1 April 1973. With 23 tiger reserves, Project Tiger claimed to have succeeded. But according to critics like conservationist Billy Arjan Singh, temporary increases in tiger population were caused by immigration due to destruction of habitat in Nepal, not because of the widely acclaimed success of wildlife policy in India.
Cyber crime.
The Information Technology Act 2000 was passed by the Parliament of India in May 2000, aiming to curb cyber crimes and provide a legal framework for e-commerce transactions. However Pavan Duggal, lawyer of Supreme Court of India and cyber law expert, viewed "The IT Act, 2000, is primarily meant to be a legislation to promote e-commerce. It is not very effective in dealing with several emerging cyber crimes like cyber harassment, defamation, stalking and so on". Although cyber crime cells have been set up in major cities, Duggal noted the problem is that most cases remain unreported due to a lack of awareness.
In 2001, India and United States had set up an India-US cyber security forum as part of a counter-terrorism dialogue.
Corruption and police misconduct.
Corruption is widespread in India. It is prevalent within every section and every level of the society. Corruption has taken the role of a pervasive aspect of Indian politics. In India, corruption takes the form of bribes, evasion of tax and exchange controls, embezzlement, etc.
Despite state prohibitions against torture and custodial misconduct by the police, torture is widespread in police custody, which is a major reason behind deaths in custody. The police often torture innocent people until a 'confession' is obtained to save influential and wealthy offenders. G.P. Joshi, the programme coordinator of the Indian branch of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi comments that the main issue at hand concerning police violence is a lack of accountability of the police.
In 2006, the Supreme Court of India in a judgment in the "Prakash Singh vs. Union of India" case, ordered central and state governments with seven directives to begin the process of police reform. The main objectives of this set of directives was twofold, providing tenure to and streamlining the appointment/transfer processes of policemen, and increasing the accountability of the police.
In 2006, seven policemen were charge sheeted and eleven were convicted for custodial misconduct. Jan Lokpal Bill is being planned to reduce the corruption.
Other crimes.
Petty crime.
Petty crime, like pickpocketing, theft of valuables from luggage on trains and buses have been reported. Travelers who are not in groups become easy victims of pickpockets and purse snatchers. Purse snatchers work in crowded areas.
Confidence tricks.
Many scams are perpetrated against foreign travellers, especially in Jaipur, the capital of Rajasthan. Scammers usually target younger foreign tourists and suggest to them that money can be made by privately transporting gems or gold, or by taking delivery abroad of expensive carpets, avoiding customs duties.
Such incidents occupy the traveller for several days. The traveller is then passed to a new scam artist who offers to show the foreign traveller the sights. Scam artists also offer cheap lodgings and meals to foreign travellers so they can place him or her in the scam artist's physical custody and thus make the foreigner vulnerable to threats and physical coercion. In the process, the foreigner loses his passport.
Besides these, there are also unofficial guides to watch out for. They can be found all over India such as at crowded transportation hubs and at tourist attractions. A common ruse at transportation hubs is to claim that there is no train to your destination or to claim that a place is closed. The aim is to get you to take their expensive private transport or to an expensive hotel where they get a cut. As for the guides at tourist attractions, these could be temples, mosques, or places such as the Varanasi Ghat. You will end up receiving unsolicited services and then asked to pay a big tip for them.
Taxi scam.
There are also taxi scams present in India, whereby a foreign traveller, who is not aware of the locations around Indian airports, is taken for a ride round the whole airport and charged for full-fare taxi ride while the terminal is only few hundred yards away. Overseas Security Advisory Council in a report mentioned the process about how to avoid taxi-scam. This crime is known in other areas of the world as "long-hauling".
Preventing crimes.
Crime prevention is critical to maintain law and order in the country. Deterring criminals through deployment of more police is one of the major strategy practised. However, their relationship is very complex. There are also other reasons such as unemployment, poverty, a lower per capita income which can affect the crime rates in India.


Liliane Chappuis

Liliane Chappuis (27 June 1955 in Fribourg – 25 June 2007) was a Swiss politician from the Canton of Fribourg and member of the Swiss National Council (1999–2003 and 2007).
Chappuis was elected to the executive of the municipality of Corpataux-Magnedens in 1986. She was mayor of the village since 1996. From 1990 to 1999 was member of the cantonal parliament of Fribourg.
In 1999, Chappuis was elected to the National Council on the list of the Social Democratic Party of Switzerland (SPS/PSS). She was on the Council's Committee for Science, Education and Culture.
In the 2003 elections, she was not reelected, finishing behind Erwin Jutzet. In 2007, when Jutzet was elected to the Conseil d'Etat of Fribourg and resigned his seat in parliament, Chappuis succeeded him and returned to the National Council on 5 March 2007.
Chappuis died of a heart attack, two days before her 52nd birthday.


The Fried Chicken Flu

"The Fried Chicken Flu" is the 13th episode of the third season of the American animated television series "The Boondocks". It first aired in the United States on Cartoon Network's programming block Adult Swim on August 1, 2010 and on Centric on November 15, 2010. In the episode, the Freemans must survive in a post-apocalyptic world after a virus originating from fried chicken erupts across the country.
The episode was written by Aaron McGruder and directed by Sung Dae Kang. The episode's plot makes references to the 2009 flu pandemic, as well as a controversial Kentucky Fried Chicken-Oprah Winfrey promotion for the former's then-new Kentucky Grilled Chicken products. The episode features Marion Ross guest-starring as Ms. Von Hausen, a resident of Woodcrest. The episode received mixed reviews from critics, who compared its overall quality to an episode from the show's first season.
Plot.
Granddad and Riley are in the living room, eagerly watching TV coverage about the latest special at Kernel's Fried Chicken, a new type of chicken with 13 spices. Meanwhile, Huey and Jazmine Dubois are busy testing out a generator in the Freemans' garage. The power at the Freeman house then goes out as a result of Huey's generator bursting, causing an infuriated Granddad and Riley to leave for KFC to buy chicken. It is revealed that he has been testing the generator as a part of his survival plan for his family in the event that a pandemic sweeps the nation. Later, Jazmine asks if she can be included in the plan as well, and eventually convinces a reluctant Huey to do so.
At KFC, Granddad and Riley wait for hours in line at the drive-thru, only to discover that the restaurant has run out of chicken. The people waiting are infuriated, and a riot forms, causing an angry customer to drive his car to barge into the restaurant. Granddad and Riley return home and watch the news, discovering that KFCs all over the country have been running out of chicken, resulting in riots, fires, looting and violence, which in turn result in food, water, and power shortages. At the same time, cases of a new, unknown virus have been reported across the country. Linked to the KFC virus, the virus is dubbed the "fried chicken flu", and by night the number of those infected has reached the thousands. Huey realizes that it is time for his plan to be put in effect, but his instructions are ignored by his family, who all believe they will die.
The next day, Huey's survival plans quickly fall apart. Thugnificent and his roommate Leonard, Granddad's friend Tina, and Jazmine's parents Tom and Sarah all take refuge in the house, though the food and water supply can only support four. More news reports come, predicting that millions will die as a result of the flu, and that the virus has possibly spread to other chicken restaurants. Huey finally gets his generator to work and restores power to the house, but this does not last long, as the house residents quickly use it up. Meanwhile, Uncle Ruckus has tipped off the residents of Woodcrest that the Freeman house is loaded with supplies, and they demand that they be let into the house. Though they are able to temporarily drive away the residents with tear gas, things turn worse when Tom contracts the flu, as a result of eating buffalo wings given to him by Leonard (Leonard apparently thought that buffalo wings came from "actual" buffalo meat). Thugnificent and Tina are caught having sex with each other, and they, along with Leonard, are promptly kicked out of the house by Granddad. The remaining six realize that they must evacuate the house, and they take off with their supplies and 'wrapped Tom Dubois'-put them in the trunk and go off with their Freemans' car, just as the Woodcrest residents come back, this time armed with gas masks and armor. This results in a high-speed car chase between the Woodcrest residents' on Ruckus's bus and the Freemans' car, which is resolved when Thugnificent and Leonard (Whom they got kicked out of the house) uses his UPS delivery truck to block the bus' path and tip it over, allowing the Freemans' car to escape.
A news crew is then seen reporting outside a KFC restaurant, reporting that the entire situation has been exaggerated: no deaths have been reported from the "fried chicken flu" outbreak, which is revealed to have been nothing more than a mild salmonella outbreak. The news report is interrupted when the Freemans' car, having trouble slowing down, coming towards from a distance, accidentally crashes through the doors of the KFC, mirroring a previous scene in the episode. They are all exhausted, but Granddad and Riley finally get to order some chicken and fries, right before they pass out.
Production.
Originally entitled "Kentucky Fried Flu", the episode was written by Aaron McGruder and directed by Sung Dae Kang. In an interview preceding the season 3 premiere of "The Boondocks", McGruder stated that the episode of the season would most likely get him into a lawsuit.
Cultural references.
"Kernel's Fried Chicken" is a reference to fast food restaurant Kentucky Fried Chicken. Both restaurants have the same acronyms, and many aspects of "Kernel's Fried Chicken" are based on the real-life Kentucky Fried Chicken, such as the designs of their restaurant buildings, their employees' uniforms, and even their slogan. The episode also references Kentucky Fried Chicken's controversial promotion for their Kentucky Grilled Chicken; free coupons could be printed out on the website of talk show host Oprah Winfrey, who had partnered with KFC. The promotion resulted in shortages of grilled chicken at KFC restaurants, which in turn caused riots. These two situations also take place in the episode.
The "fried chicken flu" pandemic is a reference to the 2009 swine flu pandemic; Granddad even mentions the swine flu pandemic directly in the episode. The episodes features a satirical animation of American president Barack Obama (voiced by Cedric Yarbrough) twice in the episode, giving addresses to the people of the United States.
The final chase scene includes multiple references to the "Mad Max" films. When the Woodcrest Fried Chicken Flu Militia shows up to demand the food and water that Huey has stashed away in his house, one of the Militia Members is dressed like Lord Humungus with face mask and bare-chested leather straps. As the Freeman family escapes the house with their food and water tied on top their car, Aunty Entity's hairstyle and large earrings (from "Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome") are worn by the Woodcrest Militia leader as she orders her gang to get on a school bus to give chase.
Reception.
Critical reception.
Leonard Pierce of "The A.V. Club" graded the episode a B, writing that although "once the episode finally kicked into high gear at the end it was excellent", it overall "lacked punch" and "was more reminiscent of the slow-building, leisurely comedy of "The Boondocks"' first season than the rapid-fire, high-octane excellence of season three."


Johan Driessen

Johannes Henricus Antonius (Johan) Driessen (born 4 June 1981 in Cuijk en Sint Agatha) is a Dutch politician and former lawyer. He was an MP for the Party for Freedom (PVV) from 17 June 2010 to 19 September 2012. He focused on matters of development aid.
In late 2013, Driessen joined the independent MP Louis Bontes who had been expelled from the PVV. Together with Joram van Klaveren, who had also left the PVV, Bontes later formed a new group in the House of Representatives. In 2014, the three founded a new party called For the Netherlands (VNL), of which Driessen became the treasurer.


Adrian Amstutz

Adrian Amstutz (born December 2, 1953) is a Swiss politician. He was a member of the Swiss National Council from the Canton of Berne from 2003 to 2019.
Life.
Amstutz was born and lives in the rural village of Sigriswil. As a young man, he served in the elite parachute reconnaissance unit of the Swiss Air Force and won the 1978 Parachuting World Cup in the parachuting/giant slalom combination discipline. Trained as an architectural draftsman and head mason, he had to abandon plans for an academic education after marrying his girlfriend, and founded his own construction planning company instead.
Career.
In 1993, Amstutz entered politics as mayor of Sigriswil, joining the conservative Swiss People's Party (SVP). In 1998, he was elected to the Grand Council of Bern. He joined the National Council in 2003 and was re-elected in the 2007 elections, garnering more votes than any other candidate in the canton. In 2011, he won a close runoff by-election against the Social Democratic candidate, Ursula Wyss, to succeed Simonetta Sommaruga in the upper chamber, the Council of States. He failed to defend this seat in the general election later that year, but was elected again to the National Council.
Unlike most of his colleagues from the Bernese branch of the SVP prior to the spin-off of the Conservative Democratic Party, Amstutz's politics match the far-right course of the national party, which in 2007 caused him to be considered as a potential candidate for the Swiss Federal Council.


Tulane Journal of International and Comparative Law

The Tulane Journal of International and Comparative Law was founded at Tulane University Law School, in New Orleans, Louisiana, as an outgrowth of that institution's historical tradition as a signpost in the academic world for international and comparative law. The "Journal" is dedicated to discussing and debating all facets of international law, from human rights to transnational commerce to the historical evolution of current global law. The "Journal" is one of the leading law reviews in international and comparative law and, in terms of citation, is in the top quarter of all journals in the nation.
History.
Lisa M. Ryan, a partner at Fragomen, Del Rey, Bernsen & Loewy's New York office, founded the journal while she was a student at the Tulane University Law School.