Teweles and Brandeis Grain Elevator

The Teweles and Brandeis Grain Elevator is located in Sturgeon Bay, Wisconsin. It was added to the State Register of Historic Places in 2017 and to the National Register of Historic Places in 2018.
This grain elevator was built in 1901 as the centerpiece of a no longer extant complex of buildings that was owned by the firm of Teweles & Brandeis and it is located on the west shore of the body of water known as Sturgeon Bay, which separates the east side of the City of Sturgeon Bay from its west side.
A newspaper article from the time says, “An elevator is to be erected on the refrigerator wharf during the ensuing season by A. W. Lawrence. The plans are now being prepared by a competent architect, and the structure will undoubtedly be complete by the time the new crop is ready for market. It is to be located as far east as the present buildings on the wharf will permit, and to make room a part of the latter is to be removed. A spur will be run in from the main track of the railway and every facility afforded for the rapid and economical handling of the product of the farm. The necessary lumber is now being sawed out by Mr. Lawrence’s mill located in Menominee county, and the material brought here by vessel after the opening of navigation. Mr. Lawrence also intends to open a lumber yard on the vacant ground adjacent to the refrigerator."
"The new elevator is to cost something like $7,000. Work has been commenced in clearing away the site, and the driving of piles will soon begin."
An announcement concerning the elevator appeared early in March 1901. “Teweles & Brandies are planning to erect a large grain elevator in the fourth ward during the coming summer. A. W. Lawrence will furnish the lumber and says that that is the full extent to which he will engage in the lumber business in the city this year”
The builders of the new elevator were E. L. Russell (1840-1923) and W. R. Lindsey, carpenter contractors who were based in Sturgeon Bay.
Teweles & Brandeis continued to operate and upgrade their west side elevator until the firm was finally dissolved in 1953, after which it was owned by the Door County Co-Op, which operated it until the mid-1960s. The structure is currently being restored as a project of the Sturgeon Bay Historical Society Foundation.
References.
Sturgeon Bay Historical Society Foundation


Naryilco

Naryilco Station also known as Naryilco Downs is a pastoral lease that operates as a cattle station.
Description.
It is located about north of Tibooburra and south east of Innanincka in the Channel Country of outback Queensland. It consists of mulga ridges interspersed with cotton bush and saltbush flats with large areas of Mitchell grass and other herbage. A large creek runs through the property which is also well watered by Lake Naryilco, Arramerterry and Yulamatina. The property adjoins Bulloo Downs Station.
Naryilco is current owned by S. Kidman & Co. and occupies an area of with a carrying capacity of 12,000 head of cattle, the property is managed by Ian Halstead.
History.
Mr. L. W. Bate owned the property in 1880 when he sold the property complete with cattle and plant to Alexander Cormack and Co. for a satisfactory price. The property was divided into 16 blocks comprising an area of approximately of country.
Naryilco was advertised again in 1882, at this stage it occupied an area of . In 1885 it was advertised again this time stocked with 3,500 head of cattle and 6,000 sheep. Cormack was found to be insolvent in 1887 and Naryilco was placed on the market again. At this stage it occupied an area of and was carrying 30,000 head of sheep and 2,500 head of cattle.
The station was acquired by A. McDonald in 1905.
In 1923 over 4,500 head of cattle were purchased from Naryilco for the purpose of restocking Quinyambie, it was thought to be one of the biggest cattle deals of the time.
Airmail delivery to remote properties in outback South Australia, New South Wales and Queensland commenced in 1949. Naryilco along with other remote properties including Mungerannie, Clifton Hills, Glengyle, Davenport Downs, Morney Plains, Mount Leonard, Durrie, Mulka, Tanbar, Durham Downs, Nappa Merrie, Lake Pure and Cordillo Downs were also on the route.


MacDon Industries Ltd.

MacDon Industries Ltd. is a Canadian manufacturer of specialty agricultural equipment. The company was established by Joe MacDonald (1924-1991) of Truro, Nova Scotia in 1970, having purchased Killbery Industries Ltd., which had been manufacturing swathers (windrowers) since 1949.
With an factory in the Murray Industrial Park in Winnipeg, Manitoba, the company employed 1,350 people in 2015, and sold its products worldwide. Besides selling under their own name, the company also manufactures agricultural equipment for other companies including John Deere, producing self-propelled windrowers, headers and pull-type mowers, sold under the John Deere brand. On December 14, 2017 Linamar Corp. of Guelph, Ontario announced its intent to purchase MacDon for approximately 1.2 billion dollars. Prior to its sale, the president and CEO of the company was Gary Giesbrecht.


Earnest Farms Historic District

The Earnest Farms Historic District is a historic district consisting of four historic farms and associated structures near the community of Chuckey in Greene County, Tennessee, United States. The farms include the Elmwood Farm, the Broyles Farm, the Crum Farm, and the Jim Earnest Farm, all of which were initially developed by early pioneer Henry Earnest (1732–1809) and his descendants in the late-18th and 19th centuries. The district includes the Ebenezer Methodist Church, which is home to the oldest Methodist congregation in Tennessee, and the Earnest Fort House, which is one of the oldest houses in the state. Elmwood Farm has been designated a century farm and is one of the oldest farms in Tennessee, having been cultivated continuously since 1777.
Henry Earnest settled along the banks of the Nolichucky River in 1774 and built the Earnest Fort House on a bluff overlooking the river in 1782. Earnest donated the land for the Ebenezer Methodist Church, which was completed in 1795 and ordained that same year by Bishop Francis Asbury. When Earnest died in 1809, his land was divided up among his children, with his son Peter receiving what is now the Elmwood Farm and son Henry Earnest, Jr. receiving what is now the Broyles Farm. Throughout the 19th century, the Earnests operated their farms as small business enterprises, selling much of their produce for profits. In the early 20th century, the Broyles family purchased the Henry Earnest, Jr. Farm and in subsequent years converted it into a dairy farming operation. The historic district contains 43 contributing structures or sites.
Geographic layout.
The Nolichucky River bends in a half-rectangle around the Earnest Farms Historic District, forming its eastern, northern, and western boundaries, the exception being the Earnest Fort House, which lies immediately north of the river. The Crum Farm is the easternmost farm in the district, with the Nolichucky running along its eastern and northern boundaries. The Broyles Farm is immediately west of the Crum Farm, and Elmwood Farm is immediately west of the Broyles Farm. The Jim Earnest Farm is immediately southwest of Elmwood, with the river flowing along the western boundary of the Elmwood and Jim Earnest farms. The southern boundaries of all four farms collectively provide the district's southern boundary.
Tennessee State Route 351 (known locally as Chuckey Pike) traverses Elmwood Farm north-to-south, connecting the area with the Chuckey community across the river to the north and the Cherokee National Forest to the south. Along the south boundary of the Elmwood Farm, TN-351 gradually ascends to the top of a hill, from which there is a dramatic view of the Bald Mountains spanning the horizon to the south. Davy Crockett Birthplace State Park, the traditional birthplace of frontiersman Davy Crockett, lies along the east bank of the Nolichucky opposite the Crum Farm.
History.
Henry Earnest was born Heinrich Ernst in Dattlikon, Switzerland in 1732, and immigrated with his parents to Virginia in the 1740s. After serving with the Virginia militia in the French and Indian War, he married Mary Stephens, the daughter of his benefactor, in the 1760s, and migrated southwestward. By 1774, he had arrived in what is now Greene County. The Earnests supported the Patriot cause during the American Revolution, and Earnest's son, Felix, fought at the Battle of Kings Mountain in 1780. The Earnests also played a role in the creation of Greene County in 1783, and Henry Earnest served as the county's first tax assessor.
Earnest built the Earnest Fort House in 1782, and developed the adjacent land into a profitable farm. He began work on the Henry and Peter Earnest House (across the river from the fort house) around 1800. Upon his death in 1809, his farm was divided up among his children, with his son Peter (1777–1862) inheriting what is now Elmwood, his son Henry, Jr. (1772–1851) inheriting what is now the Broyles Farm, and his son Felix (1762–1842) inheriting what is now the Jim Earnest Farm. Peter renovated and expanded the house his father had built, and Henry Earnest, Jr. built a similarly-designed house (now the Earnest-Broyles House) during the same period.
Peter, Henry, Jr., and their brother Jacob were all listed as merchants throughout the first half of the 19th century, and their names consistently appear in the ledgers of a general store in Leesburg, (near Jonesborough). Felix Earnest was a minister and leader in the Methodist Church, having been ordained a deacon by Bishop Francis Asbury in 1806 and elevated to Elder by Joshua Soule in 1825. Henry Earnest, Jr. represented Greene County in the state senate 1811–1813, and became a charter board member of Tusculum College upon its founding in 1818. When the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad completed tracks through Chuckey in the 1850s, Peter Earnest established a toll bridge to connect the Earnest farms to the railroad.
While the Earnests were slave owners, two members of the Earnest family, listed as "B Earnest" and "N Earnest," were part of the Greene County delegation to the East Tennessee Convention at Greeneville on the eve of the Civil War in June 1861. The Earnest farms survived the war mostly intact, although the local economy was in ruins. The toll bridge was replaced in 1869, and again in 1903. In the 1940s, the Broyles family (who had purchased the Henry Earnest, Jr. properties) established a large dairy complex on the Broyles farm, mainly to take advantage of a Pet Milk condensing plant that had been established in Greeneville, although the dairy operation ultimately failed. Today, tobacco is the chief crop of the Elmwood, Broyles, and Crum farms.
Ebenezer Methodist Church.
Sometime in the early 1790s, the Earnests and several other area families formed a Methodist society. Methodist circuit rider Francis Asbury delivered a sermon before 200 people at "Squire Earnest's" in 1793, and mentioned that a society of 31 members had been formed. The Earnests eventually donated a parcel of land (between the river and the Jim Earnest Farm) for the construction of a meeting house. On April 27, 1795, Asbury dedicated the new meeting house, marking the beginning of the Ebenezer Methodist Church. The current Ebenezer Methodist Church building, built on the site of the 1795 meeting house, was completed in 1899.
The church is a one-story framed structure, with a metal gabled roof. The exterior walls were originally weatherboarded, but this has been replaced with vinyl siding. The building has a gabled, metal roof and a concrete block foundation. The church's louvered bell tower is two stories, and contains a bell purchased from the Cincinnati Bell Foundry. The interior includes the original wooden siding, hand-painted doors and pews, and a stained glass window. The church's cemetery, which also listed as a contributing property in the historic district, contains the burials of several Earnests and other families associated with church, and at least two slave burials (known only as "Zona" and "Corby").
Notable historical structures.
Elmwood Farm.
What is now the Elmwood Farm was part of the land inherited by Peter Earnest from his father, Henry, in 1809. Upon Peter Earnest's death in 1862, the farm passed to his son, Benjamin, and upon Benjamin's death in 1887, it passed to Benjamin's son Nicholas Earnest. Nicholas Earnest managed Elmwood until his death in 1956, when it was divided among his six children. His daughter, Katherine Earnest Clemmer, then purchased her siblings' share of the farm. Elmwood is the only farm in the district that remains in the hands of Earnest descendants, and in 2002 was designated a Tennessee Century Farm. It is the second-oldest farm in the state, behind only the Masengill Farm in Sullivan County. The farm's eleven contributing structures include:
Broyles Farm.
The Broyles Farm was originally part of the land inherited by Henry Earnest, Jr. from his father in 1809. The Broyles family purchased the farm in 1903. The farm's eighteen contributing structures include:
Crum Farm.
The Crum Farm is a tobacco farm developed in the 1920s. The Crum Farm's eight contributing structures include:
Jim Earnest Farmstead.
The Jim Earnest Farmstead is part of the land inherited by Felix Earnest from his father, Henry Earnest, in 1809. After Felix Earnest's death in 1841, the farm passed to his two sons, James Oliphant Earnest and William McKendrie Earnest. The latter's son, Jim Harvey Earnest, inherited the farm in 1902, and managed it until the 1930s. The farmstead has four contributing structures:


Johan Nygaardsvold

Johan Nygaardsvold (; 6 September 1879 – 13 March 1952) was a Norwegian politician from the Labour Party who served as Prime Minister of Norway from 1935 to 1945. From June 1940 until May 1945, he oversaw the Norwegian Government-in-exile from London as head of the Nygaardsvold cabinet during the Occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany.
Background.
Nygaardsvold was born in Hommelvik, the main centre of the municipality of Malvik in the county of Sør-Trøndelag, Norway. His parents were Anders Nygaardsvold (1839–1897) and Andrea Ratvold (1845–1929). His father was a tenant farmer and a founding member of the first labour union in the area. Johan took his first job as a lumber mill worker when he was 12 years old. On 6 June 1901, he married Albine Regine Brandslet (1878–1961).
Nygaardsvold and his wife emigrated to Canada in 1902 where he took jobs in British Columbia, and in the US in Kalispell, Montana and Spokane, Washington. He and his wife returned to Norway in 1907 after he had followed a career including as an Industrial Workers of the World agitator. In 1909 he found a job at Hommelvik Sawmill.
Political career.
In 1910, Nygaardsvold was elected to the board of education for the Labour Party, and rose quickly through the ranks in local politics. In 1916, he was elected to the Norwegian parliament for the first time, serving continuously until 1949. He worked as a labourer in the Swedish lumber industry during the summers in the first few years. From 1920 to 1922 he served as the mayor for his home town of Malvik.
In 1928, Nygaardsvold was appointed minister of agriculture in the short-lived Christopher Hornsrud cabinet. From 11 January 1934 to 20 March 1935 he served as President of the Storting. In 1935, Nygaardsvold was asked to form a government as Prime Minister of Norway.
He was serving as Prime Minister when Nazi Germany attacked on Norway 9 April 1940. Following the German occupation of Norway, German officials demanded that the Government headed by Nygaardsvold capitulate and that the King appoint a government headed by Nazi sympathiser Vidkun Quisling. King Haakon VII stated that he could not comply with the German ultimatum and would rather abdicate than appoint Quisling prime minister. On 7 June 1940, the Norwegian Government-in-exile relocated to London. Nygaardsvold continued as prime minister in exile until the government returned to Norway on 31 May 1945. He resigned on 25 June 1945 when King Haakon appointed Einar Gerhardsen to head an interim government composed of all political parties.
A number of progressive reforms were instituted during Nygaardsvold's time as prime minister. The Old Age Insurance Law of July 1936, for instance, introduced national pension insurance, while the Unemployment Insurance Law of June 1938 introduced compulsory unemployment insurance for all employees and workers outside the primary sector “who were compulsorily insured under the sickness insurance scheme; means-tested benefits; those with incomes above or below certain levels not entitled to benefits.”
Johan Nygaardsvold was elected to the Storting for the last time in the autumn of 1945. At the end of the Storting term in 1949, he retired from politics. That same year, he was awarded the Medal for Outstanding Civic Service ("Borgerdådsmedaljen"). He returned to Hommelvik and died of cancer in Trondheim in 1952. He was buried at Hommelvik Church in Malvik.
Historical legacy.
During his time in office, Nygaardsvold had immense popular appeal and was given credit for the Labour Party's election results in 1933. Nygaardsvold was the prime minister in the second Labour Party cabinet in Norway, after he helped formulate the so-called "crisis accord" with the Farmers' Party. His government's domestic policy was largely dedicated to recovering from the Great Depression, but it is most noted for its foreign and military policy in the years leading up to the occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany and his administration in exile from 1940 to 1945. The investigative commission that issued a report after the liberation of Norway found that he could not be absolved from responsibility for the lack of operational readiness for the German invasion, but gave him credit for his management of a unity government in exile. He was awarded an honorary salary for his service in exile, but refused to accept it.


Paul Weller (politician)

Paul Weller (born 3 April 1959) is an Australian politician and was the Nationals member for Rodney in the Victorian Legislative Assembly from 2006 to 2014.
Weller is a dairy farmer from Lockington in Northern Victoria. Before entering Parliament he served as President of the Victorian Farmers Federation. Weller won pre-selection for Rodney after the retirement of Noel Maughan. Despite unfavourable preferences from the Labor Party, Weller won 40% of the primary vote and 54% of the two-party-preferred vote against the Liberal candidate.
In February 2014, he was elected Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Assembly under Christine Fyffe. His seat was abolished before the 2014 election and he contested the Legislative Council seat of Northern Victoria in the unwinnable fourth position on the Coalition ticket.


Bonderup

Bonderup, also known as Bonderupgård, is a manor house located south of Holbæk, Denmark. It was purchased by the merchant Johannes Theodorus Suhr in 1852 and is now owned by the Suhr Family Trust (Den Suhrske Stiftelse).
History.
The first known reference to Bonderup is from 1421, but it was then probably a village. A manor house was later created at the site through the merger of several farms. The first known owner of the estate was Claus Basse, who ceded it to his daughter Ellen Basse in 1566. She married Otte Norby. After his death in 1592, it was acquired by Christoffer Pax, a member of the noble family Packisch von Festenberg, which had been established in Denmark earlier in the century. The ownership during the next decades is unclear but Else Thott was its owner in 1625. She was first married to Hans Lindenov but later married Corfitz Ulfeldt. Christen Friis purchased Bonderup in 1631 but sold it again to Anne Brahe in 1632. Bonderup was a relatively small estate whose owners usually also owned other manor houses and usually resided elsewhere. It changed hands many times during the 17th and 18th centuries.
Bonderup was purchased by count Frederik Knuth in 1808. His son, count Frederik Christian Julius von Knuth took over the estate in 1816. His heirs sold Bonderup to the wealthy merchant Johannes Theodorus Suhr in 1852. He renovated the buildings with the assistance of the prominent architect Ferdinand Meldahl and also charged him with the design of a new dairy. Mixing with the political and cultural elite of the time, Suhr invited Johan Ludvig Heiberg to use Bonderup as a summer residence. Having no children, Suhr created a family trust, Den Suhrske Stiftelse, which owned the estate after his death in 1858, but the Heibergs continued to spend their summers there. Johan Ludvig Heiberg died at Bonderup in 1860. His widow remained at Bonderup for another couple of months before returning to Copenhagen.
Today.
Bonderup and Merløsegaard are still owned by Den Suhrske Stiftelse and have a combined area of 1310 hectares. A total of 25 houses and commercial properties on the estate are rented out by the trust.


Colli di Luni

Colli di Luni is an Italian "Denominazione di origine controllata" (DOC) located in both Liguria and Tuscany in northwest Italy. The DOC produces both reds and white wines made primarily from Sangiovese and Vermentino with a varietal Vermentino also being produced in the DOC.
Wine experts Joe Bastianich and David Lynch have described well made example of the reds of Colli di Luni as similar to "small scale Chiantis".
DOC rules.
Grapes destined for any DOC wine in Colli di Luni must harvested to a yield no greater than 12 tonnes/hectare. The red wines must contain between 60-70% Sangiovese with Pollera nera, Canaiolo and Ciliegiolo collectively making up 15-40% of the blend and other local red varieties, such as Barsaglina, Bracciola nera, Colombana nera and Vermentino nero permitted up to a maximum of 25% with the finished wine needing to attain a minimum alcohol level of at least 11.5%. A "riserva" bottling can also be produced with wines that attain at least 12.5% alcohol level and are aged a minimum of two years prior to release.
The white blends must contain at least 35% Vermentino and often contain much more along with 25-40% Trebbiano and no more than 30% of other local white grape varieties. The wines must attain a minimum alcohol level of at least 11%. A separate varietal Vermentino is also permitted to be produced provided that grape accounts for at least 90% of the wine.


Gelderland horse

The Gelderland, or Gelderlander, is a heavy warmblood breed of horse that was developed in the province of Gelderland in the Netherlands. The Gelderlander, along with the similar Groninger horse from the north, provided the foundation for the Dutch Warmblood. Originally bred to be a stylish carriage horse versatile enough to work on the farm, the Gelderlander declined in popularity in the middle of the 20th century. Today the breed is registered in a separate studbook of the Royal Warmblood Horse Studbook of the Netherlands (KWPN).
Origin.
This warmblood horse originated in the sandy province of Gelderland in the Netherlands. Native mares of this province were crossed with Andalusian, Neapolitan, Norman, Norfolk Roadster, and Holstein stallions to produce the Gelderland (also known as the Gelderlander). In the nineteenth century, other breeds were introduced, such as the East Friesian, Oldenburg, Hackney, and Thoroughbred. Today the Gelderland is used as a carriage driving horse and as a show jumper. It has an effective high stepping trot.
Times changed and the Groningen horse became less of an essential element of agriculture, while recreational, competitive riding sports gained popularity. Initially, breeders had tried to develop the riding-type characteristics within the Gelderlander breed, but progress was too slow. The "sportregister" was for part-Gelderlander horses, crossed with more modern horses from other regions in hopes of creating what the market demanded: an agricultural riding horse. The Selle Francais stallion "L'Invasion" and Holsteiner "Normann" were imported by Gelderland breeders in hopes of speeding up this process. They were followed by Amor and Cavalerist from Holstein, Eclatant from Hannover, and Artilleur from France.
In 1964 the VLN, which at the time managed the Gelderlander studbook, opened a "sportregister." The sportregister was for half-Thoroughbreds. Crossed back to a Gelderlander or Groningen, the offspring of a sportregister horse was allowed to be registered as purebred Gelderlander. These partbreds were so successful that the demand for them soon surpassed the demand for purebreds. Licensing champion Eufraat, by a son of L'Invasion, lost his breeding approval in 1976 because he was deemed too heavy.
In 1969 the VLN and the Groningen register (NWP) merged to form the Royal Warmblood Horse Studbook of the Netherlands. Three registries were formed within it: one for riding horses, which are better known as Dutch Warmbloods, one for the Dutch harness horse and one for the "Gelderlander Versatility Horse." All of the Groningen stallions lost their breeding approval, and the KWPN recommended that Gelderlander mares be bred with foreign stallions to obtain the appropriate riding horse type. For a time the Gelderlander registry was discontinued, and though it is back in the KWPN today, breed enthusiasts fear that the population is too small.
Characteristics.
Gelderlanders are typically chestnut, but may be bay, black, or gray. They often have a great deal of white markings on the legs and face in the sabino pattern, and there are a handful of tobianos as well. Their heads are long and flat with a straight or convex profile and the neck is well shaped and muscular with an arch. Their withers are prominent and broad, and their backs are relatively long but running smoothly into a level croup. The tail is usually set high, the chest is full and deep, the shoulder long and sloped, and the legs are muscular with long forearms and strong, broad joints. Hooves are usually broad and strong. This breed of horse usually stands at 15.2-16 hands high at the withers.
Gelderlanders tend to have high-stepping action, particularly at the trot.
Uses.
The Gelderlander today is promoted as a versatile, family-friendly horse. The breed is a dominant force in the sport of combined driving, for which they are well-suited. However, many Gelderlanders - and especially their progeny - have competed in dressage and show jumping at the international level. An early top jumper was Gondelier, the 1972 Dutch Jumping Champion, who cleared 2.20 meters (about 7'3"). One of the top Gelderlander dressage horses was Zooloog, a Gondelier son, who was also sold to the United States, the flag of which he represented at the 1991 Pan American Games.
One of the greatest qualities of the Gelderlander is their longevity and soundness. For example, Vosmaer, a Gelderlander stallion, was still competing in Grand Prix dressage at age 20.


Kangaroo Island wine region

Kangaroo Island wine region is a wine region which covers the full extent of Kangaroo Island in South Australia. The wine region is one of five wine regions comprising the Fleurieu zone. The term ‘Kangaroo Island’ was registered as an Australian Geographical Indication under the "Wine Australia Corporation Act 1980" on 8 December 2000. As of 2014, the region is reported as containing at least 30 growers and 12 wineries. As of 2014, the most common plantings within the region within a total planted area of was reported as being Shiraz () followed by Cabernet Sauvignon () and Chardonnay ().


Erik Bo Andersen

Erik Bo Andersen (born November 14, 1970) is a Danish former professional footballer who played six matches for the Danish national team and represented Denmark at UEFA Euro 1996. He played in the striker position and won the 1995 Danish Superliga championship with Aalborg Boldspilklub, the Scottish Premier Division twice with Rangers F.C., and the Norwegian Cup with Odd Grenland. Andersen also played for German club MSV Duisburg, as well as Odense BK and Vejle BK in Denmark.
In November 2005, Andersen was elected to represent the Danish Liberal Party in the Randers municipality council.
Club career.
AaB.
Born in Dronningborg near Randers, Erik Bo Andersen started his career at the local amateur team Dronningborg Boldklub. He moved to Aalborg Boldspilklub (AaB) in the top-flight Danish Superliga championship in January 1992 and made his Superliga debut in April 1992.
In his first year at AaB, Andersen spent his time in the reserve team improving his technique, before he got his national breakthrough when he scored two goals in a Danish Cup game against BK Frem in March 1993. He soon displayed his goal scoring abilities, which earned him the nickname "Red Romario", alluding to Brazilian striker Romario and Andersen's red hair. In the 1994–95 Superliga season, Andersen scored two hat-tricks, and even scored four goals in a 5–0 win against AGF Aarhus. He was league topscorer with 24 goals as AaB won the 1994–95 Superliga championship, the first championship in club history. He played the first half of the 1995–96 Superliga season, scoring 13 goals in 20 games, including another two hat-tricks. In February 1996, Andersen was bought in a transfer deal worth £ 1,2 million by Rangers in the Scottish Premier Division.
Rangers.
At Rangers, Andersen played alongside fellow Dane Brian Laudrup. During his time at Rangers, Andersen's technical shortcomings and awkward playing style earned him the nickname "Bambi". His best Rangers moment was when he came on as a substitute and scored twice in the 3–1 victory over arch-rivals Celtic at Ibrox Stadium. It was the goals to make it 2–1 and 3–1, which he delivered. Rangers won the Premier Division titles in both 1995/96 and 1996/97, but he could not establish himself in the Rangers starting line-up, and was eventually not allowed to train with the first team.
When Rangers bought striker Marco Negri in the summer 1997, Andersen left the club shortly thereafter. He scored 15 goals in 23 league games for the club. A number of clubs were interested in Andersen, but the transfer fee demands of Rangers proved too high, and Andersen had to rescind the sign-on fee of £300,000 Rangers still owed him from the Aalborg BK transfer, before an offer was accepted. He later regretted having caved in to Rangers, claiming he should have played hard-ball in order to get the money owed to him, inspired by the approach of Peter Møller. Teammate Lorenzo Amoruso was surprised that the Dane responded with meek acceptance.
Plagued by injury.
Superliga relegation battlers Odense Boldklub (OB) honoured the Rangers demand, and paid £800,000 for Andersen in October 1997. Andersen scored six goals in 16 Superliga games, but could not prevent Odense from being relegated at the end of the season. Andersen moved abroad once more, as OB sold him for DKK 9.6 million to MSV Duisburg in the German Bundesliga in July 1998, to play alongside fellow Dane Stig Tøfting. Andersen suffered an injury during the pre-season training, and had to undergo a one-and-a-half month recovery. When he recovered he was relegated to a substitute role, and Andersen never found his goal scoring form in Duisburg. Following two goals in 25 games, Andersen was loaned out to Superliga relegation battlers Vejle Boldklub from January to and including June 2000, to play under his former AaB coach Poul Erik Andreasen. Despite seven goals in 14 games from Andersen, Vejle were relegated at the end of the season. Andersen did not want to return to Duisburg, and moved to Odd Grenland in the Norwegian Premier League in July 2000.
At Odd Grenland, Andersen was seen as the replacement of Norwegian international Frode Johnsen who had just been sold, and Andersen joined former AaB teammate Christian Flindt Bjerg at the club. He was bought for DKK 2.8 million, a transfer fee record for Odd Grenland. After a few games for Odd Grenland, including winning the 2000 Norwegian Cup tournament, Andersen suffered a knee injury in fall 2000. He did not return to playing football until August 2001. After complications with the injured knee, he underwent another half year of recovery. During his injuries, Grenland did not have the medical staff to care for Andersen, and he was left to tend to the injuries himself, and was helped by his former club AaB. He eventually paid Odd Grenland to let him go in December 2001, and returned to play for AaB in January 2002. He did not become a part of the starting line-up due injuries, and when he suffered yet another knee injury in spring 2003, he decided to end his career. Andersen played a combined total of 142 games and scored 66 goals for AaB in all competitions.
International career.
Andersen was called up for the Danish national team and made his international debut in an April 1995 match against Macedonia, when he replaced AaB teammate Peter Rasmussen at half time. While at Rangers, he was selected for the Danish squad at the 1996 European Championship, and played three minutes as Denmark won 3–0 against Turkey. This was his last national team game. Erik Bo Andersen played a total six national team games but did not score any goals.
While at Odense BK, Andersen was once more in the periphery of the national team for a short period of time, as he played four games for the Danish league national football team, a selection of the best Danish Superliga players in January 1998.
Retirement.
At his retirement, Andersen moved back to coach his childhood club Dronningborg Boldklub in the lower leagues of Danish football.
In the 2005 Danish municipality elections, Andersen was a candidate for the Danish Liberal Party in the Randers municipality. He received 217 personal votes, and was elected for the Randers municipality council by a margin of 13 votes.
He started the developing company EBA Invest, and invested in a real estate development project near Dronningborg. In 2004, Andersen staked all his football earnings in buying a field outside Randers, which he developed into a fully working residential area, before selling it off in 65 building plots.
Honours.
AaB
Rangers
Odd Grenland


Redwoods of the Otway Ranges

Redwoods of the Otway Ranges is a small sheltered grove of Coast Redwoods, "Sequoia sempervirens", about south of Beech Forest in the Otway Ranges in southwestern Victoria.
The trees, known by some as Californian Redwoods, were one of many conifer species planted experimentally at different locations in what was to become the fledgling Aire Valley Plantation.
The trees, planted in 1936 by the Forests Commission Victoria, were initially slow to establish but have thrived and grown to a height of over . Measurements in 2004 show the trees have the potential to reach as tall as their Californian counterparts if left undisturbed from bushfire, pests and disease, or trampling by tourism.
The site has become a popular tourist destination in the Great Otway National Park and has also been classified as a site of Biological and Cultural Significance.
Aire Valley settlement.
Following the occupation of most of the fertile plains and foothills around Melbourne by early squatters, the forests of the Otways hinterland were progressively cleared and settled for agriculture beginning in the 1830s, and with a second wave of settlement into the higher and wetter mountain forests during the 1880s.
This region of the Otways is meteorologically famous, with an average of 235 wet days per year, and nearby Weeaproinah recording an average rainfall of 2010 mm to make it one of the wettest places in Australia. The climate has favoured the growth of the Redwoods in a suitable topographic site in the Aire Valley.
Clearing by John Gardiner began around Beech Forest in 1885, followed by settlers moving south into the upper reaches of the Aire Valley. Brothers Edward and Thomas Hall together with Charles Farrell took possession of heavily forested blocks in 1887.
Construction of the narrow gauge railway from Colac to Beech Forest commenced in 1900 and opened on 26 February 1902. The primary traffic was sawn timber and firewood, with many sawmills located adjacent to the railway.
Farming families toiled to clear the huge trees and sow pasture. Many had given up by the 1920s and 1930s because of wet weather, weeds, rabbits, scrub regrowth, difficult access to markets, impacts of the Great Depression and repeated and destructive bushfires in 1886, 1919, 1932 and finally Black Friday in 1939. It was a similar story in the Strzelecki Ranges over in eastern Victoria which became known as the Heartbreak Hills.
Much of the abandoned and degraded farmland was purchased by the Forests Commission Victoria and replanted from the late 1920s with either native species or exotic conifers to become the Aire Valley Plantation.
Softwood plantations.
In 1869, Victoria’s first "Overseer of Forests and Crown Land Bailiff" William Ferguson was appointed and after spending some time at the Royal Botanic Gardens with Baron Ferdinand von Mueller established the first State Nursery at Macedon in 1872. Another early Victorian Forester, John La Gerche, established a nursery in sawpit gully at the rear of the Victorian School of Forestry at Creswick later in 1887 and also began repairing forests scarred by gold mining.
Both Ferguson and La Gerche experimented with a number of conifer species to determine their suitability and adaptability. These pioneering foresters discovered that the physical properties of native forest hardwoods were unsuitable for some applications and plantation-grown softwoods offered the chance to replace expensive imports of Baltic Pine, Oregon and other timbers with domestic supplies. Several exotic softwood species were trialled but "Pinus insignis" (later known as "Pinus radiata") was found to grow well in Victorian conditions and was sufficiently promising for commercial planting to begin from 1880.
Planting was limited in the early years and focused on land rehabilitation but accelerated from 1910, but unfortunately, large areas of the early plantings established in coastal areas between 1910 and 1930 failed due to the unsuitability of the sites. Activity picked up once again in the 1930s with government-funded unemployment schemes during the Great Depression. The war years saw activity again fall away sharply while afterward there was a new focus on developing native forests in eastern Victoria owing to the conclusion of the 1939 bushfire salvage and to provide timber for post-war housing construction.
The plantation program in the Otways got underway in the 1930s and got a boost in the late 1940s, and became an important part of Victoria’s plantation estate of some 25,000 hectares. But the big step came in 1961, when the Chairman of the Forest Commission, Alfred Oscar Lawrence, attended the World Forestry Conference in Sao Paulo Brazil, and upon his return took a bold decision to commit Victoria to a massive Plantation Expansion (PX) program which initiated nearly four decades of rapid plantation establishment. At that stage, softwoods were still being imported in large quantities and it was also believed that softwoods could not only relieve the pressure on native forests but make Australia self-sufficient in timber resources.
Aire Valley redwoods.
In addition to the more dominant Radiata Pine plantations, a number of small trial plots of different conifer species were tried in the Aire Valley during the 1930s including Sitka Spruce, Canary Island Pine, Bishop Pine, Corsican Pine, Western Yellow Pine, Douglas Fir and Coast Redwood.
Six trial plots of Coast Redwoods, "Sequoia sempervirens", were planted between 1929 and 1936. It was hoped that they would be useful in light construction, durable cladding, and roof shingles. It was known by local foresters that the growth of this species was slow but individual trees could reach prodigious heights and had the reputation, along with native mountain ash, for being amongst the tallest trees in the world.
The 1936 Redwood plantings at the head of the Aire River were established on two topographic units – the River Flat Unit and the Ridgetop Unit. The small half-hectare plot on the River Flat Unit was planted with 461 seedlings in 11 rows. Mountain ash and cool temperate rainforest would have previously occupied the site. This location proved to be ideal, with high rainfall, good soil on the river flats, cool climate, and summer fogs; very similar to its native habitat in California.
Aire Valley camp.
Early during the development of the Aire Valley Plantation camps were built at a number of sites by the Forests Commission to accommodate workers. Forest camps were particularly important in an era before the state forest road network was well established and before reliable vehicle transport made daily commuting to a nearby town a possibility.
Unemployment relief camps in the 1930s provided an important pool of labour. By 1935-36 the Forests Commission employed almost 9,000 men in relief works and a further 1,200 boys under a "Youth for Conservation Plan". One success story was at "Boys Camp" near Noojee. Other camps followed including one in the Aire Valley.
Depending on the nature and use of the forest camp, workers could be accommodated for periods of several days, weeks, or months and in the case of refugee camps, even years.
The Forests Commission built a new camp next to the Aire Valley Redwoods in March 1948 which consisted of a kitchen cookhouse and mess, shower block, toilets, woodshed, and eighteen small two-man Stanley Huts.
The bulk of the planting work in the Aire Valley Plantation was then done by post-war immigrants and refugees from Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. The first batch of "Balts" as they became known, arrived at Colac in April 1949 and lived in the Aire Valley Camp for up to two years as part of their government-sponsored resettlement program. It was reportedly a bleak existence, particularly in winter, but they made the camp comfortable. Other refugees and immigrants helped build projects like the Snowy Mountains Scheme.
Construction of an all-weather road network by the Forests Commission in the 1950s led to the closure of the camp.
Tall trees.
The initial growth of the Redwoods at the Aire Valley was slow and disappointing, with the notable exception of the trees planted on the River Unit in 1936. After two years of growth, the trees were about 0.75 metres in height. In 1950, after nearly 14 years of growth, the local forester reported that the trees were only just beginning to appear above the canopy of scrub. While two years later in 1952 the maximum tree height was 10.5 metres with a diameter of about 25 to 30 cm.
In 1977, the Forests Commission remeasured the trees (then aged 41 years) with a height of 40.3 metres and a diameter of 85 cm for the largest tree. When last measured in 2004 (aged 68 years) the trees had reached nearly 60 metres in height and 107 cm in diameter. The largest tree on the plot being 184.9 cm. The initial plot of 461 trees had also thinned down to 220 stems since planting in 1936. Some had died, some struck by lightning, some removed or cut down, and others fallen down over the 68 years since planting. The planting rows where trees were originally planted at a spacing of 3.3 metres are still visible.
There has always been a recognition of the conservation and aesthetic values of Victoria's large forest trees. As early as 1866 Baron Ferdinand Von Mueller, the Government botanist published some astonishing, and probably exaggerated claims of a mountain ash ("Eucalyptus regnans" - monarch of the eucalypts) on the Black's Spur near Healesville being 146.3 metres (480 feet) high. There were reports from nurseryman David Boyle and others of trees in the Yarra Valley, Otways and Dandenong Ranges reaching "half a thousand feet". Edward Snell, civil engineer and surveyor, made one of the earliest reports of hundreds of trees at least 120 metres (400 feet) tall on an overland trip across the Otways Ranges from Forrest to Apollo Bay in 1856. The tallest reliably measured tree in Victoria was a mountain ash near Thorpdale which in 1881 was measured by a government surveyor, George Cornthwaite, and his brother Bill, a farmer, at 114.3 metres (375 feet) after it was cut down to make fence palings.
Modern Lidar imagery of the forests is being used to find remaining stands of tall trees. The tallest regrowth mountain ash in Victoria is currently named Artemis which can be found near Beenak at 302 feet (92.1 m) while the Ada Tree at 72 metres (236 feet) is thought to be between 350 and 450 years old, but with a senescent crown and is a popular tourist destination in State forest east of Powelltown. Australia's tallest measured living specimen of mountain ash, named Centurion, stands at 99.6 metres (327.5 feet) in Tasmania.
Whether a mountain ash over 400 feet high ever existed in Victoria or the Otways is now almost impossible to substantiate but the early accounts from the 1860s are still quoted in contemporary texts such as the Guinness Book of Records and Carder, as well as being widely restated on the internet.
Around the turn of the century, Nicholas John Caire named and photographed many of Victoria's remaining giant trees. In the forest behind Apollo Bay in the West Barham River stands a small patch of about 80 mountain ash trees that are thought to be about 400 years old which have survived bushfires, storms, and landslides.
Currently, the world's tallest living tree is also a Coast Redwood, "Sequoia sempervirens", named the Hyperion, that was discovered in California in 2006 in a remote section of the Redwood National Park. The measurement of this tree was undertaken by Professor Stephen Sillett, renowned tall tree and canopy researcher at Humboldt State University, who confirmed its status as the tallest living Redwood at a height of 115.55 metres.
While still only young, the Redwoods in the Aire Valley, if given enough time, protection from bushfires, freedom from disease and pests, absence of fierce storms may surpass the heights of Australia’s mountain ash and could even top the heights of their native environment of coastal California.
Tourism.
The Aire Valley Camp operated until the late 1950s but was demolished sometime during the mid-1960s. The site was then managed for the next 25 years by the Forests Commission Victoria as a small picnic ground with limited facilities. But after several departmental restructures including vesting of the softwood plantation estate with the Victorian Plantations Corporation in 1993, the site became neglected, the facilities vandalised and the ground scarred with vehicle tracks and littered with rubbish.
The small grove of Coast Redwoods in the Aire Valley has been now been incorporated into the Great Otway National Park and have been classified as a site of Biological and Cultural Significance.
Apart from their outstanding beauty and botanical significance the Redwoods are a lasting memorial to the many foresters and forest workers who battled the weather, remoteness, and scrub to reclaim the land abandoned by earlier farming and return it to productive use. But two individuals stand out, Frank Smith, the District Forester and Officer in Charge of the Aire Valley Plantations from 1929 to 1955, together with Forest Overseer Stewart Cameron who worked from 1940 to the early 1970s. The largest Redwood on the plot is known as the Smith-Cameron Tree and is named after these two pioneering Forests Commission employees.
The Aire Valley Redwoods have also become a local tourist icon together with nearby sites like the Otway Fly and Treetop Walk, Beauchamp Falls, Hopetoun Falls, Triplet Falls, and magnificent stands of mountain ash and rainforest. As the trees grow and become more impressive they will attract increasing interest from local, national, and international tourism which presents a significant threat.
A small stand of redwoods was also planted as part of a revegetation program in 1930 by the Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works (MMBW) in the Cement Creek catchment near Warburton. The plantation provided small study plots to examine canopy interception of rainfall and for comparison with native forest in the Coranderrk area. The Cement Creek stand has also become a very popular tourist destination and is heritage listed. There are over 1476 trees ranging in height from 20 metres to the tallest being 55 metres on an even 3.3 m grid spacing. The stand has not self thinned like the one in the Otways and is not as tall. It is believed that the seed came from England and the seedlings were raised at the Forests Commission nursery at Creswick.


Barbet (dog)

The Barbet is a breed of dog; it is a medium-sized French water dog. It is listed in Group 8 (retrievers, flushing dogs, water dogs) by the Société Centrale Canine, the French Kennel Club and the Fédération Cynologique Internationale (International Canine Federation).
The breed name comes from the French word , which means 'beard'.
Description.
The Barbet is a rare breed. Most Barbets, especially those shown in conformation shows, are black, brown, black and white, or brown and white. It is common to see white chest spots and white paws or legs on black or brown coated dogs. Fawn (which can range from pearl to cream to gold), and pied variations are re-emerging, but in limited numbers.
Male Barbets usually grow to be about tall and between , while females usually reach about and .
Appearance.
The breed stands for the males, for females with a tolerance of 1 cm +/- , and weighs . The barbet is a prototypic water dog, with a long, woolly, and curly coat.
Their coats grow long and must be groomed regularly, otherwise the coat can become matted and the barbet may lose small tufts of hair like tumbleweeds.
The accepted colours of the breed are solid black, grey, brown, fawn, pale fawn, white or more or less pied. All shades of red-fawn and pale fawn are permitted. The shade should, preferably, be the same as the colour of the body. Grey and white are extremely rare; mixed colours (except with white) are considered a fault. The most common colors are solid black, solid brown or both colours with white markings. The birth figures worldwide for 2007 are 176. All born were solid black or solid brown, some with white markings on the chest, chin, and legs.
Temperament.
The barbet's personality is described as friendly, joyful, obedient, and intelligent. They are quick to learn and need lifelong obedience training. They are great with children, families, and the elderly. Barbets will bond with their family and prefer to be in the same room with the family at all times. They need exercise daily to keep the dog in a healthy state of mind and body.
They are capable retrievers for waterfowl hunting. In France, the barbet can take the (TAN), a basic water-retrieving test, and has recently been permitted to participate in the (BCE), a general hunting-dog test involving field and water trials. In Germany, the barbet takes part in field trials.
Genetic diseases.
Barbets are vulnerable to certain genetic defects. Due to the limited gene pool for this breed, conscientious breeders carefully study pedigrees and select dogs to minimize the chance of genetic diseases. Unfortunately, like many breeds, a growing popularity has encouraged breeding by people who are not knowledgeable about the breed. Of the few health issues that have exhibited themselves; epilepsy, hernias, hip dysplasia and entropion, most problems can be traced back 4–6 generations. Often this was due to limited breeding stock as well as the fact that many matings were with dogs of unknown medical history.
Overall health.
Due to the extremely low number of barbets in the world, little is known about long term health issues. Some issues that have exhibited themselves are ear infections, hip dysplasia, hernias, undescended testicles, undershot/overshot bites, entropia and epilepsy. A study has begun in France about health issues in the Barbet as several breeds have recently "contributed" to the Barbet.
Ethical breeders hip score the parents before any matings. A, B, and C hip scores can be used.
The most common issues are ear infections, a problem in most water dog breeds. Ear problems can be minimized by proper ear care. A veterinarian should be consulted if the dog shows signs of an ear infection. The ear should always be clear of any hair, and inspected very regularly.
History.
The barbet connected through the centuries in various capacities, and as a companion dog but more as an all-around working dog. The term "barbet" became throughout centuries a generic name for a dog with a long, curly, woolly coat. Barbets are best known for being a waterfowl retriever in the marshes, wetlands, and estuaries of France. This is where the expression "muddy as a barbet" came from in the 19th century. Between the late 18th to early 19th centuries, the same dog was known as the in France, the in Italy, and the in Germany; for almost a hundred years the barbets and poodles were considered the same breed.
Status in Great Britain (UK).
The first Barbet, a male, was brought into the UK in 2001, although he did not reproduce. In 2007, two unrelated females were brought in from France, having completed their period of quarantine; the majority of Barbets currently in the UK are descendants of these. Since then, further examples of the breed have been imported from France, Netherlands, Canada, Poland, and Sweden. Several UK-born barbets have been used in the breeding programmes of other countries; their offspring can be found in Netherlands, Switzerland, Germany, Sweden, Finland, and Canada.
In April 2018, the Barbet became the 220th breed recognized by The Kennel Club of the UK and the Barbet can now be shown in Import Register classes at all UK dog shows held under The Kennel Club rules. Barbets born in the UK prior to this date were registered in France by the Société Centrale Canine (SCC), a national affiliate of the Fédération Cynologique Internationale (FCI). There are on average only one or two British-born litters born per year. In 2018, there were approximately 140 barbets living in the UK.
The majority of Barbets in the UK are kept as pets, although a small number are used regularly as gun dogs, agility dogs, and for search-and-rescue work; they can also take part in conformation shows in the UK and in FCI-member countries, with two British Barbets achieving French Champion status in 2014.


Alfred William Buxton

Alfred William Buxton (17 September 1872–22 August 1950) was a New Zealand landscape gardener and nurseryman. He was born in Hanley, Staffordshire, England on 17 September 1872 and moved to New Zealand in about 1886 where he began his work as a nurseryman.


Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir (born 26 January 1948) is a Bangladeshi politician. He is the incumbent secretary general of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) since 2016. He was a member of the parliament for Thakurgaon-1 constituency from 2001 to 2006. In that term, he was also appointed as the Minister of State in charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and later Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism.
Early life.
Alamgir was born on 26 January 1948 in Thakurgaon District to Mirza Ruhul Amin (d. 2008), a former member of parliament and Mirza Fatima Amin (d. 2018), a homemaker. Alamgir completed his master's in economics from the University of Dhaka
Political career.
Student politics.
Alamgir was active in student politics at Dhaka University. He was a member of the then East Pakistan Students Union (EPSU), now known as Bangladesh Students Union, and was elected as the secretary general of the organization's SM Hall unit in the university. Alamgir rose through the ranks of EPSU and, at the height of the 1969 uprising against the Ayub Khan administration, he was elected as the organization's Dhaka University president.
Teaching and other government positions.
In 1972, Alamgir became a teacher of economics at Dhaka College.
Among other government responsibilities, Alamgir worked for the Bangladesh government's Directorate of Inspection and Audit as an auditor.
Alamgir served in the administration of President Ziaur Rahman. He worked as a secretary of Deputy Prime Minister S.A. Bari, and State Minister Amirul Islam Kalam until the latter resigned in 1982. Following this, Alamgir taught economics at Thakurgaon Govt. College until 1986.
Entry into politics.
In 1986, with the municipal polls ahead, Alamgir resigned from his government post. He ran for chairman in Thakurgaon municipality in the 1988 municipal elections as a neutral candidate, and won.
Alamgir joined BNP amid the countrywide uprising to topple the military regime of Gen Hussain Muhammad Ershad in the early 1990s. In 1992, Alamgir was nominated as president of the BNP's Thakurgaon district unit.
Member of parliament and state minister.
Alamgir ran in the 5th parliamentary election in 1991 from Thakurgaon-1 constituency on the BNP ticket but lost to Awami League candidate Khademul Islam. He lost to another Awami League candidate again in the 7th parliamentary election in 1996, but this time with a very narrow margin: 51%–47%.
In the 8th parliamentary election in 2001, as a BNP candidate, Alamgir beat Awami League candidate Ramesh Chandra Sen by 37,962 votes, garnering 134,910 votes.
The government newly formed by Alamgir's BNP party appointed him Minister of State in charge of the Ministry of Agriculture. A cabinet reshuffle later named him Minister of State in charge of the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism, where he served until the BNP government left office in October 2006.
Alamgir ran again in the 9th parliamentary election in 2008, losing marginally to the Awami League candidate he previously beat, Ramesh Chandra Sen.
5th BNP Council.
The 5th National Council of BNP in December 2008 named Alamgir senior joint secretary general, a post previously held by Tarique Rahman (now the vice-chairman of the BNP).
Alamgir became well known in Bangladesh for his frequent appearance in the media as the BNP's spokesperson, particularly as leader of the opposition to the Awami League-led government that took office in January 2009.
BNP’s acting secretary general.
Alamgir was named acting secretary general of the BNP by its chairperson, Begum Khaleda Zia, following the death of secretary general Khandaker Delwar Hossain in March 2011. Some senior BNP figures disputed the nomination, stating that the BNP constitution does not allow for this. The dispute was ruled out on 21 March 2011, hours before Zia left for Saudi Arabia at invitation of the Saudi royal family.
Alamgir continued criticizing the government vibrantly on different issues. Upon organizing mass anti-government showdowns, he warned the government to not obstruct the opposition events. The party organized a number of countrywide populous showdowns and agitations against the government, most notably on the issue of the caretaker government, which the Awami League government demolished, enforcing its decisive two-thirds majority in the parliament in 2011.
Alamgir's motorcade came under a violent attack by an armed mob in Lakshmipur on 2 August 2011 as it was approaching the main town where Alamgir was about to attend a party meeting. The attackers were not identified, but Alamgir and his companions alleged that they were members of the ruling party, the Awami League. Though Alamgir was unhurt, three vehicles (including the one in which he was riding) were vandalized, and ten people were injured.
In February 2012, Alamgir criticized the government for its role in the Pilkhana massacre. He claimed the violence was intended to permanently damage the national security of Bangladesh and accused the Awami League government of not properly investigating the incident.
As of March 2012, Alamgir is one of the top contenders to fill the post of BNP's secretary general.
Personal life.
Alamgir is married to Rahat Ara Begum, who attended University of Calcutta and presently works in an insurance company in Dhaka. The couple has two daughters, Mirza Shamaruh and Mirza Safaruh. Shamaruh attended University of Dhaka and was a teacher in the institution. She is now a post doctoral fellow in Australia. Safaruh, also a University of Dhaka graduate, teaches in a school in Dhaka.
Alamgir's uncle, Mirza Ghulam Hafiz, was a BNP politician who served as the Minister of Land (1978–79), Minister of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs (1991–96), and was elected MP from a Dhaka constituency in 1979. Hafiz was the speaker of the 2nd national parliament of Bangladesh (1979–82).
Another uncle, Wing Commander S. R. Mirza, served in the first government of Bangladesh that was formed in exile (the Mujibnagar Government) in April 1971. He was named to head the newly formed Directorate of Youth Camps that oversaw training facilities for freedom fighter recruits in 1971.


George Bockelberg

George Baron Bockelberg (12 December 1890 – 10 October 1971) was an Australian politician. A farmer, he served in the Australian Imperial Force during World War I at Gallipoli and the Western Front. In 1956 he was elected to the South Australian House of Assembly as the Liberal and Country League member for Eyre. He held the seat until he was defeated in 1968.


Patrick Browne (Mayo politician)

Patrick Browne (1888 – 24 July 1970) was an Irish Fine Gael politician. A farmer and merchant, he was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fine Gael Teachta Dála (TD) for the Mayo North constituency at the 1937 general election. He was re-elected at each following general election until he lost his seat at the 1954 general election. He stood again at the 1957 general election but was not elected.


Thomas Tusser

Thomas Tusser (c. 15243 May 1580) was an English poet and farmer, best known for his instructional poem "Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry", an expanded version of his original title, "A Hundreth Good Pointes of Husbandrie", first published in 1557. For Tusser the garden was the domain of the housewife, and the 1562 text expands on this theme. Scholars also consider it a text of interest for its defense of enclosures. It was among the best selling poetry books of the Elizabethan age.
Early life.
Tusser was born in Rivenhall, Essex, about 1524, the son of William and Isabella Tusser. At a very early age he became a chorister in the St Nicholas collegiate chapel at Wallingford Castle, Wallingford, Oxfordshire. He appears to have been pressed for service in the King's Chapel, the choristers of which were usually afterwards placed by the king in one of the royal foundations at Oxford or Cambridge. But Tusser entered the choir of St. Paul's Cathedral, and from there went to Eton College. He has left a quaint account of his privations at Wallingford, and of the severities of Nicholas Udall at Eton.
He was elected to King's College, Cambridge in 1543, a date which sets the earliest limit of his birth-year, as he would have been ineligible at nineteen. From King's College he moved to Trinity Hall, Cambridge. On leaving Cambridge, he went to court in the service of William Paget, 1st Baron Paget of Beaudesart, as a musician. After ten years of life at court, he married and settled as a farmer at Cattawade, Suffolk, near the River Stour.
Literary career.
There he wrote "A Hundreth Good Pointes of Husbandrie", a long poem in rhyming couplets recording the country year. This work was first printed in London in 1557 by the publisher Richard Tottel, and was frequently reprinted. Tottel published an enlarged edition "Five Hundreth Pointes of Good Husbandrie" in 1573. Tusser includes a homely mix of instructions and observations about farming and country customs which offer insight into life in Tudor England, and his work records many terms and proverbs in print for the first time. In this work, he also famously presents ten characteristics the perfect cheese must have:
Not like Gehazi, i.e., dead white, like a leper
Not like Lot's wife, all salt
Not like Argus, full of eyes
Not like Tom Piper, "hoven and puffed"
Not like Crispin, leathery
Not like Lazarus, poor
Not like Esau, hairy
Not like Mary Magdalene, full of whey or maudlin
Not like the Gentiles, full of maggots
Not like a Bishop, made of burnt milk
He never remained long in one place. For his wife's health he removed to Ipswich.
After her death he married again, and farmed for some time at West Dereham. He then became a singing man in Norwich Cathedral, where he found a good patron in the dean, John Salisbury.
Samples.
"Five Hundred Points" contains these rhyming couplets:
"Swéete April showers,"
"Doo spring Maie flowers."
as well as
"At Christmas play and make good cheere,"
"for Christmas comes but once a yeere."
and
"A foole and his monie be soone at debate,"
"which after with sorrow repents him too late."
The latter is an early version of the proverb "A fool and his money are soon parted."
Later life.
After another experiment in farming at Fairstead, Essex, he moved once again to London, whence he was driven by the plague of 1572–1573 to find refuge at Trinity Hall, being matriculated as a servant of the college in 1573. At the time of his death he was in possession of a small estate at Chesterton, Cambridgeshire, and his will proves that he was not, as has sometimes been stated, in poverty of any kind, but had in some measure the thrift he preached. Thomas Fuller says he "traded at large in oxen, sheep, dairies, grain of all kinds, to no profit"; that he "spread his bread with all sorts of butter, yet none would stick thereon."
Death.
Tusser died on 3 May 1580 at the age of about 55. An erroneous inscription at Manningtree, Essex, asserts that he was 65 years old.
According to John Stow's "Survey of London", Cheape Ward, Thomas Tusser was buried in the now lost church of St Mildred in the Poultry. The inscription on his tomb there was as follows:
"Here Thomas Tusser, clad in earth, doth lie,
That sometime made the pointes of Husbandrie;
By him then learne thou maiest; here learne we must,
When all is done, we sleepe, and turne to dust:
And yet, through Christ, to Heaven we hope to goe;
Who reades his bookes, shall find his faith was so."
Stow's editor adds the following epigram on Tusser from a volume called "The More the Merrier" (1608), by 'H. P.':
"Ad Tusserum"
"Tusser, they tell me, when thou wert alive,
Thou, teaching thrift, thyselfe couldst never thrive.
So, like the whetstone, many men are wont
To sharpen others, when themselves are blunt."


Adam King Hodgins

Adam King Hodgins (1 November 1859 – 15 May 1932) was a Canadian businessman and politician. Hodgins was a Conservative member of the House of Commons of Canada. He was born in Lucan, Canada West and became an automobile dealer and farmer.
From 1908 to 1912, Hodgins served as a reeve of Biddulph Township, Ontario. In 1912, he was a warden for Middlesex County, Ontario.
He was first elected to Parliament at the Middlesex East riding in the 1925 general election and re-elected there in the 1926 election. After completing two terms in the House of Commons, Hodgins left federal politics and did not seek re-election in the 1930 vote.


Yadav

Yadav refers to a grouping of traditionally mainly non-elite, peasant-pastoral communities or castes in India that since the 19th and 20th centuries have claimed descent from the mythological king Yadu as a part of a movement of social and political resurgence.
The term "Yadav" now covers many traditional peasant-pastoral castes such as Ahirs of the Hindi belt and the Gavli of Maharashtra.
Traditionally, Yadav groups were linked to cattle raising and as such, were outside the formal caste system. Since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Yadav movement has worked to improve the social standing of its constituents, through Sanskritisation, active participation in the Indian and British armed forces, expansion of economic opportunities to include other, more prestigious business fields, and active participation in politics. Yadav leaders and intellectuals have often focused on their claimed descent from Yadu, and from Krishna, which they argue confers kshatriya status upon them, and effort has been invested in recasting the group narrative to emphasise "kshatriya"-like valour, however, the overall tenor of their movement has not been overtly egalitarian in the context of the larger Indian caste system.
Origins.
In mythology.
The term "Yadav" (or sometimes "Yadava") has been interpreted to mean "a descendant of Yadu", who is a mythological king.
Using "very broad generalisations", Jayant Gadkari says that it is "almost certain" from analysis of the "Puranas" that Andhaka, Vrishni, Satvata and Abhira were collectively known as "Yadavas" and worshipped Krishna. Gadkari further notes of these ancient works that "It is beyond dispute that each of the "Puranas" consists of legends and myths ... but what is important is that, within that framework [a] certain value system is propounded".
Lucia Michelutti notes that
Historians such as P. M. Chandorkar have used epigraphical and similar evidence to argue that Ahirs and Gavlis are representative of the ancient Yadavas and Abhiras mentioned in Sanskrit works.
In practice.
There are several communities that coalesce to form the Yadavs. Christophe Jaffrelot has remarked that
However, Jaffrelot has also said that most of the modern Yadavs are cultivators, mainly engaged in tilling the land, and less than one third of the population are occupied in raising cattle or the milk business.
M. S. A. Rao had earlier expressed the same opinion as Jaffrelot, and noted that the traditional association with cattle, together with the belief in descent from Yadu, defines the community. According to David Mandelbaum, the association of the Yadav (and their constituent castes, Ahir and Gwala) with cattle has impacted on their commonly viewed ritual status (varna) as Shudra, although the community's members often claim the higher status of Kshatriya. The Shudra status is explained by the nomadic nature of herdsmen, which constrained the ability of other groups in the varna system to validate the adherence to practices of ritual purity; by their involvement in castration of the animals, which was considered to be a ritually polluting act; and because the sale of milk, as opposed to personal use thereof, was thought to represent economic gain from a sacrosanct product.
According to Lucia Michelutti:
Yadavs in modern India.
Occupational background, and location.
The Yadavs mostly live in Northern India, and particularly in Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Traditionally, they were a non-elite pastoral caste. Their traditional occupations changed over time and for many years Yadavs have been primarily involved in cultivation, although Michelutti has noted a "recurrent pattern" since the 1950s whereby economic advancement has progressed through involvement in cattle-related business to transportation and thence to construction. Employment with the army and the police have been other traditional occupations in northern India, and more recently government employment in that region has also become significant. She believes that positive discrimination measures and gains as a consequence of land reform legislation have been important factors in at least some areas.
Lucia Michelutti notes that
J. S. Alter notes that in North India the majority of the wrestlers are of the Yadav caste. He explains this as being due to their involvement in the milk business and dairy farms, which thus provides easy access to the milk and ghee deemed to be essential to a good diet.
Although the Yadavs have formed a fairly significant proportion of the population in various areas, including 11% of that of Bihar in 1931, their interest in pastoral activities was not traditionally matched by ownership of land and consequently they were not a "dominant caste". Their traditional position, which Jaffrelot describes as "low caste peasants", also mitigated against any dominant role. Their involvement in pastoralism accounts for a traditional view of Yadavs as being peaceful, while their particular association with cows has a special significance in Hinduism, as do their beliefs regarding Krishna. Against this image, Russell and Lal, writing in 1916, called the Ahir subdivision uncouth, although it is unclear whether their comments were based entirely on proverbial stories, on observation or on both. Tilak Gupta said that this view persisted in modern times in Bihar, where the Yadav were viewed in highly negative terms by other groups. However, Michelutti observed, these very same people acknowledge and coveted their political influence, connections and abilities.
The Yadavs have, however, demonstrated a feature, driven by their more notable members, that shares a similarity with other Indian communities. Mandelbaum has noted that
Sanskritisation.
By the end of the nineteenth century, some Yadavs had become successful cattle traders and others had been awarded government contracts to care for cattle. Jaffrelot believes that the religious connotations of their connections to the cow and Krishna were seized upon by those Yadavs seeking to further the process of Sanskritisation, and that it was Rao Bahadur Balbir Singh, a descendant of the last Abhira dynasty to be formed in India, who spearheaded this. Singh established the "Ahir Yadav Kshatriya Mahasabha" (AYKM) in 1910, which at once asserted that its Ahir constituents were of Kshatriya ritual rank in the varna system, descended from Yadu (as was Krishna), and really known as Yadavs. The organisation claimed support from the facts that various Raj ethnologists had earlier claimed a connection between the Ahir and the Abhira, and because their participation in recent events such as the Indian Rebellion of 1857 had demonstrated that Ahirs were good fighters.
The AYKM was a self-contained unit and did not try to forge links with similar bodies among other caste groups that claimed Kshatriya descent at that time. It had some success, notably in breaking down some of the very strict traditions of endogamy within the community, and it gained some additional momentum as people from rural areas gradually migrated away from their villages to urban centres such as Delhi. Ameliorating the effects of strict endogamy was seen as being conducive to causing the community as a whole to unite, rather than existing as smaller subdivisions within it. Rao has said that the events of this period meant that "the term Yadava refers to both an ethnic category and an ideology".
Of particular significance in the movement for Sanskritisation of the community was the role of the Arya Samaj, whose representatives had been involved with the family of Singh since the late 1890s and who had been able to establish branches in various locations. Although this movement, founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati, favoured a caste hierarchy and also endogamy, its supporters believed that caste should be determined on merit rather than on heritage. They therefore encouraged Yadavs to adopt the sacred thread as a symbolic way to defy the traditional inherited caste system, and they also supported the creation of cow protection associations ("Goraksha Sabha") as a means by which Yadavs and other non-Brahmans could affirm the extent of their commitment to Hinduism by observing the strictures relating to cow slaughter. In Bihar, where the Bhumihars and Rajputs were the dominant groups, the wearing of the thread by Ahirs led to occasions of violence.
Jaffrelot has contrasted the motivations of Yadav Sanskritisation with that of the Nairs, another Indian community. He notes that Gyanendra Pandey, Rao and M. N. Srinivas all assert that Yadav Sanskritisation was not a process to imitate or raise the community to ritual parity with the higher ranks but rather to undermine the authority of those ranks. He contrasts this "subversion" theory with the Nair's motive of "emancipation", whereby Sanskritisation was "a means of reconciling low ritual status with growing socio-economic assertiveness and of taking the first steps towards an alternative, Dravidian identity". Using examples from Bihar, Jaffrelot demonstrates that there were some organised attempts among members of the Yadav community where the driving force was clearly secular and in that respect similar to the Nair's socio-economic movement. These were based on a desire to end oppression caused by, for example, having to perform "begari" (forced labour) for upper castes and having to sell produce at prices below those prevailing in the open market to the zamindars, as well as by promoting education of the Yadav community. This "aggressive Sanskritisation", which caused riots in the area, was emulated by some other of the lower caste groups. In support of the argument that the movements bore similarity, Jaffrelot cites Hetukar Jha, who says of the Bihar situation that "The real motive behind the attempts of the Yadavas, Kurmis and Koeris at Sanskritising themselves was to get rid of this socio-economic repression".
The process of Sanskritisation often included creating a history. The first such for the Yadavs was written in the late nineteenth century by Vithal Krishnaji Khedkar, a schoolteacher who became private secretary to a Maharajah. In 1959, Khedekar's work was published by his son, Raghunath Vithal Khedkar, who was a surgeon, under the title "The Divine Heritage of the Yadavas". There has been subsequent work to develop his ideas, notably by K. C. Yadav and J. N. Singh Yadav.
Khedekar's history made the claim that Yadavs were descendants of the Abhira tribe and that the modern Yadavs were the same community referred to as dynasties in the "Mahabharata" and "Puranas". Describing the work of the Khedekars as "a well-edited and well-produced volume", Mandelbaum notes that the Yadavs In creating this history there is some support for an argument that Yadavs were looking to adopt an ethnic identity akin to the Dravidian one that was central to the Sanskritisation of the Nairs and other in south India. However, Jaffrelot believes that such an argument would be overstated because the Yadav "redrawing of history" was much more narrow, being centred on themselves rather than on any wider shared ethnic base. They did acknowledge groups such as the Jats and Marathas as being similarly descended from Krishna but they did not particularly accommodate them in their adopted Aryan ethnic ideology, believing themselves to be superior to these other communities. Jaffrelot considers the history thus created to be one that is "largely mythical [and] enabled Yadav intellectuals to invent a golden age".
Michelutti prefers the term "yadavisation" to that of "sanskritisation". She argues that the perceived common link to Krishna was used to campaign for the official recognition of the many and varied herding communities of India under the title of Yadav, rather than merely as a means to claim the rank of Kshatriya. Furthermore, that "... social leaders and politicians soon realised that their 'number' and the official proof of their demographic status were important political instruments on the basis of which they could claim a 'reasonable' share of state resources."
All-India Yadav Mahasabha.
The All-India Yadav Mahasabha (AIYM) was founded at Allahabad in 1924 by a meeting of disparate local groups from Bihar, Punjab and what is now Uttar Pradesh. Although the AIYM was initially organised by V. K. Khedakar, it was Rao Balbir Singh who developed it and this coincided with a period – during the 1920s and 1930s – when similar Sanskritisation movements elsewhere in the country were on the wane. The program included campaigning in favour of teetotalism and vegetarianism, both of which were features of higher-ranking castes, as well as promoting self-education and promoting the adoption of the "Yadav" name. It also sought to encourage the British Raj to recruit Yadavs as officers in the army and sought to modernise community practices such as reducing the financial burden dowries and increasing the acceptable age of marriage. Furthermore, the AIYM encouraged the more wealthy members of the community to donate to good causes, such as for the funding of scholarships, temples, educational institutions and intra-community communications.
The Yadav belief in their superiority impacted on their campaigning. In 1930, the Yadavs of Bihar joined with the Kurmi and Koeri agriculturalists to enter local elections. They lost badly but in 1934 the three communities formed the Triveni Sangh political party, which allegedly had a million dues-paying members by 1936. However, the organisation was hobbled by competition from the Congress-backed "Backward Class Federation", which was formed around the same time, and by co-option of community leaders by the Congress party. The Triveni Sangh suffered badly in the 1937 elections, although it did win in some areas. Aside from an inability to counter the superior organisational ability of the higher castes who opposed it, the unwillingness of the Yadavs to renounce their belief that they were natural leaders and that the Kurmi were somehow inferior was a significant factor in the lack of success. Similar problems beset a later planned caste union, the "Raghav Samaj", with the Koeris.
In the post-colonial period, according to Michelutti, it was the process of yadavisation and the concentration on two core aims – increasing the demographic coverage and campaigning for improved protection under the positive discrimination scheme for Backward Classes – that has been a singular feature of the AIYM, although it continues its work in other areas such as promotion of vegetarianism and teetotalism. Their proposals have included measures designed to increase the number of Yadavs employed or selected by political and public organisations on the grounds of their numerical strength, including as judges, government ministers and regional governors. By 2003 the AIYM had expanded to cover seventeen states and Michelutti believed it to be the only organisation of its type that crossed both linguistic and cultural lines. It continues to update its literature, including websites, to further its belief that all claimed descendants of Krishna are Yadav. It has become a significant political force.
The campaign demanding that the army of the Raj should recruit Yadavs as officers resurfaced in the 1960s. Well-reported bravery during fighting in the Himalayas in 1962, notably by the 13th Kumaon company of Ahirs, led to a campaign by the AIYM demanding the creation of a specific Yadav regiment.
Post-Independence.
Mandelbaum has commented on how the community basks in the reflected glory of those members who achieve success, that "Yadav publications proudly cite not only their mythical progenitors and their historical Rajas, but also contemporaries who have become learned scholars, rich industrialists, and high civil servants." He notes that this trait can also be seen among other caste groups.
The Sadar festival is celebrated annually by the Yadav community in Hyderabad, following the day of Diwali. Community members parade, dancing around their best buffalo bulls, which have been colourfully decorated with flowers and paint.
Classification.
The Yadavs are included in the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) category in the Indian states of Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Haryana, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. In 2001, the Social Justice Committee in Uttar Pradesh reported over-representation of some OBCs, particularly Yadavs, in public offices; it suggested creating sub categories within the OBC category. The outcome of this was that the Yadav/Ahir became the only group listed in Part A of a three-part OBC classification system.


Dave Parker (politician)

David Fletcher Hewlett Parker (born July 5, 1940) was a Canadian politician. He served in the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia from 1987 to 1991, as a Social Credit member for the constituency of Skeena.
Before entering politics he was a professional forester, he was elected as a School Board trustee, serving Golden from 1981 to 1983 and then Terrace from 1985 to 1987. He was elected to the British Columbia Legislature as MLA for Skeena in October 1986.
He served as Minister of Forests and Lands and Minister of State for the North Coast Region in the Rita Johnston and Bill Vander Zalm governments.


Charles Mason Hovey

Charles Mason Hovey (October 26, 1810, Cambridge, Massachusetts - 1887) was an American nurseryman, seed merchant, journalist and author of horticultural books best known for his two-volume large quarto, "The Fruits of America" published between 1848 and 1856 and containing some 100 chromolithographs by William Sharp, the British-born lithographer and artist, with an extremely rare third volume which was partly published.
Hovey was an honorary member of the Royal Societies of London and of Edinburgh.
Biography.
Charles was the sixth of seven children born to Sarah Stone Hovey and Phineas Brown Hovey, who ran a grocery store at the comer of Main and Brookline Streets, and dealt in the sale and rental of property in Cambridge. In 1832 Hovey and his brother Phineas started "Hovey & Co.", a seed store and nursery in Cambridge, the nursery eventually growing to 40 acres in extent. Hovey set out to publish a magazine that would appeal to gardeners and showcase the various American fruits of interest. He became the editor of the "Magazine of Horticulture" published between 1835 and 1868, founded as "The American Gardener's Magazine" with a name change in 1837. It enjoyed a longer life than any other American horticultural journal and was modelled on John Claudius Loudon's "Gardener's Magazine".
Hovey collected cultivars of pear, apple, plum and grape, also cultivating florist and ornamental plants, with a particular fondness for "Camellia" and "Chrysanthemum". He exhibited regularly with the Massachusetts Horticultural Society and was its president for four years. He was responsible for producing the "Hovey Strawberry" in 1836, regarded as the foundation of the New England strawberry industry, and grown on a large scale until about 1890. Hovey wrote a seminal article "Some Remarks upon the Production of new varieties of Strawberries from Seeds" that was published July 1837 in his "Magazine of Horticulture", and in which he gave detailed instructions for producing hybrids.
Hovey was a great champion of open spaces and wrote in the "Magazine of Horticulture": "We need not enlarge upon the importance of public parks, certainly, if they were more numerous they would prevent the useless expenditure of money for lunatic hospitals. What the busy people of the city need is pure air, the sight of green trees, the smell of the fresh turf – extensive grounds, where they can enjoy the pleasures of the country, and find relief from the busy hours engaged in the turmoil of trade." Philadelphia nurseryman, botanist and author, Thomas Meehan, credited Hovey with the growth of American horticulture.
Today, the only visible evidence of Hovey's nursery are the names given to the short streets within the subdivisions created on parts of his land in the 1890s: Hovey, Myrtle, Magnolia and Camellia Avenues. These now compose a quiet little neighborhood of one, two and three-family homes, about a mile east of Harvard Yard, between Kirkland and Cambridge Streets, near the Cambridge/Somerville city line.


Community gardens in New York City

Community gardens in New York City are urban green spaces created and cared for by city residents who are stewards of underutilized land. There are over 550 community gardens on city property, over 745 school gardens, over 100 gardens in land trusts, and over 700 gardens at public housing developments throughout New York City.
History.
In the 1960s and 1970s, New York City was experiencing a fiscal crisis and disinvestment resulting from white flight, bankruptcy, and corruption. Buildings were abandoned or allowed to fall into disrepair throughout the city. The city then claimed these properties when they defaulted on their loans and were often destroyed through demolition, decay and arson which led to vacant spaces gardens would later claim. During this time, roughly 11,000 vacant lots transferred from private to public ownership. Neighborhood residents began to create gardens on this vacant land which weren't city sanctioned and without government assistance. In 1962, one of the first gardens, El Jardín del Paraíso, was formed by Puerto Rican residents in the Lower East Side.
In 1962, the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) started the Citywide Resident Garden Competition, providing resources to NYCHA residents to see who could grow the best gardens. The program has since been renamed as the Garden and Greening Awards Competition.
In 1973, the Green Guerillas were formed and begun to throw “seed green-aids” to beautify vacant lots. They eventually turned their attention to a vacant lot at Bowery and Houston Streets which became the Liz Christy Garden, the first city-sanctioned community garden in 1974. After investing time as squatters, gardeners advocated for formal recognition and the Department of Parks and Recreation created GreenThumb in 1978 to provide resources and license community gardens. By 1985, there was an estimated 1,000 gardens in New York City.
In 1994, Mayor Rudy Giuliani was inducted after running on a platform of fighting crime, reducing homelessness, and privatizing public land and services. After declaring a housing crisis, Giuliani supported developing vacant lots, including ones with gardens citing the licenses with the gardens established them as interim-use spaces and would eventually be developed into housing. A majority of the proposed units were market rate, with only 20 percent available for moderate-income households. This creating a controversy between the administration and city-greening advocates.
In January 1999, 114 gardens were put up for public auction without input from the community usually provided by the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP). There were no use restrictions placed on these lots and local coalitions were formed in opposition staging demonstrations, participating in political events, utilizing formal approaches such as lawsuits, and built networks. 112 of the gardens were purchased by two land-trust organizations, New York Restoration Project and the Trust for Public Land. A second proposed sale of over 600 gardens included land use restrictions that developers needed to use some of the land for 'civic functions.' In 2000, the city sent bulldozers to level an unprotected Esperanza Garden, a community garden located in the Lower East Side which was founded in 1978. The leveling of the garden caused concern from the New York State Democratic Committee citing campaign contributions given to Giuliani during his campaign for mayor from the developer proposing to build on the site. Attorney General Eliot Spitzer also opposed the administration by recommending state environmental review or an act of the Legislature needed to happen before the sale of community gardens.
In 2002, Mayor Michael Bloomberg settled the lawsuit by Spitzer which preserved 500 gardens by placing them in the jurisdiction of City agencies, leaving approximately 150 gardens open for development. The success of the preservation of the gardens is due to re-framing the conflict as a quality of life issue rather than housing vs. gardens argument. Gardeners also framed the threat of development as a threat to their communities citing gardens were a space where a diverse population was able to work together while building community and becoming a larger voice to the city together.
In early 2015, Mayor Bill de Blasio made plans to build housing on over 40 city-owned sites housing community gardens citing the need for affordable housing. These gardens had signed interim-use agreements with GreenThumb and city maps showed them as vacant spaces. The R.F.Q. to sell lots to developers for $1 was not made publicly and gardeners found out about the initiative through 596 Acres, a non-profit who maps open city land and advocates for community uses. In January 2016, 36 of the gardens were conveyed into Parks Department to remain gardens.
Neighborhood context.
Community gardens exist within the context of their neighborhoods and struggle with the constant periods of gentrification, displacement, and development. These issues lead local residents to try to preserve these spaces of agricultural production, community, and ethnic expression. While much of these struggles take place outside the garden, issues of diversity also take place within the garden because of the views the gardeners themselves have of their stewardship. Gardeners view the garden in four different ways: a "patchwork of private property" when given a plot within the garden; prioritize visually pleasing green space; farm and agricultural needs; and community space focusing on issues of access to emphasize the interaction of people.
Gardening programs.
GreenThumb.
GreenThumb is the program administered by the NYC Department of Parks and Recreation which provides resources and coordinates leases for city-owned vacant land. Originally called "Operation GreenThumb, it was formed in 1978 and was originally sponsored by the City Department of General Services. In 1984, 10-year leases for gardens were introduced. In 1988, GreenThumb expanded their work to provide support for school gardens and in 2010 founded the Grow to Learn program partnership with GrowNYC and the Mayors Fund which includes over 745 school gardens.
Today, GreenThumb is the largest urban gardening program in the United States supporting over 550 gardens and 20,000 garden members throughout the city. Most of its community gardens are a single lot, but add up to over 100 acres of public open space. GreenThumb provides resources including: soil, lumber, supplies, plant materials, and compost. Every year since 1984, GreenThumb holds the GrowTogether Conference for gardeners around the city.
To be in good standing with GreenThumb, garden groups must register every four years, sign the license agreement, provide keys to the gate, and submit the garden's bylaws. The license agreement includes posting signage, maintaining open hours, active membership, and the garden space; host public events; and assume risk. Chickens, bees, rabbits, and fish may all be kept in gardens.
Land trusts.
New York Restoration Project.
New York Restoration Project (NYRP) was founded in 1995 by Bette Midler when the organization transformed a vacant lot into Highbridge Park in Upper Manhattan. In 1999, NYRP raised enough money to purchase and protect some of the gardens threatened by development by the Giuliani administration. NYRP currently owns and manages 52 community gardens throughout the city.
In 2007, NYRP worked with the Bloomberg administration to form MillionTreesNYC, whose goal was to plant a million trees in the five boroughs by 2017.
Brooklyn Queens Land Trust.
The Trust for Public Land (TPL) was formed in 1999 as a reaction to the Giuliani administration initiative to develop gardens into housing. In 2002, the TPL saved 69 gardens with a $3 million dollar investment from the city. In 2004, the TPL was incorporated to become the Brooklyn Queens Land Trust (BQLT). The BQLT currently owns 35 community gardens in Brooklyn and Queens.
New York City Housing Authority.
New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) is New York City's largest property owner and provides support for over 700 gardens throughout its 328 public housing developments. Since 1963, NYCHA has host its annual Garden and Greening Awards Competition for residents. It was inspired by Chicago's public housing and felt that a competition would encourage pride in their homes and a sense of community. Award winners are selected in every borough and citywide in categories including Best Flower Garden, Best Vegetable Garden and Best Children’s Theme Garden.
In addition to its gardens, NYCHA has six farms on its properties. Farms are constructed and operated by 18-24 year-old residents who are Green City Force (GCF) AmeriCorps Members.
Community gardens in New York.
Full list of community gardens in New York
Former Community Gardens in New York.
Many community gardens in New York are bulldozed to make way for new construction. This new construction commonly leads to gentrification. These gardens include (but are not limited to):


Rottaler


Karbar Station

Karbar or Karbar Station is a pastoral lease that currently operates as a cattle station and has previously operated as a sheep station.
It is located about north of Cue and south west of Meekatharra in the Mid West region of Western Australia. The old townsite of Tuckanarra is situated within the station boundaries. The property occupies an area of , with frontage along the Great Northern Highway and the Jungar River and its tributaries.
The property has numerous wells and bores at a shallow depth and the creek systems provide extensive floodout country that supports mulga shrubland and perennial grasses such as buffel. The maximum carrying capacity is approximately 8,050 sheep.
The homestead, which is the old Tuckanarra hotel, and shearers' quarters have been upgraded and offer tourist accommodation. The homestead has 15 rooms in total, including five bedrooms.
The station was established at some time prior to 1899 when it was placed on the market along with New Forrest Station. Together the leases occupied an area of and were carrying 3,200 sheep, 100 cattle and 40 horses. Improvements at the property included a six-room homestead, a woolshed, yards and fencing.
Ben Copley acquired the property in 1918. By 1920 Copley, who also owned Mount Barnett Station in the Kimberley region, would overland cattle from Mount Barnett the to Karbar for agistment before sending them to market.
James Hicks acquired the property in 1923 and had started running sheep and producing wool. Hicks died in 1944; the property was initially to be sold by the executors of Hicks' will but this was refused by the Supreme Court and Karbar was left to the Hicks' three children. The Hicks family still owned the property in 1952 and the property was still producing high quality wool attracting top prices. The Snell family acquired Karbar shortly afterward.
The company headed by Dallas Dempster, Hyperion Energy, had purchased Karbar in January 2011 with the intention of building a tall solar updraft tower on the property at an estimated cost of 1.6 billion.
Since acquiring Karbar the company has started to convert the property infrastructure to run cattle.