Kootenay West (provincial electoral district)

Kootenay West is a provincial electoral district in British Columbia, Canada, established by the "Electoral Districts Act, 2008". It was first contested in the 2009 general election.
The riding is seen as a safe NDP seat; the party has won 9 out of the last 10 elections. Before the NDP victory in 1972, the riding voted consistently for Social Credit.
Geography.
As of the 2020 provincial election, Kootenay West comprises the western portion of the Regional District of Central Kootenay and the southeastern portion of the Regional District of Kootenay Boundary. It is located in southern British Columbia and is bordered by Washington, United States to the south. Communities in the electoral district consist of Castlegar, Trail, Rossland, Fruitvale, and Nakusp.
Member of Legislative Assembly.
On account of the realignment of electoral boundaries, most incumbents did not represent the entirety of their listed district during the preceding legislative term. Its MLA incumbent is Katrine Conroy, British Columbia New Democratic Party initially elected during the 2005 election to the West Kootenay-Boundary riding in British Columbia, Canada. Before 2001, the bulk of this riding was part of the Rossland-Trail riding.
Election results.

! style="text-align:right;" colspan="3"|Total Valid Votes
!align="right"|18,193
!align="right"|100%
! style="text-align:right;" colspan="3"|Total Rejected Ballots
!align="right"|88
!align="right"|0.48%
! style="text-align:right;" colspan="3"|Turnout
!align="right"|18,281
!align="right"|59.10%


National Rural Livelihood Mission

National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM) is a poverty alleviation project implemented by Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India. This scheme is focused on promoting self-employment and organization of rural poor. The basic idea behind this programme is to organize the poor into SHG (Self Help Groups) groups and make them capable for self-employment. In 1999 after restructuring Integrated Rural Development Programme(IRDP), Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) launched Swarnajayanti Grameen Swarojgar Yojana (SGSY) to focus on promoting self-employment among rural poor. SGSY is now remodeled to form NRLM thereby plugging the shortfalls of SGSY programme. This scheme was launched in 2011 with a budget of $5.1 billion and is one of the flagship programmes of Ministry of Rural Development. This is one of the world's largest initiatives to improve the livelihood of poor. This programme is supported by the World Bank with a credit of $1 Billion. The scheme was succeeded by Deen Dayal Antyodaya Yojana on 25 September 2015.
Background.
The basic idea behind this scheme was to form SHG groups and help them to start some entrepreneurial activities but later SHG group failed.
Mission, principles, and values.
The core belief of National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM) is that the poor have innate capabilities and a strong desire to come out of poverty. They are entrepreneurial, an essential coping mechanism to survive under conditions of poverty. The challenge is to unleash their capabilities to generate meaningful livelihoods and enable them to come out of poverty.
Mission.
"To reduce poverty by enabling the poor households to access gainful self- employment and skilled wage employment opportunities resulting in appreciable improvement in their livelihoods on a sustainable basis, through building strong and sustainable grassroots institutions of the poor."
Values.
The core values which guide all the activities under NRLM are as follows:
Approach.
In order to build, support and sustain livelihood of the poor, NRLM will harness their capability and complement them with capacities (information, knowledge, skill, tools, finance and collectivization), so that the poor can deal with the external world. NRLM works on three pillars – enhancing and expanding existing livelihoods options of the poor; building skills for the job market outside; and nurturing self-employed and entrepreneurs.
NRLM will be implemented in a mission mode. This enables:
(a) shift from the present allocation based strategy to a demand driven strategy, enabling the states to formulate their own livelihoods-based poverty reduction action plans.
(b) focus on targets, outcomes and time bound delivery.
(c) continuous capacity building, imparting requisite skills and creating linkages with livelihoods opportunities for the poor, including those emerging in the organized sector.
(d) monitoring against targets of poverty outcomes.
As NRLM follows a demand driven strategy, the States have the flexibility to develop their own livelihoods-based perspective plans and annual action plans for poverty reduction. The overall plans would be within the allocation for the state based on inter-se poverty ratios.
The second dimension of demand driven strategy implies that the ultimate objective is that the poor will drive the agenda, through participatory planning at grassroots level, implementation of their own plans, reviewing and generating further plans based on their experiences. The plans will not only be demand driven, they will also be dynamic.
Criticism.
NRLM is one of the major programme run by Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD). But it has some serious shortcomings.


American Bankruptcy Institute

The American Bankruptcy Institute is an organization of over 13,000 bankruptcy and insolvency professionals, including attorneys, judges, law professors, accountants, investment bankers and turn-around specialists. It bills itself as the "largest multi-disciplinary, non-partisan organization dedicated to research and education on matters related to insolvency."
The ABI disseminates information by organizing conferences and publishing scholarly journals, including the American Bankruptcy Institute Law Review. It also holds panels bringing together multiple viewpoints on particular issues relating to insolvency. In addition, the ABI has established a commission to study and propose reforms to Chapter 11 law governing bankruptcies.


List of prime ministers of Elizabeth II

Since succeeding her father on 6 February 1952, Queen Elizabeth II has been head of state of 32 different independent states; currently, there are 16 states, called Commonwealth realms. Within the Westminster system in each realm, the Queen's government is headed by a prime minister. Appointment and dismissal of prime ministers are common reserve powers that can be exercised by the Queen or her governors-general.
This list does not cover Commonwealth nations that are not Commonwealth realms, nor holders of offices of prime minister in colonies or sub-national entities such as states or provinces.
The Queen has had over 170 individuals serve as her realms' prime ministers throughout her reign, the first new appointment being Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister of Ceylon and the most recent being Johnny Briceño as Prime Minister of Belize; some of these individuals have served multiple non-consecutive terms in office (within the same state) as prime minister. Several of the Queen's prime ministers from various realms have been appointed for life to the Privy Council of the United Kingdom.
Prime ministers of current realms.
Antigua and Barbuda.
Antigua and Barbuda became independent on 1 November 1981 with Vere Bird as the first prime minister. Bird had previously been Premier of Antigua.
Australia.
Robert Menzies was the incumbent prime minister of Australia when Elizabeth became queen.
Bahamas.
The Bahamas became independent on 10 July 1973 with Lynden Pindling as the first prime minister. Pindling had previously been the prime minister of the self-governing Commonwealth of the Bahama Islands.
Barbados.
Barbados became independent on 30 November 1966 with Errol Barrow as the first prime minister. Barrow had previously been Premier of Barbados.
Belize.
Belize became independent on 21 September 1981 with George Cadle Price as the first prime minister. Price had previously been Premier of Belize.
Canada.
Louis St. Laurent was the incumbent Prime Minister of Canada when Elizabeth became queen.
Grenada.
Grenada became independent on 7 February 1974 with Eric Gairy as the first prime minister. Gairy had previously been Premier of Grenada.
Jamaica.
Jamaica became independent on 6 August 1962 with Alexander Bustamante as the first prime minister. Bustamante had previously been Premier of Jamaica.
New Zealand.
Sidney Holland was the incumbent Prime Minister of New Zealand when Elizabeth became queen.
Papua New Guinea.
Papua New Guinea became independent on 16 September 1975 with Michael Somare as the first prime minister. Somare had previously been Chief Minister of the Papua New Guinea.
Saint Kitts and Nevis.
Saint Kitts and Nevis became independent on 19 September 1983 with Kennedy Simmonds as the first prime minister. Simmonds had previously been Premier of Saint Kitts and Nevis.
Saint Lucia.
Saint Lucia became independent on 22 February 1979 with John Compton as the first prime minister. Compton had previously been Premier of Saint Lucia.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines became independent on 27 October 1979 with Milton Cato as the first prime minister. Cato had previously been Premier of Saint Vincent.
Solomon Islands.
The Solomon Islands became independent on 7 July 1978 with Peter Kenilorea as the first prime minister.
Tuvalu.
Tuvalu became independent on 1 October 1978 with Toaripi Lauti as the first prime minister. Lauti had previously been Chief Minister of Tuvalu.
United Kingdom.
Winston Churchill was the incumbent Prime Minister of the United Kingdom when Elizabeth became queen. The current Prime Minister is Boris Johnson.
Prime ministers of former realms.
This section lists prime ministers during Elizabeth's reign of former states that became republics during her reign. Where an office of prime minister remained after the transition, and the incumbent at the time of transition remained in that office, the date of the end of that period in office is given in the tables below.
Ceylon.
D. S. Senanayake was the incumbent prime minister of Ceylon when Elizabeth became queen.
Ceylon abolished the monarchy on 22 May 1972 and became the "Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka". Bandaranaike remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 23 July 1977.
Fiji.
Fiji became independent on 10 October 1970 with Kamisese Mara as the first prime minister. Mara had previously been Chief Minister of Fiji.
Following the 1987 Fijian coups d'état (which resulted in a vacancy in the premiership until December 1987), on 7 October 1987, the new ruling regime declared the nation to have become the Republic of Fiji. Fiji's relationship with the monarchy after this transition is complex (see Monarchy of Fiji).
Gambia.
The Gambia became independent on 18 February 1965 with Dawda Jawara as the first prime minister. Jawara had previously been prime minister of the self-governing Gambia.
The Gambia abolished the monarchy on 24 April 1970, via referendum. Jawara became President of the Gambia on the same day as the post of prime minister was abolished.
Ghana.
Ghana became independent on 15 August 1957, with Kwame Nkrumah as its first prime minister. Nkrumah had previously been prime minister of the self-governing Gold Coast.
Ghana abolished the monarchy on 1 July 1960, via referendum. Nkrumah became President of Ghana on the same day as the post of prime minister was abolished.
Guyana.
Guyana became independent on 26 May 1966, with Forbes Burnham as its first prime minister. Burnham had previously been Premier of British Guiana.
Guyana abolished the monarchy on 23 February 1970. Burnham remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 6 October 1980.
Kenya.
Kenya became independent on 12 December 1963, with Jomo Kenyatta becoming the first prime minister. Kenyatta had previously been prime minister of self-governing Kenya.
Kenya abolished the monarchy on 12 December 1964. Kenyatta became President of Kenya as the post of prime minister was abolished.
Malawi.
Malawi became independent on 6 July 1964, with Hastings Banda as prime minister. Banda had previously been prime minister of self-governing Nyasaland.
Malawi abolished the monarchy on 6 July 1966. Banda became President of Malawi as the post of prime minister was abolished.
Malta.
The Crown Colony of Malta became independent as the State of Malta on 21 September 1964 with George Borg Olivier as prime minister. Olivier had previously been the colony's prime minister.
Malta abolished the monarchy on 13 December 1974 and became the current Republic of Malta, a republic within the Commonwealth. Mintoff remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 22 December 1984.
Mauritius.
Mauritius became independent on 12 March 1968, with Seewoosagur Ramgoolam becoming the first prime minister. Ramgoolam had previously been Chief Minister of Mauritius.
Mauritius abolished the monarchy on 12 March 1992. Jugnauth remained in office as the republic's prime minister until 15 December 1995.
Nigeria.
The Federation of Nigeria became independent on 1 October 1960, with Abubakar Tafawa Balewa becoming the first Prime Minister of Nigeria. Balewa had previously been Chief Minister of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria.
Nigeria became the Federal Republic of Nigeria on 1 October 1963. Balewa remained in office as the republic's prime minister until his overthrow and assassination in the 1966 Nigerian coup d'état on 15 January 1966.
Pakistan.
Khawaja Nazimuddin was the incumbent Prime Minister of Pakistan when Elizabeth became queen.
Pakistan abolished the monarchy on 23 March 1956. Ali remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 12 September 1956.
Sierra Leone.
Sierra Leone became independent on 27 April 1961, with Milton Margai as the first prime minister. Margai had previously been Prime Minister of the Protectorate of Sierra Leone.
Siaka Stevens assumed the role of prime minister following his party's narrow victory in the 1967 general election. However, immediately after taking office, Stevens was deposed by the National Reformation Council in a coup d'état and placed under house arrest. Military rule persisted until an April 1968 counter-coup restored Stevens' premiership.
Sierra Leone became the Republic of Sierra Leone on 19 April 1971. Stevens left the office of prime minister two days later and became President of Sierra Leone.
South Africa.
Daniel François Malan was the incumbent prime minister of the Union of South Africa when Elizabeth became queen.
Following a referendum, South Africa abolished the monarchy on 31 May 1961, becoming the Republic of South Africa. Verwoerd remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 6 September 1966.
Tanganyika.
Tanganyika became independent on 9 December 1961, with Julius Nyerere as its first prime minister. Nyerere had previously been the prime minister of self-governing Tanganyika".
Tanganyika abolished the monarchy on 9 December 1962. The post of prime minister was abolished.
Trinidad and Tobago.
Trinidad and Tobago became independent on 31 August 1962, with Eric Williams as its first prime minister. Williams had previously been Chief Minister and Premier of Trinidad and Tobago.
Trinidad and Tobago abolished the monarchy on 1 August 1976. Williams remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 29 March 1981.
Uganda.
Uganda became independent on 9 October 1962 with Milton Obote as the first prime minister. Obote had previously been the prime minister of self-governing Uganda.
Uganda abolished the monarchy on 9 October 1963. Obote remained in office as the republic's first prime minister until 15 April 1966.


Vasil Levski

Vasil Levski (, spelled in old Bulgarian orthography as Василъ Лѣвскій, ), born Vasil Ivanov Kunchev (Васил Иванов Кунчев; 18 July 1837 – 18 February 1873), was a Bulgarian revolutionary and is a national hero of Bulgaria today. Dubbed the "Apostle of Freedom", Levski ideologised and strategised a revolutionary movement to liberate Bulgaria from Ottoman rule. Levski founded the Internal Revolutionary Organisation, and sought to foment a nationwide uprising through a network of secret regional committees.
Born in the Sub-Balkan town of Karlovo to middle-class parents, Levski became an Orthodox monk before emigrating to join the two Bulgarian Legions in Serbia and other Bulgarian revolutionary groups. Abroad, he acquired the nickname "Levski" ("Lionlike"). After working as a teacher in Bulgarian lands, he propagated his views and developed the concept of his Bulgaria-based revolutionary organisation, an innovative idea that superseded the foreign-based detachment strategy of the past. In Romania, Levski helped institute the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee, composed of Bulgarian expatriates. During his tours of Bulgaria, Levski established a wide network of insurrectionary committees. Ottoman authorities, however, captured him at an inn near Lovech and executed him by hanging in Sofia.
Levski looked beyond the act of liberation and envisioned a Bulgarian republic of ethnic and religious equality, largely reflecting the liberal ideas of the French Revolution and contemporary Western society. He said, "We will be free in complete liberty where the Bulgarian lives: in Bulgaria, Thrace, Macedonia; people of whatever ethnicity live in this heaven of ours, they will be equal in rights to the Bulgarian in everything. Levski held that all religious and ethnic groups live in a free Bulgaria enjoy equal rights. He is commemorated with monuments in Bulgaria and Serbia, and numerous national institutions bear his name. In 2007, he topped a nationwide television poll as the all-time greatest Bulgarian.
Historical background.
The 19th-century Ottoman Empire's economic hardships prompted its personification as the "sick man of Europe". The reforms planned by the sultans faced insuperable difficulties. Bulgarian nationalism gradually emerged during the mid-19th century with the economic upsurge of Bulgarian merchants and craftsmen, the development of Bulgarian-funded popular education, the struggle for an autonomous Bulgarian Church and political actions towards the formation of a separate Bulgarian state. The First and Second Serbian Uprisings had laid the foundation of an autonomous Serbia during the late 1810s, and Greece had been established as an independent state in 1832, in the wake of the Greek War of Independence. However, support for gaining independence through an armed struggle against the Ottomans was not universal. Revolutionary sentiment was concentrated largely among the more educated and urban sectors of the populace. There was less support for an organized revolt among the peasantry and the wealthier merchants and traders, who feared that Ottoman reprisals would jeopardize economic stability and widespread rural land ownership.
Biography.
Early life, education and monkhood.
Vasil Levski was born Vasil Ivanov Kunchev on in the town of Karlovo, within the Ottoman Empire's European province of Rumelia. He was the namesake of his maternal uncle, Archimandrite (superior abbot) Vasil (Василий, "Vasiliy"). Levski's parents, Ivan Kunchev and Gina Kuncheva (née Karaivanova), came from a family of clergy and craftsmen and were members of the emerging Bulgarian middle class. An eminent but struggling local craftsman, Ivan Kunchev died in 1844. Levski had two younger brothers, Hristo and Petar, and an older sister, Yana; another sister, Maria, died during childhood.
Fellow revolutionary Panayot Hitov later described the adult Levski as being of medium height and having an agile, wiry appearance—with light, greyish-blue eyes, blond hair, and a small moustache. He added that Levski abstained from smoking and drinking. Hitov's memories of Levski's appearance are supported by Levski's contemporaries, revolutionary and writer Lyuben Karavelov and teacher Ivan Furnadzhiev. The only differences are that Karavelov claimed Levski was tall rather than of medium height, while Furnadzhiev noted that his moustache was light brown and his eyes appeared hazel.
Levski began his education at a school in Karlovo, studying homespun tailoring as a local craftsman's apprentice. In 1855, Levski's uncle Basil—archimandrite and envoy of the Hilandar monastery—took him to Stara Zagora, where he attended school and worked as Basil's servant. Afterward, Levski joined a clerical training course. On 7 December 1858, he became an Orthodox monk in the Sopot monastery under the religious name Ignatius (Игнатий, "Ignatiy") and was promoted in 1859 to hierodeacon, which later inspired one of Levski's informal nicknames, "The Deacon" (Дякона, "Dyakona").
First Bulgarian Legion and educational work.
Inspired by Georgi Sava Rakovski's revolutionary ideas, Levski left for the Serbian capital Belgrade during the spring of 1862. In Belgrade, Rakovski had been assembling the First Bulgarian Legion, a military detachment formed by Bulgarian volunteers and revolutionary workers seeking the overthrow of Ottoman rule. Abandoning his service as a monk, Levski enlisted as a volunteer. At the time, relations between the Serbs and their Ottoman suzerains were tense. During the Battle of Belgrade in which Turkish forces entered the city, Levski and the Legion distinguished themselves in repelling them.
Further militant conflicts in Belgrade were eventually resolved diplomatically, and the First Bulgarian Legion was disbanded under Ottoman pressure on 12 September 1862. His courage during training and fighting earned him his nickname Levski ("Lionlike"). After the legion's disbandment, Levski joined Ilyo Voyvoda's detachment at Kragujevac, but returned to Rakovski in Belgrade after discovering that Ilyo's plans to invade Bulgaria had failed.
In the spring of 1863, Levski returned to Bulgarian lands after a brief stay in Romania. His uncle Basil reported him as a rebel to the Ottoman authorities, and Levski was imprisoned in Plovdiv for three months, but released due to the help of the doctor R. Petrov and the Russian vice-consul Nayden Gerov. On Easter 1864, Levski officially relinquished his religious office. From May 1864 until March 1866, he worked as a teacher in Voynyagovo near Karlovo; while there, he supported and gave shelter to persecuted Bulgarians and organised patriotic groups among the population. His activity caused suspicion among the Ottoman authorities, and he was forced to move. From the spring of 1866 to the spring of 1867, he taught in Enikyoy and Kongas, two Northern Dobruja villages near Tulcea.
Hitov's detachment and Second Bulgarian Legion.
In November 1866, Levski visited Rakovski in Iaşi. Two revolutionary bands led by Panayot Hitov and Filip Totyu had been inciting the Bulgarian diaspora community in Romania to invade Bulgaria and organise anti-Ottoman resistance. On the recommendation of Rakovski, Vasil Levski was selected as the standard-bearer of Hitov's detachment. In April 1867, the band crossed the Danube at Tutrakan, moved through the Ludogorie region and reached the Balkan Mountains. After skirmishing, the band fled to Serbia through Pirot in August.
In Serbia, the government was again favourable towards the Bulgarian revolutionaries' aspirations and allowed them to establish in Belgrade the Second Bulgarian Legion, an organisation similar to its predecessor and its goals. Levski was a prominent member of the Legion, but between February and April 1868 he suffered from a gastric condition that required surgery. Bedridden, he could not participate in the Legion's training. After the Legion was again disbanded under political pressure, Levski attempted to reunite with his compatriots, but was arrested in Zaječar and briefly imprisoned. Upon his release he went to Romania, where Hadzhi Dimitar and Stefan Karadzha were mobilising revolutionary detachments. For various reasons, including his stomach problems and strategic differences, Levski did not participate. In the winter of 1868, he became acquainted with poet and revolutionary Hristo Botev and lived with him in an abandoned windmill near Bucharest.
Bulgarian tours and work in Romania.
Rejecting the emigrant detachment strategy for internal propaganda, Levski undertook his first tour of the Bulgarian lands to engage all layers of Bulgarian society for a successful revolution. On 11 December 1868, he travelled by steamship from Turnu Măgurele to Istanbul, the starting point of a trek that lasted until 24 February 1869, when Levski returned to Romania. During this canvassing and reconnaissance mission, Levski is thought to have visited Plovdiv, Perushtitsa, Karlovo, Sopot, Kazanlak, Sliven, Tarnovo, Lovech, Pleven and Nikopol, establishing links with local patriots.
After a two-month stay in Bucharest, Vasil Levski returned to Bulgaria for a second tour, lasting from 1 May to 26 August 1869. On this tour he carried proclamations printed in Romania by the political figure Ivan Kasabov. They legitimised Levski as the representative of a Bulgarian provisional government. Vasil Levski travelled to Nikopol, Pleven, Karlovo, Plovdiv, Pazardzhik, Perushtitsa, Stara Zagora, Chirpan, Sliven, Lovech, Tarnovo, Gabrovo, Sevlievo and Tryavna. According to some researchers, Levski established the earliest of his secret committees during this tour, but those assumptions are based on uncertain data.
From late August 1869 to May the following year, Levski was active in the Romanian capital Bucharest. He was in contact with revolutionary writer and journalist Lyuben Karavelov, whose participation in the foundation of the Bulgarian Literary Society Levski approved in writing. Karavelov's publications gathered a number of followers and initiated the foundation of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (BRCC), a centralised revolutionary diasporic organisation that included Levski as a founding member and statute drafter. In disagreement over planning, Levski departed from Bucharest in the spring of 1870 and began to put into action his concept of an internal revolutionary network.
Creation of the Internal Revolutionary Organisation.
Despite insufficient documentation of Levski's activities in 1870, it is known that he spent a year and a half establishing a wide network of secret committees in Bulgarian cities and villages. The network, the Internal Revolutionary Organisation (IRO), was centred around the Lovech Central Committee, also called "BRCC in Bulgaria" or the "provisional government". The goal of the committees was to prepare for a coordinated uprising. The network of committees was at its densest in the central Bulgarian regions, particularly around Sofia, Plovdiv and Stara Zagora. Revolutionary committees were also established in some parts of Macedonia, Dobruja and Strandzha and around the more peripheral urban centres Kyustendil, Vratsa and Vidin. IRO committees purchased armaments and organised detachments of volunteers. According to one study, the organisation had just over 1,000 members in the early 1870s. Most members were intellectuals and traders, though all layers of Bulgarian society were represented.
Individuals obtained IRO membership in secrecy: the initiation ritual involved a formal oath of allegiance over the Gospel or a Christian cross, a gun and a knife; treason was punishable by death, and secret police monitored each member's activities. Through clandestine channels of reliable people, relations were maintained with the revolutionary diasporic community. The internal correspondence employed encryption, conventional signs, and fake personal and committee names. Although Levski himself headed the organisation, he shared administrative responsibilities with assistants such as monk-turned-revolutionary Matey Preobrazhenski, the adventurous Dimitar Obshti, and the young Angel Kanchev.
Apocryphal and semi-legendary anecdotal stories surround the creation of Levski's Internal Revolutionary Organisation. Persecuted by the Ottoman authorities who offered 500 Turkish liras for his death and 1000 for his capture, Levski resorted to disguises to evade arrest during his travels. For example, he is known to have dyed his hair and to have worn a variety of national costumes. In the autumn of 1871, Levski and Angel Kanchev published the "Instruction of the Workers for the Liberation of the Bulgarian People", a BRCC draft statute containing ideological, organisational and penal sections. It was sent out to the local committees and to the diasporic community for discussion. The political and organisational experience that Levski amassed is evident in his correspondence dating from 1871 to 1872; at the time, his views on the revolution had clearly matured.
As IRO expanded, it coordinated its activities more with the Bucharest-based BRCC. On Levski's initiative, a general assembly was called between 29 April and 4 May 1872. At the assembly, the delegates approved a programme and a statute, elected Lyuben Karavelov as the organisation's leader and authorised Levski as the BRCC executive body's only legitimate representative in the Bulgarian lands. After attending the assembly, Levski returned to Bulgaria and reorganised IRO's internal structure in accordance with BRCC's recommendations. Thus, the Lovech Central Committee was reduced to a regular local committee, and the first region-wide revolutionary centres were founded. The lack of funds, however, precipitated the organisation into a crisis, and Levski's one-man judgements on important strategic and tactical matters were increasingly questioned.
Capture and execution.
In that situation, Levski's assistant Dimitar Obshti robbed an Ottoman postal convoy in the Arabakonak pass on 22 September 1872, without approval from Levski or the leadership of the movement. While the robbery was successful and provided IRO with 125,000 groschen, Obshti and the other perpetrators were soon arrested. The preliminary investigation and trial revealed the revolutionary organisation's size and its close relations with BRCC. Obshti and other prisoners made a full confession and revealed Levski's leading role.
Realising that he was in danger, Levski decided to flee to Romania, where he would meet Karavelov and discuss these events. First, however, he had to collect important documentation from the committee archive in Lovech, which would constitute important evidence if seized by the Ottomans. He stayed at the nearby village inn in Kakrina, where he was surprised and arrested on the morning of 27 December 1872. Starting with the writings of Lyuben Karavelov, the most accepted version has been that a priest named Krastyo Nikiforov betrayed Levski to the police. This theory has been disputed by the researchers Ivan Panchovski and Vasil Boyanov for lack of evidence.
Initially taken to Tarnovo for interrogation, Levski was sent to Sofia on 4 January. There, he was taken to trial. While he acknowledged his identity, he did not reveal his accomplices or details related to his organisation, taking full blame. Ottoman authorities sentenced Levski to death by hanging. The sentence was carried out on 18 February 1873 in Sofia, where the Monument to Vasil Levski now stands. The location of Levski's grave is uncertain, but in the 1980s, writer Nikolay Haytov campaigned for the Church of St. Petka of the Saddlers as Levski's burial place, which the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences concluded as possible yet unverifiable.
Levski's death intensified the crisis in the Bulgarian revolutionary movement, and most IRO committees soon disintegrated. Nevertheless, five years after Levski's hanging, the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 secured the liberation of Bulgaria from Ottoman rule in the wake of the April Uprising of 1876. The Treaty of San Stefano of 3 March 1878 established the Bulgarian state as an autonomous Principality of Bulgaria under "de jure" Ottoman suzerainty.
Revolutionary theory and ideas.
At the end of the 1860s, Levski developed a revolutionary theory that saw the Bulgarian liberation movement as an armed uprising of all Bulgarians in the Ottoman Empire. The insurrection was to be prepared, controlled and coordinated internally by a central revolutionary organisation, which was to include local revolutionary committees in all parts of Bulgaria and operate independently from any foreign factors. Levski's theory resulted from the repeated failures to implement Rakovski's ideas effectively, such as the use of foreign-based armed detachments (чети, "cheti") to provoke a general revolt. Levski's idea of an entirely independent revolution did not enjoy the approval of the entire population however—in fact, he was the only prominent Bulgarian revolutionary to advocate it. Instead, many regarded an intervention by the great powers as a more feasible solution.
Levski envisioned Bulgaria as a democratic republic, occasionally finding common ground with the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen", and largely reflecting the liberal ideas of the French Revolution and contemporary Western society. He said, "We will be free in complete liberty where the Bulgarian lives: in Bulgaria, Thrace, Macedonia; people of whatever ethnicity live in this heaven of ours, they will be equal in rights to the Bulgarian in everything. We will have a flag that says, 'Pure and sacred republic'... It is time, by a single deed, to achieve what our French brothers have been seeking..." Levski held that all religious and ethnic groups in a free Bulgaria—whether Bulgarians, Turks, Jews or others—should enjoy equal rights. He reiterated that the Bulgarian revolutionaries fought against the sultan's government, not against the Turkish people and their religion: "We're not driving away the Turkish people nor their faith, but the emperor and his laws (in a word, the Turkish government), which has been ruling not only us, but the Turk himself in a barbarian way."
Levski was prepared to sacrifice his life for the revolution and place Bulgaria and the Bulgarian people above personal interests: "If I shall win, I shall win for the entire people. If I shall lose, I shall lose only myself." In a liberated Bulgaria, he did not envision himself as a national leader or a high-ranking official: "We yearn to see a free fatherland, and [then] one could even order me to graze the ducks, isn't that right?" In the spirit of Garibaldi, Levski planned to assist other oppressed peoples of the world in their liberation once Bulgaria was reestablished. He also advocated "strict and regular accounting" in his revolutionary organisation, and did not tolerate corruption.
Commemoration.
In cities and villages across Bulgaria, Levski's contributions to the liberation movement are commemorated with numerous monuments, and many streets bear his name. Monuments to Levski also exist outside Bulgaria—in Belgrade, Serbia, Dimitrovgrad, Serbia, Parcani, Transnistria, Moldova, Bucharest, Romania, Paris, France, Washington, D.C., United States, and Buenos Aires, Argentina. Three museums dedicated to Levski have been organised: one in Karlovo, one in Lovech and one in Kakrina. The Monument to Vasil Levski in Sofia was erected on the site of his execution.
Several institutions in Bulgaria have been named in Vasil Levski's honour; these include the football club Levski Sofia, the Vasil Levski National Sports Academy and the Vasil Levski National Military University. Bulgaria's national stadium bears the name Vasil Levski National Stadium. The 1000 Bulgarian leva banknote, in circulation between 1994 and 1999, featured Levski's portrait on its obverse side and his monument in Sofia on the reverse. The town of Levski and six villages around the country have also been named in his honour. The Antarctic Place-names Commission of Bulgaria named an Antarctic ridge and peak on Livingston Island of the South Shetland Islands Levski Ridge and Levski Peak respectively.
The life of Vasil Levski has been widely featured in Bulgarian literature and popular culture. Poet and revolutionary Hristo Botev dedicated his last work to Levski, "The Hanging of Vasil Levski". The poem, an elegy, was probably written in late 1875. Prose and poetry writer Ivan Vazov devoted an ode to the revolutionary. Eponymously titled "Levski", it was published as part of the cycle "Epic of the Forgotten". Levski has also inspired works by writers Hristo Smirnenski and Nikolay Haytov, among others. Songs devoted to Levski can be found in the folklore tradition of Macedonia as well. In February 2007, a nationwide poll conducted as part of the "Velikite Balgari" ("The Great Bulgarians") television show, a local spin-off of "100 Greatest Britons", named Vasil Levski the greatest Bulgarian of all time.
There have been motions to glorify Vasil Levski as a saint of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church. However, historian Stefan Chureshki has emphasised that while Levski's post-monastical life was one of a martyr, it was incompatible with the Orthodox concept of sainthood. Chureshki makes reference to Levski's correspondences, which show that Levski threatened wealthy Bulgarians (чорбаджии, "chorbadzhii") and traitors with death, endorsed theft from the rich for pragmatic revolutionary purposes and voluntarily gave up his religious office to devote himself to the secular struggle for liberation.
Vasil Levski's hanging is observed annually across Bulgaria on 19 February instead of 18 February, due to the erroneous calculation of 19th-century Julian calendar dates after Bulgaria adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1916. Although the location of Levski's grave has not been determined, some of his hair is on exhibit at the National Museum of Military History. After Levski gave up monkhood in 1863, he shaved his hair, which his mother and later his sister Yana preserved. Levski's personal items—such as his silver Christian cross, his copper water vessel, his Gasser revolver, made in Austria-Hungary in 1869, and the shackles from his imprisonment in Sofia—are also exhibited in the military history museum, while Levski's sabre can be seen in the Lovech regional museum.
Vasil Levski is referenced by the video game Star Citizen, in which future society "The People's Alliance of Levski" adopt an ideology based upon his views.


Humboldt-Watrous

Humboldt-Watrous is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan, Canada. It was created from parts of Humboldt and Arm River-Watrous and was first contested in the 2016 election.
Members of the Legislative Assembly.
This riding has elected the following Members of the Legislative Assembly:


Fake Indian currency note

Fake Indian Currency Note (FICN) is a term used by officials and media to refer to counterfeit currency notes circulated in the Indian economy. In 2012, while responding to a question in parliament, the Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram, admitted that there is no confirmed estimate of fake currency in India. However, several central and state agencies are working together, and the Ministry of Home Affairs has constituted the Fake Indian Currency Notes Co-ordination Center (FCORD) to curb this menace.
On 8 November 2016, Prime Minister of India, Mr. Narendra Modi announced that the hitherto existing 500 and 1000 rupee notes cease to be legal tender. He said that the move is taken to curb black money and widespread counterfeit currency in the country. He introduced new ₹500 and ₹2000 notes, and discontinued the hitherto existing ₹1000 note.
Background.
Although fake currency is being printed with precision, the Crime Investigation Department (CID) says that they can be detected with some effort. Currency printed by local racketeers can be detected easily as they use the photographic method, hand engraved blocks, lithographic processes and computer colour scanning. In counterfeit notes, the watermark is made by using opaque ink, painting with white solution, stamping with a dye engraved with the picture of Mahatma Gandhi. Then oil, grease or wax is applied to give the picture a translucent feel. In genuine notes, the security thread is incorporated into the paper at the time of manufacture. But in fake notes, the security thread is imitated by drawing a line with a pencil, by printing a line with grey ink, or by using aluminium thread while pasting two thin sheets of paper. Forgers find it difficult to reproduce the same shape of individual numbers again and again with accuracy. The alignment of figures is also difficult to maintain. Spreading of ink, smaller or bigger number, inadequate gaps, and different alignments in numbers should be regarded with suspicion. In counterfeit notes, the printed lines will be broken and there may also be ink smudges.
In recent times it has been reported that FICN match 10 out of 14 security parameters adopted by the Indian government, with suggestions that the highest quality fakes could have only been produced by a nation state.
Legal aspect.
According to Indian law, possessing fake notes is a punishable offence, but only if the person in question is aware that the notes are fake.
The Indian government intends to classify offences involving high-value FICN as terror acts, with an amendment to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.
Terrorism.
Fake Indian notes are mainly used in terror related activities. The money mainly flows from Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The terrorists are using it to cripple the Indian economy and to create economic terror.
Fake currency is a tactic of terrorist to degradize economy around the world. Millions of Dollars are sent to India from different bordering countries. ISI is reportedly involved in this racket. Dawood Ibrahim is the main operative as the notorious don has a big the crime and narco network spread inside India.


The Spy Chronicles

The Spy Chronicles: RAW, ISI and the Illusion of Peace is a 2018 book in the format of a dialogue between two intelligence chiefs of India and Pakistan, AS Dulat and Asad Durrani, and moderated by Aditya Sinha. The conversations between the two intelligence chiefs took place during 2016 and 2017 in Istanbul, Kathmandu and Bangkok. AS Dulat is a former head of India's external intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), Lt. Gen. Asad Durrani is a former head of Pakistan's external agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and Aditya Sinha is an Indian journalist.
In 2020, Asad Durrani published a follow-up "fictional" book 'Honour Among Spies' about a Pakistani Lt General who faces repercussions for having co-authored a book with a former Indian intelligence chief.
Authors.
A. S. Dulat.
A. S. Dulat is a former special director of India's Intelligence Bureau and former chief of the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) from 1999 to 2000. After retirement he was appointed as advisor on Kashmir in the Prime Minister's Office and served there from January 2000 to May 2004.
Asad Durrani.
Lieutenant General Mohammad Asad Durrani is a retired 3-star rank general in the Pakistan Army and presently a commentator and speaker. Durrani previously served as the director-general of the Inter-Services Intelligence and former director-general of the Pakistan Army's Military Intelligence.
Aditya Sinha.
Aditya Sinha is an Indian author and journalist. He has been a journalist since 1987, occupying positions such as Editor-in-Chief of "The New Indian Express" and "Daily News and Analysis" ("DNA"). He has reported on terrorism in Punjab, Kashmir and Assam and has also done reporting from Peshawar, Pakistan. He started his journalistic career as a crime reporter in Delhi.
Description.
The book covers various topics such as Kashmir, Afghanistan, Ajit Doval, trade wars, the deep state, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, Osama Bin Laden, Hafiz Saeed, Balochistan, the surgical strikes and Kulbhushan Jadhav among other things. In the book Dulat says that ISI is a more influential intelligence agency; however, Durrani observes that "R&AW is at least as good as we are” but discusses that R&AW may have the upperhand because it has "career intelligence officers" whereas ISI consists of army men. In the book Durrani claims that Pakistan may have directed the American SEALs to Osama bin Laden in May 2011 as well as may have collected a payment for the cooperation and pretended to be surprised afterwards. Durrani also says that ISI's involvement in Kashmir has turned out to be less than successful.
A.S. Dulat and Asad Durrani have previously collaborated, writing a paper together titled "Kashmir: Confrontation to Cooperation" in 2013 published by the University of Ottawa. In the book Durrani notes this in the opening chapter, which also mentions another collaboration between the two after the 59th Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs in 2011, when they co-authored an article on intelligence cooperation which was published in "The Hindu" and "Dawn".
Aditya Sinha says that the book has "no great revelations" but is "more about perspective" and "a metaphor for the actual relationship between the two countries."
Aftermath.
The book was released jointly by former Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh and former Vice President of India Hamid Ansari as well as other dignitaries on 24 May 2018. The Indian government denied a visa to Asad Durrani to attend the book launch.
The publication of the book resulted in accusations of betrayal against Asad Durrani. On 28 May 2018, Pakistan placed Durrani on the "Exit Control List", barring him from leaving the country. An investigation headed by a three-star general was formed to ascertain whether Durrani violated Pakistan's military regulations. Former Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif demanded that the National Security Committee (NSC) should discuss the book. While addressing the Pakistan Senate in relation to the book, Raza Rabbani had said that if "a politician done the same thing he would have been labelled a traitor." However, in October 2018, Asad Durrani's lawyer said they had not received any notice of an inquiry and sought the removal of Asad Durrani's name from the Exit Control List.
Shazar Shafat, a security analyst, suggests two reasons in "South Asian Voices" (hosted by The Stimson Center) as to why Asad Durrani may be facing the backlash. The first is related to Durrani's comments on Akhand Bharat in the book such as "Akhand Bharat isn't a fantasy that nowadays some are thinking" (though Dulat calls the idea of Akhand Bharat in the book a "crazy, impractical idea") and the second is in relation to comments on Kulbhushan Jadhav. However, a report by CNN found that the book (as well as a pirated PDF version) was freely available in Pakistan and that the Pakistani government's "overreaction", according to Hassan Askari Rizvi and other defence analysts, may be because Durrani did not get prior permissions for such a book.
On 22 February 2019, Asad Durrani was found guilty of violating Pakistan's Military Code of Conduct for co-writing the book. Asad Durrani's pension and other allowances have been withdrawn and it is yet to be decided if he should be taken off the Exit Control List.
Honour Among Spies.
In 2020, Asad Durrani published a new book called 'Honour Among Spies'. In spite of the disclaimer, "though inspired by some real events, this is a work of fiction" and "any resemblance to actual persons, living or dead, being entirely coincidental", commentators have noted that the hero, Pakistani Lt General Osama Barakzai, is Asad Durani. In the book General Barakzai faces repurcussions for co-authoring a book with Indian ex-spy chief Randhir Singh.


Provincial secretary

The provincial secretary was a senior position in the executive councils of British North America's colonial governments, and was retained by the Canadian provincial governments for at least a century after Canadian Confederation was proclaimed in 1867. The position has been abolished in almost all provinces in recent decades (Quebec in 1970, Ontario 1985, most recently by British Columbia in 2000); the exceptions are Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia, where it still exists but is no longer a senior portfolio.
The position existed prior to Confederation in the Province of Canada (as well as in the previous provinces of Upper Canada and Lower Canada) and the various governments in Atlantic Canada under British rule, though in Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island the title was colonial secretary. British Columbia also had a colonial secretary prior to becoming a province of Canada in 1871. Before the granting of responsible government and the emergence of the position of premier, the provincial secretary was the leading position in the executive councils appointed by the various governors and lieutenant-governors of British North America. Frequently, provincial secretaries during these periods were the most powerful elected representatives in their jurisdictions.
The provincial secretary was the equivalent of the former Canadian Cabinet position of Secretary of State for Canada. Like its federal counterpart it included an eclectic variety of responsibilities that were not assigned to other ministers, most of which would eventually evolve into portfolios of their own. In Nova Scotia, where the position originated in 1720, the provincial secretary was also the treasurer of the province until 1946. The provincial secretary was also responsible for official communications between the provincial government and the Colonial Office in London as well as with other provincial and colonial governments (and after 1867 the federal government). As well, the position also included various duties related to ceremonial occasions, visits by dignitaries, protocol, relations between the government and the office of lieutenant-governor and commemorative events particularly in relation to the monarchy.
Generally, the provincial secretary acted as a province's registrar-general and was responsible for formal documents and records such as licences, birth and death certificates, land registries and surveys, business registrations and writs. As well, the position was generally responsible for the administration of the civil service and of elections. Provincial secretaries were usually the most senior member of the provincial cabinet outside of the premier, and the office holder was often designated as acting premier when the premier was out of province, ill or otherwise unavailable.
The position of provincial secretary was particularly important in Manitoba from 1870 to 1874, as that province's institutions were being established. The province had no premier during this period, and its lieutenant-governors acted as the de facto leaders of government. The early provincial secretaries (including Alfred Boyd and Henry Joseph Clarke) were the most prominent elected officials in the province, and are retroactively regarded as premiers in many modern sources.
The provincial secretary continued to oversee miscellaneous government activities into the twentieth-century (Nova Scotia's "Public Service Act" conferred to the position responsibility for all matters not specifically assigned to any other minister). Frequently, twentieth-century provincial secretaries would concurrently hold other cabinet portfolios.
Non-governmental.
In many organizations in Canada the provincial secretary is also the name of a senior officer at the provincial level. The Monarchist League of Canada, for instance, has provincial secretaries in various parts of the country who are primarily responsible for the organizing the league's activities in a specific province.
In the provincial sections of the New Democratic Party, the provincial secretary is the senior administrative officer, and may be by title or function chief executive officer, of the non-parliamentary wing of the party and is responsible for organizing provincial conventions, provincial councils and other meetings, membership drives, fundraising and other day-to-day operations. As well, the provincial secretary usually has a senior role in administering the party's electoral campaigns.


Isabel Rosado

Isabel Rosado (November 5, 1907 – January 13, 2015), a.k.a. Doña Isabelita, was an educator, social worker, activist and member of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. Influenced by the events of the Ponce massacre, Rosado became a believer of the Puerto Rican independence movement and was imprisoned because of her commitment to the cause.
Early years.
Rosado (birth name: Isabel Rosado Morales was born in Barrio Chupacallos in the town of Ceiba, Puerto Rico to Simon Rosado and Petra Morales. Her father was a leader in the barrio and was often sought by the people of the barrio for his opinion on local matters regarding the community.
Rosado received her primary and secondary education in the public schools of the towns of Ceiba, Fajardo and Naguabo. Isabelita, as she was known, was only eighteen years old when she became a student at the University of Puerto Rico. There she earned her teachers certificate. For years Rosado taught at the rural schools in the towns of Ceiba and Humacao.
Ponce massacre.
On March 21, 1937, Rosado was listening to the radio, where she heard the events involving what is known as the Ponce massacre. That day the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party held a peaceful march in the city of Ponce, Puerto Rico, commemorating the ending of slavery in Puerto Rico by the governing Spanish National Assembly in 1873, and coinciding with a protest against the incarceration by the government of the United States of America government of nationalist leader Pedro Albizu Campos on sedition charges, The participants and innocent bystanders were fired upon by the Insular Police, resulting in the death of 17 unarmed civilians and two policemen, plus the wounding of some 235 civilians, including women and children. The Insular Police, a force somewhat resembling the National Guard, answered to orders of the U.S. appointed governor of Puerto Rico, General Blanton Winship. The outcome of the Ponce massacre served as an influential factor in her decision to join the Nationalist Party and to become a follower of Pedro Albizu Campos.
Puerto Rican Nationalist Party Revolts of the 1950s.
On May 21, 1948, a bill was introduced before the Puerto Rican Senate which would restrain the rights of the independence and nationalist movements on the archipelago. The Senate, which at the time was controlled by the "Partido Popular Democrático" (PPD) and presided by Luis Muñoz Marín, approved the bill. This bill, which resembled the anti-communist Smith Act passed in the United States in 1940, became known as the "Ley de la Mordaza" (Gag Law, technically "Law 53 of 1948") when the U.S.-appointed governor of Puerto Rico, Jesús T. Piñero, signed it into law on June 10, 1948. Under this new law it became a crime to print, publish, sell, or exhibit any material intended to paralyze or destroy the insular government; or to organize any society, group or assembly of people with a similar destructive intent. It made it illegal to sing a patriotic song, and reinforced the 1898 law that had made it illegal to display the Flag of Puerto Rico, with anyone found guilty of disobeying the law in any way being subject to a sentence of up to ten years imprisonment, a fine of up to US$10,000 (), or both. According to Dr. Leopoldo Figueroa, a non-PPD member of the Puerto Rico House of Representatives, the law was repressive and was in violation of the First Amendment of the US Constitution which guarantees Freedom of Speech. He pointed out that the law as such was a violation of the civil rights of the people of Puerto Rico.
On October 30, 1950, Nationalist leader Pedro Albizu Campos ordered an uprising by the against United States Government rule of Puerto Rico and against the approval of the creation of the political status "Free Associated State" ("Estado Libre Associado") for Puerto Rico which was considered a colonial farce.
The uprisings occurred in various towns, among them Peñuelas, Mayagüez, Naranjito, Arecibo and Ponce, of which the most notable occurrences being in Utuado, where the insurgents were massacred, Jayuya, the town where the "Free Republic of Puerto Rico" was declared, and which was heavily damaged by the military in response to the insurrection, and in San Juan where the Nationalists made an attempt against then-Governor Luis Muñoz Marín at his residence "La Fortaleza".
Even though Rosado did not participate in the revolts, she was accused by the US Government in doing so. She was occupied in her job as a school social worker when the police came and arrested her. Rosado was sentenced to serve fifteen months in jail and fired from her job. Since she was unable to earn a living in the public school system, she obtained a position in a private school.
On March 1, 1954, four Puerto Rican nationalists, Lolita Lebrón, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Andres Figueroa Cordero, and Irvin Flores Rodríguez, shot 30 rounds from semi-automatic pistols from the "Ladies' Gallery" (a balcony for visitors) of the House of Representatives chamber in the United States Capitol.
On March 6, 1954, she was in the Nationalist office with the Nationalists Pepe Sotomayor, Doris Torresola Roura, Carmín Pérez and Albizu Campos. The police arrived and raided the facilities. The following morning the police attacked the Nationalist headquarters in San Juan with tear gas. Albizu Campos was carried out unconscious and those in the building, including Rosado were arrested and imprisoned. Rosado was sentenced to serve eleven years in prison. She was released from prison in 1965, via a Habeas Corpus.
Later years.
In 1979, Rosado participated in an ecumenical prayer service on Vieques naval territory. She was among a group of protestors against the occupation of the small island by the U.S. Navy. Rosado was handcuffed and taken to the police station by the local authorities. She was released soon after.
Unable to find a job, Rosado makes a living sewing and crocheting. She continues to be active in everything involving the pro-Puerto Rican independence movement.
A documentary was made called "Isabel Rosado: Nacionalista" was made with the intention of uncovering decades of unknown history of this island and encourage discussions on political repression, surveillance, and human rights violations.
Isabel Rosado Morales died on January 13, 2015, of natural causes at the Sagradas Misiones de la Misericordia (Sacred Missions of Mercy) hospice in Fajardo, Puerto Rico, where she resided. She was 107 years old at the time of her death. Nationalist leader Rafael Cancel Miranda made the following statement:
There is a plaque, located at the monument to the Jayuya Uprising participants in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, honoring the women of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. Rosado's name is on the fourth line of the second (middle) plate.
See also.
19th Century female leaders of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
Female members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party
 Articles related to the Puerto Rican Independence Movement


Manitoba Social Credit Party

The Manitoba Social Credit Party (originally the Manitoba Social Credit League) was a political party in the Canadian province of Manitoba. In its early years, it espoused the monetary reform theories of social credit.
It was formed in the 1935-1936, shortly after William Aberhart's supporters formed a Social Credit government in Alberta. While the party never won many seats in the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba, it maintained a presence in the legislature for most of the period from 1936 to 1973.
Origins.
In its earliest years, the Social Credit League took the form of a populist protest movement. Like other Social Credit parties in Canada, it eventually became as a party of conservatism while retaining an anti-establishment message. The party's leadership was consistently anti-socialist.
The Social Credit Party ran 19 candidates in the provincial election of 1936, five of whom were elected. It did not have a leader during the election, but chose Stanley Fox to lead the parliamentary group shortly thereafter. During this period, the party supported the monetary reforms of Major Douglas, which Aberhart had been promoting in Alberta for several years.
The 1936 election produced a minority government, with 23 Liberal-Progressives, 16 Conservatives, 7 Independent Labour Party members, the 5 Social Crediters and 4 others. After early talks for a Liberal-Progressive/Conservative coalition broke down, the Social Crediters made a surprise offer to keep the outgoing Liberal-Progressive government of John Bracken in power. Some party members may have hoped for a formal coalition, but this came to nothing and the party supported the government from the outside for the next four years.
Fox stepped down as party leader in 1937, and was replaced by S.E. Rogers.
World War II and coalition.
After the start of World War II, Bracken promoted a "non-partisan government" for Manitoba, in which all four major parties would hold cabinet portfolios in a demonstration of provincial unity. The plan was approved by the other parties, and Social Credit joined the government in late 1940. Social Credit Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) Norman Turnbull was sworn in as a minister without portfolio on November 4, 1940, and served in this capacity until February 14, 1946.
The decision to join government caused a split in the party. Salome Halldorson crossed the floor to sit as an Opposition Social Credit MLA and won the support of Alberta Socred Premier Ernest Manning as well as the Manitoba Social Credit League which officially expelled the four Social Credit MLAs who supported the government. Nevertheless, in the election of 1941, several Social Credit candidates ran in opposition to the coalition, while coalition supporters continued to call themselves Social Credit candidates. This division damaged the party's credibility with the electorate, and only three Social Credit candidates were elected: Fox, Turnbull and Rogers (all government supporters).
Decline.
The party does not seem to have had a leader in the parliament which followed, and in fact became little more than an appendage of the Liberal-Conservative coalition as the 1940s progressed. Fox and Turnbull were re-elected in the 1945 election, but the party ran only two other candidates in the rest of the province. It completely lost its coherence as a parliamentary force in the late 1940s, and did not run any candidates in the 1949 election.
The Social Credit Party re-emerged for the election of 1953: William Bullmore was elected in the constituency of Dauphin, and Gilbert Hutton won in Minnedosa. The party was again marginalized in the parliament which followed, however, and none of its candidates were elected in the provincial elections of 1958 and 1959. Although the Social Credit parties of Alberta and British Columbia had largely abandoned their monetary policies by this time, Bullmore and Hutton continued to promote social credit during their time in parliament.
During the late 1940s and the 1950s, the President of the Manitoba Social Credit League was Wilbert James Tinkler. He was the closest that the party had to an official leader in this period, as neither Bullmore nor Hutton held an official role in the legislature. Tinkler ran for federal and provincial office on six occasions.
Tinkler became the president of the Social Credit league at a time when it had only a minimal presence in the legislature, and a weak provincial organization. The party had joined the governing coalition of Premier John Bracken in 1940, and its parliamentary representation was subsequently regarded as little more than an adjunct to the province's Liberal-Conservative government. Several figures within the party had campaigned against the alliance in 1941, but all were defeated. The party's organization subsequently collapsed, and it offered no candidates for election in 1949.
Social Credit did not have an official political leader between 1941 and at least 1959. Tinkler, as its leading official for most of this period, was not a prominent public figure, though he did help reconstruct some semblance of a provincial network for the party. He was replaced as party president by S.S. Hunt of Dauphin in late June 1953, but appears to have regained this title later in the decade. Tinkler continued to work in the party after Jacob Froese became its official leader following the 1959 election.
Later years.
The party received another lease on life in November 1959, when Jacob Froese won a by-election in the riding of Rhineland. Froese remained a member of the legislature until the 1973 election, when he was defeated by a Progressive Conservative candidate. The party was unable to win any other seats, however, and Froese effectively acted as an independent MLA during his time in parliament. He served as party leader for most, if not all of the period from 1959 to 1977. Froese was sometimes called the "conscience of parliament", and does not appear to have endorsed his party's original views on monetary reform.
The Manitoba Social Credit Party ran five candidates in the 1977 election, all of whom fared poorly. Even Froese was reduced to a fourth-place finish in Rhineland. In the 1981 election, the party announced that it would not run any candidates. Froese was by this time a member of Sidney Green's Progressive Party.
The party seems to have dissolved itself shortly thereafter.


Criminalization of homelessness


First Whig Junto

The First Whig Junto controlled the government of England from 1694 to 1699 and was the first part of the Whig Junto, a cabal of people who controlled the most important political decisions. The Junto was reappointed twice following the elections of 1695 and 1698.
History.
The Whig elite rose to government ascendancy while Lord Danby held office through three shortly-spaced changes of Sovereign (dating to the Royal-dominated ministries of Charles II). The Junto established its dominance in 1694 with the appointment of Sir Charles Montagu as Chancellor of the Exchequer on 10 May. Danby, who had been created Duke of Leeds on 4 May, remained in office, under a diminished role while still Lord President of the Council, but the Junto controlled the government of England from 1694 to 1699.
It was led by six prominent members: Montagu, Somers, Wharton, Romney, Orford, and Shrewsbury. Supporting these peers were two unofficial whips in the House of Lords: the Earls of Sunderland and Portland. Only one of these held at the time an office, albeit less senior, as Lord Chamberlain. The Whig Party held a majority in the House of Commons after the election in 1695, although not all Whig MPs were unswervingly loyal to the Junto.
The Junto oversaw the creation of the Bank of England in 1694, but by 1699 the Junto's power had declined in the face of opposition by Robert Harley and the Tories. Many members of the Junto would return to government from 1706 to 1710 as part of the Godolphin-Marlborough ministry.
Ministry.
The government was led by the six most prominent members of the Junto.
Other members of the ministry had less power.
James Vernon was appointed Secretary of State in 1697, with responsibility for the Northern Department. The following year, after the Duke of Shrewsbury left the government, he took responsibility for the Southern Department as well.


Watson v. Employers Liability Assurance Corp.

Watson v. Employers Liability Assurance Corp., 348 U.S. 66 (1954), was a conflict of laws case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States.
Facts.
Plaintiff was injured in Louisiana by a home-perm product made by an Illinois company which was insured by the defendant Massachusetts company, the insurance policy having been negotiated and issued in Massachusetts. The Plaintiff brought suit under a Louisiana law which lets tort victims sue the insurer directly. However, the insurance contract has a clause recognized as binding in Massachusetts and Illinois that prohibits such direct suits. Under Louisiana law, the defendant had consented to direct suits in order to do business in Louisiana.
Issue.
Is Louisiana's application of Louisiana law to this contract constitutional?
Rule.
A state's legitimate interest in safeguarding rights of persons injured there allows that state to apply its own law to redress the injury without violating the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Where a contract affects people in various states, those states are not automatically bound by the Full Faith and Credit Clause to apply the other state's contract law.
Result.
Louisiana's interest in taking care of persons injured there (and probably paying medical bills there too) outweighs the interests of Massachusetts in the contract, so it is no violation of Fourteenth Amendment Due Process or Full Faith and Credit Clause to apply Louisiana law.


Aberdeen North (Scottish Parliament constituency)

Aberdeen North was a constituency of the Scottish Parliament from 1999 to 2011. It elected one Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) by the first past the post method of election. Also, it was one of nine constituencies in the North East Scotland electoral region, which elects seven additional members, in addition to nine (now ten) constituency MSPs, to produce a form of proportional representation for the region as a whole.
Electoral region.
Between 1999 and 2011, the North East Scotland electoral region consisted of Aberdeen Central, Aberdeen North, Aberdeen South, Angus, Banff and Buchan, Dundee East, Dundee West, Gordon, and West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine.
The region covered the Aberdeenshire council area, the Aberdeen City council area, the Dundee City council area, part of the Angus council area, a small part of the Moray council area, and a small part of the Perth and Kinross council area.
Constituency boundaries.
The Aberdeen North constituency was created at the same time as the Scottish Parliament, in 1999, with the name and boundaries of an existing Westminster constituency. In 2005, however, the boundaries of the Westminster (House of Commons) constituency were subject to major alterations.
Boundary review.
" See Scottish Parliament constituencies and regions from 2011 "
Following their First Periodic review of parliamentary constituencies to the Scottish Parliament, the Boundary Commission for Scotland has created three newly shaped seats for the Aberdeen City council area. These seats, first contested at the 2011 election, are Aberdeen Central, Aberdeen Donside, and Aberdeen South and North Kincardine. Aberdeen North will be succeeded by Aberdeen Donside.
Election results.


2004 Abkhazian local elections

On 13 March 2004, Abkhazia held local elections for the 3rd convocations of its local assemblies, coinciding with early voting for the Russian presidential election of the following day. On 18 February, the People's Assembly rejected a proposal by President Vladislav Ardzinba to postpone the elections to coincide with the October 2004 presidential election, because all the necessary preparations had already been made.
In total, 243 candidates competed for 173 seats. In Sukhumi, 40 candidates competed for sixteen seats, most of whom were under thirty years old. In the Gagra district, 42 candidates were nominated, of whom 32 were registered, including six women, contesting 25 seats. In the Ochamchira District, 38 candidates were registered, including five women and sixteen incumbents. In the Gudauta District, 40 candidates were registered, including four women, contesting 29 seats. In the Gali District, 41 candidates were nominated.
158 out of 173 elections were decided in the first round. In Sukhumi, only six out of sixteen candidates were elected in the first round. Five elections required a second round while four elections had to be repeated. In Gudauta District, all but one of the 29 elections were decided in the first round. In Sukhumi District, all thirteen elections were decided in the first round.


Henry John Boulton

Henry John Boulton, (1790 – June 18, 1870) was a lawyer, judge and political figure in Upper Canada.
Life and career.
He was born at Little Holland House, Kensington, England, the son of G. D'Arcy Boulton, in 1790. Some time later, the family settled in New York state and then moved to Upper Canada around 1800. He studied law at York (Toronto) and then at Lincoln's Inn in London. He was called to the English bar and, in 1816, the bar of Upper Canada. In 1818, he succeeded John Beverley Robinson as Solicitor General and, in 1829, succeeded Robinson as attorney general. In 1830, he was elected to represent Niagara in the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada. He instigated several expulsions of William Lyon Mackenzie from the assembly. In 1832, Lord Goderich, the colonial secretary, asked the provincial administration to stop attacking Mackenzie; Boulton was dismissed from office after expressing his opposition to these instructions.
After he protested his dismissal, he was offered the post of chief justice of Newfoundland in 1833. He introduced a new system of selecting juries based on the method then used in England. He set up a law society in the country and set up regulations governing the admission of new lawyers to the bar. He also amended a number of traditional arrangements regarding credit in the fishing industry. Many of these changes were not well received. Boulton was considered notorious by locals and was monikered "the hanging judge." In one particular instance, he sentenced an English servant boy accused of the murder of a woman and two children to an indefinite prison sentence, despite there being no evidence whatsoever against him. Within a year a large crowd marched on the courthouse and the boy was promptly freed. After representatives from the country presented their concerns in London, Imperial authorities had had enough of Boulton's arrogance and he was removed from office.
He returned to private practice in Toronto. In 1841, and was appointed a Queen's Counsel in 1842. He was elected to the 1st Parliament of the Province of Canada representing Niagara. In parliament, Boulton supported Robert Baldwin's concept of responsible government. His support of the reformers resulted in his defeat in the next election but, in 1846, he was appointed to the Executive Council and elected in Norfolk in 1847. He proposed an amendment to the Rebellion Losses Bill which excluded those convicted of treason from benefits which helped sell the bill in Canada West. After 1851, he retired from politics but continued to practice law until about 1860.
He died at Toronto, Ontario in 1870.
His brother, George Strange Boulton, was also a member of the Legislative Assembly and served on the Legislative Council. Another brother, D'Arcy Boulton (1785–1846), built and lived at The Grange (Toronto). He married Eliza, daughter of Ephraim Jones, in 1818.


North Victoria

North Victoria was the a provincial electoral district in the Canadian province of British Columbia. It was created from a partition of the old Victoria riding, one of the province's first twelve, and first appeared on the hustings in 1894 as part of a redistribution of the old Victoria riding, along with South Victoria. For other Victoria-area ridings please see Victoria (electoral districts).
Electoral history.
"Note: winners of each election are in" bold.
!align="right" colspan=3|Total valid votes
!align="right"|239
!align="right"|100.00%
!align="right"|
!align="right" colspan=3|Total rejected ballots
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
!align="right" colspan=3|Turnout
!align="right"|%
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
!align="right" colspan=3|Total valid votes
!align="right"|273
!align="right"|100.00%
!align="right"|
!align="right" colspan=3|Total rejected ballots
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
!align="right" colspan=3|Turnout
!align="right"|%
!align="right"|
!align="right"|
The North Victoria riding-name disappeared in the 1903 election. Its main successor-riding was Saanich.
Sources.
Elections BC Historical Returns


James Robertson (activist)

James Robertson (born 11 August 1928), a British-born political and economic thinker and activist, became an independent writer and speaker in 1974 after an early career as a British civil servant.
He studied Greats at Balliol College, Oxford from 1946 to 1950 where he played cricket and rugby union, and ran cross-country for the University.
After serving on British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan’s staff during his "Wind of Change" tour of Africa in 1960, Robertson spent three years in the Cabinet Office. Following that he became Director of the Inter-Bank Research Organisation for the big British banks.
In the mid-1980s Robertson was a prominent co-founder with his wife, Alison Pritchard, of The Other Economic Summit (TOES) and the New Economics Foundation (NEF). He is a member of FEASTA and a patron of SANE (South Africa New Economics Foundation), which was set up following his visit there in 1996.
In October 2003, at the XXIX annual conference of the Pio Manzu Research Centre, Rimini, Italy (closely associated with the UN), he was awarded a gold medal for his "remarkable contribution to the promotion of a new economics grounded in social and spiritual values" over the past 25 years.
Robertson joined the Advisory Board of International Simultaneous Policy Organization which seeks to end the usual deadlock in tackling global issues through an international simultaneous policy.
Robertson's latest book is the "Future Money: Breakdown or Breakthrough?" (Green Books, 2012).
He and his wife live in Oxfordshire.


Carmarthen ministry


2009 ASEAN Para Games

The 2009 ASEAN Para Games, officially known as the 5th ASEAN Para Games, was a Southeast Asian disabled multi-sport event held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia from 15 to 19 August 2009. This was the second time Malaysia hosted the ASEAN Para Games and its first time since 2001.
Around 980 athletes participated at the Games, which featured 409 events in 11 sports. The games was opened by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Former Prime Minister of Malaysia at the Putra Indoor Stadium.
The final medal tally was led by Thailand, followed by host Malaysia and Vietnam. Several Games and National records were broken during the games. The games were deemed generally successful with the effective cost spent to host the games and arrangement of public transport, commitment in environment conservation and with the rising standard of disabled sports competition amongst the Southeast Asian nations.
Host city.
The 5th ASEAN Para Games was originally scheduled for Laos in January 2010, but Laos begged off from hosting the games due to financial constraints and inexperience in providing disability-accessible venue adaptations for disabled athletes. Hence, the 5th ASEAN Para Games was instead held five months ahead of the Laos 2009 Southeast Asian Games in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia from 15 to 19 August 2009, featuring 409 events in 11 sports.
Development and preparation.
The Kuala Lumpur Asean Para Games Organising Committee (KLAPGOC) was formed to oversee the staging of the event.
Venues.
The 5th ASEAN Para Games had 11 venues for the games. 9 in Kuala Lumpur and 1 each in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan respectively.
Public transport.
Shuttle bus services, Rapid KL Buses were provided throughout the games and were used to ferry athletes and officials to and from the airport, games venues and games village.
Sustainability.
Committed in conserving the environment, the games organiser gave each medal winner of the Games an opportunity to plant a tree at the Paralympic Park.
Marketing.
Logo.
The logo of the 2009 ASEAN Para Games is an image of a heart shape surrounded by ten doves which represents the ten ASEAN nations. The initial KL in the logo represents Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia as the host of the games, the number ’09 represents the year 2009, the heart shape in the ‘0’ represents the loving, caring and hospitality of Malaysian people, while the brush stroke sphere represents the unity of the ASEAN Community. The Games logo is mostly rehashed from the 2006 FESPIC Games logo, and due to Malaysian athletes excellent performance at the 2006 FESPIC Games, the rehash of the 2006 FESPIC Games logo as the 2009 edition games logo is meant to reflect Malaysia's intention to replicate its 2006 FESPIC Games success at the 2009 ASEAN Para Games.
Mascot.
The mascot of the 2009 ASEAN Para Games is a mousedeer named, "Ujang". The mousedeer is a native animal in Malaysia locally known as pelanduk or kancil which is shy, but very agile and quick thinking. It is a favourite character in local folktales commonly known as "Sang Kancil", noted for its intelligence, wit, cunning feints and quick reaction to escape from all kinds of danger, especially from its enemies. The adoption of mousedeer as the games mascot is to represent the courage of the Paralympic athletes in overcoming challenges and the odds. The name of the mascot, Ujang is a common nickname for local Malay youths.
The games.
Opening ceremony.
The opening ceremony was held on Thursday, 15 August 2009, beginning at 20:00 MST (UTC+8) at the Putra Indoor Stadium in Kuala Lumpur. The opening ceremony begins with the cultural performances by a troupe from Kuala Lumpur City Hall followed by a march past by the 10 contingents taking part in the games. After all the contingents took their respective places, former prime minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was given the honour to declare the meet open. This was followed by six Malaysian national paralympians, Abdullah Daud (swimming), Mohd Noor Isa (badminton), Norisah Bahrom (wheelchair tennis), Mohd Fazli Fauzil (athletics), Julius Jeranding (swimming) and Muira Mukri (chess) bringing in the Games flag before being presented to six Royal Malaysian Navy personnel to be hoisted. National paralympian Lee Seng Chow, a track and field athlete, then lead the gathered paralympians in taking the athletes' oath. This was followed by four national paralympians - Nadrul Shakir Nor Zainal (swimming), Marriappan Perumal (powerlifting), Siow Lee Chan (powerlifting) and Mohd Riduan Emeari (athletics) ushering in the Games torch before the cauldron was lit. Finally, a 120-strong gymnastics group from Soka Gakkai entertained the spectators to a gymnastic performance reflecting the spirit of unity, courage and harmony.
Closing ceremony.
The closing ceremony was held on Monday, 19 August 2009, beginning at 20:00 MST (UTC+8) at the Putra Indoor Stadium in Kuala Lumpur. The closing ceremony begins with a series of song performance by local Malay singers. After the performance, the best sportsman and best sportswoman trophy were awarded to a swimming sportsman from Thailand and a swimming sportswoman from Vietnam respectively. This was followed by a speech from Dato' Zainal Abu Zarin, the president of the ASEAN Para Sports Federation. Representatives from Malaysia Book of Records then awarded certificate to the games committee to recognise the games as a smoking-free games. After that, Ahmad Shabery Cheek, then Malaysian Minister of Youth and Sports gave his speech and officially declared the games closed. The flag of the ASEAN Para Sports Federation was lowered by the six Royal Malaysian Navy personnel and the cauldron was extinguished. The ASEAN Para Games responsibilities was officially handed over to Indonesia, host of the 2011 ASEAN Para Games, where the Indonesia ambassador received the flag of the ASEAN Para Sports Federation as its symbolisation. The troupe from Kuala Lumpur City Hall, the same troupe who performed at the opening ceremony before, concluded the ceremony with a cultural performance.
Medal table.
A total of 936 medals comprising 409 gold medals, 288 silver medals and 239 bronze medals were awarded to athletes. The Host Malaysia's performance was their second best in ASEAN Para Games History and was second behind Thailand as overall champion.


British Memorial School

The British Memorial School was established in 1929 in Ypres, Belgium. It was founded by former students of Eton College for the children of Imperial War Graves Commission employees.
Early Years (1929-1933).
The school opened on 8 April 1929 with an initial enrolment of 62 children. One of the organisers, Lieutenant General Sir William Pulteney, stated that the school had been built 'because it was believed that these British subjects, unless educated at an English school, would be lost to England'.
The schoolroom contained a plaque bearing the names of the 342 Etonians who died in the Ypres Salient during the First World War. Beneath it was the inscription -
The school's annual report of 1929 stated that four of the children understood English fluently when it opened. "The Times" reported that the children 'were all now receiving an English education and were being brought up as British citizens, to the intense relief of their parents'. The eighth annual report published in 1937 mentioned of the 17 new pupils seven spoke no English at all. Although the reports add that teachers found the children were able to learn English quickly. The report of 1939 stated with regard to language that 'the school enforced rigidly the rule that no language but English might be used in school time'.
Prior to the British school, the children attended local Belgian schools. "The Times" reported that this meant, 'they can neither learn their native language nor keep in touch with their national Church'.
The school was built by Etonians at a cost of £2,000 with the promise of £200 towards its upkeep.
London County Council lent two teachers to the venture, Harry and Kathleen Morris. The school was founded on 'modern lines' with individual desks and chairs for each child. The War Graves Commission arranged for children from outlying areas to access the facility by omnibus and tram. Dr. Nan Roberts of the War Graves Commission also gave the children regular health checks.
Parents paid 150 Belgian Francs a year, the same as they would pay to a Belgian school. An appeal was launched to the public schools of Britain to fund the £10 per head annual cost of each child's schooling. The school needed £800 a year to cover its expenses, such as teacher's pay.
In August 1929 the school was educating 43 boys and 33 girls. This rose to 93 children by October 1929 with a further 16 turned away due to lack of resources. Honorary Secretary of the school Lieutenant-General Sir William Pulteney appealed for donations to help meet the demand for places. King George V took out a £20 annual subscription in support of the school. A sizable donation was made by Sir Charles Wakefield of £500. It was Sir Charles who was the driving force in the preservation of 'Lone Tree Crater' at Spanbroekmolen. The crater left by a British mine was to be preserved as a 'pool of peace'. A further £500 pounds was given annually by the War Graves Commission.
June 1930 saw a prize giving ceremony with the school building's architect Sir Reginald Blomfield as guest of honour. It was reported in the "Ypres Times" that he told the children -
The school's fourth annual report, published in 1933 reported a school population of 110. New pupils came from Poperinghe which previously had not sent any children. The children at the school are described as 'definitely British'. With the use of a foreign language in the playground 'the exception rather than the rule'.
Middle Years (1933-1937).
The Morris' four-year posting to the school ended in 1933, and they were replaced by William and Florence Allen who were accompanied by their daughter Barbara.
Allen, taking inspiration from British public schools, introduced a school uniform and two school houses. They were Plumer (green) and Pulteney (red) and the houses competed for cup at the end of the year. Red buttons were awarded to students for their achievements and counted towards the total of their respective houses. The school also appointed students as 'Elders' (prefects) and a School Captain from the senior class.
The uniform consisted of gymslips and white shantung blouses for the girls and for the boys, grey trousers, green jerseys with yellow trim and a BMS cap badge (with a Union Flag added to the badge by the following headmaster). Boys were also expected to raise their caps to adult friends when outside the school.
To help give a sense of Britishness to the children, British celebratory days were marked. May Day was marked in the traditional way with dancing around a Maypole and a May Queen elected by ballot. A major occasion at the school was the celebration of Empire Day. The children would gather as the Union Flag was hoisted in the school yard and patriotic songs were sung. Lilly Boucher, a former pupil recalled -
The annual report of 1936 reported the installation of a 'wireless set' which the school regarded as 'a link with home'. The children listened to major British events such as the King's Proclamation and the sailing of the "Queen Mary". The report also told of the passing of M. R. James, the Provost of Eton, who had been a trustee since the school's founding.
In 1937 the Allen's four-year term ended, and they were replaced by John Clifford Yorath and his wife Victoria.
"The Times" of 8 February 1939 reported that the King of the Belgians, Leopold III, presented a signed photograph of himself to the school.
Second World War and afterward.
With the outbreak of the Second World War the school decided to remain open for as long as possible during the conflict.
Following the German Invasion of Belgium, the Imperial War Graves Commission Deputy Controller, Captain Reginald Haworth gave the order for staff to evacuate on 18 May 1940. The evacuation order contained the instruction 'it is quite useless to get excited. Remain calm under all circumstances'.
Some former pupils rendered distinguished service in the Second World War. These included Elaine Madden who served with the Special Operations Executive (SOE), Stephen Grady who led a French Resistance group at 16 and Jerry Eaton who was a highly decorated fighter pilot.
After the war, few British families returned to Ypres. Due to the lack of children it was decided that the school would not reopen. The school became a social club for British Legion members and War Graves Commission staff.


72 Motorised Brigade (South Africa)

72 Motorised Brigade was a Formation of 7th Infantry Division (South Africa), a combined arms force consisting of infantry, armour and artillery.
History.
Origin.
18 Brigade.
72 Brigade can trace its origins back to a structure in the late 1960s, called 18 Brigade, which was headquartered in Kensington.
On 1 August 1974, through a reorganization of the Army’s conventional force, the name was changed to 72 Motorised Brigade.
Initial Structure.
Under this reorganisation, the following units were transferred from Witwatersrand Command to the new command:
Higher Command.
During its period 72 Motorised Brigade resorted at different stages under the 7 and 8 Divisions.
Brigade Training and Exercises.
72 Motorised Brigade would generally make use of the General de Wet Training Range, Tempe, near Bloemfontein. Notably 72 Motorised Brigade was involved in Exercise Thunder Chariot, a Divisional exercise held since 1956, at the Army Battle School. Other exercises included:
Operational Activation.
As a Citizen Force structure, 72 Motorised Brigade would make use of call-up orders for its personnel to generally report for 3 months service. Headquarters staff would then leave for Tempe near Bloemfontein, where a transfer camp would be established to process troops en route to the operational area in northern South West Africa. Processing of units would include personal documentation, a medical examination, inoculation and the issuing of equipment and weapons. Each unit on completion of the necessary processing, would entrain to the Olienhoutplaat Station for a six-day journey to Grootfontein, the railhead near the Operational Area.
South West Africa and Angola.
In January 1976 72 Motorised Brigade was mobilised mainly to protect the Ruacana/Caluque Water scheme in the Cunene River. Colonel S.W.J. Kotze took control of the Brigade at that stage. On 27 March 1976, the formation returned from Angola.
The rear headquarters.
By 1978, the Brigade took over 1 Mobilisation Centre in Pretoria as its Rear Headquarters.
73375198 PE.
72 Motorised Brigade received the Freedom of Johannesburg on 16 February 1980.


Eduard Marti

Eduard Marti (12 October 1829 – 5 November 1896) was a Swiss politician and President of the Swiss National Council (1877/1878).


United Nations Advisory Committee of Local Authorities

United Nations Advisory Committee of Local Authorities (UNACLA) is a committee of local authorities that serves as an advisory
body to United Nations System for the purpose of strengthening the dialogue with local authorities from all over the
world involved in the implementation of the Habitat Agenda.
It was established in 2000 in line with the UN Habitat Governing Council Resolution 17/18 of 1999. Since September 2004, when UN-HABITAT established a formal relationship with United Cities and Local Governments, the latter names the organization's chairperson & holds 10 of its 20 seats. UNACLA secretariat is split between Barcelona (UCLG headquarters) & Nairobi (UN-HABITAT headquarters).
Currently UNACLA is chaired by Ilsur Metshin, UCLG-Euroasia President, Mayor of Kazan (Republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation), elected during 2019 UCLG World Summit in Durban (South Africa). He was immediately preceded in 2011-2019 by Kadir Topbaş, Mayor of Istanbul (Turkey).


Officegate

The Officegate scandal was a controversy surrounding then Scottish First Minister Henry McLeish in 2001. It resulted in his resignation from the post.
After McLeish became a Westminster MP in 1987, he took control of office buildings in Glenrothes. He sub-let part of the offices, but failed to ensure that the income was registered when he claimed office expenses from the House of Commons. A newspaper reported in early 2001 that McLeish had received rent from a firm of solicitors. McLeish then promptly registered the source of income with the House of Commons. Conservative MP Dominic Grieve wrote to Parliamentary Standards Commissioner Elizabeth Filkin, who referred the matter to the House of Commons fees office. The issue then became dormant as McLeish ceased to be a Westminster MP after the 2001 general election.
There were continuing claims he should resign, mainly from the Scottish National Party who claimed the issue questioned his integrity. McLeish rebutted the charges against him, claiming that the issue was "a muddle, not a fiddle". Despite appearing to have support from Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats, he resigned on 8 November. He was replaced by Jack McConnell, who was elected unopposed to the leadership of Scottish Labour and was then elected First Minister by MSPs after securing the support of the Scottish Liberal Democrats.


Al Overfield

Alan Overfield was born a First Nations person on Manitoulin Island and is considered to have been a Canadian white supremacist.
He was a founding member of the Edmund Burke Society, established by Paul Fromm, Don Andrews, and Leigh Smith. He was also part of an attempted takeover by Fromm of the Ontario wing of the national Social Credit Party of Canada. Overfield appears to have run for office under the banner of the Social Credit Party in the riding of Beaches-Woodbine. Though he was expelled from the national party, he remained a member of the Ontario Social Credit Party, which had been taken over by the Edmund Burke Society in the early 1970s.
In 1973, after the Edmund Burke Society became the Western Guard Party, Overfield claims to have founded the Canadian Liberty League as an alternative to the Western Guard. Overfield later became a member of Don Andrew's Nationalist Party of Canada. It was through his involvement with Andrews that Overfield became acquainted with Wolfgang Droege whom Overfield employed as a part-time bailiff.
The Reform Party of Canada.
Overfield claims to have been out of politics for 15 years when he decided to become active again. When he joined the Reform Party of Canada, he claims to have "let the Reform Party executive know about his political past, and they had no problems with it." Overfield stated that Reform Party member Harry Robertson admitted him to the Party and that future Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper was well aware of Overfield's past involvement in far right groups. Harper denied such knowledge and stated that he had been "building issues into the Reform Party's platform to actively discourage extremists and 'nut cases'" at the time of Overfield's membership.
One claim for Overfield's involvement in the Reform Party was an attempt to discredit the party for Preston Manning's involvement in placing the Ontario wing of the Social Credit Party under the personal trusteeship of the national leader to counter Paul Fromm's activities. However, it is also on the record that Overfield's confided in Paul Fromm that his plan was "to unify all the right wing people into one cohesive organization. He was pushing to infiltrate ten or twelve Riding Associations in Metro Toronto. Even if they did not win the riding associations in an election, they would at least have control. The attraction of Reform for Overfield and like-minded persons, he said was that it was strictly white bread, 100 percent white Canadians, really anti-immigration; there was really no difference between those people and them (Overfield's group)."
While he was a member of the Reform Party, Overfield claimed to have signed up 22 members, including Heritage Front members Peter Mitrevski, Nicola Polinuk, Droege, Zvominir Lelas and Tony Cinncinato.
Security for the Reform Party.
In the early 1990s when the Reform Party was making inroads into Ontario, there were concerns about groups that would try to disrupt Reform meetings. Also, Reform Party leader Preston Manning did not have Royal Canadian Mounted Police security and was instead dependent upon local organizations. On May 27, 1991, Andrew Flint, then the Ontario Regional Coordinator for the Reform Party, was approached by Overfield who offered his bailiff as Reform Party security. Among those who worked as security for the Reform Party were Wolfgang Droege, James Dawson, Peter Mitrevski, other Heritage Front members, and Grant Bristow, who was later discovered to be a Canadian Security Intelligence Service mole. Bristow became Manning's personal bodyguard while Overfield's men were providing security at Reform Party meetings and rallies.
Expulsion from the Reform Party.
On February 28, 1992, the "Toronto Sun" broke the story that the Heritage Front had infiltrated the Reform Party. Droege claimed as many as 150 to 200 Heritage Front members were also members of the Reform Party, including some at the riding executive levels, but only a handful were discovered to be actual Heritage Front members. When Reform Party executives became aware that Heritage Front members had joined the Reform Party, a special committee of the Executive Council began an investigation. The Special Committee revoked the membership in the Reform Party of Droege, Dawson, Polinuk, and Mitrevski. Overfield was expelled from the Reform Party, for showing "poor judgement in the hiring of known neo-Nazis."