Cheng Yen

Cheng Yen (; born Chin-Yun Wong; 14 May 1937) is a Taiwanese Buddhist nun (bhikkhuni), teacher, and philanthropist. She is the founder of the "Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation", ordinarily referred to as Tzu Chi, a Buddhist humanitarian organization based in Taiwan. In the West, she is sometimes referred to as the "Mother Theresa of Asia".
Cheng Yen was born in Taiwan during the Japanese occupation. She developed an interest in Buddhism as a young adult, ordaining as a Buddhist nun in 1963 under the well known proponent of Humanistic Buddhism, master Yin Shun. After an encounter with a poor woman who had a miscarriage, and a conversation with Roman Catholic nuns who talked about the various charity work of the Catholic Church, Cheng Yen founded the Tzu Chi Foundation in 1966 as a Buddhist humanitarian organization. The organization began as a group of thirty housewives who saved money for needy families. Tzu Chi gradually grew in popularity and expanded its services over time to include medical, environmental, and disaster relief work, eventually becoming one of the largest humanitarian organizations in the world, and the largest Buddhist organization in Taiwan.
Cheng Yen is considered to be one of the most influential figures in the development of modern Taiwanese Buddhism. In Taiwan, she is popularly referred to as one of the "Four Heavenly Kings" of Taiwanese Buddhism, along with her contemporaries Sheng-yen of Dharma Drum Mountain, Hsing Yun of Fo Guang Shan and Wei Chueh of Chung Tai Shan.
Early life.
Cheng Yen was born "Chin-Yun Wong" () in 1937 in Kiyomizu Town, Taikō District, Taichū Prefecture, Japanese Taiwan (modern-day Qingshui, Taichung City, Taiwan). Unlike most of the other prominent Taiwanese Buddhist leaders, Cheng Yen was born in Taiwan rather than mainland China. Her uncle was childless, so she was given to be raised by her aunt and uncle. Cheng-Yen grew up during the Japanese occupation of Taiwan during World War II, where she witnessed the devastating effects of war and experienced the bombings in Taiwan. These experiences were credited as contributing to what she regarded as the truth behind the concept of impermanence. In 1945, when she was eight years old, she looked after her sick brother in a hospital for eight months, and so learned more closely about people's pain and helplessness. At the age of 23, her father died suddenly from brain blood vessel disorder that brought about hemorrhaging and stroke. It was in searching for a burial place for him that Cheng Yen first came into close contact with the Buddhist Dharma, associated doctrines, and Buddhist scriptures (sutras). After her father's death, Cheng Yen took over managing her father's theaters and became financially responsible for her family.
Bhikṣuṇī Ordination.
Upon deciding to become a nun, Cheng Yen ran away to a temple in 1960, fearing that if she were to ask leave in advance, she might not be permitted to go. After her first attempt at running away, her mother found her three days later and brought her back home. She ran away from home a second time in 1961. She left to travel through eastern Taiwan with a friendly nun by the name of Xiūdào (修道法師). Cheng Yen followed a nontraditional route to becoming a nun, traveling for two years with Xiūdào. Cheng Yen even shaved her own head before she had been officially ordained a nun. After traveling for two years, Cheng Yen decided that she needed to become an ordained nun in order to continue her lifestyle. She went to the to register for ordination, but was turned down because she did not have a master. Typically, to become a nun in Taiwan, one must be the disciple of a master for two years before ordination. Cheng Yen encountered Yin Shun, whom she asked to be her mentor. He accepted her request, an hour before the registration closed. In February 1963, she became the disciple of her mentor, Yin Shun, who gave her the dharma name of Cheng Yen and the courtesy name of Huìzhāng (慧璋). Yin Shun also gave her the expectation of "doing all for the Buddhist religion and for all beings", which is written with six characters in Chinese. These six characters became the highest ideals for Cheng Yen in belief, teaching, and practice.
In May 1963, shortly after receiving her ordination as a nun, she went to Pu Ming Temple (普明寺) in Hualien County to continue her spiritual formation. As a part of that formation, she recited the "Lotus Sutra", which she revered, every day and transcribed every month. It was during her six months there that she vowed to commit herself to the Lotus Sutra and the "Path of the Bodhisattvas."
Tzu Chi.
Lotus Sutra.
Cheng Yen was heavily influenced by the Lotus Sutra, which she called the culmination of the Buddha's teachings. Cheng Yen's initial exposure to the Lotus Sutra happened when she left her family in Fengyuan, Taichung County, and stayed away from the world by lodging in a small hut in Taitung County, in eastern Taiwan. While in Taitung, she accidentally found a Japanese version of the Lotus Sutra, and was pleased with what the book said. Later, she had a friend bring back a Japanese copy of the Lotus Sutra (Myoho Renge Kyo) from Japan, and was inspired by the Muryōgi Kyō, or what is better known as the Innumerable Meanings Sutra, which is traditionally regarded as the prologue to the Lotus Sutra. The Innumerable Meanings Sutra addresses human problems, weather behavior, and psychiatric, psychological, and spiritual issues.
Miscarriage of Taiwanese Aborigine.
There were two watershed events that occurred in 1966 that are credited with having inspired Cheng Yen to found Tzu Chi. The first event occurred while Cheng Yen was visiting a hospital in Fenglin. After seeing blood on the hospital floor, she learned that a Taiwanese aborigine woman had a miscarriage. They were forced to carry the pregnant woman back up the mountain after they could not afford the 8000 New Taiwan dollar deposit. The aborigine woman later died. This story actually became source of a legal case in the early 2000s. While Cheng Yen never mentioned the name of the doctor when telling the story, one of her followers did, resulting in a defamation suit against Cheng Yen by the doctor's family.
Encounter with Roman Catholic Nuns.
The second event was a now-famous discussion Cheng Yen had with three Roman Catholic nuns at Pu Ming temple in 1966. While the nuns admitted the profundity of Buddhist teachings, they noted that the Catholic Church had helped people around the world by building schools and hospitals and inquired, "But what has Buddhism done for society?". The discussion is credited with having made Cheng Yen realize that Buddhism had to do more than simply encourage the private cultivation of people's souls.
Founding the Tzu Chi Foundation.
Influenced by the Lotus Sutra, and the encounters with the Taiwanese aborigine woman and the Roman Catholic nuns, Cheng Yen established the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Foundation on 14 May 1966 in an endeavor to help the poor of east Taiwan. The organization started when Cheng Yen encouraged her followers, consisting of thirty housewives, to save fifty cents (US$0.02) from their grocery money every day and store them in bamboo savings banks to help needy families. When posed with the question, "Why can't we give once a week?" Cheng Yen replied, "Because giving is a practice and we need to give every day. If we have a yearning or a positive desire in us, we must nourish it and bring it to fulfillment. Just as Buddha was guided by a noble desire to help others, we too can listen to those who are sad or help those who are in pain." In the first year, fifteen families were provided with aid by the initial thirty followers.
Tzu Chi expanded its work from helping needy families to medical aid in 1970. In 1986 Tzu Chi established its first Hospital in Hualien. Tzu Chi has since built hospitals in Yuli, Hualien County; Dalin, Jiayi County; Guanshan, Taitung County; and Xindian, New Taipei City.
Tzu Chi experienced modest growth in the first two decades of its establishment, it grew to 293 members in 1968 and by 1986 had just 8,000 members. However, with the surge in popularity of Humanistic Buddhism in Taiwan in the late 1980s and 1990s, Tzu Chi enjoyed a rapid expansion in membership alongside several other major Taiwanese Buddhist organizations. From 1987 to 1991 Tzu Chi membership doubled in size each year, by 1994 it boasted a membership of 4 million members.
Tzu Chi is most well known for its work in disaster relief, Cheng Yen's philosophy includes the notion that not only are those receiving assistance benefiting materially by receiving the aid, but those delivering the aid are also spiritually rewarded when they see the gratitude in the eyes and smiles of the recipients. Tzu Chi's first major disaster relief effort was in 1991, when it undertook relief operations after severe floods hit central and eastern China. One of the most iconic attributes of Tzu Chi disaster relief efforts is that volunteers not only provide short term aid but also partake in long term projects to rebuild the communities affected. Tzu Chi often builds new homes, schools, hospitals, and places of worship (including churches and mosques for non-Buddhists) for victims following a disaster. As of 2015, Tzu Chi has provided disaster relief aid to over 85 countries worldwide.
A significant fraction of funds raised by Tzu Chi revolves around environmentally friendly goals such as the encouragement of recycling and using reusable items to reduce waste. As of 2014, the foundation operates over 5,600 recycling stations.
Tzu Chi has grown to become a significant actor in civil society, Tzu Chi is not only the largest Buddhist organization in Taiwan, but also Taiwan's largest owner of private land. As of 2013, the organization was estimated to have approximately 10 million members worldwide, and chapters in 47 countries.
Da Ai Television.
In January 1998, Cheng Yen launched Da Ai (literally "Great Love") Satellite Television (慈濟大愛電視台; "Cí jì Dà Ài Diàn Shì Tái") a 24-hours in daily of satellite television station. Da Ai is commercial free and operates twenty-four hours a day. It is funded by donations as well as partially by Tzu Chi's recycling programs. Da Ai features non-political news, lectures from Cheng Yen and serial programs focused on the virtues, often profiling people who made major changes in their life for the better.
Daily schedule.
Cheng Yen makes a broadcast every morning in an address known as "Wisdom at Dawn" and makes another address in the evening. She wakes up around 3:45 am to start her activities, such as receiving visitors, and overseeing Tzu Chi's projects throughout Taiwan. She often makes monthly trips around the country to check in on Tzu Chi's projects and activities.


Somalis in South Africa

Somalis in South Africa are residents of South Africa who are of Somali descent.
The earliest communities were formed in Cape Town and surrounding areas in the late nineties and early 2000s. A number of Somali-South African residents have risen to prominence locally and internationally.
Overview.
Following the civil war in Somalia that broke out in 1991, a number of Somalis emigrated to South Africa. They soon established themselves in the commercial sector, creating employment opportunities for themselves and opening their own stores.
Somali businesses have offered goods to customers at lower prices than their local competitors, cornering the market in many areas. By 2010, Somali entrepreneurs provided most of the retail trade in informal settlements around the Western Cape province, among other places. Somali-owned convenience shops selling products like snacks, soft drinks and clothing have been especially successful.
In 2008, xenophobic riots against immigrants broke out in the Western Cape province, displacing some 20,000 foreign nationals. The Somali community's insular nature reportedly helped protect it from the worst of the violence. However, many Somali-owned stores and supermarkets were destroyed and looted.
Concurrently, Somali traders and establishments have become increasingly targeted for violence and robbery. The willingness of many Somali merchants to work anywhere, including run-down townships, has facilitated the attacks. Although South African business people envious of the Somalis' entrepreneurial success have been blamed for fomenting the hostilities, most of the incidents have been linked to criminals and "tsotsis" (gangsters) working on behalf of local community leaders.
Jabulani Store is a luxury brand that is owned by Abdinasir Goodir a business tycoon that is linked to the numbers gang in Cape Town. Him Together Abdiqadir Warsame control the abalone trade in South Africa. Goodir also known as by his alias “hello hello” Is wanted by Interpol and Saps for numerous Murders and kidnappings.
Culture.
Somalis in South Africa have formed a unified ethnic network, largely keeping to themselves. A Muslim population, they marry within their own community and seek to preserve their culture. Their customs, physical appearance and religious background distinguish them from other residents.
Community organizations.
The Somali community in South Africa is represented by the Somali Association of South Africa (SASA), chaired by Hanad Mohamed. According to the organization, following a greatly ameliorated political situation in Somalia in 2012, some Somali immigrants have started again repatriating back to their native country for the first time in ten years.
Somalis in South Africa are diplomatically represented by the embassy of Somalia in Pretoria. The office is intended to protect the interests and rights of Somali expatriates in the country, to tap into new commercial opportunities for Somali businesspeople, and to strengthen diplomatic representation in the region.
Due to the conservative nature of the Somali community, tribalism is still very much prevalent, being the most common representative of the community. However, there seems to be a decline in tribal interest amongst first generation Somali South Africans— who consider themselves South Africans.


Tabalia

Tabalia is the name of the Mother House of the Melanesian Brotherhood (MBH) on northeastern Guadalcanal in the Solomon Islands.
Tabalia (pronounced "TAHM ba lia") was given by Ini Kopuria to the Melanesian Brotherhood (known in the Mota language as "Ira Reta Tasiu"). Tabalia was the customary inheritance of Ini Kopuria, founder of the Brotherhood, who donated the land in 1925 to the "Tasiu".
As the Mother House, Tabalia is the headquarters for the Solomon Islands Region of the Melanesian Brotherhood. The other Regional Headquarters are Tumsisiro on East Ambae, Vanuatu, and Popondetta, in Papua New Guinea.
From Tabalia, the Melanesian Brotherhood looks after 38 households (monasteries) in the Solomon Islands. It is also the location for quadrennial Great Conference, where representatives from all three regions meet.
The burial ground at Tabalia contains the graves of Dr. Charles Elliot Fox (Feast day October 29) and the Seven Martyred Brothers (Feast day April 24).


Jayne Svenungsson

Jayne Christine Svenungsson (born 9 December 1973) is a Swedish theologian and writer.
Svenungsson received her PhD on the dissertation ("The return of God: a study of the notion of God within postmodern philosophy") in 2004. Since 2015 she has been professor of systematic theology at Lund University.
She received the Karin Gierow prize, awarded by the Swedish Academy for important contributions to popular education, in 2015.
In September 2017, Svenungsson was elected to the Swedish Academy. She was installed on 20 December 2017, succeeding Torgny Lindgren on seat 9. She left the Academy on 7 November 2018.


Swahili people

The Swahili people (or Waswahili) are a Bantu ethnic group inhabiting East Africa. Members of this ethnicity primarily reside on the Swahili coast, in an area encompassing the Zanzibar archipelago, littoral Kenya, the Tanzania seaboard, northern Mozambique, the Comoros Islands, and Northwest Madagascar. The name "Swahili" is derived from .
Swahili people speak the language Kiswahili. Modern Standard Swahili, derived from the Kiunguja dialect of Zanzibar, has been greatly influenced by Arabic; there are an enormous number of Arabic loanwords in the language. Other, older dialects like Kimrima and Kitumbatu have far fewer Arabic loanwords, indicative of the language's fundamental Bantu nature. Kiswahili served as coastal East Africa's lingua franca and trade language from the ninth century onward. Zanzibari traders' intensive push into the African interior from the late eighteenth century induced the adoption of Swahili as a common language throughout much of East Africa. Thus, Kiswahili is the most spoken African language though it is used by far more than just the Waswahili themselves.
Definition.
The Swahili people originate from Bantu inhabitants of the coast of Southeast Africa, in Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique. These Bantu-speaking agriculturalists settled the coast at the outset of the first millennium. Archaeological finds at Fukuchani, on the north-west coast of Zanzibar, indicate a settled agricultural and fishing community from the 6th century CE at the latest. The considerable amount of daub found indicates timber buildings, and shell beads, bead grinders, and iron slag have been found at the site. There is evidence for limited engagement in long-distance trade: a small amount of imported pottery has been found, less than 1% of total pottery finds, mostly from the Gulf and dated to the 5th to 8th century. The similarity to contemporary sites such as Mkokotoni and Dar es Salaam indicate a unified group of communities that developed into the first center of coastal maritime culture. The coastal towns appear to have been engaged in Indian Ocean trade at this early period, and trade rapidly increased in importance and quantity between the mid-8th and the 11th century.
Some Swahili claim a Shirazi origin. This forms the basis of the Shirazi era origin myth that proliferated along the coast at the turn of the millennium. Modern academics reject the authenticity of the primarily Persian origin claim. They point to the relative rarity of Persian customs and speech, lack of documentary evidence of Shia Islam in the Muslim literature on the Swahili Coast, and instead a historic abundance of Sunni Arab-related evidence. The documentary evidence, like the archaeological, "for early Persian settlement is likewise completely lacking.". The most likely origin for the stories about the Shirazi is from Muslim inhabitants of the Lamu archipelago who moved south in the 10th and 11th centuries. They brought with them a coinage tradition and localized form of Islam. These Africans migrants seem to have developed a concept of Shirazi origin as they moved further southwards, near Malindi and Mombasa, along the Mrima coast. The longstanding trade connections with the Persian gulf gave credence to these myths. In addition, because most Muslim societies are patrilineal, one can claim distant identities through paternal lines despite phenotypic and somatic evidence to the contrary. The so-called Shirazi tradition represents the arrival of Islam in these eras, one reason it has proven so long lasting. Extant mosques and coins demonstrate that the "Shirazi" were not Middle Eastern immigrants, but northern Swahili Muslims. They moved south, founding mosques, introducing coinage and elaborately carved inscriptions and mihrabs. They should be interpreted as indigenous African Muslims who played the politics of the Middle East to their advantage. Some still use this foundation myth a millennium later to assert their authority, even though the myth's context has long been forgotten. The Shirazi legend took on new importance in the 19th century, during the period of Omani domination. Claims of Shirazi ancestry were used to distance locals from Arab newcomers, since Persians are not viewed as Arabs but still have an exemplary Islamic pedigree. The emphasis that the Shirazi came very long ago and intermarried with indigenous locals ties this claim to the creation of convincing indigenous narratives about Swahili heritage without divorcing it from the ideals of being a maritime-centered culture.
There are two main theories about the origins of the Shirazi subgroup of the Swahili people. One thesis based on oral tradition states that immigrants from the Shiraz region in southwestern Iran directly settled various mainland ports and islands on the eastern Africa seaboard beginning in the tenth century. By the time of the Persian settlement in the area, the earlier occupants had been displaced by incoming Bantu and Nilotic populations. More people from different parts of the Persian Gulf also continued to migrate to the Swahili coast over several centuries thereafter, and these formed the modern Shirazi. The second theory on Shirazi origins also posits that they came from Persia, but first settled in the Horn of Africa. In the twelfth century, as the gold trade with the distant entrepot of Sofala on the Mozambique seaboard grew, the settlers are then said to moved southwards to various coastal towns in Kenya, Tanzania, northern Mozambique and the Indian Ocean islands. By 1200 CE, they had established local sultanates and mercantile networks on the islands of Kilwa, Mafia and Comoros along the Swahili coast, and in northwestern Madagascar.
The modern Swahili people speak the Swahili language as a mother tongue, which belongs to the Bantu branch of the Niger-Congo family. The language contains a lot of loan words primarily and overwhelmingly from Arabic.
Religion.
Islam established its presence on the Southeast African coast from around the 9th century, when Bantu traders settling on the coast tapped into the Indian Ocean trade networks. The Swahili people follow the Sunni denomination of Islam.
Large numbers of Swahili undertake the Hajj and Umrah from Tanzania, Kenya, and Mozambique. Traditional Islamic dress such as the jilbab and thob are also popular among the Swahili. The Swahili also are known for their use of divination, which has adopted some syncretic features from underlying traditional indigenous beliefs, they believe in djinn and many men wear protective amulets with verses from the Qu'ran.
Divination is practiced through Qur'anic readings. Often the diviner incorporates verses from the Qur'an into treatments for certain diseases. On occasion, he instructs a patient to soak a piece of paper containing verses of the Qur'an in water. With this ink infused water, literally containing the word of Allah, the patient will then wash his body or drink it to cure himself of his affliction. It is only prophets and teachers of Islam who are permitted to become medicine men among the Swahili.
Language.
The Swahili speak as their native tongue the Swahili language, which is a member of the Bantu subgroup of the Niger-Congo family. Its closest relatives include Comorian spoken on the Comoros Islands, and the Mijikenda language of the Mijikenda people in Kenya.
With its original speech community centered on Zanzibar and the coastal parts of Kenya and Tanzania, a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast, Swahili became the tongue of the urban class in the African Great Lakes region, and eventually went on to serve as a lingua franca during the post-colonial period.
Economy.
For centuries the Swahili depended greatly on trade from the Indian Ocean. The Swahili have played a vital role as middle man between southeast, central and South Africa, and the outside world. Trade contacts have been noted as early as 100 CE by early Roman writers who visited the Southeast African coast in the 1st century. Trade routes extended from Kenya to Tanzania into modern day Congo, along which goods were brought to the coasts and were sold to Arab, Indian, and Portuguese traders. Historical and archaeological records attest to Swahilis being prolific maritime merchants and sailors who sailed the Southeast African coastline to lands as far away as Arabia, Persia, Madagascar, India and even China. Chinese pottery and Arabian beads have been found in the ruins of Great Zimbabwe. During the apogee of the Middle Ages, ivory and slaves became a substantial source of revenue. Many captives of the Portuguese sold in Zanzibar ended up in Brazil, which was then a Portuguese colony. Swahili fishermen of today still rely on the ocean to supply their primary source of income. Fish is sold to their inland neighbors in exchange for products of the interior.
Although most Swahili live with living standards far below that of upper hierarchy of the wealthiest nations, the Swahili are generally considered a relatively economically powerful group due to their history of trade. They are comparatively well-off; According to the United Nations, Zanzibar has a 25% higher per capita GDP than the rest of Tanzania. This economic influence has led to the continued spread of their culture and language throughout East Africa.
Architecture.
Previously thought by many scholars to be essentially of Arabic or Persian style and origin, archaeological, written, linguistic, and cultural evidence instead suggests a predominantly African genesis and sustainment. This would be accompanied later by an enduring Arabic and Islamic influence in the form of trade and an exchange of ideas. Upon visiting Kilwa in 1331, the great Berber explorer Ibn Battuta was impressed by the substantial beauty that he encountered there. He describes its inhabitants as "Zanj, jet-black in colour, and with tattoo marks on their faces", and notes that "Kilwa is a very fine and substantially built town, and all its buildings are of wood" (his description of Mombasa was essentially the same). Kimaryo points out that the distinctive tattoo marks are common among the Makonde. Architecture included arches, courtyards, isolated women's quarters, the mihrab, towers, and decorative elements on the buildings themselves. Many ruins may still be observed near the southern Kenyan port of Malindi in the Gede ruins ("the lost city of Gede/Gedi").


David V. Day

David Vivian Day (born 11 August 1936) is a retired British theologian, school teacher, academic, and Anglican priest. From 1992 to 1999, he was Principal of St John's College, Durham.
Early life and education.
Day was born on 11 August 1936 to Frederick Vivian Day and Enid Blodwen ("née" Evans). He was educated at Tottenham Grammar School, a state grammar school in north London. He studied classics at Queen Mary College, University of London, and graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in 1957.
Day continued his university studies in later life. He studied education at the University of Nottingham while he was a teacher in the city, and graduated with a Master of Education (MEd) degree in 1973. He later studied theology at Nottingham, graduating with a Master of Theology (MTh) degree in 1977.
Career.
Day's early career was spent as a school teacher. From 1958 to 1964, he was a classics master at Southgate County School, the a state grammar school in the London Borough of Enfield. Then, from 1964 to 1966, he was Head of Religious Education at Southgate. He moved to Bilborough School, then a grammar school in Bilborough, Nottingham, and was its Head of Religious Education between 1966 and 1973.
Day then moved into academia. From 1973 to 1979, he was a senior lecturer in theology at Bishop Lonsdale College, an Anglican teacher training college in Derby. In 1979, he moved to the University of Durham. He was a senior lecturer in education between 1979 and 1997, and was Principal of St John's College, Durham between 1992 and 1999. As head of St John's College, he was also part of the leadership of Cranmer Hall, Durham, an Anglican theological college that trains people for ordained ministry.
Having retired from academia, Day felt the call to ordination. He was ordained in the Church of England as a deacon in 1999 and as a priest in 2000. From 1999 to 2007, he was a non-stipendiary minister at St Nicholas' Church, Durham. Since 2007, he has held Permission to Officiate in the Diocese of Durham, and continues to preach at St Nicholas' .
Personal life.
In 1959, Day married Lorna Rosemary Taylor. Together they have three children; one daughter and two sons.
Honours.
On 31 March 2016, Day was awarded the Lanfranc Award for Education and Scholarship by Justin Welby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, during a ceremony at Lambeth Palace.
References.


Edmund Ffoulkes

Edmund Salusbury Ffoulkes (1819 – 19 April 1894) was a British clergyman who converted from Anglicanism to Catholicism and back again in the 19th century.
Biography.
Ffoulkes was the son of John Powell Foulkes and Caroline Mary Jocelyn. His father was heir to the Eriviat estates which the ffoulkes family had owned since at least the 16th century. He was christened 21 January 1819 at Henllan, Denbigh, he was educated at Shrewsbury School and Jesus College, Oxford. His uncle, Henry Foulkes was principal of the college from 1817 to 1857. He obtained a second-class degree in Literae Humaniores in 1841. He became a Fellow of Jesus College in 1843, holding this position until 1855. He was ordained as a priest in the Church of England and also served for a time as the college's Junior Bursar. He joined the Roman Catholic Church in 1855. However, after fifteen years in the Catholic Church, he applied to his Bishop, Samuel Wilberforce, to be reinstated as a clergyman in the Church of England, and his request was granted. Jesus College appointed him as rector of Wigginton, Oxfordshire in 1876. When the position of vicar of the University Church of St Mary the Virgin in Oxford became vacant in 1878, no Fellow of Oriel College wished to accept the appointment and the position was then offered to Ffoulkes, who had previously assisted at services.
Ffoulkes wrote several theological works, including "Christendom's Divisions", "The Church's Creed or the Crown's Creed", and "The Primitive Consecration of the Eucharistic Oblation". His final work was "The History of St. Mary the Virgin". He also lectured in Divinity to the non-collegiate students at Oxford.
His son was the historian Charles ffoulkes.


CIDSE

CIDSE, which is short for "Coopération Internationale pour le Développement et la Solidarité" (French for "International Cooperation for Development and Solidarity"), is an umbrella organization for Catholic development agencies from Europe and North America.
Areas of work.
The CIDSE Secretariat ensures communication between the CIDSE member agencies and the overall coherence of CIDSE's work by facilitating working groups, platforms and fora on the issues defined in the strategic plan. The CIDSE secretariat represents CIDSE at the EU and UN level, undertakes advocacy activities and other initiatives in collaboration with members. CIDSE is registered in the European Transparency Register. CIDSE also has general status on the UN Economic and Social Council.
The Secretariat is organised into teams that coordinate various working groups in order to achieve its objectives:
Apart from the themes of the working groups, CIDSE manages an international campaign for sustainable lifestyles titles Change for the Planet - Care for the People. The campaign encourages living simply by reducing overall energy consumption and making sustainable food choices in order for individuals to minimize their environmental impact, allow producers to gain fair livelihoods, and respect human rights.
History.
CIDSE was founded in 1967. CIDSE was founded to coordinate tasks identified by the Second Vatican Council as important tasks for the Catholic Church, namely, to care for the poor and the oppressed and to work for more justice on a global level. Since 2008, CIDSE has been expanding its approach to global justice. The 2010-2015 Strategic Framework supported a process of 'paradigm shift' with which CIDSE embarked on new work streams in a dialogue with several partners and allies to rethink development, critique systemic failures in the economy and society and look at alternatives to promote. In the 2016-2021 Strategic Framework, CIDSE redefined itself in this framework as an international family of Catholic social justice organisations working for transformational change to end poverty and inequalities, challenging systemic injustice, inequity, destruction of nature and promoting just and environmentally sustainable alternatives.
Principles.
The work of CIDSE is motivated by:
Membership.
CIDSE currently has 18 member organisations from Europe and North America. CIDSE also works within a varied group of broader coalitions and alliances such as Climate Action Network, CONCORD and the Global Catholic Climate Movement.


History of the Jews in Sri Lanka

History of the Jews in Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon). Jews have had a presence on the island nation since at least the 9th century or even earlier. Sri Lanka was already known to Jews living in Kerala as early as the 3rd century BC. Yemeni Jewish traders used to visit Sri Lanka for trade. In the 10th century, Abu Zeid al Hasan, an Arab Muslim traveller from Siraf, Persia, stated that there were ‘a great number of Jews’ in Serendib, as Sri Lanka was known to the Arabs.
In the 12th century, Benjamin of Tudela, a Sephardi Jew (Jews of Spanish and Portuguese descent) who was a medieval adventurer from Navarre, Spain, reported that there were 3,000 Jews in Sri Lanka.
These early Jews in Sri Lanka either assimilated into the local population over the centuries, or, upon the arrival of the Portuguese in the early 16th century, were forced to abandon their faith and identity (leading to an assimilation in more recent centuries) or slaughtered in an extension of the Portuguese Inquisition.
Neither practising Jews, nor people who preserved a knowledge of being descendants of Jews, appear to have survived from that early period, although Jewish lineages may be present. Holders of the "de Fonseka" & the "de Alwis" surname in Sri Lanka may be the mixed descendants of "[Fonseca, de Olivera (surname)" surnamed people, which is commonly associated with Sephardi Portuguese Jewish origins. The other famous known Jewish origin descendants would be the "Alkegamas". Their history could also be traced back all the way down to the Colonial times in Ceylon.
Their rituals and practices have mixed Hindu and Jewish elements and this can be witnessed in their marriages but as the community slowly thins out the Hindu element has taken prominence over the Jewish. Dr Fiona Kumari Campbell,Deshamanya Tissa Devendra and Dr Tuan Zameer Careem are among the few academics who have done significant researches on the Jewish community in Sri Lanka, while author Carl Muller has researched on the Jewish connection of the Dutch and Portuguese Burghers in Sri Lanka.


Patriarchial Parishes in Canada

The Patriarchal Parishes of Russian Orthodox Church in Canada is a "canonical unit" of the Moscow Patriarchate in Canada. The headquarters of the church is in Edmonton; home to St. Barbara Cathedral. From Edmonton, two traveling priests serve a number of rural churches. Other parishes are located in Toronto and Ottawa.
History.
Orthodox believers first came to Canada in large numbers from the Austro-Hungarian province of Bukovina in the 1890s, and they settled mostly in the prairie provinces. Most self-identified as Ruthenians or Ukrainians but some were Russophiles; all of them were without any Orthodox priests. The Russian Church had prior claim to all of North America because of its missionary activity in Alaska and California. The first Orthodox service in Canada was held in 1897 by the Reverend Dimitri Kamnev and Deacon Vladimir Alexandrov. They had been dispatched by Bishop Nicholas of the Russian Orthodox Church Mission in San Francisco, USA to the tiny settlement of Wostok near Edmonton.
After the Russian Revolution, many Orthodox believers in Western Canada defected to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church or the new Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church of Canada. Those Orthodox churches in Canada that stayed with the Moscow Patriarchate, primarily in Alberta, combined with later churches built in Eastern Canada, formed the basis for what is now known as the Patriarchal Parishes of Russian Orthodox Church in Canada.
Cathedral.
St. Barbara Church in Edmonton was founded in 1902. The original building, sitting on the same site as the present on top of Grierson Hill, was a converted two-story residence. It was replaced by a wooden church that was used until 1958. The third and present building was opened officially opened August 8, 1959, and was consecrated as a cathedral. In 2010, the iconostas was replaced with icons from Russia attached to a screen carved by a parishioner who is also a master woodworker.


Ivica Petanjak

Ivica Petanjak (born 29 August 1963) is a Croatian franciscan friar who serves as a bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Krk since March 22, 2015.
Early life and education.
Ivica Petanjak was born in a small village of Drenje near Osijek on August 29, 1963 to Stjepan and Kata Petanjak. His parents are originally from Zrin out of which they were expatriated by the Yugoslav Partisans on September 9, 1943. He has three sisters, and two brothers. Petanjak finished elementary school in Drenje in year 1972, after which he attended Electro-metal vocational high school center in Osijek from which he graduated in 1982. After graduation he entered the Capuchin novitiate in Karlobag which he later briefly interrupted due to obligatory conscription in army. On November 4, 1984 he completed his novitiate and laid temporary vows. At the same year he began his study of theology and philosophy at the Catholic Theological Faculty of the University of Zagreb. Petanjek took his lifetime vows on October 4, 1988, and was ordained a priest on June 24, 1990 in Zagreb Cathedral by Cardinal Franjo Kuharić.
Career.
After his ordination, Petanjak served as a Deputy Prefect of seminarians in Varaždin (1990-1991), and hospital chaplain at Clinical Hospital Centre Firule and parish vicar in the parish of Our Lady of Pojišan in Split (1991-1995). From 1995 to 2002 he attained postgraduate studies at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. He studied history of the Church. In 2002, he gained his PhD with thesis "Michelangelo Bosdari from Dubrovnik, OFM. Cap., Preacher, diplomat, man of administration, and spiritual leader (1653-1729)". From 2002 to 2005 he served as Master of seminarians in Zagreb. From 2005 to 2011, Petanjak served as a Minister Provincial of the Croatian Capuchin Province of St. Leopold Bogdan Mandić. In 2011, he was transferred to Rijeka where served as a pastor of parish of Our Lady of Lourdes, and educator of postulants. From August 2014 until his appointment as bishop of Krk in March 2015, he served as a superior of the Capuchin monastery in Osijek and provincial definitor.
On January 24, 2015, on the feast of St. Francis de Sales, it was announced that Pope Francis, in accordance with canon 401 Article 1 of the Law of Canon Law, accepted the resignation of Bishop of Krk, Msgr. Valter Župan, and that Ivica Petanjak would replace him. Petanjak was enthroned as bishop on March 22, 2015 in the Krk Cathedral. The main consecrator was Cardinal Josip Bozanić, while co-consecrators were Archbishop of Hyccarum Alessandro D'Errico, and Emeritus bishop of Krk Valter Župan.
General outlook.
Bishop Petanjak is described as humble and very simple bishop. He gave his phone number, e-mail and home address to his people, admonishing them in his homily on the day of his consecration to never forget to visit him if they are nearby, and to never hesitate to call him if they need anything.
Petanjak's crosier, which was given to him as a present by priests and the lay people of the Diocese of Krk, is made out of olive wood, and is intersected by three rectangular protrusions which contain stones from Zrin, Drava river, and Krk Cathedral.


Christianity in Libya

Christianity is a minority religion in Libya. It has been present in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica since Roman times.
Characteristics.
The largest Christian group in Libya is the Coptic Orthodox Church (Copts in Libya), with a population of 60,000. The Coptic Church is known to have historical roots in Libya long before the Arabs advanced westward from Egypt into Libya. However, the Roman Catholics have a large number as well, with 50,000 members. Orthodox communities other than that of the Egyptian Copts include the Russian Orthodox, Serbian Orthodox, and the Greek Orthodox. There is one Anglican congregation in Tripoli, made up mostly of African immigrant workers, that belongs to the Egyptian Anglican diocese. The Anglican bishop of Libya has his seat in Cairo. There is also a priest in Sabha.
There are relatively peaceful relations between Christians and Muslims in Libya. However, there are restrictions for Christian religious activity. It is prohibited to proselytize Muslims, even though a non-Muslim man must convert to Islam if he wants to marry a Muslim woman. Also, religious literature is restricted.
In spite of opposition to Christianity, a 2015 estimates some 1,500 Christian believers from a Muslim background residing in the country.
Christian denominations.
Coptic Orthodox Church.
Currently, there are 60,000 Copts in Libya, as they have many roots in North Africa (primarily Egypt).
Historically speaking, Christianity spread to the Pentapolis in North Africa from Egypt; Synesius of Cyrene (370-414), bishop of Ptolemais, received his instruction at Alexandria in both the Catechetical School and the Museion, and he entertained a great deal of reverence and affection for Hypatia, the last pagan Neoplatonists, whose classes he had attended. Synesius was raised to the episcopate by Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, in 410. The Council of Nicaea in 325 made Cyrenaica an ecclesiastical province of the See of Alexandria. The Pope of Alexandria to this day includes the Pentapolis in his title as an area within his jurisdiction.
The Coptic congregations in several countries were under the ancient Eparchy of the Western Pentapolis, which was part of the Coptic Orthodox Church for centuries until the thirteenth century.
In 1971 Pope Shenouda III reinstated it as part of the Eparchy of Metropolitan Bishop Pachomius, Metropolitan of the Holy Metropolis of Beheira (Thmuis & Hermopolis Parva), (Buto), Mariout (Mareotis), Marsa Matruh (Paraetonium), (Apis), Patriarchal Exarch of the Ancient Metropolis of Libya: (Livis, Marmarica, Darnis & Tripolitania) & Titular Metropolitan Archbishop of the Great and Ancient Metropolis of Pentapolis: (Cyren), (Appollonia), (Ptolemais), (Berenice) and (Arsinoe).
This was one among a chain of many restructuring of several eparchies by Pope Shenouda III, while some of them were incorporated into the jurisdiction of others, especially those who were within an uncovered region or which were part of a Metropolis that became extinct, or by dividing large eparchies into smaller more manageable eparchies. This was also a part of the restructuring of the Church as a whole.
They are currently three Coptic Orthodox Churches in Libya: one in Tripoli, Libya (Saint Mark's), one in Benghazi, Libya (Saint Antonios — two priests), and one in Misrata, Libya (Saint Mary and Saint George).
Roman Catholic Church.
There are about 50,000 Roman Catholics, mostly Italian Libyans and Maltese Libyans.
The Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli (Our Lady of the Angels) in the Old City - Medina of Tripoli was founded in 1645 and, with the permission of the Sultan of Constantinople, the Church of the Immaculate Conception was founded in Benghazi in 1858. Before World War II the number of Catholics increased in Libya due to Italian colonialism. The Catholic Cathedral of Tripoli (built in the 1930s) was converted to a mosque.
Roman Catholic Vicariates Apostolic exist in Benghazi, Derna and Tripoli. There is a Prefecture Apostolic in Misrata.
There are two Bishops, one in Tripoli (Bishop Giovanni Innocenzo Martinelli - serving the Italian community in the Church of San Francisco in Dhahra). and one in Benghazi (Bishop Sylvester Carmel Magro - serving the Maltese community in the Church of the Immaculate Conception).
In Libya currently there are four territorial jurisdictions - three Apostolic Administrations and one Apostolic Prefecture:
Pentecostals.
There are Pentecostal worship groups in Libya in places like Tripoli and Benghazi. These churches are primarily worship groups who gather together every Friday, led by Pentecostal pastors. Though these groups are not officially approved by the government of Libya, they practice their faith without any interference from the government. The following are the two known Pentecostal worship places:
Persecution by Muslims.
In February 2014, east of Benghazi, seven Coptic Christians were dragged out of their houses in the middle of the night and shot dead execution-style by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
On January 12, 2015, twenty-one Coptic Christians were abducted by forces of ISIL. On February 15, 2015 those 21 Christians were executed by ISIL shown in a video titled "A Message Signed with Blood to the Nation of the Cross."
On April 19, 2015, ISIL released another video in which they executed about 30 Ethiopian Christians.


K.A.V. Lovania Leuven

Katholische Academische Verbindung (K.A.V.) Lovania Leuven is a Catholic academic fraternity, founded in 1896 at the Catholic University of Louvain in Leuven, Belgium. It is a German Studentenverbindung and is an affiliated member of the Cartellverband der katholischen deutschen Studentenverbindungen. Her motto is "Semper Excelsius!" ("Der Geist lebt in uns allen!"). Its official coulours (Couleur) are green, white and red.
History.
The Old University of Leuven, founded in 1425, was closed down during the occupation of the Low Countries in 1797 after the French revolutionaries occupied the country. After the defeat of the revolutionaries and Belgian independence from the Netherlands, the Catholic University of Louvain was founded in 1834 and was able to attract quite a number of Catholic students from Germany, Austria and Switzerland who were fleeing the Kulturkampf.
At first a Swiss Catholic student fraternity was founded, Helvetia Lovaniensis. It existed from 1872 to 1875. It was succeeded by an all German Catholic student fraternity, Tungria Lovaniensis, that existed from 1877 until 1879. In 1888 a regional student fraternity was founded by students from Luxemburg. Only the last fraternity survived. Out of the ashes of the demise of the Swiss and German fraternities, a new fraternity was founded.
This event was triggered by a public allocution of , a professor in thomistic philosophy at the university, on student life at Germanic universities on January 21, 1896. During his student years in Bonn, Thiéry had become a member of the prestigious student fraternity K.D.St. V. Bavaria Bonn, the oldest Catholic student fraternity in the world. This speech motivated a number of Germanic students to such an extent that they decided to establish a fraternity that same evening. It was called Lovania, which is Latin for Leuven (Louvain). The fraternity quickly expanded and Prof. Thiéry became honorary president. Lovania continued to blossom until the outbreak of the First World War. In 1914 the fraternity was suspended due to the commencement of fighting. At that moment the fraternity already had more than 160 active and inactive members. Numerous members died on both sides of the war.
In post war Belgium it was impossible to re-establish a German student fraternity in 1918. Promising efforts were made during 1927 and 1928 but failed after a short period of time. The Second World War made a quick re-establishment even more impossible. It took until 1996 until the political situation was stable enough to reconstitute the fraternity, within the Dutch-speaking Katholieke Universiteit te Leuven. At that moment many students who belonged to fraternities were members of the Cartellverband and studied in Louvain. The idea then arose to re-establish the fraternity. The last surviving member gave his blessing to this undertaking and on April 19, 1996 the reactivation became a reality. In 1999 the friendly affiliation to the Cartellverband was formally re-established. Today the fraternity flourishes and has 137 members to date, originating from Flanders, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Poland, the United Kingdom, Ireland and the United States.
Principles.
Lovania is founded upon three guiding principles:
The members of Lovania do not practice academic fencing (Mensur) because it is forbidden by the Roman Catholic Church. Academic fencing is common with the more secular student fraternities that already existed in Germanic countries. Due to this restriction, Catholic students had to organize themselves in separate fraternities. Lovania only accepts men into the organization.
Structures.
The fraternity has a legislative (the power to make laws), executive (the power to implement laws) and judiciary (the power to judge and apply punishment when laws are broken) body. All full members make up the legislative body, which elects the executive body. The legislative body also functions as a judiciary body. In this case it assumes the function of an honorary senate.
Traditions.
The official dress symbols, that are worn by each member, consist of a vertical green-white-red triband bordered with a golden thread and a green kepi, the historical military cap as worn during the American Civil War.
During official ceremonies and special occasions, the praesidium wears a dress uniform, a traditional Polish military uniform called a Vollwichs which consists mainly of a bekiesza.


Battle of the River Berre

At the Battle of the River Berre in 737 Frankish forces under the command of Charles Martel intercepted a sizeable Arab force sent from Al-Andalus and led by Uqba ibn al-Hayyay to relieve the siege of Narbonne. The battle, which took place at the mouth of the River Berre (now in the Département of Aude), was a significant victory for Martel in the campaigns of 736–737. During this period Martel effectively prevented greater Umayyad expansion beyond the Pyrenees.
After their resounding victory the Franks pursued the fleeing Arabs into the nearby sea-lagoons, "taking much booty and many prisoners". Martel's forces then devastated most of the principal settlements of Septimania, including Nîmes, Agde, Béziers and Maguelonne. Despite these victories a second expedition was needed later that year to regain control of Provence after Arab forces returned. According to Paul the Deacon's "Historia Langobardorum" the Arabs retreated when they learned that Martel had formed an alliance with the Lombards.
Narbonne had been captured by Al-Samh ibn Malik al-Khawlani, governor of Al-Andalus, in 719 or 720. The city was renamed Arbunah and turned into a military base for future operations. It remained in the hands of the Emir of Córdoba until it was captured by Martel's son, Pepin III, as a result of the Siege of Narbonne (752-759).


Clericalism in Iran

Clericalism in Iran has a long history and had remarkable impact on Iranian society, politics as well as on Islamic theology.
Emergence.
There are controversies about the emergence of clericalism in Iran. Some scholars believe that clericalism dates back to 1000 years ago.
Schools.
Shia:
Sunni:
Structure and functions:
Over the course of history, Iranian seminaries have had traditional functions in the religious sphere to provide support to civil society in the country. However, after the Iranian revolution in 1979, seminaries have been highly politicized and their independence greatly reduced. The revolution created a new political order based on Shiite theological foundations and the absolute ruling power was given to a Shiite jurist/cleric.
The history of Qom seminaries dates back to 3rd century (Hijri). Hossein Ibn Said Ahvazi, a famous theologian, moved from Kufa to Qom. He educated the first generation of clerics in Qom.
Impact on Economy.
Many clerics have been involved in high-profile economic activities, most notably Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Abbas Vaez-Tabasi and Nasser Makarem Shirazi.


Gilbert Oluwatosin Jesse

Gilbert Oluwatosin Jesse (17 May 1937 – 7 October 2003) was a factional Pastor and Spiritual Head of the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) from 30 December 2002 until his death.
He succeeded Philip Hunsu Ajose, who had died on 2 March 2001.
There was a dispute over his leadership, with the International Headquarters of the church declaring that the Reverend Emmanuel Oschoffa, son of the church founder Samuel Oshoffa, was the leader.
Following Jesse's death, his faction declared that Superior Evangelist Paul Suru Maforikan was the new spiritual leader of the church.
Early years.
Jesse was born on 17 May 1937 in Mahin, Ilaje – Ese Odo Local Government of Ondo State, Nigeria.
He was educated at St Paul’s Catholic Primary School, Ebute-Metta, Lagos, then Lagos City College, Yaba, Lagos graduating with his West African School Certificate in 1958.
He then obtained a job as Clerical Officer at the Prime Ministers Office, Race Course, Lagos State, and then with the Federal Ministry of Establishment.
Jesse retired in 1972 and started work in electronic sales and then vehicle sales.
Church career.
Jesse joined the Celestial Church Of Christ in 1953 at National Headquarters, Makoko, Yaba, Lagos State.
In 1969, he established a parish in Ikorodu Road, Fadeyi, which he led until 1979.
In 1975 he became a full-time worker with the Celestial Church Of Christ.
In 1979 he set up the Celestial Church Of Christ in Ojota Parish 1.
In 1988 he was appointed Most Senior Evangelist, and was posted as Ogun State Evangelist.
In 1990 he was transferred back to Lagos where he was given charge of the Surulere and Ijeshatedo Districts and of the Shepherd Celestial Church Of Christ, Olajuwon Tejuosho Parish.
Jesse was appointed Chairman of the International Revival Committee, and then became Reverend and Superior Evangelist, Head of Celestial Church Of Christ, Nigeria Diocese.
On 30 December 2002 he was appointed Pastor and Spiritual Head of the Celestial Church Of Christ by the CCC World Council Of Pastor’s Representatives.
The announcement was made the next day a press briefing at the CCC Tejuosho Parish in Lagos, which was attended by all the senior members of the Celestial Church Of Christ.
This followed after Emmanuel Oschoffa, senior evangelist and son of the founding pastor S.B.J. Oschoffa was appointed the church's worldwide leader on 25 December 2002 by the board of trustees. The leader of the CCC's Shepherds Council, which had appointed Jesse, stated that this council's decision superseded all other appointments
Jesse died on 7 October 2003 after less than a year in office.
Even in death, controversy continued, with members of the Burial Committee disagreeing over which company should handle his funeral.


Kaunas Priest Seminary

Kaunas Priest Seminary () is the largest seminary in Lithuania serving the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Kaunas. It is part of the Faculty of Theology of Vytautas Magnus University. Its current rector is Aurelijus Žukauskas. As of 2007, the seminary had 35 students. It traces its history to 1622.
History.
The Diocese of Samogitia did not have its own school for priests. Therefore, Bishops of Samogitia sponsored students at the Jesuit Academy in Vilnius, which was established in 1570. In 1622, Bishop Stanisław Kiszka decided to sponsor a separate seminary in Varniai, the seat of the diocese. In 1628, the seminary moved to Kražiai where it shared premises with the Jesuit Kražiai College until 1745. Bishop Antoni Dominik Tyszkiewicz decided to move the seminary back to Varniai. There he built a brick house dedicated to the seminary's needs. From 1850 to 1862, 333 men were ordained as priests. In 1862, the seminary had 120 students.
After the January Uprising of 1863, the seat of Bishop Motiejus Valančius was moved from Varniai to Kaunas on December 3, 1864. The Seminary was offered the monastery of Cistercians and St. George Church in Kaunas. From 1863 to 1870 the seminary's capacity was limited, since officials of the Russian Empire did not permit new enrollments.
Antanas Baranauskas taught there for some time, initiating lectures using the Lithuanian language. Many of its students were active in Lithuanian book smuggling. In 1884 its students began printing "Lietuva", a Lithuanian-language newspaper, edited by Adomas Dambrauskas-Jakštas. Fearing persecution by the Tsarist authorities, seminary leaders closed the newspaper. In 1888 a secret Lithuanian society was established, which was transformed into the St. Casimir Society in 1889. In 1892 Maironis was appointed a professor there and this move had a major impact on usage of the Lithuanian language. After Maironis left for St. Petersburg, Adomas Dambrauskas-Jakštas was appointed as the chaplain and continued Maironis' work. In 1909 Maironis was appointed as the rector of the seminary. At that time the seminary was completely Lithuanian.
During World War I, the seminary moved to Vašuokėnai estate near Troškūnai and the building in Kaunas was converted to a military hospital. Between 1926 and 1940, 3,078 students graduated from the Seminary. After Lithuania was occupied by the Soviet Union, all other priest seminaries in Lithuania were closed. The number of students was at first limited to 150; the limit gradually decreased to 25. Most of the seminary buildings were confiscated; the Church of the Holy Trinity was turned into a warehouse; a library containing some 90,000 volumes was destroyed; and many priests were deported to Siberia. Between 1945 and 1981, 428 priests graduated. After Lithuania declared independence in 1990, the seminary reacquired its former buildings, which were restored before the visit of Pope John Paul II in 1993.
Studies.
The seminary's current program consists of five years of undergraduate studies beginning with preparatory courses in Šiluva. Its graduates receive a degree from the Vytautas Magnus University, where they may pursue graduate and post-graduate studies. Its curriculum aims to develop students' spirituality, humanism, and intellectual abilities, and prepare them for pastoral duties.


Tihar (festival)

Tihar (), also known as Deepawali and Yamapanchak or Swanti (), is a five-day-long Hindu festival celebrated in Nepal and Indian states of Sikkim and West Bengal, particularly the towns of Darjeeling and Kalimpong, which host a large number of ethnic Nepali people. Tihar is analogous to the Indian festival of Diwali, the festival of lights, but with some significant differences. Like with Diwali, Tihar is marked by lighting "diyas" inside and outside the home but unlike the Indian festival, the five days of Tihar include celebration and worship of the four creatures associated with the Hindu god of death Yama, with the final day reserved for people themselves. According to the Vikram Samvat calendar, the festival begins with Kaag (crow) Tihar on Trayodashi of Kartik Krishna Paksha (the 13th day of the waning moon) and ends with Bhai (brother) Tika on Dwitiya of Kartik Sukla Paksha every year. In the Gregorian calendar, the festival falls sometime between October and November every year. In the year 2020, Tihar began on 16 November 2020 and ended on 20 November 2020.
Nepal's various communities celebrate Tihar in different ways. The festival is popularly known as "Swanti" among the Newars and as "Deepawali" among Madhesis. Khas-Arya Nepalis and Nepalis in the Terai plains make patterns on the floors of living rooms or courtyards using materials such as colored rice, dry flour, colored sand or flower petals, called "Rangoli," as a sacred welcoming area for the gods and goddesses, particularly Lakshmi. Firecrackers are often set off during the festival, although the Nepal government has placed a ban on the use of firecrackers in recent years citing increasing cases of injury. Children also go from house to house, singing songs and asking for gifts in the form of money and foodstuff. Gambling in the form of cards, "kauda" (a game of cowrie shells), or "langur burja" (known as "jhandi munda" in India) are popular pastimes during the festival.
Tihar is the second biggest Nepali festival after Dashain, and is usually allocated a three-day-long national holiday. The festival is novel in that it shows reverence to not just the gods, but also to animals such as crows, cows, and dogs that have long-lived alongside humans.
Kaag Tihar (Day 1).
The first day of Tihar is called Kaag (crow) Tihar. Crows and ravens, believed to be the messengers of the death god Yama, are worshipped with offerings of grains, seeds, and sweets placed on the roofs or out on the streets. The cawing of crows and ravens is associated with sadness and grief in Hinduism as these birds are believed to carry messages from Yama. By feeding the crows, devotees hope to appease them and ward off death and grief for the coming year.
Kukur Tihar (Day 2).
The second day is called Kukur (dog) Tihar, also called "Khicha Puja" by the Newars. On this day, all dogs, whether pets or strays, are offered treats and worshipped by placing a "tika" on their forehead and garlands of marigolds around their necks. This day marks the special relationship between humans and dogs, where dogs are thanked and celebrated for their loyalty, service and companionship.
Dogs occupy a special place in Hinduism, not just as loyal companions but also as messengers of Yama and incarnations of the god Bhairava. In the Hindu epic The Mahabharata, the five Pandavas are followed by a dog as they ascend to Svarga, the abode of the gods. Yudhishthira, the eldest Pandava, watches as his four brothers and wife all fall along the way until it is only the dog that loyally follows him. At the gates of Svarga, Yudhishthira refuses to enter without the dog, who reveals himself to be the god Yama. Thus, the ancient bond between man and dog is established in the Mahabharata.
As mentioned in the Mahabharata, Bhairava, a fierce manifestation of Lord Shiva, had a dog as a vahana (vehicle). Yama, the god of death, is believed to own two guard dogs – each with four eyes. The dogs are said to watch over the gates of Naraka, the Hindu concept of Hell. Owing to this belief, this day is also observed as Naraka Chaturdashi.
Kukur Tihar has since acquired widespread popularity on the internet and in 2016, was even adopted by a Mexican animal rights group for a similar celebration in Mexico City.
Gai Tihar and Lakshmi Puja (Day 3).
The morning of the third day is called Gai (cow) Tihar. The cow is an especially important animal in Hinduism and is considered sacred. The cow is the vahana of the goddess of wealth Lakshmi and is thus also associated with prosperity. Hindus revere the cow as a particularly docile animal that gives a lot more than it takes. The cow produces milk, cheese, ghee, urine and dung. While the first three can be eaten, the urine is believed to have beneficial health effects and the dung is burned as fuel or used as fertilizer.
Thus, on the third day of Tihar, Nepali Hindus people show their gratitude to the cow by feeding them treats and worshipping them with tikas and garlands.
The third day is also considered the most important day of the Tihar festival. Lakshmi, the patron goddess of the festival, is welcomed into homes that have been cleaned and the doorways and windows decorated with garlands made out of marigolds. Diyas are put up all around the home, especially in doorways and windowsills, while electric lights are draped over houses in the belief that the goddess will not visit dark homes. A special puja is offered to Lakshmi in the evening, wishing for wealth, prosperity and good health.
In the evening, young girls go around the neighbourhood, singing and dancing in a tradition called "bhailo". They are offered small amounts of money and food as rewards for the entertainment they provide. Fireworks are also common on this particular day.
Govardhan Puja and Mha Puja (Day 4).
The fourth day of Tihar is Calleja, where the ox is worshipped and celebrated. The ox is seen as an analogue to the cow in Hinduism, as the ox provides manual labour, especially important for an agricultural country like Nepal. Vaishnav Hindus also perform Govardhan Puja, which is worship towards the holy Govardhan mountain. A pile of cow dung is taken as representative of the mountain and worshipped.
The fourth day of Tihar also generally coincides with the first day of the Nepal Sambat calendar and thus, is the celebratory Mha Puja for the Newa community, Mha Puja is a unique tradition where the self and the soul within is worshipped.
Bhai Tika (Day 5).
The fifth and last day of Tihar is called Bhai Tika or Kija Puja in Nepal Bhasa. On this final day, which is celebrated with much fanfare across the country, brothers and sisters mark their special bond by worshipping each other.
The legend goes that the when the goddess Yamuna's brother fell mortally ill, Yama the god of death came to take his soul. The Yamuna pleaded with the death god to wait until she had finished her final puja for her brother. She then embarked on a long elaborate ceremony that grew to include Yama. The Yamuna then asked Yama to not take away her brother until the tika on his forehead had faded, the oil she had sprinkled on him had dried and the "Makhamali Ful Ko Mala" (Gomphrena globosa) garlands she had put around his neck had wilted.
Thus, on the fifth day of Tihar, sisters create a protective barrier of holy water and blessed oil around their brothers, circumambulating them several times. A special garland made out of the makhani flower ("Gomphrena globosa") is placed around the brother's neck as this flower is known for its long life. The tika placed on the forehead of the brother is also unique in that it consists of seven different colours. The tika is also placed on the sister's forehead by the brother.
The ceremony is performed regardless of whether the brother is older or younger than the sister and first or second cousins are also eligible for the ceremony. In the end, the brother touches the feet of their sisters with their forehead, signifying love, respect and devotion. The brothers receive a variety of cooked food such as sel roti, fruits and packaged food while the sisters receive cash or other gifts such as clothing.
In addition to these, Newars make colourful Ashtamangala mandalas and recite chants and procedures in accordance with Tantric rituals.


Walter Siba

Walter Siba, was the third Anglican Bishop of Ysabel, one of the nine dioceses that make up the Anglican Church of Melanesia. He served from 1995 to 1999. he was previously principal of Newton Theological College in Popondetta, Papua New Guinea.


Irish Council of Churches

The Irish Council of Churches (ICC) (founded 1922, reorganised under its present name 1966) is an ecumenical Christian body. It is a sister organisation of Churches Together in Britain and Ireland.
Member churches are currently:
The Irish Inter-Church Meeting (IICM) was established in 1973 as a forum between ICC's member churches and the Catholic Church.


Christianity in Cape Verde

Christianity constitutes the majority religion in Cape Verde, an island nation located off the western coast of Africa. More than 93% of the population of Cape Verde is nominally Roman Catholic, according to an informal poll taken by local churches. About 5% of the population is Protestant. The largest Protestant denomination is the Church of the Nazarene. Other groups include the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), the Assemblies of God, the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, the New Apostolic Church and various other Pentecostal and evangelical groups.
References.
Religion in Cape Verde


Amelie von Braun

Amelie von Braun (1811-1859) was a Swedish educator and Christian preacher. She is known to have introduced the Sunday school in Sweden from an English role model in the 1850s.


Sunnataram Forest Monastery

Sunnataram Forest Monastery is a Theravada Buddhist monastery in the Thai Forest Tradition. The establishment of the monastery was in July 1990. It is situated on the outer lying area of the town Bundanoon in the Southern Highlands. The elevation of the area is above sea level. An area of of bush land is covered by the monastery.


Faru (monk)

Faru (; ) was a prominent Buddhist monk during the Tang Dynasty in China. He was originally a student of Huimíng, but this teacher reportedly sent Faru to East Mountain to study under Daman Hongren. Under Hongren, with whom he studied for sixteen years, Faru is traditionally thought to have received dharma transmission. After his time on East Mountain, Faru left to Luoyang, spending some time at Shaolin Monastery and helping to re-establish its prominence.
Faru is notable in the history of Zen because the concept of a lineage, a fundamental notion in the identity of the school, seems to have originated with either him or his immediate followers. His epitaph speaks of an unbroken line of mind to mind transmission from Gautama Buddha to Bodhidharma, the founder of Zen, to Faru's teacher Hongren, and on to Faru himself. Other students of Hongren, however, claimed that they were the next point on the lineage and not Faru, however. These included Laoan, but most importantly Yuquan Shenxiu, who had a competing epitaph claiming he was the next patriarch of the lineage after Hongren. In modern Zen institutions, however, neither Shenxiu or Faru is traditionally considered the true heir of Hongren; that distinction lies with Huineng, a monk far less notable than Faru or Shenxiu who rose to prominence only after his death thanks to an extensive campaign by his student Heze Shenhui.
References.
For a detailed analysis of Faru's claim to legitimacy, see Cole, Alan. 2009. "Fathering your Father: The Zen of Fabrication in Tang Buddhism". Berkeley, CA: University of California Press (in particular chap. 4 and 5).


List of Bangladeshi Christians

Christians comprise almost 0.4% of the population of bangladesh. The following is a list of notable people from christian background:


Cebu City Philippines Temple

The Cebu City Philippines Temple is the 133rd operating temple of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). Located in Lahug in Cebu City, it is the second LDS temple in the Philippines.
History.
Announced in 2006, the temple was dedicated in three sessions on June 13, 2010, following a two-week open house period.
The plans to build a temple in Cebu City were announced by the LDS Church to local church leaders on 18 April 2006. Ground was broken and the site was dedicated on 14 November 2007 by Dallin H. Oaks, a member of the church's Quorum of the Twelve Apostles.
The temple was built on an site that it shares with a church meetinghouse, patron house, residences for the temple and mission presidents, and a mission office.
In 2020, the Cebu City Philippines Temple was closed in response to the coronavirus pandemic.


Society of Christian Doctrine

The Society of Christian Doctrine (, , ; abbreviated SDC), better known as M.U.S.E.U.M., is a society of Catholic lay volunteers, made of men and women, teaching catechism in the Christian faith formation of children and adults. The society was established by George Preca in March 1907, in Malta. It has eventually spread around the world, first among Maltese migrants in Australia, then in Albania, in North Sudan and other countries.
Name.
M.U.S.E.U.M. is the abbreviation for "Magister Utinam Sequatur Evangelium Universus Mundus" as meaning "Master if only the whole world would follow the Gospel."
Centres.
In Malta, the society has forty-six catechism centres for males and forty-three for females.
It took until 1961 for the society to spread in Gozo, and was successful after a visit for a fishing session. That same year catechism started for males, and in 1962 it was followed by the female branch. There are now nine catechism centres for males and seven for females in Gozo.
The objectives of the religious society is catechetical work in the parishes. Members may participate in the activities in six days every week. The society often organises recreational activities for minors and educational courses for adults.
Members of the society are invited to participate for a meeting every Wednesday at the "mother-house" of the society, in Blata l-Bajda, Marsa. The mother-house is the prominent Church of Our Lady of the Miraculous Medal. The main scope for teaching catechism is to religiously prepare individuals, generally minors, to receive the sacraments according to the Roman Catholic tradition.
Superior Generals.
This is a list of former and present superior generals of the society:
Further reading.
History of the society:


Jean Chavannes Jeune

Jean Chavannes Jeune is an Haitian Christian leader, pastor and evangelist, who was a candidate for president in the 2006 Haitian general election for the Christian National Union for the Reconstruction of Haiti. He finished in fourth position. He was a Vice President of Haiti in 1988-89.
Early life and education.
Born in Haiti on December 29, 1953, Chavannes Jeune grew up in an evangelistic household. His father Pastor Beauvil Jeune was a pioneer of the Mission Evangelique Baptiste du Sud d'Haiti (MEBSH). During a Vacation Bible School at age seven Chavannes made his own personal commitment to Christ, followed by baptism at fourteen. In 1983 he studied development and communications at Chicago Wheaton College. His postdoctoral studies were dedicated to theology, sociology and development administration at Columbia Bible School in North Carolina.
Religious activity.
Jeune served as the national leader for the MEBSH (Mission Evangélique Baptiste du Sud d'Haïti). He also was a leader of HAVIDEC (Haiti’s Vision for the Third Century), an evangelical social organization. Jeune was elected as the leader of Christian National Union for the Reconstruction of Haiti in 2005 and was it's presidential candidate for the 2006 elections.
He announced his candidacy for president in his home town of Les Cayes on Wednesday, August 10, 2005. He is one of the advisor of Haiti's President Joseph Michel Martelly.
Political career.
Jeune served as Vice President of Haiti for thirteen months in 1988-89.
Personal life.
Jeune is married to Marie Lucie Carisma (a Business Administration specialist) with whom he was 4 children (3 sons and 1 daughter).


Jacob Nasirov

Jacob Nasirov is a prominent Bukharian rabbi residing in Jamaica Estates, Queens, New York. His family originated in Bukhara and immigrated to Afghanistan in 1932. At age 5, his family made "aliyah" to Israel. After serving in the Israel Defense Forces and working for a few years, in 1980 he was called to serve as the hazan and rabbi of Anshei Shalom synagogue, the only Afghan-Jewish congregation in the United States. He is currently the Rabbi of Congregation Bet-El - Sephardic Center of Jamaica Estates. Nasirov was at one time a kosher certifier of restaurants, but he is no longer involved in this.
Sources.
Lee, Felicia R. "Coping: Afghan Jews Look Back in Sorrow" New York Times Dec. 30, 2001
Pomerance, Rachel "Because 'Jews are news,' feuding Afghans make CNN" Jewish Telegraphic Agency Dec. 14, 2001
Bio on Synagogue website


Saro Vera

Monsignor Saro Wilfrido Vera Troche (October 6, 1922 – May 7, 2000) was a Christian priest from Paraguay. He was born on October 6, 1922, in Rosario Tatuy Caazapá Department Paraguay, into a peasant family which held profound faith in religion. He died in 2000, and courtesy of his career, it was widely believed that this was a man who left behind his intellectual legacy.
Childhood and youth.
Vera received his primary education in Caazapá but there was a two-year gap in his studies due to the Chaco War in 1935. He studied his first year of classic high school in the Metropolitan Seminary of Asuncion. At the age of thirteen, he joined the Metropolitan Seminary in Buenos Aires, where he studied philosophy and theology and earned his bachelor's degree.
He was ordained a priest in the same seminary on November 28, 1948. He returned to Paraguay in 1950 and spent the year preparing for a bachelor's degree in theology.
First steps.
Having assumed his role in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, Vera decided not to be a priest in the town of Villarrica, but to work among the poor that belonged to the parish of Buena Vista. Subsequently he lived there for many years.
The archbishop of Asuncion, Felipe Santiago Benitez, who prefaced the book "The Evangelization of the Paraguayan", defined him as a thinker of the Paraguayan church. "In my view, the higher quality of our times," he said. He added that "many of his claims could be discussed or, perhaps, were not acceptable, but deserve our respect and admiration."
Works.
Saro Vera wrote several books during his lifetime, but not all of them have been published. In his book "The Evangelization of the Paraguayan", Vera proposed a scientific study of the Paraguayan Catholic living a Christian life.
Another of his books is "Six Stories of a Peasant". This book contains a prologue written by Helio Vera, who describes this collection of stories as a mixture of fiction and reality. The stories do not lose their testimonial character, as they are developed around the events involving the guerrillas which operated in the area where Saro Vera fulfilled his evangelical mission during the 1960s'. The prologue writers explain that perhaps this was his way of encouraging reflection and imparting education: "We drew the tortuous paths that our people had to go, pushed by the unstoppable dialectic of violence," said Vera.
Other titles published by Vera include "Stories of Paraguay Locals". But in his book "The Paraguayan, a man outside his world", where he clearly defines the three famous laws, namely the mbareté (the tough), ñembotavy (the indifferent) and vaivai (the in-between), the tales are not stories but ways in which Paraguayans think and behave.
Saro Vera understood that "to know the national being, we need to discover the hidden reasons or deep motivations, immersed in the distance of time, in the subconscious and into unconsciousness." This material is of great significance for understanding Paraguayans. Here is part of his work -
"Kuimba`e Nahaséiva"(Men Do Not Cry).
In Paraguay, a man should not cry even as a child. Not crying is a sign of something much broader than mere machismo. This attitude is related to his role. Men should refrain from showing their feelings, especially adverse emotions; they find it compelling to dominate pain and misfortune. The Paraguayan, even though his role is conducted outside the home, is the facilitator who provides the nurturing and protection. The man does not require feelings. First of all, you need strength, skill "ha'evé" ability and ingenuity, and a tendency to work.
An anemic man will not be the breadwinner of the family or for anyone. What can be expected from a complaining man, who regrets a scratch? The man must master his feelings in general, and especially his feelings of pain and setbacks.
This man, owner of himself and pain, cannot be formed if he is not educated and trained. Hence from childhood that man should not cry. When he cries, you hit him so he that can shut up and learn to master his pain and his tears. With this procedure he does not seek a machismo, but receives training for attaining a respectable countenance pertaining to his role as a man. We must strengthen the boy against pain.
Neither should the girl unleash her expressions of grief. She also requires the self-control to survive in a world of frugality, deprivation and poorly cured diseases. We must help her prepare to deal with this.
Paraguay and common wealth.
This analysis corresponds to another fragment of the book by Saro Vera namely "The Paraguayan, a man outside his world":
The Paraguayan, with his kind of culture, is not naturally inserted in the macro community. The nation exceeds his psychic ability of integration. His psychological place is in the mini community of the family. The common good of the family is the only thing he finds understandable, or interests to which all members are entitled in accordance with the scale of privileged positions in relation to kinship.
Common wealth is the responsibility of the authority. The Paraguayan considers silly the one who is in the Government and has not taken the opportunity to enrich himself. This conviction of dishonesty in dealing with the public response would be purely intellectual and existential without any force.
For the people, what we call dishonesty is taken for granted. What you should do is to ease its public intemperance with works showing that the national treasury is not going entirely into your pocket. "To'úna pero toyapó", to use but to do something. If you apply this condition, everything is going to go well. Another condition that clogs the evil of exploiting the common wealth is resorting to the excuse of involving others. "To'una, anínte ho'upaitereí ha'eño; to porokonvidamimi", meaning he who exploits common wealth should involve others in doing so, too.
"The Paraguayan and Freedom".
This analysis is part of the book named "The Paraguayan, a man outside his world" of Saro Vera:
The Paraguayan still maintains the concept of freedom of a tribal society. He is happy to be free internally.
Any citizen can question the freedom of the Paraguayan. He, in turn, questions the freedom of the citizen who is manipulated by appearances, lies, false promises and the media, and has deposited the vote which apparently should be given to the winner.
Where the Paraguayan feels really free is in the use of time. Being the owner of time is a great freedom. If he happens to work, he works and if not, then he does not work. The days, hours and weeks are his, without Damocles’ sword hanging over his head. He should not apologize because he was late by kneeling for nearly five minutes.
"The Paraguayan and Power".
This religious man has also referred to power in his book titled "The Paraguayan, a man outside his world":
Power is a serious temptation for the Paraguayan. Perhaps it is so for most of the world, but not for some. Through power man occupies a privileged place within society. It is a very remarkable change, the one that power produces in Paraguayans. He immediately assumes an attitude of life-forgiver and guardian.
He is sensitive towards what he is considered the protector of. He would break his own soul not to disappoint the protected ones, because the protected ones will always be inferior to him. He will always require places of prominence, special considerations and honors.
He must be at the head of any enterprise or organization, but do absolutely nothing. No one should count on him if he is relegated to a lower position or if someone appoints him as a subordinate. In this case he will do the impossible by boycotting the work to demonstrate that he is vital as head of the enterprise. Let's not talk of a chief supporter. This will assume all possible roles of a community. He will be mayor, judge and if allowed, would also be the parish priest. The problem with the Paraguayan power is misplacement. He is a chieftain in a civilized state. Paraguay is the country of friends. Ordinary people need this support because no rights protect them.
He is bound to obligations and is also exposed to the whim of the man in power.
The Paraguayan and wealth.
Another element that the Paraguayan is totally scrambled with is wealth. Anyone who reaches a certain economic level suffers a change, so much so that it is difficult to recognize the person after a while. It's amazing, the change that transforms them with wealth in their hands. The "riko pyahu." (new rich) is an unrecognizable Paraguayan.
The Paraguayan and work.
Is the Paraguayan lazy or not? In this case there are irrational detractors who haven’t thought or don't want to know anything about defending the Paraguayan. The Paraguayan does not work as he should. He loses hours drinking terere. He never strives to the maximum. When a loan is granted, the money is invested on superfluous things and not on improving his farming area.
The Paraguayan is a highly valued worker in any field outside Paraguay, because despite being semi literate, they become highly skilled workers. The ideal situation for the Paraguayan is to earn money without working or working with the least effort. So every time he can carry out paid work it will be "vaivaí suerte raicha" (in a bad way, for luck). However, when working for a friend and without payment, he does so thoroughly, not "vaivaí."(in a bad way).
The Paraguayan and love.
The best recommendation for a husband is to be a worker, because he gets to sustain the family. His pride is that their children are well looked after and he has an elegant wife. He is praised because of his "hembireko poti" (lit. clean wife).
In this cultural context love is almost functional. There is almost no place for romance and affection. These connotations of love are almost reduced to times of courtship. On the other hand, the Paraguayan man is extremely sensitive to affection. But these roles often deviate and consume time that would be devoted to emotional expressions. Besides, too much demonstration overwhelms both male and female Paraguayans.
When the woman is too clingy, the man is annoyed. He can stand up to a certain extent, and passing that measure, he feels upset. He is neither very supportive to demonstrations of love in public. Love belongs to the world of privacy. Paraguayans are little demonstrative of their feelings of grief or joy, love or hatred, all of which are almost always reduced to very measured gestures and actions. They spare no words.
The Paraguayan is noble. A feature of nobility is his inability to take revenge.


Afua Kuma

Afua Kuma (1908 – 1987) was an Ghanaian oral theologian.
Biography.
Afua Kuma was born in Obo Kwahu in the Eastern Region of Ghana. In her childhood, she helped her parents in farming and trading and did not go to school. Although she was brought up in the Presbyterian church, where her father was an elder, in her later life she attended a local Catholic church before joining the Church of Pentecost.
Though she was illiterate, she was well-versed in her mother tongue of Twi and became known for the oral theology in her prayers and songs.


Abdel-Bari Zamzami

Abdel Bari Zamzami Ben Seddik (Arabic: عبد الباري الزمزمي بن الصديق, also spelled Abdelbari Zemzami; 1943 – 10 February 2016) was a Moroccan cleric of the moderate way and was among the most controversial religious figures in the Maghreb. He was the president of the Moroccan association of contemporary cataclysmic jurisprudence research and studies and a member of the Moroccan Religious Scholars. Zamzami was also one of the founders of the International Union of Muslim Scholars and a member of the Moroccan Parliament. Zamzami was the sole Member of Parliament affiliated with the party of reform and virtue and was seen as an enemy to secularists and communists in Morocco. Zamzami was shunned and criticized by members of his party after he issued a series of controversial fatwas.
History and religious career.
Abdul-Bari Zamzami was born in Tangiers, Morocco, in 1943 and started his career under the wing of his late father, Sheikh Mohamed Zamzami at the Big Mosque of Tangiers; the late Mohamed Zamzami called for a return to the sunna and fought against the Sufi ways present in Morocco. Abdul-Bari Zamzami moved to Casablanca in 1975 or 1976 where he started delivering Friday sermons at the Yusufi Mosque, the Muhammadi Mosque, and “Ould Lhamra” in the old medina. During the 1980s, Zamzami became popular thanks to his religious speeches for which he used the Moroccan Darija dialect. He also created a newspaper, Al-Sunna, which publication stopped a few months after its first edition.
Zamzami's sermons caused him to be suspended from preaching in 1978, 1979, 2000, and 2001 allegedly due to his mixing of the political and the religious. In 2001, Zamzami was one of the founders of the Moroccan association of contemporary jurisprudence research and studies, of which he was the president. The association aims at fighting "currents" that try to eradicate sharia law from the constitution. He died of cancer on 10 February 2016 at the age of 73.
Political career.
In 2007, Zamzami won a seat in parliament thanks to his popularity in the neighborhood where he preaches in Casablanca. He later lost his seat in the 2011 elections although he is still listed as a parliament member on the government's website. Following his retirement in 2011, Zamzami decided to dedicate himself to issuing Fatwas and obtained a public transportation permit to operate a for-profit vehicle
Zamzami advocated against the creation of religious-based political parties, despite belonging to one himself; his reasoning was that Islam-based parties would be an insult to the populations of predominantly Muslim countries, as it would denote that only their adherents follow the Muslim creed. Further, Zamzami announced his support for the government's monitoring of mosques and religious sermons as a tool to protect countries from extremism.
Public criticism.
Abdul-Bari Zamzami was banned from preaching at the mosque on several occasions due to controversial views he has discussed with the public. Following his retirement, Zamzami obtained a permit to operate public transportation from the Ministry of transport and tourism, for which he was amply criticized by the population. Indeed, Moroccan media criticized the former parliamentarian, who inadvertently forgot that "thousands of citizens struggle and cannot obtain such permits" despite being more in need for a source of income than he is. Zamzami responded that since he has been banned from giving sermons at mosques for approximately ten years, and because of his retirement, he found himself in need of a source of income and had to request such a permit. (Receiving public transportation permits in Morocco is somewhat exclusive and is usually a source of income many can only dream of, as conferring such permits is usually not based on any set criteria aside from connections or other corrupt methods such as bribery)
Further criticism of Zamzami came from the Amazigh community after he allegedly announced that Amazigh language and identity is an abomination and that calls [to make Amazigh an official language in Morocco] are heretic according to the Muslim faith.
Controversial fatwas.
Zamzami was a contributor to Islam Online, where he occasionally issued fatwas and answered questions about jurisprudence. In addition, Zamzami issued approximately 2,000 fatwas during his career; despite only issuing four or five about sexual topics, Zamzami has been faced with a lot of criticism. His latest include the fatwa dubbed "necrophilia fatwa" which edict gives a man the right to engage in sexual intercourse with his wife up to six hours after her death; despite recognizing that such an action is despicable in mainstream society, Zamzami persisted in backing his original fatwa, claiming marriage does not end in death. The necrophilia fatwa went viral after Al Arabiyah published an article alleging that Egypt was about to adopt a law in its favor, a measure that proved to be a hoax propagated further by western media. In addition, a new fatwa allowing women to masturbate using sex toys, carrots, pestles, bottles, and other phallic-looking objects warranted the wrath of the Moroccan and international Muslim community against Zamzami.
Zamzami also previously published a fatwa allowing Muslim women to drink alcohol during their pregnancy if it is part of their cravings. Other controversial fatwas he issued include the possibility for people to take medicine without breaking their Fast during Ramadan as long as they do not drink water. This fatwa made Zamzami unpopular among other religious figures who questioned his integrity as a scholar. In addition, Zamzami also announced that it is against the religion to take to the streets after the King delivers a speech; this fatwa made the population, as well as the media question his intentions.


Ruben Ecleo

Ruben Edera Ecleo Sr. (December 9, 1934 – December 20, 1987) was a Filipino cult leader who founded the Philippine Benevolent Missionaries Association, Incorporated (PBMA, INC.) in 1965, and the mayor of the Municipality of Dinagat, Surigao del Norte from 1963 up to 1987. Married to Glenda Buray Ecleo, they had eight children: Ruben Jr., Glorigen, Gracelyn, Benglen, Allan I, Allan II, Geraldine and Gwendolyn. Ecleo also has a son with former mistress Reyneria Borja named Ruben Al.
Early life.
According to the teachings he propagated, he was born in a poor family on the island of Cabilan in the town of Dinagat. Ruben claimed he started his mission as a transient healer-missioner assuming different names and personalities and travelled mostly in the Visayas area and in many parts of northern Mindanao at the age of 8. He claimed he can communicate with spirit guides, which allowed him to master Arabic, Aramaic, Hebrew, and Sanskrit languages from which he was able to read the akashic records and interpret the ancient mysteries. However, he has never demonstrated his linguistic capabilities by talking to native speakers of the languages he says he knows. His cult's beliefs revolve around a new sort of wisdom which is a fusion of the Akasha (akashic), Buddhism, Christianism, Hinduism, and Judaism. His teachings became the fundamental doctrines of the PBMA.
Spiritual leader career and politics.
In the early years of the 1960s Ruben organized his first group of followers which he then called "The First Thirteen", the first batch of his fellow-workers, a group of healer-teachers known as "missionaries" resembling the Twelve Apostles of the Christ in the ancient Judea, who allegedly received his blessings, teachings and instructions. This "First Thirteen" became the "fishers of his members". Owing to his growing fame as a spiritual leader and a healer, as well as the very poor level of education in the island where he began his cult, he was eventually called as "Dr. Ruben" or known by the title "Divine Master" to his followers, an indication of his "great proclivity in the spirituals and of the divine". In the PBMA cult, the title is equivalent to "Grand Master" or "Worshipful Master" of the order of Freemasonry. Through the help of his cultists, followers and supporters, in 1965, they organized and founded the Philippine Benevolent Missionaries Association, Incorporated, a non-sectarian, non-stock, and a brotherhood organization with the prime objectives to extend the missions of his group to do charitable works; to serve faithfully, to help benevolently and to give voluntarily, among others. PBMA was registered on that same year on October 19 with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) under Registration No. 28042. This became the platform for their family to pursue political power in their severely underdeveloped island.
Ruben Ecleo also tried his luck in politics. In the 1963 local election, in his second attempt at the mayoralty, he won an overwhelming victory against an unpopular opponent. That launched his political career, cut short only by death. In 1981, he was featured in the "WHO Magazine" (September 26 Issue) as "The South's Mysterious Superstar" for being a charismatic leader, the undefeated mayor of Dinagat and the architect of Barangay San Jose in the municipality of Dinagat for making it as the "Most Outstanding Barangay of the Philippines" in 1980; a recognition given by the elite Rotary Club of Makati. San Jose was then home of his association, the PBMA. He was chosen as the "Most Outstanding Mayor of the Philippines" in 1985.
Death, legacy and family controversy.
Ruben Ecleo Sr. holds the record for serving the longest term as local executive in Dinagat for 24 years, from 1963 until his death on December 20, 1987. Days after his demise, PBMA's leadership was bequeathed to his eldest son, Ruben B. Ecleo Jr. who was then a musician and a recording artist, who became the mayor of San Jose from 1991 to 1994, after its conversion from a barangay into a municipality in 1989. A mausoleum called the "Divine Master's Shrine" at the top of a hill in Barangay Aurelio, San Jose, Dinagat Islands was built by the PBMA members in honor of the elder Ecleo. This shrine symbolizes his lasting legacies.
Considered by his followers as a seemingly "Christ-like" figure, Ruben Ecleo Sr. and his group PBMA has an estimated membership of 3.5 million in 2002, but real statistics could be significantly lower.


Tanzeemul Makatib

Tanzeem ul Makatib is an organisation devoted to religious awareness among the Shiites in India for education based in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. The organisation currently runs 1246 educational units (Maktab/Schools) in 38 of the provinces of India. Over 1947 teachers including 295 pesh namaz are imparting education to 50,457 children with utmost devotion and zeal. Specially designed syllabus is designed for these schools. The organisation also runs higher religious education centres, viz. Jamiya Imamia (for boys), Jameatuz Zahra (for girls) and a chain of Khadeejatul Kubra Madrasas (for college going girls desirous of religious education). These centres follow Hauza Syllabus. Religious educational conferences are organised by it on district, regional and provincial level. These conferences serve as short-term training camps. These conferences are not held at any fixed or permanent place but their venues are changed from time to time, so that more and more population of Shia community people can take benefit.
Sayed Safi Haidar is the current secretary of Tanzeemul Makatib.
Tanzeemul Makatib publishes various Islamic magazines too.
Maulana Syed Tehzeeb ul Hasan is the senior Islamic Scholar of Tanzeemul Makatib