Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory

The Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory () is an indigenous territory in the northwest of the state of Amazonas, Brazil. It is in the Amazon biome, and is mostly covered in forest. A number of different ethnic groups live in the territory, often related through marriage, with a total population of over 25,000.
There is a long history of colonial exploitation and effective slavery of the indigenous people, and then of attempts to suppress their culture and "civilize" them. The campaign to gain autonomy culminated in creation of the reserve in 1998. The people are generally literate, but health infrastructure is poor and there are very limited economic opportunities.
Location.
The Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory is in the northwest of the state of Amazonas.
It has an area of .
It is divided between the municipalities of Japurá and São Gabriel da Cachoeira, and covers 68% of the latter municipality.
It borders Colombia to the north and west.
To the south the territory adjoins the Rio Apapóris and the Médio Rio Negro I indigenous territories.
To the east it adjoins the Cué-cué/Marabitanas Indigenous Territory.
Other indigenous territories in the Alto Rio Negro region are the Médio Rio Negro II, Balaio and Rio Tea.
Together the territories cover more than of the municipalities of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Santa Isabel do Rio Negro, Barcelos and Japurá.
As of 2016 all had been homologated by the federal government apart from Cué-Cué / Marabitanas, which had only been declared.
The Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory is 96.24% in the Rio Negro basin and 3.6% in the Japurá River basin.
The Rio Negro defines the southwest boundary.
Major tributaries of the Rio Negro in the reserve include the Xié, Içana and Uaupés rivers.
The Tiquié River is an important tributary of the Uapés.
History.
Colonial era.
From the mid-17th century there was a growing shortage of indigenous labor in the lower Amazon, in part due to smallpox epidemics, and settlers began raiding the upper Amazon and the Rio Negro to capture slaves, massacring those who resisted.
The Portuguese reached the upper Rio Negro in the first half of the 18th century and its main tributaries such as Uaupés, Içana and Xié.
The Carmelites set up settlements on the Upper Rio Negro near the present city of São Gabriel da Cachoeira.
It is estimated that in this period 20,000 Indians were captured to work on the farms of Belém and São Luís, Maranhão.
In the second half of the 18th century the Portuguese government under the Marquis of Pombal removed the secular power of the missionaries, replacing them by civil or military authorities, and raised the more prosperous settlements to the status of villages or cities with Portuguese names, usually that of a saint.
The years that followed saw growing military control of the region, forced labor for colonists and missionaries, depopulation due to forced migration and epidemics, occasional violent revolts and a variety of religious movements.
Many of the indigenous people moved to the less accessible upper courses of the rivers.
20th century.
In the 20th century there was steady decline in extractive exploitation.
Missionary centers were established among the indigenous people, and provided a measure of protection against the traders.
North American evangelical missionaries of the New Tribes Mission led by Sophie Muller entered the region in the 1940s.
The Salesian (Catholic) missions continued to provide most of the infrastructure of sanitation, education and commerce.
In the 1970s the federal government launched the National Integration Plan to integrate the Amazon region with the rest of the country, and FUNAI posts were installed in the Upper Rio Negro region.
Army frontier units were also moved into the region.
A gold rush invaded the Serra do Traíra and the upper Içana region in the 1980s causing rapid growth of São Gabriel, which doubled in size in less than ten years.
Another factor in the growth of São Gabriel was that families moved to the city during the school year due to the closure of the missionary boarding schools.
A move by indigenous groups to regain control of their traditional territories developed in the 1990s.
Creation of the territory.
Identification of the Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory began with ordinance 1.892/E of 19 June 1985.
The Federation of Indigenous Organizations of the Upper Rio Negro (FOIRN) was created in 1987, with headquarters in São Gabriel da Cachoeira.
Its goals are to obtain self-determination of peoples, defense and guarantee of indigenous lands, recovery of appreciation of indigenous culture, support for economic and social subsistence, and coordination with local and regional organizations.
The identification of the territory was submitted to the Ministry of Justice on 28 April 1993.
Homologation of the Alto Rio Negro reserves was the main contribution to indigenous people by the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government of 1995–2003.
Demarcation was undertaken between December 1995 and May 1996 coordinated by the Environment Ministry, with funding from a group of industrialized countries led by Germany.
The work was coordinated by the FOIRN and the Socio-Environmental Institute (ISA), and involved most of the 600 communities of the region.
The Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory was declared by decree 301 of 17 May 1996.
It was homologated by decree of 15 April 1998.
Creation of an indigenous territory with 22 different ethnic groups was justified in part by their practice of linguistic exogamy.
People.
Ethnic groups.
The majority of people in the Alto Rio Negro region are indigenous, despite forced migrations in the past to the Lower Rio Negro or to the cities of Manaus and Belém.
The municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira has 37,896 people, of whom 29,017 are indigenous.
It is one of the only municipalities in Brazil that has two official languages other than Portuguese, namely Tucano and Baniwa.
In January 2009 a Tariana mayor and Baniwa deputy mayor took office in São Gabriel.
ISA estimated that there were 14,599 people in the Alto Rio Negro Territory as of 1996.
According to Siasi/Sesai (Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena) this had risen to 21,291 by 2008 and to 26,046 by 2013.
Indigenous people include Arapaso, Bará, Barasana, Desana, Carapanã, Kotiria, Cubeo, Macuna, Mirity-tapuya, Pira-tapuya, Siriano, Tucano and Tuyuka of the Tucanoan languages group, Baniwa, Baré, Koripako, Tariana, Warekena of the Arawakan languages group and Hupda and Yuhupde of the Nadahup languages group.
The Eastern Tucano live along the Uaupés River and its tributaries, and the Pira Paraná River in Colombia.
The Arawak and Tariano live along the upper Rio Negro, Xié, Uaupés and Içana rivers and their tributaries.
The Hupdah, Yuhup, Dâw, and Nadêb are semi-nomadic hunters and gatherers who live in the inaccessible inter-fluvial areas.
Socioeconomic factors.
According to the 2010 census by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics the territory had 15,183 indigenous inhabitants and just 102 non-indigenous people.
Among the indigenous people, 48.1% were women and 51.9% men.
Most of the inhabitants of the territory are literate.
Of the 11,140 people over ten years old in 2010, 8,366 were literate and 2,774 illiterate.
There were 9,242 people over the age of ten considered to be without income, with most others earning less than half the minimum wage.
The residents have limited access to health services and economic alternatives.
Some efforts have been made to introduce new sources of sustainable income.
Thus in April 2015 the Indigenous Organization of the Içana Basin (Oibi) inaugurated two Baniwa Pepper Houses, places for production, packaging and storage of the traditional Jiquitaia pepper, a "flour" of peppers with salt that carries a great range of varieties from the Baniwa women's gardens.
In October 2016 ISA reported a growing problem with malaria in the territory.
Indigenous people who travelled to urban areas to collect social benefit such as Bolsa Família were becoming infected and carrying the disease back to their communities.
The health services in these communities were not able to quickly diagnose and treat the disease, causing rapid spread in areas that had formerly been unaffected.
Organizations.
74 indigenous organizations have been registered in the region.
There are Brazilian customs posts at Iauaretê, Querari, São Joaquim, Pari-Cachoeira and Tunuí.
FUNAI has posts at Foz do Rio Içana, Foz do Rio Uaupés, Foz do Rio Xié, Melo Franco and Tunuê Cachoeira.
There are two Catholic (Salesian) missions at Santa Izabel do Rio Negro and Içana, and an evangelical mission of the New Tribes Mission.
The region, located where Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela meet, is of considered to be of strategic importance by Brazil, which has six army platoons located at key points.
Environment.
The Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory is in the Amazon biome.
The territory has blackwater rivers with low levels of fish, sandy and relatively infertile soil.
The lack of nutrients in the waters of the Rio Negro and its tributaries means that the fish obtain most of their diet from organic matter from the margin of the river, including insects, fruits, flowers and seeds.
Although there are some large species, there are many smaller species, each with low numbers of individuals.
The forest vegetation is 26.94% campinarana, 71.4% campinarana-rainforest contact, 0.78% open rainforest and 0.89% closed rainforest.
As of 2000 had been deforested.
This had risen to by 2014, with little deforestation towards the end of this period.
In the late 1990s the National Department of Mineral Production (DNPM) reported 451 formal mining concessions in the territory covering 38% of the area.
The main threat comes from informal "garimpeiro" mineral prospectors.


Cornwall-Meadowbank

Cornwall-Meadowbank is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Prince Edward Island, Canada. It was previously known as North River-Rice Point.
Members.
The riding has elected the following Members of the Legislative Assembly:


Centrist Union group

The Centrist Union group (, abbreviated UC) is a centrist parliamentary group in the Senate uniting members of the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI) and Democratic Movement (MoDem), as well as the Centrist Alliance (AC), a former component of the UDI. The group was historically associated with the Popular Republican Movement (MRP) and later the Democratic Centre (CD), Centre of Social Democrats (CDS), and Union for French Democracy (UDF). Most recently, from 2012 to 2017, it was known as the Union of Democrats and Independents – UC group (, abbreviated UDI–UC).
History.
In the first election of the Council of the Republic of the Fourth Republic, the Popular Republican Movement (MRP) group ("groupe du Mouvement républicain populaire") obtained 76 seats, a quarter of the upper chamber, following senatorial elections on 8 December 1946. During the debate on the existence of the upper chamber, the MRP advocated for a bicameral system in which both the roles and modes of election of the two houses were clearly distinguished from each other, calling for the replacement of the system of indirect universal suffrage to select electors with greater representation of local collectivities. This proposal eventually prevailed despite the reluctance of certain members of the MRP, cognizant of the fact that such a system would favor it significantly less. Indeed, with a lack of representation at the local level as a result of the 1947 municipal elections in which the newly-founded Rally of the French People (RPF) of Charles de Gaulle secured a massive victory (the RPF having deprived the MRP of its flag as the party of the resistance), the MRP was reduced to just 22 seats following the senatorial elections of 7 November 1948. and never regained its former strength through the duration of the republic, with 24 seats following senatorial elections on 18 May 1952, 21 seats following senatorial elections on 19 June 1955, and 23 seats following senatorial elections on 8 June 1958.
In the Fifth Republic, the group was reincarnated as the Popular Republicans group ("groupe des Républicains populaires"), presided over by Alain Poher, with the Democratic Centre formation ("formation du Centre démocratique") administratively attached to it, with Yvon Coudé du Foresto serving as its secretary. In January 1959, the MRP received a proposal from the Rally of Democratic Forces ("Rassemblement des forces démocratiques", abbreviated RFD) envisaging the "establishment in France of a very large rally inspired by an ideal of political, economic, and social democracy", with the RFD consisting of a number of members of Catholic youth movements, some part of the MRP, including Rémy Montagne, Michel Debatisse, Bernard Lambert, and Nestor Rombeaut. Negotiations began immediately and significant progress was made until the issue of the denomination of the movement was raised, with its general secretary Maurice-André Simmonet objecting, noting that the name was popular with voters. In the 1959 renewal, the group secured 34 seats, an achievement aided by the increased strength of the MRP within metropolitan France, especially at the level of municipal and regional councils in rural areas; prior to that point, the strongholds of the MRP had largely been located in overseas France; with the MRP overwhelmed by the success of the RPF in the 1958 legislative elections, six former deputies, including four former ministers, found refuge in the Senate. The ranks of the group were filled with relatively young senators; as a result, it demonstrated greater dynamism, but also greater politicization, in its work.
In 1962, the MRP amended its statutes to indicate its openness to activist forces, marking the beginning of a rapprochement with the Democratic Center, which merged into the main group by 1965 to form the Popular Republicans and Democratic Centre group ("groupe des Républicains populaires et du Centre démocratique", abbreviated RPCD). The same year, the divergences between the group and the senatorial majority became apparent over the issue of Algeria; though the Algerian cause was appreciated by the group, in which senators of French overseas territories and departments had traditionally constituted a significant part. However, the main reason that the group took issue with the governmental majority was the proposal to elect the president of the republic by universal suffrage, which consecrated the estrangement of the centrist group in the Senate and the government. The opposition of the group was linked to its centrist tendencies, which were in opposition to the referendum despite the support of the MRP for the government on paper; the referendum by its nature contradicted the fundamental liberal, European, and social values of the centrists.
The centrist group gradually became less closely connected to its associated party, with the senatorial group asserting its independence from the party. The group increasingly welcomed the accession of senators not members of the MRP but supported the decisions of the new majority within the group. Following the cessation of activities of the MRP after the 1967 legislative elections in which it called to support the Democratic Centre, the MRP ceased all political activities, and the senators subsequently took upon the appellation of the Centrist Union of Democrats for Progress group ("groupe de l'Union centriste des démocrates de progrès"). The growth of the group, which peaked in 1983, corresponded with the foundation of the Centre of Social Democrats (CDS) in 1976 by Jean Lecanuet, which remained independent of the activities of the senatorial group. However, from 1983, the independence of the group became more structural than political with the rise of the Rally for the Republic (RPR) group and the emergence of a senatorial majority that established a clear political position, either for or against the government.
In 1984, the group simply took upon the appellation of the Centrist Union group ("groupe de l'Union centriste"). From 29 January 1993, the Centrist Union no longer received direct public financing, which was instead paid to the "grouping of elected officials of the UDF" ("groupement des élus de l'UDF"), a political formation with the sole purpose of collecting and redistributing funds to the parties composing the Union for French Democracy (UDF), in addition to the "association of the Centrist Union" ("association de l'Union centriste"), founded in 1989 by the majority of senators in the group, that allowed the Centrist Union to collect public aid and direct it to political parties and formations, principally the UDF, Democratic Force (FD), and Centrist Union group.
The foundation of the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) in 2002, and official constitution of a group in the Senate on 10 December, significantly reduced the ranks of the Centrist Union group, with 29 of its 54 members leaving for the newly-founded UMP group, with the group consisting of 27 members at the end of 2002. On 14 January 2005, the group was renamed to the Centrist Union – Union for French Democracy group ("groupe Union centriste – Union pour la démocratie française", abbreviated UC–UDF), a denomination which it retained until 29 September 2008, when it became then Centrist Union group ("groupe Union centriste"). The group was renamed again in 2011, this time to become the Centrist and Republican Union group ("groupe Union centriste et républicaine") after the arrival of three radicals of the UMP. In 2012, the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI), uniting most of the parties of the centre – the Radical Party (PR) of Jean-Louis Borloo, the New Centre (NC) of Hervé Morin, Centrist Alliance (AC) of Jean Arthuis, Modern Left (LGM) of Jean-Marie Bockel, and Democratic European Force (FED) of Jean-Christophe Lagarde – was founded, notably without the participation of the Democratic Movement (MoDem) of François Bayrou, whose members are part of the senatorial group. and on 23 October the group was officially renamed to the Union of Democrats and Independents – UC group ("groupe Union des démocrates et indépendants – UC"), and briefly took upon its unabbreviated form in 2017, registered as the Union of Democrats and Independents – Centrist Union group ("groupe Union des démocrates et indépendants – Union centriste").
After the Centrist Alliance announced its support for Emmanuel Macron in the 2017 presidential election, it was expelled from the UDI, though its senators remained within the group. On 3 July 2017, the UDI–UC group, chaired by François Zocchetto, voted in support of a motion placing the 42 members of the group within the presidential majority of Macron following his election, with 4 senators abstaining; this was in contrast to the decision of the deputies in the National Assembly part of , of which two-thirds abstained during the vote of confidence in the government. With a consensus among its senators to support the reform efforts of Macron, the group returned to its old denomination of the Centrist Union group ("groupe Union centriste"). As in the lower chamber, MoDem senators within the group decided against not to join the La République En Marche group in the Senate, preferring to support the government within the existing centrist group. On 26 September, Hervé Marseille was elected the new president of the group following the renewal two days earlier.


Jean Bevers

Jean Gustave Stanislas Bevers (23 September 1852 in Roermond – 5 January 1909 in The Hague) was a Dutch politician. As a Roman Catholic, he was a member of the House of Representatives from 1888 to 1894 and of the Senate between 1902 and 1908, and briefly served as Minister of Water Management between 1908 and 1909.


Pippa Rogerson

Philippa Jane Rogerson is a British solicitor and academic. She is senior lecturer in law at the University of Cambridge, where her research covers the conflict of laws and company law. She is also a member of the university's council, and a fellow and director of studies at Gonville and Caius College, where (since 2018) she now serves as Master, succeeding Sir Alan Fersht.
Rogerson studied economics and law at Newnham College, Cambridge, receiving her BA in 1983, and went on to be admitted as a solicitor in 1986, working for Clifford Chance. She became a fellow of Caius in 1989 and was awarded her PhD in 1990 for a thesis entitled "Intangible property in the conflict of laws".
In May 2017 the college announced that Rogerson was elected the next master of Caius, succeeding Sir Alan Fersht when he retired at the end of September 2018. She is the college's first female master, and was installed as such on 1 October 2018 in a special evensong service in the college chapel.


Chinook (provincial electoral district)

Chinook was a provincial electoral district in Alberta mandated to return a single member to the Legislative Assembly of Alberta using the first past the post method of voting from 1979 to 1996.
History.
The electoral district was created following boundary redistribution for the 1979 Alberta general election from Hanna-Oyen and Sedgewick-Coronation electoral districts.
The electoral district would be combined with Drumheller in 1996 to form Drumheller-Chinook.


Commonwealth Judo Association

The Commonwealth Judo Association (CJA) is an international sporting body for judo across the Commonwealth of Nations.
The CJA was founded following a meeting held at the 1983 World Judo Championships in Seoul, South Korea. Mr. Owen Clarke (Scotland) was the first President, and Mr. Harry O’Rourke (New Zealand) the first Chairman. Mr. Owen was succeeded by Mr. O'Rourke, who combines the role of Chairman with that of Executive President. Mr. John Sullivan is current President. The CJA organises the biennial Commonwealth Judo Championships.


George McCoy

George McCoy is a British writer best known for producing "McCoy's British Massage Parlour Guide", a series of guidebooks to establishments and women in Britain that provide sexual services. The books do not include businesses that provide therapeutic massage services. The term "massage parlour" is used in the title of the books because the term "massage" is commonly used in Britain to euphemistically advertise sex work, soliciting prostitution being illegal in the country. McCoy has also written several other guides to sexual services in Britain and appeared in the media to discuss the country's sex industry.
Early life.
Born in Malvern, Worcestershire in 1948, McCoy took up a career as an entrepreneur. He set up a mail order business selling records which by 1990 had a turnover of over £1.5 million. The business declined during the early 1990s.
Guides.
McCoy began writing his "Massage Parlour Guides" in 1996. Since then he has been compiling and regularly updating them by means of visits to around 500 UK establishments.
In 2015 McCoy stated that he had sold around 100,000 books online.
In the summer of 2007 McCoy brought out the 11th edition of the "Massage Parlour Guide" and his first national dominatrix guide, "McCoy's Guide to Corrective Services". In most of McCoy's books the entries are split up by county and then subdivided by town, while in the "London Guide" the entries are split into areas of London and then postal areas. Each entry lists basic details of establishments or women, such as name, phone number, web address, location, basic prices, availability, and then concludes with a paragraph comprising a resume of interesting features about the establishment or woman. Most entries in the guides are star rated and there are photographs of many of the women. McCoy has also produced city street plans to London, Birmingham and Manchester showing the locations of all the relevant cities' adult establishments: massage parlours, gay saunas, adult cinemas, sex shops, swinging clubs and striptease establishments with cartoons indicating their quality and details of each on the reverse side of the map.
By the early 2010s McCoy was editing eleven different guidebooks, four national guidebooks including "McCoy's British Massage Parlour Guide" and "McCoy's Guide to Corrective Services", and seven comprehensive regional guidebooks including in 2012 "McCoy's Guide to the Agencies, Corrective Services and Parlours of London No.1" and "McCoy's Guide to the Working Ladies of London No.1".
Media appearances.
George McCoy has appeared on many television shows in the UK to discuss sexual services. In 1998 he appeared in the documentary "Vice - The Sex Trade" on ITV. In 2001 he appeared in "Massage Parlours - The Real McCoy" on Channel Five. In 2006 he appeared in "Streets of Vice" on BBC One. He has also appeared on television in three episodes of "The Big Questions": in Leeds on 20 January 2008, in Bristol 24 May 2009 and in Bury 1 April 2012. Other appearances include the Welsh Panorama television programme "Week In - Week Out" which focused on adult services in Cardiff, as well as "More4 News", "5 News", "ITV News" and "Midlands Today", commenting on the sex industry. He has also appeared on chatshows such as "Kilroy" and been interviewed on BBC Local Radio shows, such as his appearance on BBC Radio Derby in August 2011. He has been featured in The Economist magazine three times between 1999 and 2013. In 2018 he wrote an article for The Spectator magazine titled "Why do powerful men love to be spanked?" In March 2019 he appeared on the TV programme "Sex on the Streets" on 5Star.


Annual Bulletin (Comparative Law Bureau)

The Annual Bulletin of the Comparative Law Bureau of the American Bar Association (ABA) was a U.S. specialty law journal (1908–1914, 1933). The first comparative law journal in the United States, it surveyed foreign legislation and legal literature. Circulated to all ABA members, it was absorbed in 1915 by the newly formed "American Bar Association Journal".
History.
Bureau.
In 1905, a committee of the Pennsylvania State Bar Association considered the creation of a comparative law society and recommended to bring such large project to the American Bar Association. The ABA created such entity at its 1907 annual meeting, as a new section named the Comparative Law Bureau: the Bureau members would meet annually at the ABA's summer meeting and publish an annual bulletin.
The Bureau's officers included: Simeon E. Baldwin (as director, 1907–1919; ABA co-founder and president, later Governor of Connecticut) and William Smithers (as secretary, also the chairman of the "Bulletin"'s editorial staff). The Bureau's managers included: James Barr Ames (dean at Harvard), George Kirchwey (dean at Columbia), William Draper Lewis (dean at Pennsylvania, later the founding director of the American Law Institute), and John Henry Wigmore (dean at Northwestern).
The Bureau's aims were presented in the "Bulletin"'s first issue: (1) to publish an annual "Bulletin" with foreign legislation and reviews of foreign legal literature; (2) to translate and publish foreign legislation as well as relevant expert opinions; (3) to hold an annual conference for discussing comparative law; (4) to improve means by which foreign laws can become available to U.S. lawyers; (5) to promote research in the areas of foreign law; (6) to establish a list of foreign correspondents; and (7) to gather information on foreign law, such as bibliographies, for the benefit of practicing lawyers, law teachers, and students.
The Bureau met annually and published its "Bulletin" (separately, then within the "Journal") until financial difficulties in the 1930s due to the Great Depression. In 1933, after publishing an ultimate separate "Bulletin", the Bureau was merged with the ABA's International Law section, forming the ABA Section of International & Comparative Law.
Bulletin.
In July 1908, the "Annual Bulletin" (no ISSN) was founded by the Bureau. The first comparative law journal in the United States, it provided a survey of foreign legislation and legal literature. Its first issue was a 200 or so page bulletin.
The editor (chairman of the editorial staff) was Bureau secretary Smithers (from Philadelphia, where was also the "Bulletin"'s printer). The editorial staff in 1908 included: Simeon E. Baldwin (Yale) for general jurisprudence; Ernest Lorenzen (George Washington) and Roscoe Pound (then at Northwestern) for Germany; Charles Wetherill for Great Britain; Masuji Miyakawa for Japan; Leo Rowe (University of Pennsylvania) for Latin America; William Hastings (University of Nebraska, dean in 1910) for Russia; Samuel Scott for Spain; and Gordon Sherman for Switzerland. There were foreign correspondents from fourteen countries, including Gaston de Leval from Belgium and Eugen Huber (creator of the Swiss civil code of 1907, still in force) from Switzerland.
The "Bulletin" was circulated to all ABA members and to other subscribers. Published by International Printing Co. in Philadelphia, it ran from July 1, 1908, to July 1, 1914, for volume 1 to 7.
The separate "Bulletin" was discontinued for two reasons: in 1914, World War I disrupted cross-Atlantic connections; and in 1915, the ABA started publishing its own "Journal", into which the "Bulletin" was merged as an annual issue. (Though in 1933, there was an ultimate separate "Bulletin", 215 page long. And in 1964, two backissues were reprinted.)
Journal.
In 1915, the "American Bar Association Journal" () was founded by the American Bar Association as a quarterly magazine (it became monthly in 1921). From 1915 to 1928, the "Bulletin" was merged into it: the Comparative Law Bureau controlled the second issue each year, the April number. Bureau issues stopped in 1929, but comparative and foreign law articles still regularly appeared in the "Journal" (about five to ten per volume).
References.
Sources used for this article:


West Kerry (UK Parliament constituency)

West Kerry was a parliamentary constituency in Ireland, represented in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. From 1885 to 1922 it returned one Member of Parliament (MP) to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
Prior to the 1885 general election the area was part of the Kerry constituency. Following the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the formation of the Irish Free State in 1922, the area was no longer represented in the UK Parliament. The successor constituency in the new Dáil Éireann was Kerry–Limerick West first established under the Government of Ireland Act 1920 to elect members to the House of Commons of Southern Ireland in 1921.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the western part of County Kerry.
1885–1922: The barony of Corkaguiny and that part of the barony of Trughanacmy contained within the parishes of Annagh, Ardfert, Ballynahaglish, Ballyseedy, Clogherbrien, Fenit, Kilcolman, Kilgarrylander, Kiltallagh, Ratass and Tralee.


Free Indian Party and Elderly Union

The Free Indian Party and Elderly Union (in Dutch: "Vrije Indische Partij en Ouderenunie") is a political alliance that participated the elections of 2003. It consisted out of the Free Indian Party (VIP) and the "Elderly Union". The VIP was a political party for people from the Dutch former colonies, Dutch East India and Suriname, that never got a seat in the parliament. The elderly one issue parties, General Elderly Alliance and Union 55+ were very successful in the 1990s, gaining many seats, but after scandals, the elderly lost the confidence among their voters. VIP and old aged merged for the elections of 2003.


Sri Lankan rupee

The Sri Lankan Rupee (, ) (symbol: Rs, රු, ரூ; code: LKR) is the currency of Sri Lanka, divided into 100 cents. It is issued by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. The abbreviation is generally Rs., but "LKR" is occasionally used to distinguish it from other currencies also called rupee.
History.
The British pound became Ceylon's official money of account in 1825, replacing the Ceylonese rixdollar at a rate of 1 pound = rixdollars, and British silver coin was made legal tender. Treasury notes denominated in pounds were issued in 1827, replacing the earlier rixdollar notes. Rixdollar notes not presented for exchange were demonetized in June 1831.
The Indian rupee was made Ceylon's standard coin on 26 September 1836, and Ceylon reverted to the Indian currency area. Pound-denominated treasury notes continued to circulate after 1836, along with the rupee. The legal currency remained British silver and accounts were kept in pounds, shillings and pence. However, payments were made in rupees and annas at the "fictitious par" (fixed accounting rate) of 2 shillings per rupee (i.e., 1 pound = 10 rupees).
The Bank of Ceylon was the first private bank to issue banknotes on the island (1844) and Treasury notes were withdrawn in 1856.
The Indian rupee was formally established as the unlimited legal tender 18 June 1869. The rupee was decimalized 23 August 1871. Thus, the rupee of 100 cents became Ceylon's money of account and sole legal tender effective 1 January 1872, replacing British currency at a rate of 1 rupee = 2 shillings 3 pence.
Coins.
In 1872, copper , , 1 and 5 cents coins dated 1870 were introduced, followed in 1892 by silver 10, 25 and 50 cents. Production of the cent ceased in 1904. The large, copper 5 cents coin was replaced in 1909 by a much smaller cupro-nickel coin which was square with rounded corners. In 1919, the fineness of silver used was reduced from .800 to .550.
Between 1940 and 1944, a wholesale change in the coinage was carried out. Production of the cent ceased in 1940, with bronze 1 cent introduced in 1942 with reduced weight and thickness. Nickel-brass replaced cupro-nickel in the 5 cents in the same year and replaced silver in the 25 and 50 cents in 1943. In 1944, nickel-brass, scalloped shaped 2 and 10 cents coins were introduced. The scalloped 10 cents coin replaced the silver 10 cents coin. Later 2 cent coins issued in 1957 were the only coins from this period to ever depict Queen Elizabeth II. Coins with the portrait of King George VI continued to be issued despite his death. In 1957, cupro-nickel 1 rupee coins and .925 silver 5 rupee coins commemorating 2500 years of Buddhism were issued.
In 1963, a new coinage was introduced which omitted the British monarch's portrait, depicting instead The Armorial ensign of Ceylon. Coins issued were aluminium 1 and 2 cents, nickel brass 5 and 10 cents and cupro-nickel 25 and 50 cents and 1 rupee. These coins had the same shapes and sizes of the previous series but were composed of different materials. In 1976, commemorative seven-sided 2 rupee and ten-sided 5 rupee coins were introduced in limited numbers. In 1978, devaluation prompted aluminum to be the replacement of nickel-brass in the 5 and 10 cents, while shortly after 1 and 2 cents were discontinued. Cupro-nickel 2 rupees and aluminium-bronze 5 rupees coins were introduced in 1984 fully replacing the corresponding banknotes. In 1987, commemorative 10 rupees were released which like the 5 cent coin was square with round edges. In 1998 a bimetallic commemorative 10 rupee coin was released. Like earlier forerunner rupee denominations, these were again only issued in limited supply, not intended to replace the corresponding banknotes.
The obverse of the coins issued since 1972 carry the Armorial Ensign of the Republic of Sri Lanka. The reverse of the coin the value in numerals and in Sinhala, Tamil and English below and year of issue at the bottom with SRI LANKA in Sinhala on top. The lower denominations of 1, 2, 5, 10, 25 and 50 cents are not in circulation and the minting of these denominations had been discontinued.
The observe and reverse designs of the new coins remained identical to the circulating coins of the new series based on similar denominations. However their weights and compositions have been changed to electroplated steel as opposed to a solid alloy for easier identification purposes and to save on production expense.
In the year 2017, a complete new series of stainless steel coins was introduced and is currently in circulation.
<br>
Commemorative coins.
The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has issued commemorative coins since 1957.
On 15 December 2010, to mark the 60th Anniversary, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka issued a frosted proof crown size multi-colour silver commemorative coin in the denomination of 5,000 rupees. It was the first multi-colour coin issued by the Central Bank.
Commemorative coins issued by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka:
Banknotes.
The Government of Ceylon introduced its first rupee banknote issue in 1885. A five rupee note (1885–1925) was followed by a 10 rupee (1894–1926) and 1,000 rupee note (1899 and 1915). A second issue included the one rupee (1917–1939), two rupee (1917–1921), 50 rupee (1914) and 100 rupee (1919) notes. During the 1920s (and in some cases the 1930s) the one rupee (mentioned above), two rupee (1925–39), two types of five rupee (1925–28 and 1929–39), two types of 10 rupee (1927–28 and 1929–39), 50 rupee (1922–39), 100 rupee (1926–39), 500 rupee (1926), and 1,000 rupee (1929) notes were all in circulation.
There were two issues in 1941. The first consisted of a one, two, five, ten rupee banknote issued only in 1941. Though issued slightly earlier, a 1,000 rupee note (1938) has been grouped with this issue. The 1941 second issue consisted of one (1941–49), two (1941–49), five (1941–49), ten (1941–46), 50 (1941–45), 100 (1941–45), 1000 (1941), and 10000 rupee (1947) notes. In 1942, fractional banknote issues were introduced. A 25 and 50 cent note (1942) were followed by a second issue of 5 cent (1942), 10 cent (1942–43), 25 cent (1942–49), and 50 cent notes (1942–49).
The Central Bank of Ceylon issued one and ten rupee notes (1951), one, two, five, 50, and 100 rupiah notes (1952–54)
The 1 rupee notes were replaced by coins in 1963.
From 1977, banknotes were issued by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. 20 rupee notes were introduced in 1979, followed by 500 and 1000 rupees in 1981. The 200 rupees in 1998 and 2,000 rupees in 2006(discontinued). Sri Lankan banknotes are unusual in that they are printed vertically on the reverse. In 1998, a 200-rupee note was issued to commemorate the 50th anniversary of independence (1948–1998). This is the first polymer banknote issued in Sri Lanka, and it was printed by Note Printing Australia. All other denominations are printed by the De la Rue Lanka Currency and Securities Print (Pvt) Ltd, a joint venture of the Government of Sri Lanka and De La Rue, a printing company in the United Kingdom.
Portraits of former Sri Lankan prime ministers and former president Mahinda Rajapaksa have graced the fronts of Sri Lankan bank notes, while the backs have featured Sri Lankan fauna and flora, Sri Lankan landscapes and industries, and images depicting Sri Lankan culture, history, and achievements.


63 Mechanised Battalion Group

63 Mechanised Battalion Group was a unit of the South African Infantry Corps; although it was classed as mechanized infantry, it was a combined arms force consisting of infantry, armour and artillery. Together with 61 Mechanised Battalion Group and 62 Mechanised Battalion Group, these units made up 60 Brigade encompassing battlegroup principles.
Insignia.
A chain border on a black shield, three lightning bolts, two swords and the number 63.
History.
Origins.
63 Mechanised Battalion Group was part of 60 Brigade, based at Lohatla Army Battle School and was formed in 1988 mainly from the operational battalion of 8 South African Infantry Battalion and Ratel 90 Squadrons from 1 Special Service Battalion. Support companies of anti-tank, storm troopers (sapper), 81 mm mortars and their logistical team were also transferred from 1 South African Infantry Battalion in October 1988 to 8 South African Infantry Battalion for integration during a brigade level exercise at Lohatla Army Battle School called Exercise Sweepslag prior to the Group being sent north to South West Africa. The initial commander was "Blok " Liebenberg, a veteran of 61 Mech.
Sector 10 South West Africa.
63 Mech was seconded to the command of Sector 10 in northern South West Africa in 1989 for its short operational life of about 12 months.
A combined Brigade level exercise with 61 Mech and 62 Mech occurred in the Oshivello area in January 1989.
Operation Merlyn.
63 Mech took part in one strategic operation, repulsing a major incursion of SWAPO into Namibia, in April 1989:
Operation Agree.
63 Mech Group withdrew with the majority of SADF Forces from Namibia on 31 November 1989.
Lohatla Army Battle School.
From 1989 to 1994, elements of 63 Mech's originating units were deployed internally within South Africa. Some squadrons in Zeerust 2SSB also did riot patrols as required while other squadrons were based in Lohatla and did border duty there after.
The Battle Group experience of 63 Mech continued to be used by 8 SAI, 1 SSB and 2 SSB in annual integrated conventional warfare training at Lohatla Army Battle School.
Battlegroup Organisation.
63 Mech Group's structure was designed to be modified as various tasks required.
Deployment in South West Africa.
For the specific engagements in Operation Merlyn and Agree however, the unit included:
Exercises at Lohatla Army Battle School.
From 1990, 63 Mech was activated annually only for joint training exercises where 8 SAI was the lead entity:
By 1991, Rooikat armoured cars and Ratel ZT3s were added to these exercises at Lohatla Army Battle School.
Notable exercises included Excalibur 1 and 2 as well as Blits 2.
SANDF Rethink.
By 1994, the 63 Mech nomenclature was totally abandoned. The battlegroup principles however continue to be utilised in the current SANDF's training program as and when the need arises.


Vasily Generalov

Vasily Denisovich Generalov 8 March 1867, Potyomkinskaya, Don Host Oblast - 8 May 1887) was a Russian revolutionary and a member of Narodnaya Volya.
In 1886, Generalov enrolled in St. Petersburg University and later became a member of the "Terrorist Faction" of Narodnaya Volya. He took active part in preparing the assassination of Alexander III. On March 1, 1887, Generalov was arrested at Nevsky Prospekt, where he was supposed to murder the tsar.
Generalov was tried and sentenced to death by hanging by the Special Presence of the Ruling Senate. He was executed in the Schlisselburg Fortress.


Pakhomy Andreyushkin

Pakhomy Ivanovich Adreyushkin (May 15, 1865 – May 8, 1887) was a Russian revolutionary, member of Narodnaya Volya ("People's Will"), a secret terrorist organization meant to overthrow the Russian tsar.
In 1886, Andreyushkin enrolled in St. Petersburg University. That same year, he became a member of the "Terrorist Faction" of Narodnaya Volya and, together with Aleksandr Ulyanov and others, took part in planning the assassination of Tsar Alexander III.
Andreyushkin was arrested on March 1, 1887. On May 8, he was executed at the Schlisselburg Fortress.


Backward Regions Grant Fund

The Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) is an Indian government program designed to "address regional imbalances in development." The programme was launched by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at Barpeta, Assam on 19 February 2007.
The BRGF Programme covers 250 districts in 27 States, of which 232 districts fall under the purview of Parts IX and IX-A of the Constitution dealing with the Panchayats and the Municipalities, respectively. The remaining 18 districts are covered by other local government structures, such as Autonomous District and Regional Councils under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and state specific arrangements as in the case of Nagaland and the hill areas of Manipur.
The program calls for each district to undertake a study to determine the district's problems and then create a plan to address those problems. The program was funded with 19.25 billion rupees in 2006–2007.
Objectives.
The Backward Regions Grant Fund is designed to redress regional imbalances in development by way of providing financial resources for supplementing and converging existing developmental inflows into the identified backward districts, so as to:
BRGF Development Grants.
District Plans received from the various States indicate that the untied fund allocated to the districts are generally being used for filling infrastructural gaps in drinking water, connectivity, health, education, social sectors, electrification, etc. The basket of works taken up includes construction of school buildings /class rooms, health sub-centres, drinking water facility, sanitation facilities, anganwadi buildings, Panchayat buildings, irrigation tanks/channels, street lights, link roads, culverts, soil and water conservation measures, etc.
Grants.
The BRGF has adopted the National Capability Building Framework (the NCBF) which envisages strengthening of institutional arrangements, including the infrastructure as well as software support for capacity building of elected representatives, the functionaries and other stakeholders of PRIs and thereby improving the vigour of grassroots level democracy. the utilization of grants should be used in democratic manner and no partisan politics would allowed in allocation of budget


Georgie Lamon

Georgie Lamon (11 November 1934 – 16 January 2016) was a Swiss politician killed in the 2016 Ouagadougou attacks in Burkina Faso.


Lex situs


Adgur Ardzinba

Adgur Amiranovich Ardzinba (, , ; born 26 December 1981 in Gudauta) is the current Minister for Economy of Abkhazia. Ardzinba was appointed by President Raul Khajimba on 8 April 2015, succeeding Nikolai Achba.


Yakut Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

The First Secretary of the Yakut regional branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the position of highest authority in the Yakut ASSR in the Russian SFSR of the Soviet Union. The position was created on June 6, 1920, and abolished in August 1991. The First Secretary was a de facto appointed position usually by the Politburo or the General Secretary himself.


Adyghe Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

The First Secretary of the Adyghe regional branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the position of highest authority in the Cherkess (Adyghe) AO (1922), Adyghe (Cherkess) AO (1922–1928), Adyghe AO (1928–1991) and the Adyghe ASSR (1991) in the Russian SFSR of the Soviet Union. The position was created on September 23, 1922, and abolished in August 1991. The First Secretary was a de facto appointed position usually by the Politburo or the General Secretary himself.


Europe of Freedom and Democracy

Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) was a right-wing Eurosceptic political group in the European Parliament. The group was formed following the 2009 European parliamentary election, mostly composed of elements of the Independence/Democracy (IND/DEM) and Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN) groups that had existed during the 6th European Parliament. The group had a loose relationship with Movement for a Europe of Liberties and Democracy (MELD), a European political party founded in 2011.
The EFD was a coalition of ten political parties – the largest being the UK Independence Party (UKIP) with eleven seats and the Italian Lega Nord, with nine seats – along with one independent. The EFD is hostile to further European integration, and more nationalistic and anti-immigration than its main predecessor IND/DEM. The EFD was considered to belong on the right-wing to far-right of the political spectrum.
On 24 June 2014 EFD group became Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) for the 8th European Parliament, with the continuing membership of just two of the eleven political parties that formed EFD.
History.
Formation.
Following the 2009 European parliament elections, the Independence/Democracy (IND/DEM) and Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN), two political groups of the European Parliament, were in trouble. The UK Independence Party (UKIP) component of IND/DEM had done well, but the other parties of this group fared very poorly. UEN had also lost MEPs and both groups had fallen under the threshold required for a group to exist. The remnants of both groups needed to find a new group before the constitutive session of the 7th European Parliament on 14 July 2009.
Speculation regarding the new group surfaced on 30 June 2009. The name of the group was originally speculated as "A Europe of Free Peoples", or "A Europe of Peoples for Liberty", or a phrase involving the word "Independence" or "Freedom" or "Democracy" or "People". In the absence of an official name, the nascent group was given the placeholder name of "Liberty". On 1 July 2009 a press conference was held launching the group. That press conference named the group "Europe of Freedom and Democracy".
Andreas Mölzer, the leader of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) European Parliament list, announced in July 2009 that FPÖ and EFD were in negotiations over FPÖ joining the group; each side had reservations about the other, with UKIP, the Reformed Political Party (SGP) of the Netherlands, and the Slovak National Party (SNS) each uneasy about the inclusion of the FPÖ. In June 2011, the FPÖ tried again to have its two MEPs join the faction, but was again denied, being opposed by five or six of the nine parties in the EFD.
Defections.
In March 2010 it was announced that MEP Nikki Sinclaire had had the UKIP whip withdrawn. Sinclaire had refused to join the EFD on the grounds that it was a grouping with "extreme views" and consequently had not sat with her UKIP colleagues in the European parliament. In June 2010 MEP Mike Nattrass also left the EFD, albeit on other grounds than Sinclaire, stating that "I don't share the same principles of some of the Group, on balance, the majority of the Group want to stay in the EU and I've always believed that we should leave." Nattrass later rejoined the group in December 2012. In March 2011 MEP Trevor Colman left the EFD, allegedly due to an "unresolved dispute over financial and staffing issues." However Colman continued to represent UKIP as a Non-Attached MEP. On 24 May 2011, British MEP David Campbell Bannerman defected to the Conservative Party, and the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group.
In March 2011, Danish MEP Anna Rosbach left the EFD, and in turn joined the ECR group as an independent.
The EFD was joined by Belgian MEP Frank Vanhecke in November 2011, after Vanhecke left Flemish Interest (VB). It was joined by Magdi Allam in December 2011, when Allam defected from the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) in the EPP group. The four MEPs from United Poland defected from the ECR group on 26 December 2011, taking the group's numbers to 33. In March 2012 Roger Helmer who was elected as a British Conservative Party MEP and previously sat with the ECR group, defected to UKIP and the EFD, raising the group's numbers to 34.
In late 2012, Slavcho Binev MEP of People for Real, Open and United Democracy (PROUD) joined the group.
In February 2013 Marta Andreasen announced she was leaving UKIP and defected to the Conservative Party.
In late September 2013, National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria (NSFB) joined the group.
Composition.
Europe of Freedom and Democracy had 34 elected members between 2009 and 2014, they are as follows:


Alexander van Hattem

Alexander van Hattem (born 6 June 1983) is a Dutch politician who has been a member of the Senate for the Party for Freedom since 2015 and is a member of the Provincial Council of North Brabant.
van Hatten studied history at Radboud University before completing a law course at Avans Hogeschool in Tilburg and has run a legal consultancy business since 2005. He was previously a member of the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) and was chairman of the LPF's youth wing "Jonge Fortuynisten." He subsequently worked as an intern for the Party for Freedom and was elected to the Provincial Council of North Brabant in 2014 where he served as chairman of the Culture and Society Committee. That same year he encountered some controversy when he expressed support for controversial remarks made by Geert Wilders about Moroccan immigrants. After calls from other parties for him to be removed from the Culture and Society Committee, van Hatten apologized and was allowed to keep his position. In 2015, he was elected to sit in the Senate for the PVV.


Edmonton-Sherwood Park (provincial electoral district)

Edmonton-Sherwood Park was a provincial electoral district in Alberta, Canada, mandated to return a single member to the Legislative Assembly of Alberta using the first past the post method of voting from 1979 to 1986.
History.
The electoral district was split in 1986 between Edmonton-Gold Bar and Sherwood Park.


Chilliwack-Hope

Chilliwack-Hope was a provincial electoral district in British Columbia, Canada, established by the "Electoral Districts Act, 2008". It was first contested in the 2009 British Columbia General Election. The riding was formed from an amalgamation of parts of Chilliwack-Kent, Yale-Lillooet, Chilliwack-Sumas, West Vancouver-Garibaldi, and Maple Ridge-Mission.
History.
On account of the realignment of electoral boundaries, most incumbents did not represent the entirety of their listed district during the preceding legislative term. Barry Penner, British Columbia Liberal Party was initially elected during the 2005 election and 2001 election to the Chilliwack-Kent riding. He successful ran for re-election again in the 2009 election in the Chilliwack-Hope riding.
Penner resigned the seat on January 9, 2012, and Gwen O'Mahony won the subsequent by-election on April 19, 2012.


Lev Kvitsinia

Lev Kvitsinia is the current Minister for Emergency Situations of Abkhazia. Kvitsinia was Head of the Office for Emergency Situations when on 21 July 2014, following the May 2014 Revolution, it was transformed into a full-fledged Ministry and Kvitsinia appointed as acting Minister by acting President Valeri Bganba. on 17 October 2014, Kvitsinia was permanently appointed by newly elected President Raul Khajimba.


Batal Kobakhia

Batal Samsonovich Kobakhia (; born 18 August 1955, Sukhumi, Georgia) is an Abkhaz archaeologist and public figure; The deputy of 4th convocation (2007-2012), chairman of the committee for Human Rights and Rule of Law.


Imagine (book)

Imagine: A Socialist Vision for the 21st Century is a book by Alan McCombes and Tommy Sheridan, former high-profile figures in the Scottish Socialist Party. It graphically describes the inequalities of capitalism and shows the need for a socialist alternative, while remaining "free from jargon and dogma". It has been compared to "The Global Trap" and the work of Swedish author Johan Ehrenberg.


Charlottetown-Winsloe

Charlottetown-Winsloe is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Prince Edward Island, Canada. It was created prior to the 2019 election from parts of the former districts Charlottetown-Sherwood, West Royalty-Springvale and York-Oyster Bed.
The riding is located in the city of Charlottetown, including the community of Winsloe and parts of the neighbourhood of Sherwood.
Referendum and plebiscite results.
2019 electoral reform referendum.
The 2019 Prince Edward Island electoral reform referendum was held on April 23, 2019.


Jacob Gilles

Jacob Gilles (ca. 1691 in Kollum – September 10, 1765 in Ypenburg manor near Rijswijk) was Grand Pensionary of Holland from September 23, 1746 to June 18, 1749.


National Urban League

The National Urban League, formerly known as the National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes, is a nonpartisan historic civil rights organization based in New York City that advocates on behalf of economic and social justice for African Americans and against racial discrimination in the United States. It is the oldest and largest community-based organization of its kind in the nation. Its current President is Marc Morial.
History.
The Committee on Urban Conditions Among Negroes was founded in New York City on September 29, 1910 by Ruth Standish Baldwin and Dr. George Edmund Haynes, among others. It merged with the Committee for the Improvement of Industrial Conditions Among Negroes in New York (founded in New York in 1906) and the National League for the Protection of Colored Women (founded in 1905), and was renamed the National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes. Haynes served as the organization's first Executive Director.
In 1918, Eugene K. Jones took the leadership of the organization. Under his direction, the League significantly expanded its multifaceted campaign to crack the barriers to black employment, spurred first by the boom years of the 1920s, and then by the desperate years of the Great Depression.
In 1920, the organization took the present name, the National Urban League. The mission of the Urban League movement, as stated by the National Urban League, is "to enable African Americans to secure economic self-reliance, parity, power and civil rights."
Jones played a significant role in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, taking leave from the League to head the Department of Commerce unit for the study of "Negro problems", and serving as part of a group of African-American advisors known as the "Black Cabinet".
In 1941, Lester Granger was appointed Executive Secretary and led the NUL's effort to support the March on Washington proposed by A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin and A. J. Muste to protest racial discrimination in defense work and the military. A week before the March was scheduled to take place, President Roosevelt issued an executive order creating the Fair Employment Practices Committee.
In the wake of World War II, Black veterans who fought racial hatred overseas returned to the United States determined to fight it at home, giving new energy to the Civil Rights Movement. As hundreds of thousands of new jobs opened up, shifting the economy from industrial manufacturing to a white-collar, service-oriented economy, the National Urban League turned its attention to placing HBCU graduates in professional positions.
In 1961, Whitney Young became executive director amidst the expansion of activism in the civil rights movement, which provoked a change for the League. Young substantially expanded the League's fund-raising ability and made the League a full partner in the civil rights movement. In 1963, the League hosted the planning meetings of A. Philip Randolph, Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders for the August March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. During Young's ten-year tenure at the League, he initiated programs such as "Street Academy", an alternative education system to prepare high school dropouts for college; and "New Thrust", an effort to help local black leaders identify and solve community problems. Young also pushed for federal aid to cities.
Clarence M. Pendleton, Jr., was, from 1975 to 1981, the head of the Urban League in San Diego, California. In 1981, U.S. President Ronald W. Reagan tapped Pendleton as the chairman of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, a position which he held until his sudden death in 1988. Pendleton sought to steer the commission into the conservative direction in line with Reagan's views on social and civil rights policies.
In 1994, Hugh Price was appointed as president of the Urban League.
In 2003, Marc Morial, former mayor of New Orleans, Louisiana, was appointed the league's eighth President and Chief Executive Officer. He worked to reenergize the movement's diverse constituencies by building on the legacy of the organization and increasing the profile of the organization.
Current status.
Today, the National Urban League has 90 affiliates serving 300 communities, in 36 states and the District of Columbia. The National Urban League provides direct services in the areas of education, health care, housing, jobs, and justice—improving the lives of more than 2 million people nationwide. The organization also has a Washington Bureau that serves as its research, policy and advocacy arm on issues relating to Congress and the Administration.
The National Urban League is an organizational member of the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence, which advocates gun control. In 1989, it was the beneficiary of all proceeds from the Stop the Violence Movement and their hip hop single, "Self Destruction".
In May 2017, the National Urban League produced the State of Black America TV Town Hall, which aired on TV One in 2017 and 2018. The TV Town Hall elevated social issues related to African Americans through an interview style format with celebrity guests. The show was executive produced by Rhonda Spears Bell.
In February 2018, the National Urban League launched a weekly podcast, "For the Movement", which discusses persistent policy, social and civil rights issues affecting communities of color.
Presidents.
The Presidents (or Executive Directors) of the National Urban League have been:


Trinidad Tecson

Trinidad Perez Tecson (November 18, 1848 – January 28, 1928), known as the "Mother of Biak-na-Bato" and "Mother of Mercy", fought to gain Philippines independence.
She was given the title "Mother of Biak-na-Bato" by Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo. She was also cited as the "Mother of the Philippine National Red Cross" for her service to her fellow Katipuneros.
Early life.
Tecson was born in San Miguel de Mayumo, Bulacan, one of sixteen children of Rafael Tecson and Monica Perez. She learned to read and write from schoolmaster Quinto. She practiced fencing with Juan Zeto and was feared throughout the province, called "Tangkad" (tall) by her peers. Orphaned at a very young age, she stopped school and went with her siblings to live with relatives. She married at 19 and had two children, Sinforoso and Desiderio, who both died. Tecson and her husband were engaged in the purchase and sale of cattle, fish, oysters, and lobsters to be sold in Manila.
Philippine-American War.
She joined the revolutionary forces led by Gen. Gregorio del Pilar and participated in the assault on the province of Bulacan and Calumpit. She also served in the Malolos Republic and was designated as the Commissary of War. During the American drive northward, she was in Cabanatuan. Bringing with her sick and wounded revolutionaries, Tecson crossed the Zambales mountains to Santa Cruz then to Iba.
Life after the war.
After the war, her second husband died and she continued in business in Nueva Ecija, concentrating on selling meat in the towns of San Antonio and Talavera. She married her third husband, Doroteo Santiago, and after his death, married Francisco Empainado. On January 28, 1928, she died in Philippine General Hospital at age 79. Her remains lie in the Plot of the Veterans of the Revolution in Cementerio del Norte.


Dublin Rathmines (UK Parliament constituency)

Dublin Rathmines, a division of County Dublin based on the suburb of Rathmines, was a former British Parliament constituency in Ireland. It returned one Member of Parliament (MP) to the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom from 1918 to 1922.
Before the 1918 general election the area was the northern part of the South Dublin constituency, extended a bit west into territory formerly part of North Dublin. From 1922 it was not represented in the British Parliament.
Boundaries.
In 1918 the parliamentary representation of the administrative county of Dublin was increased from two divisions to four. The 1885–1918 version of South Dublin was extended to the west a little and split into three constituencies (from north to south the divisions of Rathmines, Pembroke and South).
This constituency was in the south-eastern part of County Dublin.
It was a section along the coast, south of the city of Dublin, extending west into the middle of the county. The constituency was bounded by the city of Dublin to the north, North Dublin to the west, the Pembroke division of County Dublin to the south and the sea to the east.
The Rathmines division was defined by the Redistribution of Seats (Ireland) Act 1918. It consisted of a number of local government areas as they existed in 1918. These were the urban district of Rathmines and Rathgar, and the part of the rural district of South Dublin which consisted of the district electoral division of Terenure.


North Longford (UK Parliament constituency)

North Longford was a UK parliamentary constituency in Ireland. It returned one Member of Parliament (MP) to the British House of Commons 1885–1918.
Prior to the 1885 United Kingdom general election and after the dissolution of Parliament in 1918 the area was part of the Longford constituency.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the northern part of County Longford.
1885–1918: The barony of Granard, that part of the barony of Longford consisting of the parish of Killoe and the townland of Kiltyreher in the parish of Templemichael, and that part of the barony of Ardagh contained within the parishes of Mostrim and Street, the townlands of Cartronreagh and Rinvanny in the parish of Clonbroney, and the townland of Castlenugent in the parish of Granard.
Elections.
Elections in the 1880s.
McCarthy is also elected MP for Londonderry City and opts to sit there, causing a by-election.


Fredericton-Nashwaaksis

Fredericton-Nashwaaksis was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada. It was first created in the 2006 redrawing of electoral districts and was first used in the general election later that year.
History.
It was created in 2006 as a result of rapid population growth in the City of Fredericton north of the Saint John River. It includes those parts of the old Fredericton North district that were west of the Westmorland Street Bridge as well as some suburban communities previously in the district of Mactaquac.


Tullamore (UK Parliament constituency)

Tullamore, a division of King's County, was a UK Parliament constituency in Ireland, returning one Member of Parliament 1885–1918.
Prior to the 1885 United Kingdom general election and after the dissolution of Parliament in 1918 the area was part of the King's County constituency.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the north-eastern part of King's County now known as County Offaly. It consisted of the baronies of Ballycowen, Coolestown, Geashill, Kilcoursey, Phillipstown Lower, Phillipstown Upper and Warrenstown.


Mapungubwe Regiment

The Mapungubwe Regiment {formerly Regiment Christiaan Beyers) is a reserve infantry regiment of the South African Army. It traces its history as far back as 1939, and fought in the Second World War, and the Border War after 1966. It was renamed in August 2019.
History.
Origin.
The regiment formed in 1939 as a second battalion of Regiment Botha. Regiment Botha was formed a few years earlier in 1934.
World War 2.
Known as Second Botha Regiment or the Second Bothas, it underwent a number of name changes during the Second World War. In 1942 it was called Regiment Botha and in 1943 it was joined to Regiment President Steyn. During the war, the regiment was part of the 5th South African Brigade and took part in the East African campaign and then later in the western deserts of Egypt and Libya.
Numerous names after World War Two and into the Border War.
By 1946 it was called 59 Reserve Motor Service Company. In 1947 its name became 2 Regiment Botha.
By 1951 it became Regiment Christiaan Beyers.
By 1964 It was renamed Regiment Limpopo.
Finally in the Late 1960s it reverted to Regiment Christiaan Beyers again.
During the South African Border War, 1966-1989, this citizen force regiment was regularly deployed for duties in the Republic as well as South West Africa.
Post 1994.
The unit has taken part in peacekeeping duties in Southern Sudan and duties on the Swaziland border.
On the 29 November 2013, the regiment received the freedom of the city of Polokwane. The regiment paraded through the city before having the scroll presented by the Mayor Freddy Greaver to the officer in command Lt Colonel Takalani Mphohoni.
In August 2019, 52 Reserve Force units had their names changed to reflect the diverse military history of South Africa. Regiment Christiaan Beyers became the Mapungubwe Regiment, and have 3 years to design and implement new regimental insignia.
SANDF's Motorised Infantry.
SANDF’s Motorised Infantry is transported mostly by Samil trucks, Mamba APC’s or other un-protected motor vehicles. Samil 20,50 and 100 trucks transport soldiers, towing guns, and carrying equipment and supplies. Samil trucks are all-wheel drive, in order to have vehicles that function reliably in extremes of weather and terrain. Motorised infantry have an advantage in mobility allowing them to move to critical sectors of the battlefield faster, allowing better response to enemy movements, as well as the ability to outmaneuver the enemy.
Unit colours.
The unit has three sets of colours:


Movement for Black Lives

The Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) is a coalition of more than 50 groups representing the interests of black communities across the United States. Members include the Black Lives Matter Network, the National Conference of Black Lawyers, and the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights. Endorsed by groups such as Color of Change, Race Forward, Brooklyn Movement Center, PolicyLink, Million Women March Cleveland, and ONE DC, the coalition receives communications and tactical support from an organization named Blackbird.
Following the killing of George Floyd, M4BL released the BREATHE Act, which called for sweeping legislative changes surrounding policing; the policy bill included calls to divest from policing and reinvest funds directly in community resources and alternative emergency response models.
On July 24, 2015 the movement initially convened at Cleveland State University where between 1,500 and 2,000 activists gathered to participate in open discussions and demonstrations. The conference in Cleveland, Ohio initially attempted to "strategize ways for the Movement for Black Lives to hold law enforcement accountable for their actions on a national level". However, the conference resulted in the formation of a much more significant social movement. At the end of the three day conference, on July 26, the Movement for Black Lives initiated a year long "process of convening local and national groups to create a United Front". This year long process ultimately resulted in the establishment of an organizational platform that articulates the goals, demands, and policies which the Movement for Black Lives supports in order to achieve the "liberation" of black communities across America.
In 2020, the Movement for Black Lives released policy demands in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Organization.
The Movement for Black Lives was described by Professor of Politics Deva Woodly during the George Floyd protests as "an umbrella organization that consists of a coalition of movement organizations across the nation" which allowed people to "connect the dots between the symptoms of the present crisis and their structural causes."
Platform.
The movement's platform, published in August 2016, entitled ""A Vision for Black Lives: Policy Demands for Black Power, Freedom and Justice"," has six demands:
Funding and institutional support.
Shortly after the movement published its platform in 2016, 50 organizations had registered their support. One major endeavor was the establishment by philanthropic organization Borealis Philanthropy of the Black-Led Movement Fund (BLMF), which received the support of the Ford Foundation. Designed to support the work of M4BL, the BLMF is both a pooled donor fund aiming to bring $100 million to the movement, and an initiative aimed at helping the movement build organizational capacity.
Major events.
Cleveland State University protests.
On July 24, 2015 individuals from across the country gathered at Cleveland State University in response to incidents of police brutality targeting the African-American community. Specifically, the deaths of individuals such as Michael Brown, Eric Garner, and Tamir Rice sparked a need for the conference among the African-American community. During the three day conference (July 24–26), activists participated in discussions, viewed short films, and engaged in workshops designed to mobilize individuals seeking to find solutions to the problems that black communities face. The Cleveland State University convention is considered the first major gathering of the Movement for Black Lives as more than 1500 individuals attended the conference. Subsequently, activists from the convention embarked on a mission to establish the official Movement for Black Lives organization as well as establish a policy platform that could guide activists from around the country in their fight to end police brutality and discrimination against blacks within the United States.
The conference gained even more national media attention when, on the last day of the convention, a Cleveland Regional Transit Authority (RTA) officer maced a crowd of primarily African-American activists just blocks away from Cleveland State University. The crowd had gathered in response to an RTA officer's detention of an African-American teen for intoxication. According to authorities, the teenager was unable to "care for himself" due to his level of intoxication, and thus the authorities thought it was necessary to take him into custody. During the teenager's detention a crowd gathered around the police cruiser to protest the detention of the teen; in order to clear the crowd from the path of the police cruiser, "a Transit Police officer used a general burst of pepper spray" directed toward the activists. The incident drew criticism as interest groups, such as the ACLU of Ohio, believed "the use of pepper spray by law enforcement as a means of crowd control is questionable."
Professional sports demonstrations.
Athletes across American professional sports have demonstrated their support for the movement through various demonstrations and protests. In 2016, professional football player Colin Kaepernick elected to kneel during the playing of the national anthem at an NFL football game. During post-game interviews, Kaepernick explained, "I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color." Kaepernick and other NFL player activists received intense criticism for their pre-game protests throughout the 2016 season, including criticism from Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg who said, "Would I arrest them for doing it? No... I think it's dumb and disrespectful." Although Colin Kaepernick's protest received mixed criticism, it unequivocally brought increased salience to the matter of black lives within the United States.
Players from other American professional sports, such as the National Basketball Association, have also participated in demonstrations to support the Movement for Black Lives. In 2016, professional basketball players LeBron James, Chris Paul, Dwyane Wade, and Carmelo Anthony took center-stage at the ESPY's to deliver a "call to action" in response to the shootings of both Philando Castile and Alton Sterling, as well as the deaths of five police officers that were slain earlier that month. The four NBA stars saw it as an opportunity to bring individuals on both sides of the Movement for Black Lives together; former Miami Heat shooting guard, Dwyane Wade stated, "Racial profiling has to stop... but also the retaliation has to stop. Enough is enough." The group further encouraged Americans to "renounce all violence," and instead, focus their efforts on rebuilding the divided communities within America.
Strike for Black Lives.
On July 20, 2020, the Movement for Black Lives was one of 60 other groups, including several dozen trade unions, that organized the Strike for Black Lives. As part of the ongoing George Floyd protests and the larger Black Lives Matter movement, the strike consisted of a nation-wide walkout involving thousands of workers protesting for racial and economic justice.
Reception.
Organizations such as the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, ACLU of Northern California, and the National Council of Jewish Women showed support for the Movement for Black Lives by issuing public statements following the movement's controversial publication of its platform. The Movement for Black Lives' call for criminal justice reform and the end of police brutality resonated with many advocacy groups. In one statement, the National Council of Jewish Women stated, "NCJW affirms that Black lives matter, including Jews of color, who are a vital part of both the Jewish and our NCJW community. We recognize that the Black and Jewish communities are inextricably linked and our struggles for social justice are connected."
The Movement for Black Lives received further support from Democracy for America following the release of its policy platform. One of the primary goals of the Movement for Black Lives is to promote a democracy that is more representative of black communities in America. Various political organizations have stood in solidarity with MBL because, according to Democracy for America, it is seen as "an ideal catalyst for the substantive, results-oriented conversations the current and future leaders of the Democratic Party must have with the communities they serve". Furthermore, the Movement for Black Lives' goals to promote economic, political, and social change provide a "solid blueprint" for future legislators as they seek to further understand and resolve the problems that exist within the black community.
In 2016, the Ford Foundation partnered with Borealis Philanthropy, an intermediary organization, to set up a "Black-Led Movement Fund" with the stated intention to "bring $100 million in new resources to the Movement for Black Lives". Although Ford Foundation decided to no longer move forward with their investment, the BLMF has been able to award small grants to several organizations within the Movement for Black Lives.
There was widespread negative reaction among Jewish organizations to the Movement for Black Lives' 2016 Platform, wherein the latter group stated that "[the] US justifies and advances the global war on terror via its alliance with Israel and is complicit in the genocide taking place against the Palestinian people", that "Israel is an apartheid state", and that "[the] US [has funded an] apartheid wall".
In August 2020, the Movement for Black Lives together with over 100 left-wing organisations, including the Council on American-Islamic Relations, Jewish Voice for Peace and Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, signed an open letter calling for cutting ties with the Anti-Defamation League.


Charles Estoppey

Charles Estoppey (15 February 1820 in Payerne – 30 October 1888 in Saint-Légier) was a Swiss politician of the Free Democratic Party.
Born in Payerne, Charles Estoppey was the son of Jean-Daniel Estoppey, a school teacher, and married to Elisabeth Marguerite Böhlen. He studied law in Lausanne between 1840 and 1844 and then became judge in Payerne between 1845 and 1848.
He was elected State Councillor of the Canton of Vaud between 1866 and 1888, at the National Council between 1852 and 1863, and at the Council of States between 1867 and 1873, and again between 1875 and 1888.
In 1875, he was elected to the Swiss Federal Council, However, he stood down and was replaced by Numa Droz


Bonavista (electoral district)

Bonavista is a provincial electoral district in Newfoundland and Labrador, which is represented by one member in the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly. It was contested for the first time in the 2015 provincial election.
Prior to the district's creation in 2015 the area was largely represented by the district of Bonavista South.
Members of the House of Assembly.
The district has elected the following Members of the House of Assembly:


Andrew Hardie (radical)

Andrew Hardie was second-in-command of the Radical Forces who marched on Scotland's Carron Ironworks at Bonnymuir near Falkirk in the "Radical War" of 1820.
He was sentenced to death and was executed in Stirling on September 8, 1820, along with John Baird. In his speech on the scaffold he declared himself "a martyr to the cause of truth and justice".


United Nations Security Council Resolution 545

United Nations Security Council Resolution 545 was adopted on 20 December 1983; after hearing representations from the People's Republic of Angola, the Council recalled resolutions 387 (1976), 428 (1978), 447 (1979), 454 (1979) and 475 (1980), and expressed its concern at the continuing attacks on the country by South Africa through occupied South West Africa.
The council demanded South Africa cease the attacks and respect Angola's sovereignty and territorial integrity, called upon South Africa to cease the occupation of southern Angola and withdraw its forces, and requested the Secretary-General continue to monitor the situation and report back to the Council as appropriate.
The resolution was approved by 14 votes to none, while the United States abstained.


Julia de Burgos

Julia de Burgos García (February 17, 1914 – July 6, 1953) was a Puerto Rican poet. As an advocate of Puerto Rican independence, she served as Secretary General of the Daughters of Freedom, the women's branch of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. She was also a civil rights activist for women and African/Afro-Caribbean writers.
Early years.
Julia de Burgos (birth name: Julia Constanza Burgos García) was born to Francisco Burgos Hans (a farmer) and Paula García de Burgos. Her father was a member of the Puerto Rico National Guard and had a farm near the town of Carolina, Puerto Rico, where she was born. The family later moved to the barrio of Santa Cruz of the same city. She was the oldest of thirteen children. Six of her younger siblings died of malnutrition. Her first work was "Río Grande de Loíza".
After she graduated from Muñoz Rivera Primary School in 1928, her family moved to Rio Piedras where she was awarded a scholarship to attend University High School. In 1931, she enrolled in University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras Campus to become a teacher.
In 1933, de Burgos graduated at the age of 19 from the University of Puerto Rico with a degree in teaching. She became a teacher and taught at Feijoo Elementary School in Barrio Cedro Arriba of Naranjito, Puerto Rico. She also worked as writer for a children's program on public radio, but was reportedly fired for her political beliefs. Among her early influences were Luis Lloréns Torres, Mercedes Negrón Muñoz a.k.a. "Clara Lair", Rafael Alberti and Pablo Neruda. According to de Burgos, "My childhood was all a poem in the river, and a river in the poem of my first dreams."
Nationalist.
In 1934, de Burgos married Ruben Rodriguez Beauchamp and ended her teaching career. In 1936, she became a member of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico) and was elected to the position of Secretary General of the Daughters of Freedom, the women's branch of the Nationalist Party. The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party was the independence party headed by Pedro Albizu Campos, a Puerto Rican Nationalist. She divorced her husband in 1937.
Literature.
By the early 1930s, de Burgos was already a published writer in journals and newspapers. She published three books which contained a collection of her poems. For her first two books, she traveled around the island promoting herself by giving book readings. Her third book was published posthumously in 1954. De Burgos' lyrical poems are a combination of the intimate, the land and the social struggle of the oppressed. Many critics assert that her poetry anticipated the work of feminist writers and poets as well as that of other Hispanic authors. In one of her poems, she writes: "I am life, strength, woman." De Burgos received awards and recognition for her work and was celebrated by poets including Pablo Neruda, whom she met in Cuba, and stated that her calling was to be one of the greatest poet of the Americas.
Among de Burgos' works are:
Later years.
Later in life, de Burgos became romantically involved with Dr. Juan Isidro Jimenes Grullón, a Dominican physician. According to Grullón, many of her poems during that time were inspired by the love that she felt for him. In 1939, de Burgos and Jimenes Grullón traveled first to Cuba where she attended briefly the University of Havana and then later to New York City where she worked as a journalist for "Pueblos Hispanos", a progressive newspaper.
Shortly after their arrival in Cuba, de Burgos' relationship with Jimenes Grullón began to show tension. After trying to save her relationship, she instead left and returned once again to New York, however this time alone, where she took menial jobs to support herself. In 1943, she married Armando Marín, a musician from Vieques. In 1947, the marriage also ended in divorce, lapsing de Burgos into further depression and alcoholism.
In February 1953, she wrote one of her last poems, "Farewell in Welfare Island." It was written during her last hospitalization and is believed by her peers to be one of the only poems she wrote in English. In the poem she foreshadows her death and reveals an ever darker concept of life.
Death.
On June 28, 1953, de Burgos left the home of a relative in Brooklyn, where she had been residing. She disappeared without leaving a clue as to where she went.
It was later discovered that on July 6, 1953, she collapsed on a sidewalk in the Spanish Harlem section of Manhattan, and later died of pneumonia at a hospital in Harlem at the age of 39. Since no one claimed her body and she had no identification on her, the city gave her a pauper's burial on Hart Island, the city's only potter's field.
Eventually, some of her friends and relatives were able to trace her, find her grave, and claim her body. A committee was organized in Puerto Rico, presided over by Dr. Margot Arce de Vázquez, to have her remains transferred to the island. De Burgos's remains arrived on September 6, 1953 and funeral services for her were held at the Puerto Rican Atheneum. She was given a hero's burial at the Municipal Cemetery of Carolina. A monument was later built at her burial site by the City of Carolina.
Honors.
In 1986, the Spanish Department of the University of Puerto Rico posthumously honored de Burgos by granting her a doctorate in Human Arts and Letters.
Cities that have honored de Burgos include:
The Puerto Rican sculptor Tomás Batista sculpted a bust of de Burgos in the Julia de Burgos Park in Carolina. Isabel Cuchí Coll published a book about de Burgos titled "Dos Poetisas de América: Clara Lair y Julia de Burgos". Puerto Rican poet Giannina Braschi, who was born the year of de Burgos' death, pays homage to her poetry and legend in the Spanglish novel "Yo-Yo Boing!"
At Yale University, the Latino Cultural Center is named in her honor, La Casa Cultural Julia de Burgos.
A documentary about the life of de Burgos was made in 2002 titled "Julia, Toda en mi ... " ("Julia, All in me ... ") directed and produced by Ivonne Belén. Another biopic about her life, "Vida y poesía de Julia de Burgos," was filmed and released in Puerto Rico in 1978.
In New York City, the Julia de Burgos Cultural Center, on 106th Street and Lexington Avenue, is named after her.
On September 14, 2010, in a ceremony held in San Juan, the United States Postal Service honored de Burgos' life and literary work with the issuance of a first class postage stamp, the 26th release in the postal system's "Literary Arts" series. The stamp's portrait was created by Toronto-based artist Jody Hewgill.
In 2011, de Burgos was inducted into the New York Writers Hall of Fame.
There is a plaque, located at the monument to the Jayuya Uprising participants in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, honoring the women of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. De Burgos' name is on the sixth line of the third plate.
On May 29, 2014, The Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico honored 12 illustrious women with plaques in the "La Plaza en Honor a la Mujer Puertorriqueña" (Plaza in Honor of Puerto Rican Women) in San Juan. According to the plaques each of the 12 women, who by virtue of their merits and legacies, stand out in the history of Puerto Rico. De Burgos was among the 12 who were honored.
In September 2017, artist-activist Molly Crabapple (herself of Puerto Rican descent) disbursed the profits of the sales of her portrait of de Burgos to the Puerto Rico Hurricane Maria Recovery Fund. The Giclee 17″ x 22″ print is captioned with one of the poet's most famous lines: "En todo me lo juego a ser lo que soy yo/I gamble everything to be what I am."
In 2018, the "New York Times" published a belated obituary for her.
In music.
The third movement of Leonard Bernstein's "" is a setting of de Burgos' poem "A Julia de Burgos". Jack Gottlieb wrote, "In angry words (sung in Spanish) she expresses her defiance of the dual role she plays as a conventional woman and as a liberated woman-poet. (Her poem antedates by two decades the women's liberation movement.) The music is sharply rhythmic, and might well be underscoring for a bullfight."


Rapaille Partij

The Vrije Socialistische Groep or Sociaal-Anarchistische Actie in Nederland, nicknamed Rapaille Partij ("Riffraf Party") was a Dutch local political party founded in Amsterdam in the 1920s. Their ideology was strongly against democracy, the parliamentary system and the obligation to vote. In order to ridicule democracy, they tried to have marginal figures elected such as the vagabond and street musician Hadjememaar (Cornelis de Gelder) and former anarchist Bertus Zuurbier.
They never succeeded in being voted into Parliament, but they participated successfully in the municipal elections of Amsterdam where they won two seats which were taken by Hadjememaar and Zuurbier. Its platform included free alcoholic beverages for citizens in Amsterdam, the abolition of compulsory voting, and free fishing and hunting in the Vondelpark. However, after the elections the authorities (not coincidentally at a politically opportune moment) arrested Hadjememaar and forced him to follow a detox program. Zuurbier took his seat but it was said that he never participated in discussions. According to minutes of the meeting he actually did participate and ventilated his anarchist beliefs, however his contributions were systematically ignored by the press.
Be it as it may, after a while the party no longer succeeded in raising similar stunts to attract attention. This caused the party to lose popularity, and it soon dissolved.


Suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations

Suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations is the most serious punishment that can be administered to members of the Commonwealth. In the absence of any mechanism by which to expel countries that breach its rules, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) may choose to suspend members from the 'Councils of the Commonwealth', which amounts to the suspension of their formal membership of the organisation, although their participation in activities of the Commonwealth Family of organisations is not necessarily affected.
Four countries have been suspended from the Commonwealth since the inception of the device in 1995: Fiji, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Zimbabwe. Fiji and Pakistan have each been suspended twice, and Zimbabwe withdrew from the Commonwealth.


Natal Mounted Rifles


National Urban League Young Professionals

The National Urban League Young Professionals (NULYP), is a National Urban League volunteer, member, auxiliary that targets professionals ages 21–40 to empower their communities and change lives through the Urban League Movement. Its current president is Ray B. Shackelford.
History.
In the late 1980s, several Urban League affiliates recognized the need to prepare a new generation of young leaders to take the mantle of leadership of the civil rights movement. Young African American men and women, between the ages of 20-40, were invited to participate in and take an active leadership role in their local Affiliate Urban League programs and activities.
These auxiliary groups actively supported the Urban League movement by educating other young professionals about the movement, recruiting new members, volunteering, sponsoring educational initiatives like youth mentoring and tutoring programs, coordinating fundraisers for scholarships, and delivering personal and professional development and networking opportunities to young professionals in their local communities.
As these auxiliaries began to grow, the Affiliate leadership took note of their success and began to ponder the power of a national movement of young professionals across the country. Hugh Price, then president and CEO of the National Urban League, realized the need to make this potential national movement into a reality. He held a historic "Young Professionals Dialog Session" with over 200 young professionals in the New York area in April 1998. This dialog session, in addition to a white paper submitted by Marcus Mitchell, ignited the spark that led to the formation of a working group, tasked with establishing the framework and foundation for the National Urban League Young Professionals.
Under the direction of Annelle Lewis, senior vice president of affiliate development and programs, the working group again convened in New York in September 1998.
The National Urban League Young Professionals (NULYP) was unveiled at the 1999 National Urban League Annual Conference in Houston, TX. Marcus Mitchell assumed the role of president and under his leadership, the organization began to define itself and to carve out its role in the National Urban League movement. The leadership team met on regularly to refine the structure of the organization as well as to develop its first draft of by-laws. Soon thereafter, a special election was held to fill the open positions on the newly established NULYP executive board.
Current status.
Today, there are over 62 chapters and 5,500 members supporting Urban League affiliate offices located in 35 states and the District of Columbia.
In October 2014, the National Urban League Young Professionals announced a partnership with the Alabama Power Foundation to present the "LEAD [YP]" Conference, January 15–18, 2015 at the Birmingham-Jefferson Convention Center in Birmingham, Alabama. It was designed to equip today's diverse Millennials and Gen-Xers from across the nation with training and tools to be leaders in their communities.
Presidents.
The Presidents of the National Urban League Young Professionals have been:
Local Chapters.
Akron Urban League Young Professionals
http://www.akronurbanleague.org
Columbus Urban League Young Professionals
http://www.culyp.org
Detroit YP Blue Monday Network
http://www.deturbanleague.org
Grand Rapids Urban League Young Professionals
http://www.grurbanleague.org
Metropolitan Board of the Chicago Urban League
http://.metroboard.org
Milwaukee Urban League Young Professionals
http://www.tmulyp.org
The Exchange at the Indianapolis Urban League
http://www.indplsul.org/the-exchange-iulyp/
Urban League of Greater Madison Young Professionals
http://www.ulgm.org
Urban League of Greater Southwest Ohio Young Professionals
http://www.ulypgso.org
Urban League of Nebraska Young Professionals
http://www.urbanleagueneb.org/
Urban League Young Professionals of Metropolitan St. Louis
http://www.ulypstl.wildapricot.org/
Eastern Region
http://www.bulypny.org
Greater Baltimore Leadership Association
http://www.gblaimpact.org
Greater Washington Urban League Thursday Network
http://www.thursdaynetwork.org
New York Urban League Young Professionals
https://www.nyul.org/meet-the-league/young-professionals
NExT Philadelphia-an affinity group of the Urban League of Philadelphia
http://www.urbanleaguephila.org
Northern Virginia Urban League Young Professionals Network
http://www.nvulypn.org
Rhode Island Young Professionals
Website: http://www.riyp.org
Urban League of Bergen County Young Professionals
Website: http://ulbcnj.org/young-professionals/
Urban League of Greater Hartford Young Professionals
Website: www.ulghyp.org
Urban League of Greater Richmond Young Professionals Network
Website: http://www.empowerrichmond.org
Urban League of Hampton Roads Young Professionals
Website: http://www.ulhryp.org
Urban League of Portland Young Professionals
Website: https://www.ulpdxyp.org
Urban League of Long Island Young Professionals
Website: http://www.urbanleaguelongisland.org/
Urban League of Union County Young Professionals
Website: https://presidentulucyp.wixsite.com/ulucyp
Urban League of Essex County Young Professionals
Website: www.ulec.org/
Urban League Young Professionals of Greater Pittsburgh
Website: http://www.ulyppgh.org
Young Professionals Network of Urban League of Eastern Massachusetts
Website: http://www.ypnulem.org/
Austin Area Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.aaulyp.org
Birmingham Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.bulyp.org
Central Florida Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.cful.org/
Dallas Fort Worth Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.dfwulyp.org
Houston Area Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.haulyp.org
Jacksonville Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.jaxul.org/yp.html
Knoxville Area Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.kaulyp.org
Las Vegas Urban League Young Professionals
Website: https://www.lvulyp.org/
Lexington Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.ypinlex.org/
Louisville Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.lul.org/membership/yp
Memphis Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://ul-memphis.iamempowered.com/content/mulyp
Pinellas County Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.pculyp.org
Urban League of Broward County Young Professionals
Website: www.ulbcypn.org
Urban League of Central Carolinas Young Professionals
Website: www.urbanleaguecc.org/page.asp?urh=YoungProfessionals/
Urban League of Greater Atlanta Young Professionals
Website: www.ulga-yp.org
Urban League of Greater Columbus Young Professionals
Website: www.ulgcyp.org
Urban League of Greater New Orleans Young Professionals
Website: www.urbanleaguela.org
Urban League of the Upstate Young Professionals (Greenville)
Website: www.urbanleagueupstate.org
Urban League Young Professionals of Middle Tennessee
Website: www.theulypmt.org
Urban League Young Professional of Palm Beach County
Website: www.ulpbc.org
Winston-Salem Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.wsurban.org
Western Region
Website: www.bayareaulyp.org
Greater Phoenix Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.gphxulyp.com
Greater Sacramento Urban League Young Professionals
Website: http://www.joinyp.org
Los Angeles Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.laulyp.com
Urban League of San Diego County Young Professionals
Website: www.sdulyp.org
Seattle Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.ulmsyp.org
Tacoma Urban League Young Professionals
Tucson Urban League Young Professionals
Website: www.tucsonurbanleague.org
Urban League of Metropolitan Denver Young Professionals
Website: www.dulyp.wildapricot.org