The Bridge at No Gun Ri

The Bridge at No Gun Ri is a non-fiction book about the killing of South Korean civilians by the U.S. military in July 1950, early in the Korean War. Published in 2001, it was written by Charles J. Hanley, Sang-hun Choe and Martha Mendoza, with researcher Randy Herschaft, the Associated Press (AP) journalists who wrote about the mass refugee killing in news reports that won the 2000 Pulitzer Prize for investigative journalism and 10 other major national and international journalism awards. The book looks in depth at the lives of both the villager victims and the young American soldiers who killed them, and analyzes various U.S. military policies including use of deadly force in dealing with the refugee crisis during the early days of the war.
Synopsis.
"The Bridge at No Gun Ri: A Hidden Nightmare from the Korean War" is written in chronological narrative style and is organized in three parts, "The Road to No Gun Ri," "The Bridge at No Gun Ri," and "The Road from No Gun Ri." It opens with two chapters that alternately introduce the readers to the young Army enlistees of the 7th U.S. Cavalry Regiment, mostly from poor backgrounds, many of them school dropouts, on occupation duty in post-World War II Japan, where they have been insufficiently trained and are unprepared for the sudden outbreak of war in nearby Korea; and then to the South Korean villager families and the age-old rhythms of their rural lives, to be exploded in late June 1950 by a Korean civil war borne of the new U.S.-Soviet rivalry, the Cold War.
The next two chapters describe the deployment of U.S. military units to face the onrushing North Korean invaders, the growing nervousness of U.S. commanders who issue orders to fire on South Korean refugee columns out of fear of enemy infiltrators, and the disarray of the weakly led 7th Cavalrymen as they reach the warfront; and then tell of the villagers' plight as they first seek shelter from the war by gathering in a remote area of their valley, and then are forced by retreating U.S. troops to head south toward U.S. lines.
The 26-page middle section is an account of the three days of carnage that began with U.S. warplanes attacking the column of hundreds of refugees, after which survivors were forced into an underpass and machine-gunned until few were left alive among piles of bodies. Survivors estimated 400 were killed, mostly women and children. (The South Korean government-funded No Gun Ri Peace Foundation estimated in 2011 that 250-300 were killed.) Some Seventh Cavalry veterans recalled orders coming down to stop all refugees from crossing U.S. lines and to "eliminate" the No Gun Ri group. This and earlier chapters describe declassified military documents showing such orders spreading across the warfront.
The final section of four chapters follows the stories of lives shattered when they intersected at No Gun Ri, both of Korean villagers fighting to survive in the chaos of war, and of young U.S. soldiers fighting in the seesaw battles of 1950-51. In the postwar decades, the psychic toll of what the Koreans suffered and what the Americans did and witnessed weighs heavily on both, leaving them deeply depressed, sometimes suicidal, often haunted by visions and ghosts. One, Chung Eun-yong, a former policeman whose two children were killed at No Gun Ri, makes it his life mission to find the truth of who was responsible for the massacre. The section ends when an Associated Press reporter telephones Chung at the beginning of a lengthy journalistic investigation.
The book has two epilogues. The first describes the AP investigative work that found the U.S. veterans who corroborated the Korean survivors' story and the declassified documents that further supported it, and the bibliographic, archival and interview sources for the book. (The AP team's editor, Bob Port, later wrote about the reporters' yearlong struggle to publish their explosive report in the face of resistance by AP executives.) The second epilogue details the serious irregularities in the U.S. Army report on the No Gun Ri investigation prompted by the AP disclosures. (Co-author Hanley later published a more extensive analysis of what the Korean survivors described as a "whitewash.")
Reviews.
"The Bridge at No Gun Ri" is "one of the best books ever to appear on Americans in foreign wars," wrote historian Bruce Cumings, an American scholar of East Asia and the Korean War. On the cover, Pulitzer Prize-winning war correspondent Sydney Schanberg said the book is "in a class to stand with such work as Hersey's "Hiroshima" and Keneally's "Schindler's List" … powerful history." The "New Yorker" magazine said it "raises questions about military preparedness and civilian involvement that are as relevant today as they were half a century ago. ... The book is a sobering testament to the ravages of combat." The "Far Eastern Economic Review" declared it "great journalism and scholarship and also a great read." In a starred review, "Kirkus Reviews" said, "In crisp and forceful prose, the authors explain how No Gun Ri, like My Lai, was only the tip of the civilian-killing, scorched-earth iceberg. ... A wrenching story." "Library Journal" said it "tells a grim but true story. The authors have done their research and tell an excellent tale -- one that the U.S. Army tried to forget." "The Economist" also cited its "faithful" and "meticulous" research. "Publishers Weekly" described the book as "advocacy reportage" that "eschewed critical analysis by concentrating on the victims on both sides of the rifles."
Writing in "The Journal of Military Ethics", Lieutenant Commander Greg Hannah of Canada's Royal Military College said of "The Bridge at No Gun Ri", "Interviews with survivors and soldiers provide vivid and compelling narrative details for this book. ... Compelling documentary evidence is offered that makes it clear that official policy authorized killing of refugees and that written orders to do so were issued."
Publication.
Several months after the September 29, 1999, publication of the AP's initial news report on No Gun Ri, the journalists signed a contract with Henry Holt and Company to write a book, working with Holt editor Liz Stein. "The Bridge at No Gun Ri" led Holt's catalog list for the fall 2001 season. But its publication date of September 6, 2001, came just five days before the 9/11 terror attacks, which jolted the publishing industry, caused the cancellation of the authors' national promotional tour, and dried up the book's promising sales.
The 313-page book, later released in paperback, features 35 photographs, two maps, two charts explaining the U.S. Army command structure in Korea and the villagers' family relationships, and reproductions of three key documents among the many demonstrating the policy of shooting refugees. The authors conducted some 500 interviews, chiefly with 24 ex-soldier witnesses and 36 Korean survivors. The AP journalism had drawn criticism in 2000 when it emerged that one of nine ex-soldiers quoted in the original story was not at No Gun Ri, as purported, but was passing on second-hand information. That source doesn't appear in the book's account of the massacre.
Translation, adaptations.
In 2003, a Korean-language translation of "The Bridge at No Gun Ri" was published in Seoul. The Seoul movie studio Myung Films based its 2009 feature film about the massacre, "A Little Pond", on "The Bridge at No Gun Ri". Three major television documentaries, by the British Broadcasting Corporation, Germany's national ARD television and South Korea's Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation, drew heavily on "The Bridge at No Gun Ri".
External links.
• Henry Holt and Company website for ‘’The Bridge at No Gun Ri”
• C-SPAN book discussion, "The Bridge at No Gun Ri", Berkeley, CA, September 10, 2001.


Squatting in Brazil

Squatting in Brazil is the occupation of unused or derelict buildings or land without the permission of the owner. After attempting to eradicate slums in the 1960s and 1970s, local governments transitioned to a policy of toleration. Cities such as Recife, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo have large informal settlements known as favelas. A more recent phenomenon is the occupation of buildings in city centres by organised groups. In rural areas across the country, the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) arranges large land occupations.
Legality.
The Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1988 enshrined the right to housing in the constitution. It is possible to claim adverse possession after five years, under the principle of usucapião. In the case of the Mauá building in São Paulo, the squatters requested adverse possession in 2012 but the owner had made a claim for possession four days before the five year limit, despite the building having been derelict for two decades. By 2015, the city council had decided to buy the building and convert it to social housing.
Favela.
After failed attempts in the 1960s and 1970s to bulldoze slums out of existence, the authorities moved towards a policy of toleration. Urban informal settlements are known as favelas. The 2010 census showed that around 11.25 million people, or 6 per cent of the total population, lived in favelas. Favelas will often lack utilities to begin with; in Rio de Janeiro most favela homes have running water and 99 per cent have electricity. A famous example in Rio is Rocinha, where the 2010 census reported the population to be 70,000 and unofficial estimates put the real figure as high as 180,000. In Recife, the state capital of Pernambuco in the northeast of the country, 193 favelas were listed in 1985 and half of the entire population of the city was squatting. In São Paulo, until 1972 favelas were usually demolished then afterwards they were permitted, meaning that in the next decade the number of squatters rose to one million. The largest favela is Heliópolis, with over 200,000 inhabitants as of 2018. It has been officially recognized as a regular neighborhood of the city.
There were 25 million people living in favelas across Brazil, as of 2004.
Inner city occupations.
A new form of occupation began in the early 1990s in São Paulo and quickly spread to other cities. Housing activists began to squat buildings in the city centre, inspired by the thinking of Paulo Freire and Henri Lefebvre. Between 1997 and 2012, 120 buildings were occupied in central São Paulo. Each squat is run by assembly and collects rent to pay for maintenance and utilities. Having begun under the umbrella of the União dos Movimentos de Moradia (UMM or Union of Housing Movements), by the late 1990s different groups had been formed such as the Frente de Luta por Moradia (FLM, or Front for the Housing Struggle), the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST or Homeless Workers' Movement) and the Downtown Roofless Movement (MSTC). The MTST began in Campinas and is inspired by the MST. The economic crisis which began in 2014 created additional problems for these housing movements.
One notable example was a 22-storey building called Prestes Maia, whose inhabitants were ordered to leave in 2006. The former Hotel Santos Dumont on Mauá Street, also in the Luz neighbourhood was occupied in 2007 after being derelict for 17 years. An estimated 1,000 people were living in the building, paying a small amount every month to cover maintenance. The community expels people who fight, use drugs or abuse alcohol.
Rural occupations.
There are also rural squatter movements in Brazil, such as the Landless Workers' Movement (MST). The MST was formed from 1979 onwards and organises land occupations. For example, in Pontal do Paraná in the state of Paraná 112 occupations were carried out, housing 6,500 families. The MST joined Via Campesina in 1996.
In popular culture.
"The Cambridge Squatter" (Brazilian Portuguese: "Era o Hotel Cambridge") is a 2016 film directed by Eliane Caffé. Set in a squatted hotel in São Paulo, it mixes real-life squatters with well-known actors such as José Dumont and Suely Franco to tell the story of resisting an eviction.


Organization for Black Struggle

Organization for Black Struggle is a St. Louis, Missouri-based activist organization founded in 1980. The organization seeks "political empowerment, economic justice and the cultural dignity of the African-American community, especially the Black working class." Organization for Black Struggle gained national attention when it joined with other organizations to publicly seek justice in the shooting of Michael Brown by a police officer on 2014.
In 2010, Montague Simmons became the chair of Organization for Black Struggle.
The organization was active in protests in Ferguson and St. Louis, Missouri, following to police shootings of Michael Brown and Vonderrit Myers Jr. in 2014.


In re Estate of Gardiner

In re Estate of Gardiner, 42 P.3d 120 (Kan. 2002), is a case in which the Kansas Supreme Court voided the marriage of a man and a trans woman, holding that the latter was considered male under Kansas law, and thus the state's prohibition on same-sex marriage precluded the legal validity of the marriage.
The case concerned the marriage of J'Noel Ball, a finance professor at Park College, and Marshall G. Gardiner, a donor to Park College who had previously twice served in the Kansas House of Representatives. The marriage took place in Oskaloosa, Jefferson County, Kansas in September 1998 when Ball was 40 and Gardiner was 85. J'Noel Ball took her husband's surname. Marshall Gardiner died in August of the following year; he left a $2.5 million estate but no will.
Joe Gardiner challenged the disposition of his father's estate, arguing that J'Noel was legally male and therefore that his father's marriage to her was invalid. In legal documents, he described J'Noel as having a mental disorder. In January 2002, he told a "New York Times" reporter that J'Noel's gender was an "illusion" and contrary to the "laws of God."
The district court agreed with the son, ruling that J'Noel was male. The Kansas Court of Appeals reversed the district court's decision, ruling that the marriage was valid in part because J'Noel had a functional vagina and the marriage had been sexually consummated, but in March 2001 the Kansas Supreme Court reversed the appellate court in part and affirmed the district court. The Kansas Supreme Court wrote that "a male-to-female post-operative transsexual does not fit the definition of a female." The Supreme Court of the United States denied certiorari on October 7, 2002.
Criticism.
The ruling has also been described as "de-sex"ing transgender people, based on the court statement that the "words 'sex,' 'marriage,' 'male,' and 'female' in everyday understanding do not encompass transsexuals."
Because J'Noel was born in Wisconsin, and the laws of that state allowed her to change the sex on her birth certificate, the ruling was criticized for violating the full faith and credit clause of the United States Constitution.
Related cases.
On February 18, 2003, the Maryland Court of Appeals ruled unanimously that a transgender woman may be recognized as a woman if she provides some type of medical evidence of a "permanent and irreversible change." The ruling was in favor of Janet Heilig.
In 2004, the Florida Second District Court of Appeal ruled that a transgender man had no child custody claim in his divorce because he was not a man and therefore his marriage to a woman was invalid. The ruling was against Michael Kantaras.


Jacobus Bloem

Jacobus Cornelis Bloem (25 February 1822, in Tilburg – 1 September 1902, in The Hague) was a Dutch politician.


Rajendra Lahiri

Rajendra Lahiri (29 June 1901 – 17 December 1927), full name Rajendra Nath Lahiri, was an Indian revolutionary, who was the mastermind behind Kakori conspiracy and Dakshineshwar bombing. He was active member of Hindustan Republican Association aimed at ousting the British from India.
Early life.
Rajendra Lahiri was born on 29 June 1901 in the village of Lahiri Mohanpur in a brahmin family of Pabna District, Bengal Presidency (now in Bangladesh). His father, Kshitish Mohan Lahiri, owned a large estate there.
Dakshineswar bomb incident.
Lahiri took part in the Dakshineswar bombing incident and absconded. He went to Banaras and started studying. He was a M.A. student in Department of History, Banaras Hindu University when the revolutionary activities started in Uttar Pradesh. He joined the Hindustan Republican Association along with many other Bengali friends.
Kakori conspiracy.
He was Mastermind behind the Kakori train robbery on 9 August 1925. He was arrested and tried in the previous bomb case of Dakshineswar in Bengal and sent to jail for ten years rigorous imprisonment. When the legal proceedings started in Lucknow for the train robbery, he was also included in the Kakori conspiracy case and tried with several other revolutionaries.
Death.
He was found guilty after a long trial and was hanged in the Gonda district jail on 17 December 1927, two days before the scheduled date, along with Thakur Roshan Singh, Ashfaq Ullah and Ram Prasad Bismil.


Daur Nachkebia

Daur Nachkebia is a writer from Abkhazia and a former Minister for Education, from 20 October 2011 until 15 October 2014, in the Government of President Ankvab. Following the election of President Raul Khajimba in 2014, Nachkebia was not re-appointed.


Social Liberal Movement

The Social Liberal Movement (, SLB; , MSL; , MSL) is a social conservative party in Switzerland. Founded in 2011, the SLB has one member of the National Council.
The party was founded by Samuel Schmid on 23 April 2011. Schmid, a member of the Grand Council of Aargau originally elected for the right-wing Federal Democratic Union, was joined in June 2011 by Ricardo Lumengo, a member of the National Council originally elected for the centre-left Social Democratic Party.
The party has branches in Aargau, Bern, and Zurich, and claims to have hundreds of members.
The party failed to have any representatives elected at the 2011 federal election: winning 0.5% of the vote in Aargau and 0.3% of the vote in Bern.


Alabama Democratic Conference

The Alabama Democratic Conference (ADC) is an African-American political league, co-founded by Orzell Billingsley and others, in cooperation with the national Democratic Party. Formed in 1960 as the Black Political Caucus of Alabama, it was the first statewide political organization in Alabama for African Americans, and was designed in an effort to bring newly registered blacks into the Democratic ranks.
The organization was co-founded by civil rights attorney Arthur Shores, activist Rufus Lewis, Tuskegee teacher C.G. Gomillion, salesman Q. D. Adams, dockworkers' union leader Isom Clemon, Tuskegee teacher Beulah Johnson and attorney Orzell Billingsley in order to support John F. Kennedy's bid for the Democratic nomination for president.
Given the resistance of many white conservative Democrats to civil rights goals and participation of African Americans in the state party, many of the ADC activists, such as John L. Cashin, Jr., later left the Alabama Democratic Party. They formed the National Democratic Party of Alabama in 1968, which was modeled after the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, and ran Cashin for governor against George Wallace in 1970. It was designed to enable African Americans to participate in local and state politics, and to develop and elect their own candidates for office.
The ADC continues to make endorsements in statewide races and has many county chapters. Dr. Joe L. Reed, the former associate executive secretary of the Alabama Education Association, has served as chair of the ADC since 1979.


Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

Regional Committees of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union were regional branches of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which usually encompassed a region, oblast, krai, or Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Regional Committees were elected by their Regional Conferences. Until June 1990, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic was the only union republic where the Regional Committees were responsible directly to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union instead of their respective republican branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Similarly, cities had City Committees of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
History.
In 1919, the previous committees of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) were replaced by provincial organizations of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), during the reform of the administrative-territorial division. Provincial organizations were reorganized into regional committees.
Organization.
Each regional committee was responsible to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of their republic. In the case of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, every regional committee within the RSFSR was directly responsible to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The First Secretary was the highest official within a regional committee and was elected by their regional committee. The Charter of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1972 states how regional committees and republican branches of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are to be managed.Governing bodies of republican, regional and regional organizations of the party
"43. The supreme body of a regional, provincial, republican party organization is the regional, provincial party conference or congress of the Communist Party of the Union Republic, and in the interval between them - the regional committee, regional committee, and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Union Republic."
"45. Regional, regional committees, and the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union Republics elect bureaus, including committee secretaries. Party secretaries must be at least five years old. Chairmen of party commissions, heads of departments of these committees, editors of party newspapers and magazines are also approved at plenary committees. Secretariats may be created to consider current issues and verify compliance with the regional, party, and regional committees of the Communist Parties of the Union republics."
"46. The plenary session of the regional, regional committee, and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Union Republic is convened at least once every four months."
List of Regional Committees.
This is a list of Regional Committees of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in August 1991.
Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic - Communist Party of the Russian SFSR.
Regional Committees of Oblasts
Regional Committees of Autonomous Oblasts
Regional Committees of Krais
Regional Committees of Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics


Helmut Hubacher

Helmut Hubacher (15 April 1926 – 19 August 2020) was a Swiss politician, a member of the Social Democratic Party of Switzerland.
Biography.
After spending his early career with Swiss Federal Railways, he became a secretary with the Syndicate of Public Services. In 1963, he became Editor-in-Chief of "Basler Abend Zeitung". From 1956 to 1968, he served as a Grand Councillor in the Canton of Basel-Stadt, from 1963 to 1997, he served on the National Council, and he served as President of the Social Democratic Party from 1975 to 1990.


Diana Pilia

Diana Pilia is a judge of the Constitutional Court of Abkhazia and a former Head of the Cabinet Staff.
Early life.
Pilia was born on 15 September 1967 in Gudauta. In 1989 she graduated in jurisprudence from the Faculty for History and Law of the Abkhazian State University.
Career.
Since 1989, Pilia has worked in the Department for Public Administration and Law of the Abkhazian State University, as senior lecturer, associate professor and deputy head. From 2003 until 2015, Pilia additionally worked as notary in Sukhumi and between 2007 and 2010, she completed a Candidate of Sciences programme at the Moscow State Law Academy. In 2012, Pilia became chairwoman of the Association of Lawyers of Abkhazia, and she has cofounded the organisation of Businesswomen of Abkhazia.
On 26 May 2015, Pilia was appointed as Head of the Cabinet Staff by President Raul Khajimba, succeeding Leila Dzyba.
Following opposition protests against the government of Khajimba in December 2016, the opposition and the government reached an agreement whereby the opposition could nominate two members of the Constitutional Court. It selected Pilia after its two initial candidates respectively refused and were rejected by the People's Assembly. Pilia was elected on 10 February 2017 with 25 votes in favour, 2 against and 2 spoiled ballots.


Vita Food Products Inc v Unus Shipping Co Ltd

Vita Food Products Inc v Unus Shipping Co Ltd [1939] UKPC 7, is a leading decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council on the conflict of laws. The case stands for the proposition that an express choice of law clause in a contract should be honoured as long as the agreement was "bona fide" and not against public policy. The case is significant in the field of contract law, as it greatly expanded the ability of parties to choose the jurisdiction of their contacts.
Facts.
Three lots of herring were accepted by the "Hurry On" (owned by Unus Shipping, a Nova Scotia corporation) at Middle Arm, Newfoundland for shipment to Vita Foods of New York. The bills of lading which, the judgment states, "[b]y some error or inadvertence ... were old ones used outside Newfoundland", provided for exemption from liability for master’s negligence in navigation which was allowed under the Hague Rules, which further provided that any clause or agreement in the bills of lading relieving the carrier from liability for negligence imposed by the Rules was void. There was a further provision in the bills of lading that, in the case of shipment from the United States, the "Harter Act" should apply and that, unless otherwise provided, the bill of lading was subject to the terms of the Canadian "Water Carriage of Goods Act, 1910". Finally the bills of lading contained the following clause: "This contract shall be governed by English law."
The bills of lading for these lots did not conform to the "Carriage of Goods by Sea Act 1932" (Newfoundland), which required that they contain an express clause paramount that the Hague Rules applied.
During the voyage, the ship ran into bad weather and ice off Nova Scotia and went ashore in a gale of wind. The ship was eventually set free, and made for Guysborough, where the cargo was unloaded, reconditioned and forwarded by another ship to New York, where Vita took delivery of the cargo in its damaged condition and paid for the freight.
Vita sued Unus in Nova Scotia for the damage to the cargo, salvage and other expenses. It also alleged that the "Hurry On" was unseaworthy, and that the bills of lading were illegal because they did not contain an express clause adopting the Hague Rules, and thus was subject to the liabilities of a common carrier. Unus, in its defence, asserted that, as the bills stated that they would be governed by English law, the Hague Rules were incorporated by reference, as they were the ones in force under the English "Carriage of Goods by Sea Act 1924".
Advice.
Supreme Court of Nova Scotia.
In the original action before the Chief Justice, which was upheld on appeal to the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia "en banc", the allegation of unseaworthiness was rejected, but it was accepted that the loss was due to the captain's negligence in navigation. The contention that the bills of lading were illegal was rejected in addition, the Court also held that if the bills of lading were held to be illegal, the parties were "in pari delicto" and on that ground the action must fail.
Privy Council.
The Nova Scotia decision was upheld by the Privy Council, albeit for different reasons. Lord Wright, writing for the Council, noted that the following provisions of the bills in question did not apply:
Either of the above requirements would have had effect only under the principles laid out in "Dobell v. Steamship Rossmore Co.", which were not applicable here.
He also observed that:
Therefore, the Newfoundland Act did not apply as the proper law of the contract was England, and so the contract was upheld. He stated the test for determining the choice of law in such circumstances:
Significance.
Much international shipping practice is based on the assumption that the choice of law by parties is supreme, and "Dicey and Morris" have observed that "There appears to be no reported case in which an English court refused to give effect to an express selection by the parties, merely because the other facts of the case showed no connection between the contract and the chosen law."


Carloctavismo

Carloctavismo (; the name appears also as "carlosoctavismo", "carlooctavismo", "carlos-octavismo", "carlo-octavismo", or "octavismo") is a branch of Carlism, particularly active in the 1943–1953 period. In terms of dynastical allegiances it advanced the claim to the Spanish throne of Carlos Pio de Habsburgo-Lorena y de Borbón, styled as Carlos VIII, and his relatives. In terms of political line it collaborated very closely with Francoism.
Antecedents (1932–1943).
During a hundred years of its history Carlism was headed by six successive claimants with clear heritage rights; however, in the early 1930s it was evident that the dynasty would soon extinguish. The pretender, Don Alfonso Carlos, was 82 when assuming the claim in 1931 and had no issue. For the first time ever the Carlists were neither clear who would be their next king nor how the issue was to be tackled. Don Alfonso Carlos seemed leaning towards a compromise with the Alfonsists, engineered though not sealed by his predecessor, Don Jaime. Such a perspective triggered protests; the dissenting Carlists claimed that a compromise with the liberal Borbón branch would be an insult to generations of their forefathers, who fought and died to topple the hated dynasty.
A Madrid Jaimista weekly "" was since late 1931 among the most outspoken opponents of dynastical compromise. It advocated appointing an heir during Don Alfonso Carlos’ lifetime; initially the focus was on Renato de Borbón-Parma. Headed by an ex-combatant of the Third Carlist War Juan Pérez Nájera, in February 1932 the group presented their cause in a letter to the claimant, who received them at a meeting in Toulouse but refused to bow to any pressure. The Cruzadistas, as they were already known, changed their strategy; though initially they seemed to rely on their king for nominating his heir, they began to call for a grand Carlist assembly, which would settle the issue. They did not propone any specific candidate openly and in a pamphlet by a mid-age military lawyer Jesús Cora y Lira they merely laid out the basics of their reading of the succession law; however, they were already in touch with the oldest daughter of the charismatic Carlist king Carlos VII, Doña Blanca, setting their sights on her youngest son, Barcelona-resident Carlos Pio, referred to as Don Carlos.
In 1933 the Cruzadistas suffered two major setbacks. Carlos Pio, following brief incarceration related to the Sanjurjo coup, moved from Spain to Vienna. Don Alfonso Carlos, tired of constant pressure, expulsed the Cruzadistas group and in 1934 convinced his grandnephew to acknowledge having no succession rights. Nevertheless, the expulsed were now free to act; having formed a group with a challenging name , in early 1935 they staged a meeting in Zaragoza. It was styled as a Magna Asamblea advocated earlier; though in private many Carlists might have sympathized with their goals, formally the gathering represented a minor offshoot grouping. It adopted a declaration that Doña Blanca was in position to transmit legitimate hereditary rights to her sons. She publicly distanced herself from the enterprise, but her position changed when in January 1936 Don Alfonso Carlos eventually decided to sort the succession issue by appointing a distant relative, Javier de Borbón-Parma, a future regent. In May 1936 Doña Blanca issued a non-compatible statement declaring that after the death of her uncle, she would accept her hereditary rights to transmit them to her youngest son.
When the Civil War broke out Cruzadistas were re-admitted to . Nevertheless, some Carlist requetés—nominally loyal to Don Alfonso Carlos and after his death in September 1936 to the regent Don Javier - referred to Carlos Pio as to the future king Carlos VIII and used his name as their battle cry. Don Carlos sought permission of his granduncle to enlist to Carlist troops, but was explicitly banned from doing so; later approaches directly to Franco produced only polite refusal. After 1937 Carlos Pio and the Cruzadistas alike refrained from political activity, with key issue on Carlist agenda having been defense of own identity against the Francoist pressure to amalgamate within a new state party. After the 1939 Nationalist victory the former Cruzadista supporters raised their voice again, but in 1940 Doña Blanca declared loyalty to the regent and ignored her 1936 commitment. However, instead of dying out the issue got reinvigorated. At that time what looked like a typical dynastical dispute overlapped with political fragmentation of Carlism, triggered mostly by different views on policy towards Francoism. It soon became evident that many Carlists skeptical about intransigent opposition, mounted by Don Javier, started to look to Don Carlos as to a royal alternative.
Background: Spain in 1943.
After 1936 the emerging Francoist state left the monarchist question parked in obscurity; feeble maneuvers on part of the Alfonsists and the Carlists were dismissed on the ground of wartime necessities. In the early 1940s the monarchist pressure started to mount. The Alfonsist claimant Don Juan, who in 1941–1942 courted Hitler about overthrowing Franco and setting up an authoritarian monarchy, changed his strategy. Now converted to constitutionalism, in March 1943 he addressed Franco with a letter, denouncing the regime as provisional and urging swift monarchical restoration; the response read that restoration based on dynastical or political continuity was out of the question. In June Franco received the most direct challenge so far, when 26 Cortes deputies signed a letter recommending that traditional state institutions be re-introduced. In August Don Juan dispatched another, increasingly bold message, countered shortly afterwards by a note from the Carlist leader, who warned that a future monarchy must be a Traditionalist, not a Liberal one. In September 1943 Franco faced a serious threat to his rule: majority of the most senior army generals signed a letter, in polite but ultimative terms demanding restoration of the monarchy. It was only with greatest difficulty that caudillo managed to talk them into compliance.
The international context of Francoism changed dramatically in 1942–1944. In the early 1940s the Allies were chiefly concerned with preventing Spain from joining the Axis; though unhappy about fascistoid nature of the regime, they could have not afforded ruining their relations with Madrid by challenging Franco's internal policy. The war developments of 1942–1943, especially the Anglo-American landing in North-Western Africa, German military disasters at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and the fall of Mussolini made Spain's entry into war a non-issue. In 1943 the official propaganda of the Allies already marketed a hostile vision of Spain; an American newsreel presented it as a fascist country and anti-Francoist tones in BBC broadcasts elicited protest even from a British press attaché in Madrid. However, the mounting Allied pressure was directed at preventing Spanish supplies to Germany rather than at toppling the regime. In late 1943 the Allied demands regarding termination of shipments to the Nazis became ultimative and spelled the threat of total fuel embargo, which indeed early next year would prove its effectiveness by bringing the Spanish economy to its knees in just two months. The public opinion and politicians in Britain and the United States were turning firmly against Franco. In late 1943 the dictator started to consider an Allied invasion a more likely threat than a German one and soon ordered re-grouping of the Spanish army accordingly.
The increasing domestic monarchist fronde and the international pressure combined convinced Franco that a national-syndicalist regime built so far needed major re-dressing. As following the so-called Begoña crisis the chief architect of totalitarian state, Ramón Serrano Suñer, was already sidetracked, in 1943 the dictator embarked on first major redefinition of the system. The Falangist threads were slightly de-emphasized, while more focus on Catholic and traditional values was combined with efforts to distinguish between the Spanish and the Axis regimes. A quasi-parliament was intended to institutionalize the system and provide it with a non-dictatorial image. Last but not least, caudillo began to consider the monarchist solution seriously. In his trademark style balancing different political groupings, Franco decided to keep supporters of both dynastical options in check by pursuing two paths at the same time. The decreasingly cooperative but still tractable Alfonsist pretender Don Juan was invited to live in Spain, the offer which was ultimately turned down. The intransigent Carlist regent Don Javier was ignored first when trapped in Vichy France and later when arrested by Gestapo and detained in Dachau, but Carlos Pio was welcome in Spain.
Carloctavista claim and its reception.
The Carloctavista claim relied upon the theory developed earlier by the Cruzadistas. The Carlist succession doctrine was based on a French Salic Law, upon its implementation in Spain in the early 18th century modified as . It specified that by default the throne is inherited by males. Later in the 19th century the Carlist doctrine developed into a theory of so-called double legitimacy, namely that a king must by legitimate also by execution, the latter amounting to compliance with Traditionalist principles. Supporters of Carlos VIII advanced a theory, embraced already in 1914 by Vázquez de Mella, that according to the 1713 law an oldest daughter of a legitimate ruler in some circumstances might inherit the succession rights. Since Alfonso Carlos and the second last Carlist king Don Jaime had no children, they focused on Doña Blanca as the oldest daughter of the third last Carlist king, Carlos VII.
The highlight on Doña Blanca shocked many Carlists, convinced that the theory turned Carlism on its head; the movement was triggered by opposition to violation of the 1713 law by Fernando VII, who in 1830 declared his daughter Isabel the future queen. Supporters of Carlos Pio responded that the analogy was false. First, Doña Isabel violated heritage rights of her uncle, while in case of Doña Blanca there was no legitimate male heir. Second, Doña Isabel executed the heritage rights with respect to herself as a queen, while Doña Blanca was merely to transmit them to her son. Another challenge pointed to Don Carlos having been the fifth son of Doña Blanca. The response read that while the oldest brother died with no issue, the other three have excluded themselves from heritage either by concluding morganatic marriages or by non-compliance with double legitimacy theory. The first of these arguments turned against Carlos Pio in 1938, when he concluded a morganatic marriage as well; the issue was then played down until 1949, when abandoned by his wife he requested in Vatican that the marriage be declared invalid. Finally, there were other counter-arguments quoted.
From the Alfonsist perspective all the above was irrelevant debates between supporters of usurper dynasty. The Alfonsists were almost entirely united behind their candidate, Don Juan; only minor controversies related to his older brother, who on basis of his disability renounced all heritage rights in 1933 to backtrack in 1941 and to declare himself head of the House of Bourbon and legitimate heir to the French throne.
Franco's views on monarchy are not entirely clear. He was a loyal subject of Alfonso XIII, who sort of courted his young officer personally. Hence, during the Republic years the Alfonsists were somewhat disappointed by Franco standing clear of monarchist initiatives. His engagement in military plot of 1936 was not motivated by monarchist zeal; like most of the plotters he was bent on confronting proto-revolutionary Left and preventing apparent implosion of the state. During the Civil War he remained highly ambiguous about a would-be restoration, at some stage concluding that sort of it might be necessary as means of sustaining the regime. He cared little about dynastical debates and it seems compliance with his own vision and acceptance of his own leadership were the key criteria of choice. The dictator appreciated Carlism as its anti-democratic outlook to a large extent overlapped his own, but realized also that within the Spanish society it was a minority option and an Alfonsist candidate was more practicable, especially that Alfonsist sympathies prevailed among the top military. Since heads of both branches, Don Juan and Don Javier, refused to be domesticated, caudillo concluded he should proceed on monarchist path as slowly as possible and keeping all options opened. It seems that at that stage Franco considered nothing settled except that a future king is appointed on his own terms.
Ascent (1943–1948).
Since mid-1938 Don Carlos lived o. None of the sources clarifies origins of his move back to Spain in early 1943; in particular it remains obscure whether it was himself or the Francoist authorities who initiated the transfer. Most scholars agree, however, that when in March the family settled in Barcelona, the move must have been at least approved by Franco. Cora y Lira, who after death of Pérez Nájera emerged as the key supporter of Carlos Pio, regularly visited El Pardo; he agreed with caudillo's entourage and with some key Falangists alike that he would soon commence a promotional campaign of the pretender. After Doña Blanca in May reverted to her 1936 pledge and claimed first assuming and then transmitting heritage rights to her youngest son, on June 29, 1943 the latter issued a manifesto, effectively claiming the monarchical succession. The document did not use the name of Carlos VIII and contained no reference to Francoism except a single note on Franco, who fights “peligros como rodean la Patria.”
Supporters of Don Carlos, now named Carloctavistas and again expulsed from the Comunión, started to organize themselves. General Cora y Lira was appointed secretario general of the new claimant, who set up also his Consejo General and embarked on forming Comunión Católico-Monárquica and Juventudes Carlistas, carefully styled not to challenge the ban on all political parties except FET. Enjoying total freedom of movement and accompanied by the police he commenced touring the country. This campaign, exercised in 1944–1946, was aimed at promoting the pretender without seeking massive adhesions; the Octavista political strategy relied upon supporting the regime and ignoring its differences with the Traditionalist doctrine; many of its leaflets featured the "Franco y Carlos VIII" slogan. The official policy was permissive though short of direct endorsement: government and local officials did not attend Carloctavista meetings, however, few Carloctavista supporters landed high admin jobs themselves. The mainstream press were permitted to mention him on the societé rather than political columns. Nevertheless, it remained striking that Don Carlos was the only royal claimant travelling across Spain and openly promoting his cause.
Octavistas were in acute conflict both with mainstream Carlism, loyal to the regency of Don Javier and intransigently opposed to Francoism, and with collaborative branch headed by conde Rodezno and leaning towards dynastic accord with Don Juan. This occasionally led to violent clashes, like in December 1945 in Pamplona. The Carloctavista strength was that many Carlists, tired of semi-clandestine status and envious about open campaign of Don Carlos, were getting increasingly irritated by what they considered inefficient overdue regency. The Carloctavista weakness was that many Carlists saw Carlos Pio as a Francoist puppet, animated with the sole purpose to confuse. As a result, the Carloctavistas, initially referred to as "elites with no supporters", attracted significant backing, though they did not manage to dominate the Javieristas. Some authors claim Carloctavistas might have equaled Javieristas in terms of popularity, enjoying most support in Navarre and in Catalonia. They controlled some of the Carlist periodicals; the highest-positioned though not particularly vehement Octavista supporter was Esteban Bilbao; other nationally known figures included Antonio Iturmendi, Joaquín Bau, Jaime del Burgo and ; many Carloctavistas were politicians known locally.
The climax of Carloctavista bid fell on 1947–1948. Amidst the nadir of international ostracism, Franco decided to make a first formal step towards a monarchy and launched a campaign in favour of "", the document which for the first time officially declared Spain a monarchy. The law left designation of the future king almost entirely in hands of Franco and did not contain a single reference to hereditary claims; it infuriated both Don Juan and Don Javier, who immediately addressed the dictator with protest letters. Don Carlos was from the onset fully supportive of the law and appeared in propaganda campaign related to the 1947 referendum, very cautiously featured in official media like weekly newsreels. At that time some suspected that the law itself might have been written with Carlos VIII in mind.
Descent (1948–1953).
In 1947–48 the international politics turned a corner and though the image of Spain as quasi-enemy from the Second World War lingered, it was getting replaced by perception of quasi-ally in the just commencing Cold War; this rendered monarchist redressing of the regime less urgent. On the other hand, what looked like Franco playing the Carlos VIII card might have worked with regard to Don Juan, who finally agreed to meet the dictator. During their August 1948 encounter it was settled that a 10-year-old son of the claimant, Juan Carlos, would be sent to Spain to continue his education, which indeed took place in November that year. The position of Don Carlos changed dramatically. Though no commitments with regard to Don Juan's son were made and according to the Law of Succession he could be crowned no earlier than in 1968, the regime made a small but visible step towards a would-be Alfonsist restoration. Another blow came in mid-1949, when Christa Satzger abandoned Don Carlos and in Reno obtained an express Nevada-style divorce. This shattered his image of a model Catholic family man and though he requested the marriage be declared void by the Church so that he could remarry, the perspective of a legitimate male descendant became unlikely either in the near future or at all.
The Carloctavistas kept supporting their cause by organizing royal trips, meetings and congresses. In 1948 Juventudes Carlistas published anonymous program booklet; the doctrine was summarized in a long title, "El carlismo no quiere ni una Monarquía absoluta, ni una Monarquía liberal, ni un Estado totalitario, ni un Estado policíaco". The work advanced a fairly Traditionalist vision, founded on monarchical, Catholic, regionalist and organicist threads; it contained no reference to caudillaje system, by no means endorsed Falangist national-syndicalism and when discussing social issues focused on gremialist structures instead. What differed it from orthodox Carlism was that modernizing effort prevailed over focus on tradition; it contained even some democratic references stressing total mobility of the society, unheard of in tradition-entrenched typical Carlist outlook.
The grouping was getting internally divided. 1950 saw emergence of Juntas de Ofensivas de Agitación Carloctavista and Movimiento de Agitación Social Católico Monárquista, two initiatives not agreed with Cora y Lira and apparently confronting his strategy of total commitment to Franco. Two years later they were complemented by Frente Nacional Carlista; it is not clear whether these attempts were discussed with the claimant. In 1950 Francisco Javier Lizarza Inda published "La sucesión legítima a la corona de España", a full-blown lecture of Octavista claim; re-issued in 1951, it won only those convinced already. After a few years of endless petitioning, in 1952 Franco formally received Don Carlos during their only personal meeting; on part of the dictator the move was probably intended to counter Don Javier, who just a month earlier had terminated the Carlist regency and launched his personal claim to the throne. There is no record of their one-hour-conversation, though afterwards Carlos Pio remained ecstatic; feelings were running high also when later that year Franco accepted a Carlos-VIII-created Orden de San Carlos Borromeo.
Any official, semi-official or unofficial endorsement of Don Carlos's claim on part of the regime failed to materialize before in late 1953 he unexpectedly died of cerebral hemorrhage. Though chain-smoker, he was of rather good health, which immediately triggered rumours about a possible assassination attempt; since not a shadow of proof was unearthed, they remained nothing but speculations. Funeral celebrations assumed unexpectedly high-profile; though Franco did not attend, many other top state officials did. Even the popular pro-Alfonsist daily "ABC", which maintained almost perfect blackout on Carlos VIII during the previous ten years, now felt it safe to acknowledge his death; a two-page editorial praised his anti-communism and dwelt on trivia like his affection to motor sports, but did not utter a single word about his royal claim.
Demise (after 1953).
The orphaned Carloctavistas found themselves in total disarray. Most of them, perceiving their cause as hopeless, withdrew to privacy, a few started to near the Javieristas, while almost none joined supporters of Don Juan, by another Carlist branch considered the legitimate heir. Those sticking to the Octavista line focused their attention on different relatives of Don Carlos. Cora y Lira advanced the cause of his older brother, Don Antonio, who seemed leaning towards some sort of political activity. Early 1954 Cora convinced most members of Comunión Católico-Monárquica executive to welcome Don Antonio as Carlos IX, the move which caught him by surprise. Following brief vacillation period, later that year Don Antonio declared that he would not assume any political activity. Most Carloctavista leaders were overwhelmed by this sequence of disasters and sensed that their cause was turning into a grotesque; one of them concluded that "estamos, queridos compañeros, en el más absoluto y completo de los ridículos".
There were some, however, who were determined to go on. Jaime del Burgo suggested that the oldest daughter of Carlos Pio, a 14-year-old Doña Alejandra, is declared "abanderada provisional" so that she could transmit hereditary rights to her future son. Cora y Lira promoted the cause of Don Antonio's 17-year-old son Don Domingo and launched fund-raising campaign to facilitate his settling in Spain, until in 1955 furious might-have-been Carlos IX expulsed Cora for "arbitrario ejercicio del mando". Don Antonio performed a U-turn in 1956: he officially declared himself heir to the Carlist throne and nominated Lizarza Iribarren his delegate in Spain. The confusion was almost total when the same year another brother of late Don Carlos, Don Francisco José, challenged his older sibling and claimed monarchic rights himself, his key supporter turned Cora y Lira.
During the following few years the two brothers—none of them living in Spain—advertised their own claims, e.g. Don Antonio by issuing royal manifestos in the late 1950s and Don Francisco José by fighting nobility-related legal battles before Spanish courts in the early 1960s. In 1961 Don Antonio retired into privacy and Lizarza negotiated formal re-integration of the Antonianos into Comunión; eventually only many local leaders - though not Lizarza himself - in 1962 decided to join the Javieristas and were accepted by Valiente. Don Francisco José in the mid-1960s reduced his activity to few isolated episodes. In 1966 he volunteered to the Spanish embassy in Vienna to declare support for "", just to be subject to a referendum; in 1968 a small group of his supporters showed up at the massive Javierista gathering at Montejurra, staging sort of a semi-suicidal provocation. His cause was supported by few periodicals, mostly "¡Carlistas!" In 1969 "Pueblo", a publication issued by Organización Sindical, published a lengthy interview with Don Francisco José; it was probably part of the last-minute Falangist attempt to block official designation of Don Juan Carlos as the future king.
The Octavistas received what looked like a mortal blow in 1969, with death of the most dedicated supporter of the cause Cora y Lira, even though Don Francisco José passed away in 1975 and Don Antonio in 1987. In the mid 1980s most Carloctavistas, reduced to hardly active minuscule grouplets, merged into a united Traditionalist organization, , which refrained from endorsing any specific claimant or branch. In the Spanish public discourse the Carloctavistas are currently present mostly thanks to a handful of websites, featuring Don Antonio's son as the legitimate king of Spain. Indeed, Don Domingo, residing mostly in New York, decided to raise the claim himself. Though in his 20s he was totally ignorant and indeed indifferent to the Carlist cause, now he styles himself as king and sporadically issues documents like "Proclamación de Don Domingo de Habsburgo-Borbón y Hohenzollern, Rey legitimo de España". The eldest daughter of Carlos Pio lives in Barcelona, and the other in New York; since the early 1960s they maintain no links with Carlism.
Reception and legacy.
Within Carlism the dynastic legitimacy of the Carloctavista claim is still disputed. In general historiography this question remains a minor if not a barely noticed issue. The prevailing theory is that Octavismo owed its political standing to the Francoist policy of checks and balances rather than to the scale of genuine popular support for Carlos VIII. There are, however, vastly different views related to autonomous or non-autonomous character of the movement.
The most bold opinion holds that Carloctavismo was by and large invented by the Francoist regime. This reading is sustained mostly by historians related to Francoism and to Partido Carlista; the latter openly pursue their partisan judgment by naming the Carloctavista supporters "traitors". In some works they acknowledge Cruzadista origins of the movement; in some they present it as almost entirely fabricated by Franco, who pulled his pet claimant out of a hat with the sole purpose to distract the monarchists. The authors from this school claim that for some time the Francoist regime not only tolerated, but in fact promoted and financed Don Carlos, whose adventure was scarcely more than an "appendix to Francoism". At times they specifically identify hard-line syndicalist groups as genuine architects of the plot, quoting claims made by Falangists or ex-Falangists themselves and identifying José Luis Arrese as "el inventor" of Carlos VIII. In few works historians representing such perspective note that neither the invention nor the sustention theory has been proven yet, though that they were widely believed to have been correct at the time.
Many scholars refrain from presenting Carloctavistas as mere puppets of the regime and acknowledge genuine support the group enjoyed. Some of them, both in Spain and abroad, repeat—with reservations or unconditionally—the thesis of financial support lent by the regime, even as late as in the 1960s. Others perform review of different views and limit themselves to concluding that Francoism either was at least amicably tolerating the Carloctavistas or it was lending them at least non-financial forms of support. The collaborationist Octavista line is presented as genuine. Some see it as a conscious political strategy, an attempt aimed at gaining room for open activity and possibly using Francoism as a vehicle for crowning a Carlist king. Some see it as rooted in Carloctavista theoretical framework, to a large extent overlapping with the official doctrine, and wrap up by claiming that "with no doubt, Octavism was either Carlism of the Francoists or Francoism of the offshoot Carlists".
The thesis of fully autonomous character of Carloctavismo is advanced mostly by its activists or their descendants. They focus on pre-Francoist, Cruzadista origins of Don Carlos' claim, dwell on extended network of his supporters and vehemently deny having accepted financial support from the regime. Authors of major monographs on the movement—two out of three not Carloctavistas themselves though certainly Left-wing sympathizers neither—tend to share this perspective. Their works relate the origins of the movement to profound dynastical crisis within Carlism, later enhanced by political fragmentation and bewilderment of Traditionalism resulting from different strategies adopted towards Francoism. Within this perspective, theoretical outlook of the Octavistas is described as having had little in common with Falangist national-syndicalism and having been rather deeply anchored in Traditionalist thought. One scholar suggests Don Carlos stood a real chance of becoming a king, ruined by his wife, who tarnished his image and deprived him of future male descendency. These authors presents Carloctavista stand versus the so-called Rodeznistas, a collaborative and pro-Juanista branch of Carlism, as vehement opposition. Carloctavista support for the regime is presented as an attempt to outsmart the dictator and use the Francoist political setting for own political goals.


Mackenzie River (N.W.T. electoral district)

Mackenzie River is a former territorial electoral district, that elected Members to the Northwest Territories Legislative Assembly.


Jan Baars

Joannes Antonius Baars (Amsterdam, 30 June 1903 – Andijk, 22 April 1989) was a leading Dutch fascist during the 1930s.
During the 1920s Baars emerged as part of the group associated with "De Bezem", a fascist journal aimed at the poor. The magazine split in 1930 and Baars supported Alfred Haighton over H.A. Sinclair de Rochemont, joining Haighton's "Fascistische Jongeren Bond". The two quarrelled in 1932 however and the rabble-rousing Baars soon set up his own movement, the General Dutch Fascist League (ANFB). The stated purpose of this new group was to unite the various strands of fascism within the Netherlands under a single umbrella.
Baars gained some support amongst the poor as his coarse, down-to-earth style of rhetoric could easily be identified with by people who spoke in the same manner. This group joined Haighton's movement and the National Union in 1933 to form a 'corporative concentration', although Baars, who was a market trader by profession, had little time for Carel Gerretson, the university professor who led the new group. He stood down from the ANFB as a consequence in 1934 and that group soon fell apart. After a brief involvement in opposing Anton Mussert and the NSB, Baars quit politics in 1936 and returned to market trading. Having previously criticized Adolf Hitler's treatment of the Jews, Baars played no role in collaboration and was even active in the Dutch resistance.


Nordforsk

NordForsk is an organisation run by the Nordic Council which finances and facilitates Nordic cooperation in research and research infrastructure.
NordForsk was established in 2005 by the Nordic Council to support Nordic research. National Research Councils, universities and other organisations that finance research are key stakeholders in NordForsk.
By funding and managing research programs, NordForsk brings together national environments and ensures the highest quality research.
NordForsk aims to increase the quality, impact and efficiency of Nordic research collaboration and thus contribute to the Nordic region being a world leader in research and innovation.
The NordForsk Secretariat is located at Stensberggata 25 in Oslo.


Kenyan shilling

The shilling (; sign: KSh; code: KES) is the currency of Kenya. It is divided into 100 cents.
Exchange rate.
The exchange rate of the Kenyan shilling slumped dramatically in mid-2011, from about 83 shillings per US dollar to about 100 shillings per US dollar at late 2011 and to 105 shillings in September 2015. The Central Bank of Kenya shifted its target to tighten liquidity, including increasing interest rate and money market operations. But expected inflows due to tea export drove up the exchange rate to about 84 shillings per US dollar on 31 January 2012.
History.
The Kenyan shilling replaced the East African shilling in 1966 at par.
Coins.
The first coins were issued in 1966 in denominations of 5, 10, 25 and 50 cents, and 1 and 2 shillings; 25-cent coins were not minted after 1969 (except in the 1973 set); 2-shilling coins were last minted in 1971 (except in the 1973 set). In 1973 and 1985, 5-shillings coins were introduced, followed by 10-shillings in 1994 and 20-shillings in 1998.
Between 1967 and 1978, the portrait of Jomo Kenyatta, the first president of Kenya, originally appeared on the obverse of all of independent Kenya's coins. In 1980, a portrait of Daniel arap Moi replaced Kenyatta until 2005, when the central bank introduced a new coin series that restored the portrait of Kenyatta. The coins are 50 cents and 1 shilling in stainless steel and bi-metallic coins of 5, 10 and 20.
A bi-metallic 40-shilling coin with the portrait of then-President Mwai Kibaki was issued in 2003 to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of independence (1963–2003). New coins with the image of Kenyatta were issued in 2005. In 2010, Section 231(4) of the 2010 Constitution of Kenya stated "Notes and coins issued by the Central Bank of Kenya may bear images that depict or symbolise Kenya or an aspect of Kenya but may not bear the portrait of any individual." New banknotes and coins are scheduled to be released by 2018 to meet up with this new law. A new series of coins was issued on 11 December 2018, in denominations of 1-, 5-, 10 and 20 shillings. All of the coins depict the national Coat of arms of Kenya on the obverse and images of Africa's recognizable animals on the reverse. The new series of coins is designed to be more recognizable for visually impaired people.
Banknotes.
On 14 September 1966, the Kenyan shilling replaced the East African shilling at par, although the latter was not demonetised until 1969. The Central Bank of Kenya issued notes in denominations of 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 shillings. All of the notes feature a portrait of Kenya's first prime minister and president, Jomo Kenyatta, on the front and diverse economic activities on the back.
5 shillings notes were replaced by coins in 1985, with the same happening to 10 and 20 shillings in 1994 and 1998. In 1986, 200 shillings notes were introduced, followed by 500 shillings in 1988 and 1000 shillings in 1994.
As with the coins, Kenyatta appeared on the banknotes issued until 1978, with Daniel arap Moi's portrait replacing him in 1980. In 2003, after Mwai Kibaki replaced Moi as president, 5, 10, and 20 shillings notes from the 1978 series with Kenyatta's picture that had been in storage were issued, and circulated for a time. A new series of notes was then introduced on which Kenyatta reappeared in denominations of 50, 100, 200, 500 and 1000 shillings. The issue of the 200 shillings banknote dated 12 December 2003 commemorates the "40 years of Independence 1963–2003". The banknotes are printed in Nairobi by security printer De La Rue.
On 31 May 2019, the Central Bank of Kenya issued a new family of banknotes without the portraits of known Kenyan individuals, as mandated by the Constitution of Kenya of 2010. At the same time, the Central Bank of Kenya has withdrawn all previous versions of the 1,000 shillings banknote. These remained legal tender until 1 October 2019. All of the banknotes for this series share a common design of the Kenyatta International Convention Centre on the front side of the notes, and the back side of the notes feature images showcasing the richness of the people and nature of Kenya: "Green Energy" (50 shillings), "Agriculture" (100 shillings), "Social Services" (200 shillings), "Tourism" (500 shillings) and "Governance" (1,000 shillings). All five denominations also embody each of the big five animals of Africa: the buffalo (50 shillings), the leopard (100 shillings), rhinoceros (200 shillings), the lion (500 shillings) and the elephant (1,000 shillings).
Symbol.
The Kenyan Shilling has been used since its inception without any symbolic graphic representation.
In 2013 a concept symbol was designed by a freelance artist. It gained quite a lot of positive with the Kenyan public praising the idea of finally having and owning their own signature symbol for the local currency, The Kenya Shilling, which has been in existence since 1966 when it replaced the East African Shilling.
The proposed sign or symbol uses the uppercase letter 'K' representing Kenya, and is combined with two parallel lines to represent the "=" symbol. Arithmetically, the equality sign is a function that shows balanced relationships between items of the same value - a relationship that forms the basis of money as a medium of exchange. This equivalence "certifies" the stability of the Shilling.


Arnaud Jacomet

Arnaud Marie Pierre André Jacomet (20 October 1946, Paris – 14 October 2011, Brussels) was a French historian and the final Secretary-General of the Western European Union (WEU).
Jacomet studied history and worked at the Paris West University Nanterre La Défense. He was diplomatic adviser on the WEU staff from the Alfred Cahen administration (1985–1989) onwards. On 25 November 2009 he succeeded Javier Solana as Secretary-General of the Western European Union. Jacomet completed the task of finishing the transfer of the remaining WEU functions to the EU Commission and the closure of the organisation. The WEU dissolved on 30 June 2011. Jacomet died of cancer a few months later.


Commonwealth Shooting Championships

The Commonwealth Shooting Federation Championships is a shooting championship for Commonwealth countries. It is often held as a test event for the Commonwealth Games.


Regiment Universiteit Oranje-Vrystaat

The Regiment Universiteit Oranje-Vrystaat (University of the Orange Free State Regiment) was an artillery regiment of the South African Artillery. As a reserve unit, it had a status roughly equivalent to that of a British Army Reserve or United States Army National Guard unit. It was part of the South African Army Artillery Corps.
History.
In the 1950s in South Africa, military units were attached to each large university. The University of the Orange Free State acquired an artillery capability. The concept was for long term students to complete their obligatory military training in these units. Training would also be organised so as not to unduly interfere with university work.
This unit could be considered a offshoot of the Regiment Potchefstroom Universiteit as that unit's Survey Battery was transferred to the University of the Orange Free State in the early 1950s.
A survey battery would set up the gun line for cannons through determining the horizontal and vertical locations of each piece so that plotting could occur on a firing chart and accurate data correlated.
Students completing their academic courses were transferred mainly to the Vrystaatse Artillerie Regiment, an active citizen force regiment which had a close association with the University.
This unit was finally amalgamated with 6 Field Regiment around 1974.


Angus Macdonell

Angus Macdonell of Collachie (died October 8, 1804) was a lawyer and political figure in Upper Canada.
He was born in Inverness-shire, Scotland, the son of Allan McDonell and brother of Alexander Macdonell of Collachie, and came to the estate of William Johnson in the Mohawk Valley of New York in 1773 as part of a large emigration by members of the MacDonell clan. He left that area at the beginning of the American Revolution and was educated in Montreal and Quebec City.
He became first clerk of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada in 1792 and an attorney in 1794. When Henry Allcock's election was contested, he ran in an 1801 by-election in Durham, Simcoe & 1st York and won, defeating John Small, clerk of the Executive Council. He introduced the Assessment Act of 1803 which was intended to provide more equal rates.
He was also a founding member of the Law Society of Upper Canada and its third treasurer. In October 1804, he was en route to a trial aboard where he would defend a native person charged with murder. The ship sank in a storm on Lake Ontario near Brighton with all hands lost.


Van Dusen v. Barrack

Van Dusen v. Barrack, 376 U.S. 612 (1964), was a United States Supreme Court case in which the Court held that when a case is transferred from a federal court in one state to a federal court in another, the choice of law should be that of the state in which the case was originally filed.


Abbotsford-Mission

Abbotsford-Mission is a provincial electoral district in British Columbia, Canada established by the "Electoral Districts Act, 2008". It came into effect upon the dissolution of the 38th BC Parliament in April 2009, and was first contested in the ensuing election.
Member of Legislative Assembly.
On account of the realignment of electoral boundaries, most incumbents did not represent the entirety of their listed district during the preceding legislative term. Randy Hawes, British Columbia Liberal Party was initially elected during the 2005 election and 2001 election to the Maple Ridge-Mission riding.


Operation Daisy

Operation Daisy was a military operation conducted from November 1–20, 1981 by the South African Defence Force and South West African Territorial Force (SWATF) in Angola during the South African Border War and Angolan Civil War. This conflict was sparked when the South African Defence Force decided to try to halt the regroup of the active military branch of SWAPO, also known as the People's Liberation Army of Namibia.
The Operation was a success for the South African Defence Force as they destroyed a SWAPO command base and captured a significant number of weapons and ammunition. The SWAPO had to retreat back into Angola to the farthest place since the civil war 6 years earlier. In the end, 70 SWAPO members were killed, compared to 5 fatalities on the side of the South African Defence Force.
Background.
After the conclusion of Operation Protea, South-West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) were attempting to regroup the scattered PLAN soldiers at their regional headquarters and bases at Chitequeta and Bambi, in south-eastern Angola. Chitequeta lay south of Indungo while Bambi was south west of Chitequeta. As a result, the South African military decided to launch Operation Daisy against these bases – some north of the South-West Africa-Angola border. The plan called for a South African mechanized force of Ratel Infantry Fighting Vehicles and Buffel Armoured Personnel Carriers assisted by airborne paratroopers, to cross the border and advance north, attacking the SWAPO bases from the 4 November 1981.
Battle.
61 Mechanized set off on the 1 November from Omauni with a 32 Battalion reconnaissance team leading the way. 201 Battalion set off from Dova heading for a position south west of Chitequeta. A 32 Battalion company were flown in by helicopter to establish a HAA (helicopter administrative area) position for future helicopter missions and this was established by the evening. Also, that evening a special forces reconnaissance team were parachuted into the Chitequeta area to establish a landing zone for the paratroopers and to finalize the whereabouts of the PLAN bases in that area which had been formally established by intelligence. By the 2 November, 61 Mechanized had reached the HAA and refueled while later during the day the SAAF begun to fly the transport and assault helicopters into the HAA. 32 Battalion reconnaissance team were leap-frogged to Ionde to check for enemy positions and that would become the position for the SADF tactical headquarters the following day.
During the early morning of the 3 November, a 32 Battalion company was flown in to Ionde to establish the headquarters and to make use of the runway at the airfield. This transfer of men and aircraft occurred throughout the day and where 1 Parachute Battalion would be held in reserve. Later during the day, 201 Battalion which was still making its way to its final position, ran into a group of PLAN soldiers heading south and a battle took place in which four SADF soldiers were wounded with the possibility that the operation had been compromised. A HAA was also moved northwards to a position south east of Chitequeta which 61 Mechanized reached that afternoon.
At 3:00, 4 November, 61 Mechanised set off for Chitequeta with the attack to begin at 08h30. By 4:00 the Special Forces reconnaissance team were in contact with headquarters and believed the base was empty. 3 Parachute Battalion was flown in to Chitequeta and parachuted north west of the target and proceeded to sweep towards the bases. 201 Battalion had also reached their position by the attack time. Fifteen minutes before the attack, Buccaneer bombers attacked the PLAN positions followed minutes later by Mirage bombers that came under fire from SA-7 missiles and 23 mm AA guns and further attacks were called in throughout the morning. 61 Mechanized attacked Chitequeta from the north and the east. Apart from a few isolated engagements, where two UNITA and two SADF soldiers were killed, the target areas trenches and bunkers were found to be deserted apart from anti-tank and personnel mines. The tactical headquarters were brought forward and 61 Mechanized spent the night at Chitequeta. The following day saw the establishment of another HAA at Chitequeta and the day was spent clearing out the bunkers and minefields, losing one soldier in process. These clearing operations continued on the 6 November with the only enemy contact made was by 32 Battalion close to Ionde. Later on the same day a SAAF Mirage shot down an Angolan MiG-21. The last time an enemy aircraft had been shot down by the SAAF was during the Korean War.
On the 7 November, 61 Mechanised headed south west towards Bambi and again found a deserted base apart from anti-tank and personnel mines. Here they spent the next two days encamped and patrolling the area. An enemy force was sighted near Ionde on the 9 November and were engaged by Alouette helicopters and by an airborne assault by paratroopers.
10 November saw 61 Mechanised move south from Bambi towards Mupa while a reconnaissance team was flown into Chitequeta to lay mines at the abandoned base to prevent or hinder resettlement by PLAN forces after the SADF had ended their mission. An unsuccessful paratroop mission was attempted on a suspected target area on the 11 November while 61 Mechanised and other units headed still further south. 12 November, 201 Battalion attempted to make contact with the enemy but were again unsuccessful and the column continued south. By the 13 November, the SAAF began to wind back operations, while paratroopers again attempted to find a possible target around Mupa but eventually all paratroops were withdrawn back to bases in SWA/Namibia that evening. 61 Mechanised was close to Mupa by the 14 November while 201 Battalion was close to Dova. Air missions found another abandoned base. On the 15 November, 61 Mechanised arrived at Mupa and stayed there until the 17 November. Intelligence identified two possible bases for 61 Mechanised and 201 Battalion to attack but reconnaissance on the ground failed to find anything except abandoned bases. Leaving Mupa, 61 Mechanised Battalion reached Ongiva on the 18 November. By the 19 November it had crossed the border back into SWA/Namibia and were back at their base by the 20 November.
Aftermath.
During the operation seventy SWAPO members were killed. In spite of this, due to the immense size of the complex - about thirty-five square kilometres – most of the 1,200 SWAPO members at the base were able to escape into the bush. Nevertheless the South African forces considered the operation to be a success as they had destroyed yet another SWAPO command and logistic base within three months of Operation Protea and had also captured a large quantity of arms and ammunition. The SWAPO membership was also further demoralised, as they had to move even further north into Angola. Casualties on the South African side consisted of two UNITA members killed with the SADF/SWATF suffering three killed and twelve wounded. For the South African forces, the attack on Chitequeta was their deepest penetration into Angola since the civil war started six years before.


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Biography.
Born in the municipality of Zürich, Jositsch grew up in the Limmat Valley and is citizen of the municipality of Geroldswil in the canton of Zürich. He studied law at the University of St. Gallen. In 2004 he qualified as a professor at the University of Zurich, and was appointed as Associate Professor of Criminal Law and Criminal auxiliary sciences. In 2012 Jositsch was promoted by the university council to full professor.
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Personal life.
Daniel Jositsch is divorced and father of a son born in 2004. He was in a relationship with Chantal Galladé.
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Sergei Sergeevich Sidorsky was born on 13 March 1954 in Homiel. In 1976, he graduated from the Belarusian Institute of Railway Engineers (Faculty of Electrical Engineering). He began his working life as an electrical fitter and electrician.
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