British Columbia Social Credit Party

The British Columbia Social Credit Party, whose members are known as Socreds, was the governing provincial political party of British Columbia, Canada, for all but three years between the 1952 provincial election and the 1991 election. For four decades, the party dominated the British Columbian political scene, with the only break occurring between the 1972 and 1975 elections when the British Columbia New Democratic Party governed.
Although founded as part of the Canadian social credit movement, promoting social credit policies of monetary reform, the BC Social Credit Party later discarded the ideology and became a political vehicle for fiscal conservatives and later social conservatives in British Columbia.
The party essentially collapsed within one term of its 1991 defeat. It has not been represented in the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia since 1996, and only existed in a nominal fashion from around 2001 to 2013 when the party was deregistered for failing to nominate more than two candidates in two consecutive provincial elections. The party re-registered in June 2016 to participate in the 2017 election. It did not nominate any candidates in the 2020 election, but remains registered as a political party as of November 2020.
Former Prime Minister of Canada Kim Campbell started her political career in the BC Social Credit Party.
History.
Pre-1952.
Prior to 1952, the social credit movement in British Columbia was divided between various factions. The Social Credit League of British Columbia nominated candidates for the first time in the 1937 election, but did not do so in the 1941 election.
In the 1945 election, these factions formed an alliance to field 16 candidates, who won a total of 6,627 votes (1.42% of the provincial total).
This alliance broke down before the 1949 election, and three separate groups nominated candidates:
Collectively, they nominated 28 candidates, who won a total of 14,326 votes, 2.05% of the popular vote in that election.
W. A. C. Bennett era.
For the 1952 provincial election, the coalition government between the British Columbia Liberal Party and British Columbia Conservative Party reformed the electoral system from first past the post to the alternative vote. The coalition was nervous about the growing popularity of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the forerunner of the NDP. With the expectation that Conservative voters would list the Liberals as their second choice and vice versa, the two parties believed they'd garner enough votes between them to stay in power.
Meanwhile, the Social Credit League went into the election under the interim leadership of the Reverend Ernest George Hansell, Member of the federal Parliament for the Alberta riding of Macleod since 1935. Hansell was hand-picked by Alberta premier Ernest Manning, as the Alberta Social Credit Party still dominated their BC sister. However, much to the BC Socreds' own surprise, the party received 200,000 more votes than in the previous election and garnered enough vote transfers to become the largest party in the legislature. It took 19 seats, one more than the CCF, while the Liberals and Conservatives were practically wiped out. The Socreds persuaded an independent Labour Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) to support them, allowing them to form a minority government.
As not even the Socreds expected to win the election, they now found themselves with the task of electing a leader who would become the province's new Premier. Party president Lyle Wicks called a leadership convention at which only elected MLAs could vote. The 19 newly elected Social Credit MLAs chose former BC Conservative MLA W. A. C. Bennett, one of only three Socreds with previous experience in the legislature, to lead the new government over Philip Gaglardi. Bennett had joined the Socreds only in December, doing so with the tacit support of the federal Conservative caucus. The federal Conservatives were displeased that their provincial counterparts had sat out the previous two elections so as not to embarrass their Liberal partners. Nine months into the new term, Bennett deliberately lost a confidence vote in order to force a snap general election in 1953. At this election, Social Credit won an outright majority.
Although the party was ostensibly the British Columbia wing of the Canadian social credit movement, Bennett jettisoned the old ideology, remembering that the Alberta Socreds had tried and failed to implement it soon after winning their first term in government. Instead, he converted it into a populist conservative party. It became a political vehicle to unite opponents of the CCF in hopes of shutting it out of power.
The BC Social Credit Party drifted away from both social credit theories and from the federal Social Credit Party as many supporters of the federal Liberals and Conservatives joined it. While Bennett made sporadic appearances for the federal Socreds, their relationship was tenuous at best. Finally, in 1971, the BC Socreds formally severed their ties to the federal Socreds in order to make it easier for staunch Tories and Liberals to support it at the provincial level.
Despite being a free market party, the Bennett government formed BC Hydro in 1961 by nationalizing the province's largest private hydroelectric concern to make sure that it could not oppose the government's hydroelectric dam construction program. It also formed BC Ferries in 1958, and established the Bank of British Columbia, which was 25% owned by the provincial government.
The Social Credit Party would win five more terms in government, each time with fairly large majorities. However, this streak ended in 1972 amid a gaffe-prone campaign. For instance, Gagliardi suggested that Bennett would stand down after the election, accusing him of being out of touch with "the young people of this province." This led to questions about whether the party had become tired and complacent after 20 years in power. Nonetheless, it came as a shock when Social Credit was heavily defeated by the British Columbia New Democratic Party (BC NDP) under Dave Barrett, falling to only 10 seats.
Bill Bennett era.
W. A. C. Bennett's son, Bill Bennett, took over the leadership of the party in 1973. The younger Bennett modernized the party and abandoned populism. Instead, the party became a coalition of federal Liberals, Christian conservatives from the province's Bible Belt, and fiscal conservatives from the corporate sector with the latter firmly in control.
Bill Bennett led the Socreds back to power at the 1975 election, mainly by dominating the province outside of Vancouver. The younger Bennett, for the most part, eschewed the megaprojects of the elder Bennett (with the exception of Expo 86 and the Coquihalla Highway), and embraced a fiscally conservative program.
As a result, the party built up a small political engine that managed to win two more terms in 1979 and 1983 general elections, in spite of Bennett's controversial "Restraint" program. This was nicknamed the "Baby Blue Machine", and consisted of political advisors primarily imported from the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party. It never became a major political apparatus like the Big Blue Machine in Ontario did, as Bennett decided to retire in 1986.
All Socred governments attempted to curb the power of trade unions and also limited social welfare spending.
Bill Vander Zalm era.
Bennett retired in 1986 and was succeeded by Bill Vander Zalm. Under his watch, social conservatives took control of the party; Vander Zalm himself was a member of the social conservative wing. Vander Zalm easily led the Socreds to a fourth consecutive term in government in the election later that year.
Although it was not apparent at the time, the downfall of the party began almost as soon as Vander Zalm took the premiership. Many moderate Socreds were dissatisfied at the party's social conservative turn. They began drifting to the Liberals, a trend that would come back to haunt the party later. This process was exacerbated by Vander Zalm's eccentricity, and the constant scandals that plagued his government. Also, Vander Zalm allowed his principal secretary, David Poole, to amass a substantial amount of power, despite his being unelected. Longtime cabinet minister Grace McCarthy resigned in protest.
Decline.
Vander Zalm was forced to resign in a conflict of interest scandal in 1991, and was succeeded as party leader and premier by Deputy Premier Rita Johnston, who became the first female head of government at the provincial or federal level in Canada. Johnston then defeated McCarthy in the subsequent leadership election and continued as premier. Johnston had been close to Vander Zalm for several years, leading many to believe her selection as leader had been a mistake. Even BC NDP opposition leader Mike Harcourt admitted later that he preferred Johnston over McCarthy, as McCarthy would likely have been a much tougher opponent in an election.
Facing a statutory general election in 1991, Johnston was unable to make up any ground. She also had little time to reunite the party following the bruising leadership contest with McCarthy. Social Credit was roundly defeated, losing almost half of its vote from 1986. Johnston herself lost her own seat to BC NDP challenger Penny Priddy. Furthermore, many moderate Socred supporters defected to the British Columbia Liberal Party, continuing a trend that dated back to Vander Zalm's tenure. The BC Liberals vaulted from no seats in the legislature to the Official Opposition. The combined effect was to decimate the Socreds, who plunged from a strong majority government to third place with only seven seats–including only five surviving members from Johnston's cabinet. More party infighting occurred as McCarthy was elected to replace Johnston. McCarthy didn't get a chance to get into the legislature until February 1994, when she ran in a by-election for Matsqui, a longtime Socred stronghold. She lost to Liberal Mike de Jong by fewer than 100 votes.
After McCarthy's by-election loss, Social Credit collapsed with dramatic speed. Four of the seven remaining Social Credit MLAs elected in 1991 left the party to join the British Columbia Reform Party, leaving Social Credit without official status in the legislature. McCarthy resigned as leader shortly thereafter, and Larry Gillanders was elected to succeed her. After that, Abbotsford MLA Harry de Jong resigned (and briefly contemplated taking up the leadership of the Family Coalition Party). The BC Liberals took the riding in the ensuing by-election, with Social Credit in a distant third. This left only one Socred in the legislature--Cliff Serwa from Okanagan West, which contained much of the Bennetts' former territory.
Social Credit went into the 1996 provincial election in an extremely precarious position. It had been unable to get its leader into the legislature at any point during the previous session. Even worse, Serwa had announced his retirement, leaving it without any incumbents for the first time since 1952. Gillanders took part in the leaders' debate, but pulled out of the campaign just before the vote and urged all non-socialist parties to present a united front against the BC NDP. The Social Credit Party was completely shut out of the legislature, garnering only 0.6 percent of the vote. At this point, the party was largely considered a dead force in BC politics, with most of its remaining members joining Reform or the Liberals. The collapse of the British Columbia Socreds within only one term of losing power was especially remarkable considering their Alberta counterparts managed to maintain at least a nominal presence in the legislature for a decade after their defeat in 1971.
In 2001, at the behest of former leader Vander Zalm–now leader of Reform BC–the Social Credit Party merged with other minor provincial right-wing parties to form the Unity Party, but soon left due to dissatisfaction with the way the party was run.
In the 2001 provincial election, what remained of the party ran only two candidates. Grant Mitton achieved a respectable showing in Peace River South, placing second with 1,726 votes (17.4%). The other candidate, party president Carrol Barbara Woolsey, in Vancouver-Hastings, placed 5th of 6 candidates with 222 votes (1.15% of the total). The party hadn't had a full-time leader since 2000; Mitton was the "de facto" leader during the campaign. Mitton left to become leader of the British Columbia Party, leaving Woolsey as "de facto" party leader.
In the 2005 election, only two Socreds filed: Woolsey, who won 254 votes (1.28% of the total) in Vancouver-Hastings, and Anthony Yao, who won 225 votes (0.95% of the total) in Port Coquitlam-Burke Mountain.
The party did not field any candidates in the 2009 general election. In the 2013 election, Woolsey was the only Socred candidate, again in Vancouver-Hastings, receiving 355 votes. Since British Columbia election law mandates de-registration of parties that run fewer than two candidates in two consecutive elections, the party was deregistered by Election BC on June 7, 2013. However, it had existed in name only since at least 2001. In addition to nominating few or no candidates at all in recent years, its Website had been updated only sporadically since 2005, and hadn't been updated at all since February 2012. Most of its constituency associations had been de-registered in 2008.
The Social Credit Party nominated two candidates in the 2017 provincial election. Neither were elected, and they only tallied 896 votes between them. It did not field any candidates in the 2020 British Columbia general election.
Party leaders.
Eric Buckley left Social Credit in October 2000 to join the British Columbia Party. The party has not had an official leader since then.
Electoral results.
In the 1937 election, the British Columbia Social Credit League endorsed candidates, but none were elected.
In the 1941 election, no candidates ran under the social credit banner.
In the 1945 election, an alliance of social credit groups nominated candidates. None were elected.
In the 1949 election, three different social credit groups nominated candidates. None were successful.
In subsequent elections, only the Social Credit Party of British Columbia emerged as the only social credit party, although it quickly abandoned social credit theories.


Nepisiguit (electoral district)

Nepisiguit was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada. It was known as Nepisiguit-Chaleur from 1974 to 1995.


Frans Beelaerts van Blokland

Frans Beelaerts van Blokland (21 January 1872, The Hague – 27 March 1956, The Hague) was a Dutch politician and diplomat.
Personal life.
After attending the private school, Van Bouscholte, and Gymnasium Haganum, Beelaerts van Blokland studied at the Rijksuniversiteit Leiden from 1890 to 1895.
In 1905, he married Maria Adriana Snoeck (1873-1948), a courtier of Queen Wilhelmina, with whom he had two sons. The van Bloklands were among the guests at the 1937 wedding of Juliana of the Netherlands with Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld.
Career.
Beelaerts van Blokland served as Dutch envoy to China.
Beelaerts van Blokland accompanied in May 1940 Queen Wilhelmina to London as her chief adviser. He was Minister of Foreign Affairs and then became Vice-President of the Council of State, a position he held for 23 years. He died at the age of 84, still in office.
He was a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Dutch Lion and Grand Officer of the Order of Orange-Nassau.


Sai Cinza Indigenous Territory

The Sai Cinza Indigenous Territory () is an indigenous territory in the state of Pará, Brazil.
A proposed dam on the Tapajós river is on hold since it would flood part of the territory, and the constitution does not allow projects that would force relocation of indigenous people.
Location.
The Sai Cinza Indigenous Territory is in the municipality of Jacareacanga, Pará.
It has an area of .
It adjoins the Mundurucu Indigenous Territory to the south.
The western part of the territory is bounded by the Tapajós river to the north.
In the east the territory contains land on both sides of the river.
The reserve is entirely within the Tapajós basin and the Amazon biome.
Vegetation is 82.69% dense rainforest and 17.31 savanna-rainforest contact.
History.
The Sai Cinza Indigenous Territory was declared by decree 94.604 of 14 July 1987.
It was approved by decree 393 of 26 December 1991.
The reservoir of the proposed Chacorão Dam on the Tapajós river would affect the Munduruku, Kayabí and Apiacá indigenous people.
As of 2010 Eletronorte had not applied for registration with the National Electricity Agency to start feasibility studies for the Chacorão hydroelectric power plant, since the dam would flood parts of the Mundurucu and Sai Cinza indigenous territories.
A spokesman said that without a decree to regulate the constitution there was no way to undertake projects in indigenous territories.
A series of planning workshops in the two TIs starting in November 2011 where more than 300 indigenous people participated.
In October 2013 a seminar was held in the village of Sai-Cinza on creating a Territorial and Environmental Management Plan (PGTA) for the Munduruku and Sai-Cinza Indigenous Territories.
The seminar was attended by representatives from all parts of the two TIs and from involved government and civil society organizations.
People.
The territory is inhabited by the Munduruku people.
The estimated population was 529 in 1990, rising to 1,022 by 2000 and to 1,739 by 2013.
Indigenous organizations include Associação Da'uk (AIP), Associação Indígena Wuyxaximã, Conselho Indígena Munduruku do Alto Tapajós (CIMAT) and Kerepo - Associação de Produtores Indígenas (KEREPO).
The state is represented in the territory by the Fundação Nacional do Índio (Funai).
There is an evangelist Assembly of God mission and a Brazilian Baptist Convention mission.
There are 13 mining concessions in the region.


Charlotte (provincial electoral district)

Charlotte was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada from 1994 to 2006. It was created from large parts of Charlotte Centre and Charlotte-Fundy. Following 2006, most of the district became part of Charlotte-The Isles


Suren Kerselyan

Suren Kerselyan is a former Vice Premier and Minister for Labour, Employment and Social Security of Abkhazia. Kerselyan was appointed as Vice Premier and Labour Minister on 15 October 2014 by newly elected President Raul Khajimba, in the cabinet of Prime Minister Beslan Butba. After Butba was replaced as Prime Minister by Artur Mikvabia, Kerselyan was replaced as Vice Premier by Dmitri Serikov on 8 April 2015.
On 23 August 2016, Kerselyan was also replaced as Labour Minister, by Pension Head Ruslan Ajba, in the new cabinet of Prime Minister Beslan Bartsits.


Mang Pandoy

Felipe Natanio (1945–2008) was a Filipino street vendor whose claim to fame was his role, under the pseudonym "Mang Pandoy" (Mister Pandoy), as "the face of the poor" during the administration of President Fidel V. Ramos.
The Face of the Poor.
Natanio shot to national fame as the result of the 1992 Presidential Debates, where host Randy David showed a video presentation of the street vendor's life circumstances before asking the candidates how they would address poverty, as exemplified and humanized by Natanio's story. During the segment, his identity was concealed under the pseudonym "Mang Pandoy."
Living in a small shack in Commonwealth village in Quezon City, Mang Pandoy's education had ended in the third grade, and he earned a living for himself and his eight children by selling vegetables by the street side. This earned him about Php50 a day. By 1992, however, he had gotten too sick to do even that and was at a loss over how he would feed his family. He joked that he would be willing to be shot in exchange for Php 100 000, which would provide for his family's needs.
When Fidel Ramos won the presidential election, the new president presented Mang Pandoy to the Philippine public in his first State of the Nation Address (SONA) as "the face of the poor," promising him and other poor Filipinos a better life.
Doleouts.
Since Ramos had called attention to his plight, Mang Pandoy was presented with a number of new opportunities during the Ramos administration. He was hired as the co-host of "Ang Pandayan ni Mang Pandoy", a weekly television show on the government-owned television network PTV 4 (now NBN 4), where he earned at least Php2,000 per episode. Later, he was hired as a consultant by the then Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives, Jose de Venecia. These jobs were his last employment. He would later receive doleouts both from De Venecia and from the Quezon City government but he was unable to make the money grow, and he eventually faded into relative obscurity.
Death and legacy.
At about 6:30 p.m. August 28, 2008, at age 63, Mang Pandoy finally succumbed to tuberculosis, a symbol of the Filipino poor and, in the words of one news report, "an icon of token relief and unkept promises."
One commentator, expounding on the events that brought Mang Pandoy from poverty to fame and back noted:
Jaime Aristotle Alip, CEO and founder of Center for Agriculture and Rural Development Mutually Reinforcing Institutions (CARD MRI) which one 2008's Ramon Magsaysay award for public service, took note of the icon's death at a forum after receiving the award, noting the need for long term solutions to poverty in the Philippines rather than the dole-out approach that Mang Pandoy's story typified. Alip noted:
Since his family could not afford a burial for Mang Pandoy the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) eventually gave Php12,500 so that "the Face of the Filipino Poor" could finally be buried.
Although Mang Pandoy's symbolic role in Philippine history has been far greater, it has been likened to that of Joe The Plumber in the 2008 US Presidential Elections.


Roel Falkena

Roel Falkena (10 May 1936 – 20 February 2021) was a Dutch veterinarian and as a member of the Fryske Nasjonale Partij politician in Friesland. As a politician he contributed a lot to the preservation and strengthening of the Frisian language and culture, at the local, provincial, national and international level.
Falkena died in Beetsterzwaag on 20 February 2021, aged 84.


Paulus Jansen

Paulus Fredericus Cornelius Jansen (born 2 March 1954 in Roermond) is a Dutch politician and civil engineer. As a member of the Socialist Party (Socialistische Partij) he was an MP between 30 November 2006 and 14 April 2014. He officially left the House of Representatives on 13 May 2014 and was permanently replaced by Tjitske Siderius, who until then had temporary replaced Renske Leijten. He focused on matters of natural environment, climate change, spatial planning, water management, housing, energy and environmental noise. Since 8 May 2014 he has been an alderman in the city of Utrecht.
From 1995 to 2003 he was a member as well as SP fraction leader of the States-Provincial of the province of Utrecht. From 2001 to 2006 he was a member as well as SP fraction leader of the municipal council of the city of Utrecht.
Jansen studied architectural engineering at Eindhoven University of Technology.


Fijian dollar

The Fijian dollar (currency sign: FJ$, $; currency code: FJD) has been the currency of Fiji since 1969 and was also the currency between 1867 and 1873. It is normally abbreviated with the dollar sign $, or alternatively FJ$ to distinguish it from other dollar-denominated currencies. It is divided into 100 cents.
History.
Decimalisation origins.
Fiji followed the pattern of South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand in that when it adopted the decimal system, it decided to use the half pound unit as opposed to the pound unit of account. The choice of the name dollar was motivated by the fact that the reduced value of the new unit corresponded more closely to the value of the US dollar than it did to the pound sterling.
Second dollar (1969–present).
The dollar was reintroduced on 15 January 1969, replacing the Fijian pound at a rate of 1 pound = 2 dollars, or 10 shillings = FJ$1. Despite Fiji having been a republic since 1987, coins and banknotes continued to feature Queen Elizabeth II until 2013, when her portrait was replaced with pictures of plants and animals.
Coinage.
In 1969, coins were introduced in denominations of 1c, 2c, 5c, 10c & 20c, with a 50c coin issued in 1975. The coins had the same sizes and compositions as the corresponding Australian coins, with the 50 cents matching the cupronickel dodecagonal type introduced in Australia in 1969. In 1990, new compositions were introduced, with copper-plated zinc used for the 1¢ and 2¢ coins, and nickel-plated steel for the 5c, 10c, 20c & 50c. An aluminium-bronze $1 coin was introduced in 1995, replacing the $1 note. 2009 saw the introduction of a new smaller coinage from 5 to 50 cents. These were struck by the Royal Canadian Mint and are made with the three-ply electroplate method. The 1 and 2 cents were also discontinued and withdrawn the same year. A thinner brass plated steel $1 coin was later introduced in 2010, gradually phasing out the older type.
In 2013 Fiji released a whole family of new coins, with fauna themes, and without the Queen's portrait. This new series saw the introduction of a $2 coin, replacing the corresponding note just as the $1 coin had done before. This coin faced controversy due to being too easily mistaken as a $1, as it was only slightly larger of the same color. It was replaced by a larger and thicker Spanish flower shaped $2 coin in 2014. The metallic content of both the $1 and $2 was also changed in 2014 for better durability and resistance to wear after widespread complaints of the coins corroding and "turning black".
Banknotes.
First dollar.
In 1867, the government treasury issued 1 dollar notes. These were followed by notes for $1, $5, $10, $25 and $50 issued between 1871 and 1873. Also between 1871 and 1873, King Seru Epenisa Cakobau issued notes in denominations of 12½¢, 25¢, 50¢, 100¢ and $5. Levuka (on Ovalau island) issued $1 and $5 notes during the 1870s.
Second dollar.
On 15 January 1969, the government introduced notes in denominations of 50 cents, $1, $2, $10, and $20; the $5 note was not issued until 1970. The Central Monetary Authority took over the issuance of paper money in 1974, issuing the same denominations, although the 50c note was replaced by a coin on 3 March 1975. In 1986, the Reserve Bank of Fiji began issuing notes. The $1 note was replaced by a coin in 1995. The $50 note was introduced in 1996, followed by a $100 note on 10 April 2007. Banknote denominations in circulation as of 2017 are: $5, $10, $20, $50 and $100.
Commemorative banknotes.
2000 2 Dollars - Millennium.
2000 2,000 Dollars - Millennium.
2017 7 Dollars - Victory of the Fijian 7s rugby team at the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro.
2020 50 Dollars - Fiji's 50th Independence Anniversary.
Current status and value.
On 16 August 2005, Finance Minister Ratu Jone Kubuabola announced that the Cabinet had approved the introduction of a $100 banknote and the withdrawal of the 1 and 2 cent coin, as the minting cost exceeded its face value. Kubuabola said that the $100 banknote would measure 156 × 67 mm, with the other banknotes receding at 5 mm towards the lowest banknote denomination. The portrait of Queen Elizabeth II would remain on all banknotes, he added, obviously in answer to calls from some politicians to remove the Queen's portrait from the currency after 18 years as a republic. Fiji is, however, a member of the Commonwealth, and Queen Elizabeth is recognized as Paramount Chief of the Great Council of Chiefs of Fiji. Her portrait was updated to a more mature one, which was released in 2007, becoming the fourth portrait of the Queen to appear on Fijian currency.
In 2009, the demonetization of the 1 and 2 cent coins was made official and a new coin set of 5, 10, 20, and 50 cent coins with reduced size were introduced. The old coins based on the Australian size standard were withdrawn from circulation. The reformed coins were introduced to save on production costs. The new 50 cent piece is also round with reeded edges rather than twelve-sided. On 2 March 2011, it was announced that Fiji would drop Queen Elizabeth II from its coins and notes, instead opting for local flora and fauna. The removal was seen as retaliation for Fiji's suspension from its full membership of the Commonwealth. The new set, which was unveiled on 12 December 2012 and was issued on 2 January 2013. The new series of Fijian coins include a bi-metallic (brass-plated steel) $2 coin intended to replace the note, and a thinner, reduced weight $1 coin. The new series of Fijian dollar banknotes feature Fijian flora and fauna to replace the portrait of Queen Elizabeth II. One change in the redesign of the Fijian dollar banknotes was the $5 note. Originally printed on paper, it is now issued as a polymer banknote.
The then Reserve Bank of Fiji Governor Savenaca Narube announced on 11 February 2006 that polymer plastic-coated notes would be introduced, featuring images of local people, culture, trade and industry. The new notes, which would be ready for distribution in early 2007, would vary in size, Narube said.
A new series of notes, the "Flora and Fauna" design series, is being introduced starting in 2013 which will feature the country's endemic flora and fauna. The image of Queen Elizabeth II no longer features in the new banknote series. The $2 note, now coined, ceased to be legal tender on 31 March 2013 and the $5 note is now printed in green, a change from its previous tawny and brown colour scheme. The new $5 note, the first banknote from the “Flora and Fauna” design series, entered into circulation on 2 April 2013.


Paul Lamek

Paul Stephen Andrew Lamek was a lawyer and Justice of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice.
Education.
Lamek studied law at the University of Oxford and began teaching law at the University of Pennsylvania, then taught at Osgoode Hall Law School from 1962 through 1967.
Legal career.
Lamek was the 53rd Treasurer of the Law Society of Upper Canada, serving from 1993 to 1995.
Judicial career.
He was appointed a Justice of the Superior Court in Ontario in 1999.
Personal life.
Born December 1937 in England and died 2002 aged 65 in Toronto Canada.
Lamek had lost a leg to diabetes. He was friends with lawyers Edward Greenspan and Harvey Thomas Strosberg who delivered his eulogy at the Cathedral Church of St. James (Toronto).


Kent South

Kent South () is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada.
It was originally created in 1973 with the southern third of Kent County, centred primarily around the town of Bouctouche. It was largely unchanged in the 1994 redistribution. In 2006 it lost the Bouctouche area to Kent. In the 2013 redistribution its northern half was merged with the southern half of Kent, causing it to regain Bouctouche and add several rural areas to its north, but lose much the extreme southern part of Kent County around Cocagne.


Houlihan Lokey

Houlihan Lokey, Inc., is an American multinational independent investment bank and financial services company. Houlihan Lokey was founded in 1972 and is headquartered at Constellation Place in Century City, Los Angeles, California. The firm advises large public and closely held companies as well as institutions and governments. Its main service lines include mergers and acquisitions, capital markets, restructuring and distressed M&A, fairness opinions, and valuations. As of October 29, 2020, Houlihan Lokey employed more than 1,500 employees worldwide.
As of January 2021, Houlihan Lokey is the No. 1 M&A advisor for the past five consecutive years in the U.S., the No. 1 global restructuring advisor for the past six consecutive years, the No. 1 global M&A fairness opinion advisor over the past 20 years, and a Top 10 Most Active Global M&A Advisor by Refinitiv.
History.
1970s.
Houlihan Lokey was founded in Los Angeles in 1972 as a provider of general business advisory services to privately held companies. The 1974 passage of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act launched the firm’s valuation business by creating demand for independent valuations of private businesses, particularly those that had formed employee stock ownership programs.
1980s.
In 1986, Kenneth Friedman founded and became President of Houlihan Lokey’s investment banking broker dealer to provide M&A advisory services and to raise debt and equity financing. Friedman formed the investment bank to provide Wall Street level expertise to the expanding investment banking demands of Houlihan Lokey’s clients and other middle market companies. By 1987, many of the highly leveraged transactions completed earlier in the decade were starting to exhibit signs of financial distress. Accordingly, a market was developing for financial restructuring advisory services. To position itself to serve this burgeoning market, the investment banking broker-dealer purchased Cheviot Capital Corporation in 1987 and, led by Jeff Werbalowsky and Irwin Gold, began assembling what would become an active, dominant, worldwide financial restructuring group.
With the surge of mergers, acquisitions, and leveraged buyouts, Wall Street’s large investment banking firms began calling on Houlihan Lokey for independent valuation expertise in fairness, solvency, and employee stock ownership plan (ESOP) opinions. The firm advised on transactions valued at more than $100 billion during this period. The firm also started to offer estate planning valuation services. In addition, the firm opened several offices in the 1980s in New York City, San Francisco, and Chicago.
1990s.
Houlihan Lokey opened eight offices across the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s as it expanded. In 1995, to grow its information services division, Houlihan Lokey acquired Mergerstat, a publishing company with a 30-year history in analytical M&A research, from Merrill Lynch.
2000s.
In 2001, Houlihan Lokey launched its first non-U.S. office by expanding into London. It also expanded its industry group platform and private equity coverage program in keeping with investment banking trends.
In 2002, Houlihan Lokey advised the official creditors committees in three large bankruptcies: WorldCom, Enron, and Conseco.
In 2005, the firm opened a Paris office.
In 2006, the firm opened a Frankfurt office. Also in 2006, Houlihan Lokey agreed to merge with ORIX USA, the U.S. corporate lending operations of ORIX Corp. of Japan, to address the growing international demand for middle-market investment banking services.
In 2007, Houlihan Lokey expanded into Asia, opening offices in Hong Kong and Tokyo. Within the next three years, the firm also opened an office in Beijing.
In 2008, Houlihan Lokey advised the creditors of Lehman Brothers.
2010s.
In 2010, Houlihan Lokey bought a sizable minority stake in Avista Advisory Group, a then decade-old advisory group. This gave the firm offices in both Mumbai and Singapore.
In 2013, Houlihan Lokey expanded its Financial Institutions Group through the acquisition of Milestone Advisors. The firm also launched the Illiquid Financial Assets practice to advise on the sales of assets such as stakes in loan pools, life settlements, minority positions, pharmaceutical royalties, and operating leases.
In 2014, Houlihan Lokey strengthened its capabilities and coverage for clients across the technology sector with the acquisition of ArchPoint Partners.
In 2015, Houlihan Lokey acquired management consulting firm Bridge Strategy Group, digital media and entertainment focused investment bank MESA Securities, London-based consumer-focused firm McQueen Ltd., and operations of the Continental European investment bank Leonardo & Co. Also in 2015, Houlihan Lokey acquired the investment banking operations of Leonardo & Co. NV in Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain, and became a minority partner in a joint venture with the management team of Leonardo in respect to Leonardo’s investment banking operations in Italy. This gave the firm offices in both Rome and Milan. On August 13, 2015, Houlihan Lokey completed its initial public offering, beginning trading as HLI on the NYSE.
In January 2017, Houlihan Lokey acquired Black Stone IP, a leader in Tech+IP advisory work.
In January 2018, Houlihan Lokey acquired Quayle Munro Limited, an independent advisory firm focused on providing corporate finance advisory services to companies in the data & analytics sector. In May 2018, the firm acquired BearTooth Advisors, an independent advisory firm that provided strategic advisory and placement agency services to alternative investment managers.
Operations.
Financial Restructuring.
The financial restructuring team has approximately 200 professionals worldwide, and every assignment is staffed with professionals who facilitate the completion of due diligence and analysis. Houlihan Lokey has advised several extremely complicated deals, and between 2007 and 2017 the firm advised on more than 1,000 restructuring transactions, with aggregate debt claims in excess of $2.5 trillion, including the five largest of all time: Lehman Brothers, Washington Mutual, WorldCom, General Motors and CIT Group.
Corporate Finance.
Corporate finance is best known for offering mergers & acquisitions and capital markets advisory services. The firm has advised public and private institutions on buy-side and sell-side transactions as well as leveraged loans, private mezzanine debt, high-yield debt, IPOs, follow-ons, convertibles, PIPEs, private equity, and liability management transactions. The company has also developed an expertise in advising financial sponsors on all types of transactions, effectively creating one of the largest financial sponsors groups on Wall Street.
Financial and Valuation Advisory.
This division offers opinion services, transaction & valuation reporting services, real estate valuation & advisory, portfolio valuation, and financial consulting to company owners, managers, and special committees in their interactions with auditors and regulators.
Industries.
Houlihan Lokey's industry coverage groups include Business Services; Consumer, Food & Retail; Data & Analytics; Energy; Financial Institutions; Healthcare; Industrials; Real Estate, Lodging & Leisure; and Technology, Media & Telecom.
Office locations.
 Amsterdam
 Atlanta
 Beijing
 Boston Chicago
 Dallas
 Dubai
 Frankfurt
 Hong Kong
 Houston
 London
 Los Angeles
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 Miami
 Milan
 Minneapolis
 New York City
 Paris
 San Francisco
 Singapore
 Sydney
 Tokyo
 Washington, D.C.


Afrikan Black Coalition

The Afrikan Black Coalition (ABC) are a group of student organizations for black students at University of California schools, formed to unite and solve issues concerning academic policy, campus social atmosphere, and matriculation of black students to the university.
History.
In 2003, founding member Jewel Love brought together student leaders from the Black/African student organizations in the UC system. As a major in Black Studies at the University of California at Santa Barbara, Jewel felt that the deep disrespect of the culture, religion, and philosophy, of historically African people, was a stumbling block to African-American success at the University of California at Santa Barbara campus. Extending this sentiment to every UC school, UC-ABC was founded to preserve the spirit, culture, and aspirations of African people throughout the UC school system.
Founding members included Ainye Long and Edwina Williams (University of California, Santa Cruz), Na'Shaun Neal and Catherine Sylvester (University of California, Los Angeles), Raniyah Abdus-Samad and Renita Chaney (University of California, Berkeley), Venita Goodwin, Adia Smith, Isaac Frederick and Naseem Beauchman (University of California, Davis), Tiana Lynch (University of California, Irvine), and Stephanie Akpa (University of California, San Diego). In 2003, much like today, Black African students at each UC campus faced racial discrimination in the form of threats, offensive comments, and actions taken by many non-black students. These offenses, coupled with the declining numbers of Black African students at the UC system (as a result of Proposition 209), led the various chairs, presidents, and external representatives to form the University of California African Black Coalition. The first meeting was in the fall of 2003 held at the University of California, Santa Cruz. At the first meeting, the following schools were in attendance: Santa Barbara, San Diego, Santa Cruz, Los Angeles, Davis, and Berkeley.
Subsequent meetings were held at Berkeley, San Diego, Santa Cruz, and Los Angeles. In the spring of 2004, University of California, Riverside was added, and in 2007, University of California, Merced.
The first UC ABC action was held on the campus of UC San Diego in coordination with the progressive students of color at UCSD during the UCSA Students of Color Conference to protest the hostile educational environment. This was the first coordinated action of the organization. Approximately 50 students from the various UC-ABC schools attended direct action.
Structure.
The Organizing Board of UC ABC consists of President, Vice President, Secretary, Treasurer, and Conference Coordinator.
Conference history.
In 2004 the University of California African Black Coalition held its first annual conference at UC Santa Cruz. The Conference Chair was UCSC ABC rep, Ainye Long, External Vice Chair for UCSC'c African/Black Student Alliance ("ABSA"). Guest speakers included Professors Trica Rose, George Lipsitz, and David Anthony. The conference was successful by all standards and has continued on since that time. The conferences are tailored to meet the social and political needs of Black/African students in the UC system.
In 2005, the conference was held at UC San Diego. The Coalition president was Catherine Sylvester.
In 2006, the conference was held at UC Davis.
In 2007, the conference was held at Santa Barbara.
In 2008, the fifth conference was held at UC Irvine. The Coalition co-presidents were Lonneshia Webb and Christina Williams. The chair of fundraising was Melanie Garber. The site committee co-chairs were Ashley Turner and Alexandria Gurley.
In 2009, the sixth conference was held at UC Merced.
In 2010, the seventh conference was held at UC Riverside. The conference co-chairs were Stacey Hartnett and Khiana Ferguson.
In 2011, the eighth conference was held at UCLA. The conference chair was Adrien Sebro.
In 2012, the ninth Conference was held at UC Berkeley.
In 2013, the tenth Conference was held at UC San Diego. The conference chair was Grant White.
In 2014, the eleventh Conference was held at UC Santa Cruz. Angela Davis and Ambassador Atallah Shabazz attended.
In 2015, the twelfth Conference was held at UC Irvine. Elaine Brown and Wade Noble attended. The conference co-chairs were Jazmyne McNesse and Angelique McGrue.
In 2016, the thirteenth Conference was scheduled to be held at UC Santa Barbara.
In 2017, the Fourteenth Conference was held at CSU Long Beach. Speakers included Boyce Watkins, Bakari Sellers, Monique W Morris EdD, screening of #Bars4Justice documentary and Q&A by multimedia activists Queen Muhammad Ali & Hakeem Khaaliq of Nation19, Angela Rye, Za Za Ali, Nuri Muhammad, and Key Note address by Minister Louis Farrakhan January 14th 2017.


Patricia Hoey

Patricia Hoey (15 November 1883 – 9 November 1930) was an Irish journalist, suffragist and nationalist.
Early life and family.
Patricia Hoey was born Ethel Mary Hoey at 7 Trafalgar Terrace, Dublin on 15 November 1883. Her parents were Edmond and Margaret Hoey (née Mulchinock). Her maternal great-uncle was William Pembroke Mulchinock, the purported composer of "The rose of Tralee", and her great-great-uncle was John Mulchinock. Hoey's father died on 3 March 1887, which left his widow with just £78 and heavily pregnant with her second child, Edmund Joseph who was born on 15 April. There is no record of Hoey's childhood or education. It appears that her mother remarried, and that the family may have moved to England. In the 1920s Hoey was described as supporting her mother who was recorded as 'Mrs Clive Howard' and a step-sister who was described as deaf and dumb.
Life in England.
Hoey was living in England in May 1909, where she attended a meeting of the United Irish League (UIL) of Great Britain. She was described as the honourable secretary of the London parliamentary branch. Hoey was referred to as an experienced journalist by UIL president Joseph Devlin, when the group agreed to publish a monthly bulletin. From 1909 to 1910 Hoey was working as a freelance journalist and freelance business administrator. She was the general manager of the International Business Exhibition in October 1909, and she claimed to be the first woman ever to be appointed to that role, overseeing 200 men. After this, she returned to working solely as a journalist, contributing to "The Times", "Daily Telegraph", "Daily Mirror", and "The Stage". She co-authored a book, "What editors want: a reference book for every free-lance writer" with Max Rittenberg in 1909.
On 18 June 1910, Hoey attended a march of over 10,000 women to the Albert Hall as secretary to the parliamentary branch of the UIL. In July 1910, she was one of the 160 speakers at the suffrage demonstration in Hyde Park. Hoey was announced as the first president of the newly formed Irish Women's Franchise League (IWFL), London in the "Freeman's Journal" on 15 March 1911. "The Common Cause" announced she had been appointed press secretary on 20 April 1911 with the task of getting more accurate and fuller reports of the suffrage movement into the London papers. Hoey accompanied Hannah Sheehy-Skeffington and Kathleen Shannon to a meeting with John Redmond on 27 July 1911 to ask him and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) to support the women's suffrage bill, which he refused. She was part of the Irish delegation that met with Prime Minister H. H. Asquith on 17 November 1911 regarding women's suffrage under the home rule bill. Hoey severed her links to the UIL and IPP in 1912, resigning as secretary, citing the party's refusal to back women's suffrage claiming it was a betrayal of Irish nationalism: "We are not only working for women's suffrage but for the holy Cause of Ireland. The Irish Party are asking Home Rule for a section of Ireland – we are asking it for the whole of Ireland."
Life in Ireland.
Hoey left England for Canada in June 1913, sailing from Liverpool to Quebec on the "Teutonic". She worked for the Canadian government, conducting research on maple-syrup farmers. She had returned to Ireland by 3 February 1916, where she was appointed to inquire into cases of outdoor relief and coal distribution recorded in the relieving officer's books. On 22 February she delivered a speech on the women's movement in Canada. She joined Ard Craobh Cumann na mBan and was stationed at the Imperial Hotel on O'Connell Street under the command of Frank Thornton during the Easter Rising. Commandant Seamus Daly stated that she was in charge of 7-8 Cumann na mBan women, and said she was the "most efficient and hard-working woman during the whole thing". Hoey was in charge of evacuating the women from the hotel when it was bombed.
After the Rising, Hoey became involved with Sinn Féin. In July 1917 at an IWFL meeting she declared that the IPP's lack of support for women's suffrage would ultimately lead to the demise of the party. According to a British government file, Hoey was considered one of the most energetic propagandists in Dublin as a member of Sinn Féin and Cumann na mBan. Around the same time, she was temporarily employed by the British government, and she claimed that she was offered a permanent civil service position if she renounced Sinn Féin and took the oath of allegiance. She refused and was dismissed. During the War of Independence, she worked as a propagandist for Sinn Féin and as confidential secretary to Arthur Griffith. She also maintained a secret office for Michael Collins at her home at 5 Mespil Road under the name O'Brien. At this house, Hoey occasionally hosted cabinet meetings, with Collins using it as an office during the day for meetings. Hoey was appointed secretary to the Dáil courts on Henry Street by Collins. The auxiliary British forces occupied 5 Mespil Road for 24 hours in April 1921 in an attempt to catch Collins unaware. Hoey circumvented them by pretending her mother was unwell and calling on Dr Alice Barry who then took papers from the house, smuggled them to Collins with a warning for him to stay away. Hoey's house was ransacked, with her possessions taken or destroyed, and she was imprisoned in Mountjoy prison for several weeks until she was released in June due to a lack of any evidence against her. During her incarceration, along with other women, Collins sent her items such as books, food, and tea.
Following the truce in July 1921, Griffith requested that she work on the negotiations regarding Ulster. Hoey was pro-treaty, and was enlisted in the National Army as assistant military censor on 20 June 1922, working under Piaras Béaslaí. Béaslaí later stated that she did exactly the same work as her male peers, operating under great personal danger. After the civil war, she attempted to enter politics, as a founding member of the Women's Independent Association, and later running unsuccessfully in the 1925 Seanad elections. She faced scepticism from the Irish Free State government, who were unwilling to pay her a pension. She petitioned Béaslaí, Kevin O'Higgins, and William Cosgrave, but was only awarded £24.3.4.
In July 1926, Hoey organised a dispensary for the treatment of sick animals of the poor in Portobello Harbour, Dublin. It was so successful, that it became a reoccurring evening on every Wednesday and Saturday. In 1926 she was working for the Hearst press. Hoey disappears from the records until January 1929, when her mother petitioned the government for money when she mentions her daughter's illness. Hoey died on 9 November 1930 of pulmonary tuberculosis at Our Lady of Lourdes hospital, Kill of the Grange, Dublin. She is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery, with her funeral attended by Colonel Joseph O'Reilly representing President Cosgrave, Richard Mulcahy and Justice John Reddin among others.


Kathleen Balfe

Kathleen Balfe (18 February 1893 – 14 September 1984) was an Irish nationalist who was a founder member of Cumann na mBan in Drogheda and the first woman member of the Drogheda corporation in 1967.
Personal life.
She was born as Catherine Balfe on Chord Road, Drogheda, County Louth, to Hugh Balfe, a labourer, and Rose Russell. She had nine siblings, five of which were boys and four girls. Her brothers' names were John, Hugh, Patrick, Frances and Joseph. Her sisters' names were: Alice, Rose, Mary Frances and Maryann. She had a passion for all things Irish and enjoyed dancing at the top of Laurence's gate for American tourists. Balfe and her family lived at the address 54 Chord Road during the Irish War of Independence.
Their house was raided every week for eighteen months. Despite the constant raids, Balfe continued to live here with her family until she married her husband Vincent Dempsey. They bought a house on Sandyford terrace and had five children: Deirdre, Vincent and Aidan, who are all deceased, and Raymond and Gertie. Her husband Vincent died in 1937 at the age of 39 and Balfe became a dress maker to provide for her family.
Balfe's sister Mary took on the role of a second mother to Balfe's children. Born in 1898, Mary was the youngest child of the Balfe family and performed missions with her sister in the Cumann Na mBan. Mary lived with her sister until she died in 1975 at the age of 77. Balfe's daughter Deirdre, born in 1928, was nine when Vincent died. She later married a railway station officer named Richard O’Brien in 1953. They had 5 children, Brian, Richard, Carol, Neil, and John. Balfe also had great grandchildren named Ciaran, Aine, Daire and Oisin. Balfe had grandchildren through her other daughter Gertie. One of which was named Paula and died in at the age of 19 when she was hit by a vehicle being driven by a drunk driver in 1983. Since then, Balfe's daughter Gertie, has made great strides in the prevention of drink driving in Ireland and has recently been awarded the RSA "leading lights in road safety" award.
She retired at the age of 81 and died ten years later.
Political life.
She joined the Cumann na mBan in 1917 as a regional founding member of the organisation. This was ultimately the beginning of her political career. From 1919-1921 she was involved in the War of Independence. Balfe's role consisted of visiting her local Royal Irish Constabulary barracks, passing on information to prisoners, and at least once, smuggling a machine gun underneath her coat to be used for an attack on the Ardee barracks, County Louth.
Described as being Fine Gael to the bone, the loyal supporter ran for and was elected to her local Drogheda Council in 1967. A moment in Irish history as she was the first woman to be elected to the council.
Cumann na mBan Membership.
The Cumann na mBan was an Irish Republican women's paramilitary organisation. It was founded on 2 April 1914 with the goal of organising Irish women to advance the cause of Irish liberty and to support Irish men through supplying arms for the defence of Ireland. In the Irish War of Independence, the Cumann na mBan undertook tasks such as gun running and message carrying. Balfe was a member of the organisation, with her family also having close ties to the Irish Nationalist movement. Her sister, Mary, who was also a member of the Cumman na mBan and completed many missions, was buried with military honours in 1975. Her brothers, Hugh, Frank and Joseph were also members of an IRA Flying Column.
Balfe would go on to play an important role in the War of Independence from 1919 to 1921. In her time with the Cumann na mBan, she encountered the Black and Tans and performed numerous missions. She visited prisoners in Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) barracks and delivered intelligence to members of the Nationalist movement. She also carried a machine gun under her coat to Ballapousta, in preparation for a planned attack on the RIC barracks in Ardee, County Louth.


Britain Awake

"Britain Awake" (also known as the Iron Lady speech) was a speech made by British Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher at Kensington Town Hall, London, on 19 January 1976. The speech was strongly anti-Soviet, with Thatcher stating that the Soviet Union was "bent on world domination" and taking advantage of détente to make gains in the Angolan Civil War. She questioned the British Labour government's defence cuts and the state of the NATO defences in parts of Europe. Thatcher stated that a Conservative government would align its foreign policy with the United States and increase defence spending. She also congratulated Malcolm Fraser and Robert Muldoon for their recent election as prime minister of Australia and New Zealand, respectively, but warned of the risks of a potential communist victory in the upcoming 1976 Italian general election. Thatcher urged the British public to wake from "a long sleep" and make a choice that "will determine the life or death of our kind of society".
The speech was reported on in the Soviet press, including by Yuri Gavrilov in the "Krasnaya Zvezda" who dubbed Thatcher the "Iron Lady", a term also used afterwards by the news agency TASS. The Soviet reporting, including the nickname, was discussed in a Reuters story that Western outlets picked up. The British press adopted the term as a mark of the strength of Thatcher's anti-communist stance, and she approved of its use.
Background.
Thatcher had been a Conservative Party member of Parliament since 1959 and had served as Secretary of State for Education and Science in Edward Heath's government. After Heath lost the February and October 1974 general elections Thatcher challenged him for the leadership of the party. Her policy positions, including her support for economic liberalism, won her the backing of the right-wing of the party. She was elected party leader in February 1975, becoming Leader of the Opposition.
Foreign relations in this period were dominated by the Cold War, a confrontation between the West and the Soviet Union (USSR) and its allies. By 1975 détente, a period of supposedly more friendly relations between the superpowers, was the principal position. At the time, some considered that détente could lead to the end of the Cold War. Thatcher had made few speeches on foreign policy by 1975, though it was known that she was sceptical of Soviet intentions to keep the terms of the summer 1975 Helsinki Accords, a move towards more extensive détente.
In September 1975, Thatcher carried out a tour of the United States and Canada, meeting with senior figures such as UN secretary-general Kurt Waldheim and US president Gerald Ford. During this tour she met US secretary James R. Schlesinger, a noted opponent of détente, and Treasury secretary William E. Simon, a prominent economic liberalist. During the tour she made a speech at the Washington Press Club setting out her commitment to roll back socialism in Britain and rejuvenate the country through economic liberalism. She mentioned her views on détente and cautioned about the risks of such a strategy, but the main focus was on her proposed domestic reforms and Britain's continuing relationship with the US.
Thatcher's appearances in this period were managed by her public relations adviser Gordon Reece. On 19 January 1976 she was due to make a speech at Kensington Town Hall in London, one of her first major speeches as party leader.
Speech.
Thatcher made the speech on the evening of 19 January 1976. The speech had been written beforehand, and a copy given to the press with an embargo of 8 pm. A comparison between the press release and the speech as made reveals few differences, and those of a mainly stylistic nature.
Thatcher opened the speech by stating that the first duty of any government was to defend its people from external threats and asked rhetorically if the current Labour government was doing so. She accused prime minister Harold Wilson of cutting defence budgets at a time when the government faced its greatest external threat since the Second World War, that of the Soviet Union. Thatcher accused some members of the Labour Party of siding with the Soviets, who she stated were a dictatorship intent on becoming the leading military power in the world and "bent on world domination". Thatcher noted that as a dictatorship "the men in the Soviet politburo don't have to worry about the ebb and flow of public opinion. They put guns before butter, while we put just about everything before guns".
Thatcher stated that as the Soviet Union had failed in economic and human terms, its only recourse to become a superpower was military means. She stated that she had warned the world before Helskini that the USSR was outspending the US in military research, weaponry, ships and strategic nuclear weapons and that some experts considered that the USSR had achieved strategic superiority over the US. Thatcher noted that she would attend British Army wargames in Germany in three days at a point when the USSR had an advantage of 150,000 men, 10,000 tanks and 2,600 aircraft over NATO in Europe. Thatcher raised concerns over the strength of NATO defences in Southern Europe, the Mediterranean, and oil rigs and sea trade routes. She lamented the loss of British naval bases overseas when the USSR was constructing new bases.
Thatcher criticised détente as providing only an illusion of safety and noted that it had not prevented Soviet intervention in the Angolan Civil War or led to an improvement in living conditions behind the Iron Curtain. She referred to the writings of Soviet dissident Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn who had described the Cold War as the Third World War and noted that in recent years it was a war the West was losing, with more countries turning to socialism. Thatcher referred to recent writings by Soviet political writer Konstantin Zarodov and general secretary Leonid Brezhnev advocating bringing about a proletarian revolution across the world. Thatcher stated that if it did not act, Britain might find itself upon "the scrap heap of history".
Thatcher warned that all NATO members must share the burden of defence, especially as the US had restricted its foreign involvements after their defeat in the Vietnam War. She referred to cuts in defence spending of almost £5 billion, announced by Labour, and stated that the Secretary of State for Defence, Roy Mason, should be known instead as the "Secretary for Insecurity". Thatcher stated that "the longer Labour remains in Government, the more vulnerable this country will be", which received applause from the audience. She compared British defence spending, around £90 per head per year, unfavourably with that of West Germany (£130), France (£115), the US (£215) and neutral Sweden (£160). She urged that this be increased, even though "we are poorer than most of our NATO allies. This is part of the disastrous economic legacy of Socialism".
Thatcher noted that Britain's reputation abroad had declined, stating that "as I travel the world, I find people asking again and again, 'What has happened to Britain?' They want to know why we are hiding our heads in the sand, why with all our experience, we are not giving a lead". She warned that the Soviet-backed MPLA was making rapid gains in Angola and warned of a domino effect for other countries in Africa if Angola was lost. A loss would also make it difficult to resolve the matter of independent, white-led Rhodesia (which was fighting the Rhodesian Bush War against communist-supported black nationalists) and South African apartheid.
Thatcher committed her party to follow a foreign policy closely aligned to the US and called for closer ties with European states and the Commonwealth nations of Australia, New Zealand and Canada. She congratulated Australian prime minister Malcolm Fraser on his November 1975 election and New Zealand prime minister Robert Muldoon on his election in December; both men had beaten socialist opponents. Thatcher called for Britain to provide "a reasoned and vigorous defence of the Western concept of rights and liberties" and referred to recent speeches on this theme by the US ambassador to the UN, Daniel Patrick Moynihan.
Thatcher referred to Britain's position in the European Economic Community (EEC) and called for members to maintain strong national identities and to resist any move toward closer union. She warned of the threat of a communist victory in the Italian general election, in a "difficult year ahead" (there were concerns at this time over a resurgence in Eurocommunism and real chances for a communist victory in the Italian election and the Portuguese legislative election). She called for closer cooperation between the police and security services of the EEC and NATO nations and commended the British police for their response to recent terrorist incidents (this included gun and bomb attacks in London as part of the Provisional Irish Republican Army campaign and the capture of four IRA members in the 1975 Balcombe Street siege). At this point Thatcher skipped several pages of her written speech, at a point she had designated for the purpose in case time was short. The skipped text noted that Britain's economic and military strength had been weakened under Labour's policies and noted that "Soviet military power will not disappear just because we refuse to look at it".
Thatcher concluded her speech by stating that the Conservatives still believed that Britain was a great country and had the "vital task of shaking the British public out of a long sleep". Her closing sentences were: "There are moments in our history when we have to make a fundamental choice. This is one such moment – a moment when our choice will determine the life or death of our kind of society, – and the future of our children. Let's ensure that our children will have cause to rejoice that we did not forsake their freedom". Part of the speech was broadcast on BBC Radio at 10 pm that night.
Impact.
In his biography of Thatcher, "Iron Lady" (2004), John Campbell considers that she made a mistake in stating in her speech that "we are fighting a major internal war against terrorism in Northern Ireland and need more troops in order to win it". British government policy, and the policy adopted by the Conservative Party when they entered government in 1979, was to consider the Northern Ireland situation as a police matter, with the army only deployed (as Operation Banner) to assist the civilian authorities. This would be the last time Thatcher would use such terminology concerning the Troubles but may indicate her personal thoughts on the matter. The Soviet ambassador to the United Kingdom, , lodged an official protest about the tone of the speech.
The Soviet press reported on the speech, with Captain Yuri Gavrilov writing an article for the 24 January edition of "Krasnaya Zvezda" ("Red Star"), the newspaper of the Soviet ministry of defence. Gavrilov used the headline ("Iron Lady Wields Threats") for the piece and claimed the term "Iron Lady" was used by Thatcher's colleagues, though it is not clear if this is true. Gavrilov may have coined the term and used it to compare Thatcher to Otto von Bismarck, the "Iron Chancellor" of imperial Germany. Gavrilov later noted that the speech marked a turning point in the Soviet Union's approach to the United Kingdom; he recalled that before the speech, Soviet cartoons portrayed Britain as a toothless lion, but afterwards they showed more respect for the nation's power. "Komsomolskaya Pravda" also reported on the speech and described Thatcher as a "militant amazon". Soviet news agency TASS also used the "Iron Lady" moniker.
Reuters Russian reporter Robert Evans wrote a story on the Soviet press coverage, including Gavrilov's use of the term "Iron Lady", picked up on by Western media outlets. The British press quickly adopted the term, who used it as a descriptor of her tough anti-communist stance. Thatcher regarded the nickname with a mixture of amusement and pride. In a speech to her constituency Conservative Association on 6 February, Thatcher adopted the nickname, stating: "Yes I am an iron lady, after all it wasn't a bad thing to be an iron duke, yes if that's how they wish to interpret my defence of values and freedoms fundamental to our way of life".
Thatcher became prime minister of the United Kingdom after winning a decisive victory in the 1979 general election. She led a right-wing Conservative government that rolled back the extent of the state, implemented largescale privatisations and limited the power of the trade unions. She worked closely with the US president from 1980 to 1989, Ronald Reagan, to present an uncompromising stance to the Soviet Union, which remained until the reformist Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party in 1985. Thatcher's pro-NATO stance and support for maintaining an independent nuclear deterrent stood in contrast to Labour's policies during this period. Her premiership also saw the resolution of the Rhodesia question with the formation of an independent Zimbabwe, though she faced criticism for her refusal to support sanctions on the apartheid regime in South Africa. Thatcher resigned in 1990 after internal party conflicts over her Euroscepticism and the failed implementation of the "poll tax".


The Social Justice Committee of Montreal

The Social Justice Committee of Montreal (SJCM) is a non-governmental organisation and registered charity in Canada. It works to address social injustice directed at the world's impoverished peoples.
History.
SJCM was founded in 1975 by Ernest Schibli. Although Schibli was at the time attached to the office of the Auxiliary Bishop of the Archdiocese of Montreal, the group claimed no denominational affiliation and worked with various Christian and non-Christian churches and groups to raise awareness of the social ills facing the poor of Central America.
Currently, the organisation has three main areas of focus: Third World debt relief, mining and corporate accountability, and IMF and World Bank reform.
The SJC also publishes educational toolkits and organizes a social justice theatre program.


5 Squadron SAAF

5 Squadron SAAF was a South African Air Force Fighter / Fighter-Bomber squadron during World War II. It was disbanded at the end of the war and was re-commissioned in 1950. It remained active until 2 October 1992, when it was disbanded; its Atlas Cheetah E aircraft were also decommissioned.
History.
The squadron was initially designated as a fighter-bomber unit and formed in Cape Town in April 1939. It was only active for eight months and was disbanded in December that year. It was re-formed on 7 May 1941 as a fighter squadron operating from Zwartkop Air Station equipped with Mohawk Vs. It deployed to Egypt in December 1941 re-equipped with Tomahawk IIBs.
The squadron was initially tasked with providing anti-shipping patrols and subsequently deployed as a fighter squadron over the Western Desert battlefield area. At the end of 1942 it received Kittyhawk IIIs and later Kittyhawk IVs and began to specialize in the ground-attack role, although still being retained as an ordinary fighter squadron as required. After the cessation of hostilities in Africa, the squadron moved to Malta to support the invasion of Sicily, after which it moved to that island and then on to mainland Italy. By the time the squadron was deployed to Italy, it was used only in the ground attack role.
While deployed to Italy, the squadron flew close air support and fighter-bomber missions, some over Yugoslavia. The squadron took part in the battles on the Sangro River, Monte Cassino and the Gustav and Gothic Lines. The Kittyhawks were replaced by Mustang IIIs (and later Mustang IVs) and these aircraft were retained until the end of the war in Italy when the squadron was disbanded.
5 Squadron was re-formed in Durban in December 1950 as an 'Active Citizen Force' unit flying Harvards. It was re-equipped with Impala Mk Is in July 1973 and Impala Mk IIs in early 1981. The squadron then moved to AFB Louis Trichardt to be equipped with Cheetah Es. It was finally disbanded on 2 October 1992 when its Cheetah aircraft were decommissioned.


Greenaction for Health and Environmental Justice

Greenaction for Health and Environmental Justice, formed in 1997, is a multiracial grassroots organization based in San Francisco that works with low-income and working class urban, rural, and indigenous communities. It runs campaigns in the United States to build grassroots networks, and advocate for social justice.
Origin.
Greenaction was born with its first campaign in Ward Valley, California. Ward Valley is where Bradley Angel, originally one of the Southwest Toxics Campaigners at Greenpeace, left Greenpeace and helped co-find GreenAction, where he is currently executive director. In 1997, Greenpeace experienced budget cuts due to financial issues, and were forced to downsize. Budget cuts caused the group to cut its staff by more than 80 percent nationwide. In response, Greenpeace planned to focus their campaigns primarily on global climate change, and logging. Greenpeace backed out of protests that they initially said they would support in Ward Valley because of the budget cuts. This change in focus led Bradley Angel to leave Greenpeace, and form GreenAction to serve local communities and their fight against toxic wastes. GreenAction's focus is on promoting justice for all oppressed groups. GreenAction is a group that is driven to make changes in our society.
Mission.
Greenaction aims to mobilize community power to achieve goals that may adjust or create policies to protect everyone's health and promote environmental, economic and social justice. A main mission is to stop primary polluters and hold them accountable for their actions stemming from the government and big corporations that may be negatively affecting our health. They believe in a world where everybody should be able to use their freedom of speech to participate in decision-making processes. Greenaction takes direct action to achieve equality. Their guiding principles, as stated by them are:
Campaigns.
Kettleman City.
Kettleman City is located in Kings County, CA and has been a defining struggle for the Environmental Justice Movement. It is a low-income town with a predominately Latino-based population. The reason for the attention from Environmental Justice groups is that it is home to one of the largest toxic waste dumps west of Alabama, owned by Chemical Waste Management. Built in the late 1970s, the community had no knowledge of this facility’s construction. The residents did not find out about the dump until an article was published in a local paper stating that the owner of the facility, Chem. Waste, was subjected to multimillion-dollar fines for violating environmental laws. In 1988, another incinerator was proposed to be built at the dump site, and it was not until a local resident received a phone call from Bradley Angel, that local residents knew about the proposed plan. GreenAction has been active to prevent the expansion, and construction of new facilities by challenging companies, and permits granted by the EPA through court cases and community activism. Mothers have also been active in protesting against the waste site as there is evidence to suggest that it has contributed to birth defects and other health issues in the area. Many studies have declared health problems to not be attributed to the hazardous dumpsites, but, GreenAction and residents have discovered an unusual number of birth defects, such as, cleft lip and cleft palate, and infant deaths in the area. In the early 1990s, through active protests by residents and environmental groups, the community convinced the local government to decline permits for the new incinerator.
Incinerators.
Incinerators have been under debate because they emit toxic by-products, such as arsenic, cadmium, chromium, lead, mercury, and dioxins. This has created a sense of concern for the health of people in the local communities. GreenAction has listened to this concern, and has been active in protesting against incinerators. They have been critical of the policy that surrounds incinerators, stating that there is an issue with the lack of monitoring. Current policy states that incinerators do not have to report bypass emissions during startup and shutdown, when pollutants are likely to leak into environment. Stericycle has been one of the main companies that Greenaction has been critical of. In Utah, citizens gathered to protest an incinerator owned by Stericycle because of a report from the Utah Division of Air Quality accusing Stericycle of manipulating emission tests and pumping excessive pollution into the air. According to a study conducted by British Society for Ecological Medicine, there are correlations between negative health effects and close proximity to incinerators. One example of many effects is that fine particulates in the air have been associated with a higher prevalence of asthma, and COPD. A factsheet published by Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA), and GreenAction has shown that many toxins released by incinerators are toxic even in low-amounts. GreenAction’s battlegrounds for incinerators focuses in the areas of Stanislaus County, CA, Parker, AZ, North Salt Lake City, UT, Phoenix, AZ, New Orleans, LA, Salinas Valley, CA, and Green Bay, WI. But, advocate for clean air for everybody.
Safe Clean-Up of Toxins.
A major ideal of the Safe Cleanup for Toxics campaign under Greenaction is to cleanup the Bayview Hunters Point Naval Shipyard, which is located in the Southeast corner of San Francisco. This naval shipyard, which was abandoned by the navy in 1974, is contaminated with fuels, pesticides, heavy metals, PCBs, Volatile Organic Compounds, radioactive materials, and naturally-occurring asbestos. The Navy has been trying to address the shipyard’s wasted nature since the early 1990s and the project has become the most expensive naval-led brownfield remediation project in the country. Greenaction is fighting to ensure that a full cleanup of the naval shipyard is done properly, which will confirm the well-being of the public, the environment, and prohibit the government from just placing a cap on the contamination.
With the fight for the cleanup of the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard still in effect, another cleanup in this area has come into the picture. With help from Greenaction, the Huntersville Mothers Society was able to close down the Pacific Gas and Electric Co’s power plant in May 2006. This power plant was greatly affecting residents living in Bayview-Hunters Point, as there were reports of residents who suffered from asthma attacks and chronic nosebleeds. The Huntersville Mothers Society was then also able to stop PG&E from dumping hazardous PCB contaminated soil in a landfill near Kettleman City, an area that is already greatly affected by industrial pollution. Greenaction and the Huntersville Mothers Society will continue to battle for the rights of the 96 percent Latino community in Kettleman City, the 48 percent African American community in Hunters Point and the 40 percent that live below the poverty line.
Protect Indigenous Lands.
Industries often target sacred lands to avoid laws and regulations. Greenaction works with people of indigenous lands to stop industries and governments who attempt to engage with sacred sites. Greenaction started their campaigning in 1998 to defeat the proposed Ward Valley nuclear waste dump in California's Mojave Desert. Greenaction joined with the Colorado River Native Nations Alliance to control this issue. The Ward Valley dump would threaten the nearby Colorado River along with the sacred lands there. With their help and perseverance, Greenaction celebrates the 113-day stand that was made by native tribes and allies that resulted in the defeat of the proposed nuclear dump. Greenaction works to protect indigenous lands in the US and Mexico. They continue to work closely with the Indigenous Environmental Network to protect indigenous lands from environmental threats.
Other indigenous land campaigns:
Energy and Climate Justice.
Fossil Fuel Power Plants.
Greenaction has been working to fight the Avenal Energy fossil fuel plant that was proposed in California. As planned, this fossil fuel plant in the city of Avenal would be 600 megawatts and would use natural gas that emits a wide range of toxic and climate change pollutants. These toxins have already polluted the air of Kings County and the San Joaquin Valley.
Nuclear Power.
Greenaction, as well as other groups, have voiced opposition to the revitalization of nuclear power plants in California, such as the San Onofre plant. Working with members of the Ute tribe and local community of Blanding, Utah to stop the expansion of the Denison Mines White Mesa Uranium Mill.
Reduce Diesel Emissions and Pollution.
Diesel emissions have largely impacted areas like Bayview Hunters Point and the San Joaquin Valley in California. These areas where major highways intersect, such as Highway 41 and Interstate 5, affect surrounding communities because of the large number of diesel trucks that use these highways. Greenaction for Health and Environmental Justice devised a project in order to lower the diesel emissions in certain areas that were affected the most. First, the project was able to pinpoint hot spots that were affected the worst, then Greenaction went around to local businesses, truckers, schools, and residents in Kettleman City and Avenal to educate them on diesel emission issues, such as how diesel idling hot spots were impacting their environment. In the end, Greenaction was able to get nine businesses to sign "Good Neighbor Agreements," meaning that they will follow all anti-idling laws and continue to educate workers on the impacts of idling and unhealthy diesel emissions."With the support of a $25,000 Environmental Justice (EJ) Small Grant from the U.S. Environmental Projection Agency (EPA), Greenaction for Health and the Environment reduced diesel emissions, improving the air quality of Kettleman City and Avenal, where primarily low-income, Spanish-speaking Latino residents live, work, shop, and go to school".


Adam Herzog

Adam Herzog-Weber (12 May 1829 – 2 August 1895) was a Swiss politician and President of the Swiss Council of States (1887).


Tolofson v Jensen

Tolofson v Jensen, [1994] 3 S.C.R. 1022 is a landmark decision of the Supreme Court of Canada on conflict of laws in tort. The Court held that the primary determiner in selecting a country's law in tort should be the "lex loci" (the location where the tort occurred). The case was decided with Lucas (Litigation guardian of) v Gagnon.
Background.
Prior to this case, the leading case on the matter was "McLean v Pettigrew", [1945] S.C.R. 62 which stated that the proper law to apply would always be the "lex fori", the local law of the court, irrespective of the connection with the jurisdiction.
Tolofson case.
A father and son from British Columbia are driving in Saskatchewan and are in a motor vehicle accident with Leroy Jensen, a resident of Saskatchewan. The son, Kim Tolofson, sues both Jensen and his father. Under Saskatchewan law the claimant must prove gross negligence in order for a gratuitous passenger to recover and the limitation period is 12 months. Kim did not sue for six years once he became 18 years old.
Lucas case.
The Gagnon family from Ontario were driving in Quebec and were in a motor vehicle accident with Mr. Lavoie, a Quebec resident. No action was allowed under Quebec no-fault system.
Ruling of the Court.
Justice La Forest wrote for the majority. He considered the issue of territorial limits of jurisdiction. He concluded that the general policy interests were those of order and fairness. He was highly concerned of confusion resulting from complex rules.
La Forest explicitly stated that exceptions to this rule should be rare. He argued that exceptions would "encourage frivolous cross-claims and joinders of third parties", it would create uncertainty, discourage judges to make summary judgments, and would discourage settlement. He contemplated that there may be exception at the international level where there may be injustice or where both parties are domiciled in the forum.
Alberta later enacted a "Limitations Act" (R.S.A. 2000, c. L‑12, s. 12) to get around the result in Tolofson.
Subsequent cases have considered the limits of the exception to the Tolofson rule. In "Hanlan v Sernesky" (1998, Ont.CA) where the court found exception to the rule on an international matter. However, similar reasoning was rejected on provincial matters in "Leornard v Houle" (1997, Ont.CA).


Nanaimo-North Cowichan

Nanaimo-North Cowichan is a provincial electoral district in British Columbia, Canada, established by the "Electoral Districts Act, 2008". It is represented by Doug Routley (British Columbia New Democratic Party).


Buffalo Volunteer Rifles

The Buffalo Volunteer Rifles (BVR) (formerly the Kaffrarian Rifles) is an infantry regiment of the South African Army. As a reserve unit, it has a status roughly equivalent to that of a British Army Reserve or United States Army National Guard unit.
History.
Origin.
This unit was formed in East London in 1876, as the "Buffalo Corps of Rifle Volunteers", for service in the 9th Frontier War. It disbanded in 1879. (East London is situated on the Buffalo River, hence the name).
Reformed.
The unit was re-formed in July 1883 and was named after the region of Kaffraria, the 19th-century name for the region around East London. There had previously been many other units from this region, from which the Regiment can also claim descent:
On 1 December 1900 George Herbert Farrar was appointed as a Major in the Kaffrarian Rifles.
Under the Union Defence Force.
By 1913 the unit was embodied in the Citizen Force as the "5th Infantry (Kaffrarian Rifles)", but regained its old name in 1932. The unit was temporarily amalgamated with the First City Regiment, as the "First City/The Kaffrarian Rifles" from 1954 to 1956.
Conflicts.
This Regiment and its predecessors took part in all of South Africa's armed conflicts, including:
Under the SANDF post 1994 and Peacekeeping.
In order to keep pace with the changing political climate in South Africa, the regiment was renamed the "Buffalo Volunteer Rifles" in 1999, a revised form of the regiment's name when it was raised. It is thus defacto and dejure the successor to the reserve SAA formations of the Eastern Cape.
As of 2014 this regiment is considered to be a "fully integrated and representative" army unit. Members have been attached to the United Nations Operation in Burundi and
recently a Rifle company returned from the Democratic Republic of the Congo after a six-month spell of active duty as part of MONUSCO.
Regimental symbols.
Current Dress Insignia.
The Buffalo Volunteer Rifles still utilize a British Infantry tradition where officers had a red backing and ranks were blackened out on fatigues.
Battle honours.
The regiment claims four more battle honours, which have not been acknowledged:


Rwandan franc

The Rwandan franc (sign: FRw, and possibly RF or R₣; ISO 4217: RWF) is the currency of Rwanda. It is subdivided into 100 centimes.
History.
The franc became the currency of Rwanda in 1916, when Belgium occupied the previously German colony and the Belgian Congo franc replaced the German East African rupie. Rwanda used the currency of the Belgian Congo until 1960, when the Rwanda and Burundi franc was introduced. Rwanda began issuing its own francs in 1964, two years after gaining independence.
A proposal exists to introduce a common currency, a new East African shilling, for the five member states of the East African Community. Whilst originally scheduled to occur by the end of 2012, as of December 2020, a common currency has still yet to be introduced.
Coins.
In 1964, coins were introduced for 1, 5 and 10 francs, with the 1 and 10 francs in cupronickel and the 5 francs in bronze. In 1969, aluminium 1 franc coins were introduced, followed in 1970 by ½ and 2 francs also in aluminium. A reduced sized copper-nickel 10 franc coin was issued in 1974.
Brass 20 and 50 francs were introduced in 1977. New series of 1-50 Francs coins were issued in 2004 (dated 2003) and a new bimetallic coin of 100 Francs was introduced in 2008 (dated 2007)
Banknotes.
In 1964, provisional notes were created for use in Rwanda by handstamping (20 to 100 francs) or embossing (500 and 1,000 francs) Rwanda-Burundi notes bearing their original dates and signatures. These were followed by regular issues for the same amounts dated 1964 to 1976.
20- and 50-franc notes were replaced by coins in 1977, with 5,000-franc notes introduced in 1978. The nation's first-ever 2,000-franc note was introduced in mid-December 2007. In 2008 the bank replaced the 100-franc note with a bimetallic coin, and revoked the notes’ legal tender status on 31 December 2009. On September 24, 2013, the National Bank of Rwanda issued a redesigned 500 franc note depicting cows on the front and students with XO computers (from One Laptop per Child) on the back. In December 2014, the National Bank of Rwanda issued 2,000 and 5,000 franc notes with revised security features and the removal of French descriptions on the notes. In October 2015, the National Bank of Rwanda issued a revised 1000 franc note with improved security features and the removal of French descriptions on the notes.
On 7 February 2019, the National Bank of Rwanda announced new 500 francs and 1,000 francs banknotes would be introduced on 11 February 2019. These banknotes will have new security features and better quality to reduce wear. The design of the front of the 500-franc note is entirely new, and the overall color has been changed to brown to help distinguish it from the 1,000-franc note.
Historical exchange rates.
Rwandan francs per US dollar:


United Way of Canada

United Way Centraide Canada () is the national organization for the 79 autonomous, volunteer-based United Ways and Centraides across Canada.
The United Way Movement is a federated network of local United Way offices serving more than 5,000 communities across Canada, each registered as its own non-profit organization and governed by an independent volunteer-led local Board of Directors. Each United Way works locally to raise funds and invest in improving lives in its community.
In French, both in Quebec and across Canada, the organization is known as Centraide. The organization often uses the United Way and Centraide names together, recognizing the bilingual nature of the country’s culture and people.
United Way Centraide Canada is the national office and has a distinct role to provide leadership, guidance and support to local United Ways across the country. Together, local United Ways and United Way Centraide Canada form the United Way Movement.
United Way Centraide's work focuses on three key strategies that create opportunities for everyone in our communities: moving people from poverty to possibility, helping kids be all they can be, and building strong and healthy communities.
Community Impact Mission.
The Mission of United Way of Canada is: "To improve lives and build community by engaging individuals and mobilizing collective action." Adopted in 2003, this mission represents a shift in the organization's focus of "umbrella fundraising" to "community impact". United Way Centraide Canada regards community impact as the achievement of positive long-term changes to the quality of life in local communities which is brought about by addressing the root causes of social problems, as well as their symptoms.
The National Office.
The National Office, which was founded in 1939, is located in Ottawa, Ontario. As the national organization, United Way Centraide Canada represents local United Ways and Centraides within Canada's voluntary sector, internationally and provides services such as leadership training and education opportunities. The national organization convenes local United Ways and Centraides on a biennial basis at its annual conference, for the purposes of professional development training, the sharing of best practices and learning from leading thinkers.
History.
The United Way Centraide movement began in 1917, when charities in Montreal and Toronto started community collectives inspired by similar activities in the United States. In particular, various clergy in Denver were trying to raise money individually to support their community, but started working together in 1887 when they realized that they could have a greater impact if they worked together to raise and distribute funds. This approach began to be adopted in Canada during the turmoil of the First World War period.
Other collectives were initiated in other parts of the country over time, under a variety of names (including Red Feather (or "Plume Rouge" in French), Community Chest, "Fédération des oeuvres de charité" and the United Appeal). It was not until the 1970s that these organizations took the name of United Way and Centraide (in 1973 and 1975 respectively).


Downpatrick (UK Parliament constituency)

Downpatrick was a United Kingdom Parliament constituency, in Ireland, returning one MP. It was an original constituency represented in Parliament when the Union of Great Britain and Ireland took effect on 1 January 1801.
Boundaries.
This constituency was the Parliamentary borough of Downpatrick in County Down.
Members of Parliament.
Supplemental notes
Elections.
Elections in the 1850s.
Ker resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, causing a by-election.
Hardinge succeeded to the peerage, becoming 2nd Viscount Hardinge and causing a by-election.
Elections in the 1860s.
Ker resigned, causing a by-election.


Alberni-Pacific Rim

Alberni-Pacific Rim is a provincial electoral district in British Columbia, Canada, established by the "Electoral Districts Act, 2008". It came into effect upon the next dissolution of the BC Legislature in April 2009. It was first contested in the 2009 election.


Rob Hessing

Robertus Hendricus (Rob) Hessing (born 23 June, 1942) is a Dutch former politician who held the position of State Secretary for the Interior and Kingdom Relations on behalf of the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) in the first Balkenende cabinet. From 2003 to 2007 he was a member of the Senate.
Biography.
Hessing worked as a police officer and was chief of police in Eindhoven and Rotterdam, as well as a security officer for the Dutch diplomatic service. He was initially a member of the Christian Democratic Appeal but served as State Secretary for the Interior as a member of the Pim Fortuyn List in the first Balkenende cabinet. After the cabinet was dissolved a year later following the 2003 Dutch general election, Hessing was elected as a senator for the LPF, replacing the original lead candidate Bob Smalhout who withdrew before the elections. Hessing was the only LPF politician to be elected to the Senate and formed a one-man faction. On June 12, 2007 he left the Senate because the LPF after the party failed to gain enough votes in Senate elections.


Galeshewe Anti-Aircraft Regiment

Galeshewe Anti-Aircraft Regiment (formerly Regiment Vaalriver) is a reserve air defence artillery regiment of the South African Army.
History.
Origin.
Regiment Vaalrivier was established on 1 January 1960 as one of the Afrikaans medium anti-aircraft units. The unit was headquartered in Vereeniging.
Border War.
Regiment Vaalrivier provided air defence in the Border War from 1976 to 1984 as part of 7 South African Infantry Division.
Equipment and operations.
Regiment Vaalrivier was initially armed with 35mm Oerlikon and 40mm Bofors units. By 1975, the regiment only had three 35mm batteries of 12 guns per battery.
Regiment Vaalrivier provided air defence artillery for the border war in 1976 to 1980, stationing batteries at Grootfontein, Rundu, Ondwanga, Ruacana and Oshakati and once again Ruacana in 1980.
By 1984 forward, the regiment was involved in cross border operations as well.
Amalgamation.
In 1997 members of Regiment Overvaal were amalgamated into the Regiment.
Migration.
Regiment Vaalrivier moved to Apex Base in Brakpan in 2008, but eventually was transferred to Kimberley.
Name Change.
In August 2019, 52 Reserve Force units had their names changed to reflect the diverse military history of South Africa. Regiment Vaalriver became the Galeshewe Anti-Aircraft Regiment, and have 3 years to design and implement new regimental insignia.
Freedom of the City.
Regiment Vaalrivier received the Freedom of Vereeniging on 27 April 1963 and the Freedom of Vanderbijlpark on 31 October 1970.