Black Student Movement

The Black Student Movement (BSM) is an organization at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It is the second largest student-run organization and one of the largest cultural organizations on the school's campus. The organization was created on November 7, 1967 to combat problems of black recruit, admissions, and integration on UNC-CH campus. Black Student Movement has created many subgroups and committees such as: Opeyo! Dance Company, Celebration of Black Womanhood (CBW), Emphasizing Brotherhood Across Campus Effectively (EmBrACE), Harmonyx A Capella, UNC Gospel Choir, Ebony Reader's Onyx Theatre (EROT), Black Ink and the Political Action Committee (PAC) to name a few.
History.
The Black Student Movement was established on November 7, 1967 as a result Black student dissatisfaction with the NAACP chapter on the campus and because of the slow enrollment of the black population on campus. In 1961 the NAACP chapter had been formed and had actively protested against segregation and discrimination, but by 1967 more militant students led by Preston Dobbins and Reggie Hawkins felt that the NAACP was overly conservative. They voted to disband the chapter and instead form the Black Student Movement. The NAACP's magazine, "The Crisis", reported that the chapter president, Kelly Alexander Jr., opposed demands for separate facilities for black students, arguing against "any attempt to re-establish institutionalized segregation". The state NAACP leadership intervened and the two organizations then co-existed. Although the organization had white sympathizers, it was all-black. The Black Student Movement was officially recognized by the UNC administration in December 1967. In the fall of 1967, UNC reported 113 African American Students enrolled out of 13,352.
The Black Student Movement began taking form as the dominant organization who voiced the views and opinions of black students at the university. The ensuing year was momentous black students on the campus because it was within this time frame that the Dixon Resolution and the Phipps Committee were established. The Dixon Resolution, written by Professor John Dixon on May 3, 1968, requested that the Chancellor appoint a five-person committee to generate recommendations for the faculty to help improve the academic climate among Black students. It was the Phillips Committee, led by Professor Dickson Phillips, that recommended an eight-step plan to improve the intellectual climate and remove educational disabilities on the basis of the race of Black students on campus and those to come.
On December 11, 1968, the Black Student Movement presented a list of 23 demands to J. Carlyle Sitterson (chancellor at the time) for improvements that they needed to see implemented, including better treatment of the campus workforce and more opportunity and representation at the University for African American students and members of the Chapel Hill community. The demands included the founding of an African-American Studies department at the University, an office titled, "Dean of Black Students" that would be responsive to black students' needs, and the University’s partnership with the local black community. On January 24, 1969, six weeks after being presented with the demands and during final exam periods, Sitterson issued a nineteen-page written reply, demonstrating his intent "to be responsive to the educational needs of...all races, colors and creeds" while also asserting that the University cannot, in policy or practice, provide unique treatment for any single race, color or creed", but promised open discussion and the establishment of a faculty-student committee based on minorities and the disadvantaged. Within the following weeks, BSM gained support from students and faculty through the Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), the UNC Graduate Student Association, the Daily Tar Heel, and the New University Conference. Students and faculty alike felt as though the Chancellor's response was dismissive and organized sit-ins. UNC faculty members organized a petition supporting the BSM. The SSOC organized a protest through the university, the town, and South Building in support of the BSM’s demands on February 7, 1969. The Chapel Hill community became nervous, given the student takeover of Allen administrative building at Duke University on February 13, 1969, which led to conflicts with students and the police who fired tear gas to control the crowd. The BSM held a rally on February 8 to discuss Chancellor Sitterson’s responses to their demands. Athletes Charlie Scott, the first black basketball player at the university, and Bill Chamberlain attended this rally and publicly supported the BSM.
BSM and Food-workers.
A partnership between black students and food-workers began in December 1968, after the BSM presented their demands. Amongst these demands was the urging of the University to "begin working immediately to alleviate the intolerable working conditions of the Black non-academic employees". The food-workers wanted to address the low wages, lack of holding supervisors accountable, and some sexual harassment claims. They believed that their “supervisors who worked for the University were engaging in unfair labor practices.” Provoked by Sitterson's response to their demands, BSM met with food-workers to address employee grievances. With encouragement from BSM core members, Preston Dobbins, Reggie Hawkins, Jack McLean and Eric Clay, the food-workers remained determined to be taken seriously by administration.
After a conflict with workers and a supervisor, the workers met with the BSM to plan a protest that Sunday. On February 23, 1969, food-workers came to work and set up their counters. When the doors were opened, workers walked out and sat down at cafeteria tables. BSM recruited about 400 students to stand in line and bang their trays on the counters. The following morning, nearly 100 dining hall employees refused to report to work, forcing 3 of the 4 dining facilities to close for the day. The protest would continue to last for almost a month marking UNC's first serious labor dispute. The protest was supported by the BSM, students (high school and college), faculty, community members, even people from other schools.
Upset with the lack of response from administration, particularly the Chancellor, on Monday, March 3, 1969 the BSM partnering with Southern Students Organizing Committee changed their tactics, taking a more authoritative stance entering Lenoir and slowing down service to students. Their actions tried to force administration to deal with the issue. During the protest, the BSM, SSOC, and other students ran through Lenoir flipping tables, which forced police with riot gear to intervene. As a result, the administration closed Lenoir. In a meeting with Governor Robert W. Scott, Chancellor Sitterson and UNC System President William C. Friday argued to keep Lenoir Hall closed until Thursday lunch and downplayed the need to bring in the Highway Patrol to maintain order. As Sitterson prepared to announce his plan for reopening Lenoir, Governor Scott declared that four National Guard units were standing by in Durham, and that five squads of riot-trained Highway Patrol were being sent to Chapel Hill to ensure that Lenoir would open for breakfast on Thursday, March 6.
Many UNC students, white and black, and faculty were mobilized by the table-turning incident and the Governor's response. The SSOC, the National Student Association Southern Area Conference, and representatives from Student Government attempted to act as mediators between the black students and food-workers on one side and the University administration and North Carolina General Assembly on the other. Though the Faculty Council resolved to support the University administration, some faculty members signed petitions calling on Sitterson to recognize the validity of the BSM's demands and to increase wages and opportunities for promotion for campus non-academic workers.
During the protest, the BSM and food-workers occupied Manning Hall, the former law school building. Workers created the “Soul Food Cafeteria” as a way to earn money and support the community. The BSM gave the food in exchange for donations from those who participated in the “Soul Food Cafeteria.” They were able to raise $35 per worker per week with this system.
On 13 March, the Governor directed Chapel Hill police to arrest BSM members who refused to leave Manning Hall, which was then otherwise unused. Those arrested retained Charlotte attorneys Julius Chambers and Adam Stein to represent them.Ultimately, the UNC Non-Academic Employees Union was formed and its requests were prioritized: a minimum wage of $1.80 per hour, the appointment of a black supervisor, and time-and-a-half for overtime work. The strike came to an end on March 21, 1969, “when Gov. Scott agreed to pass legislation that would raise not only the Lenoir workers’ wages to $1.80 an hour, but also the wages of all other minimum wage workers across the state.”
Uprisings and strikes.
During 1968, the Movement staged several protest marches following the Orangeburg Massacre and the assassination of Martin Luther King that featured the burning of an effigy of Governor Robert McNair and the Confederate flag, followed by a one-day strike with 95% adherence from black workers.
In March of 1969 along with the Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), picketed alongside workers and boycotted the dining halls in solidarity. Faculty picketed as well, carrying signs that said "Faculty Supports Lenoir Workers". During the second strike, in November and December 1969, students from Black Student Movement chapters across the state planned to convene in Chapel Hill for "Black Monday" for a rally in support of the strikers. The police attacked a group of demonstrators from the Black Student Movement who allegedly refused to disperse from their picket lines. Nine people were arrested, including two union organizers. Charges included failure to disperse and disorderly conduct.
In November 1969, the BSM created the Black Ink newspaper as a counter to the Daily Tar Heel (DTH) student newspaper of the campus. The DTH was seen as a newspaper for white students. Therefore, Black Ink was created to represent the black community and black interests.
In January 1965, the BSM protested against guest speaker David Duke, the founder of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. Almost 200 students heckled and shouted at him, forcing him off the stage. Algenon Marbley, BSM president at the time, “was summoned to Undergraduate Court for allegedly leading the protest but was acquitted.”
In 1979, students were angry with the denying of tenure for Dr. Sonja Stone, the head of the African and Afro-American Studies department and BSM’s advisor. They held sit-ins and marched through South Building to protest the “closed-door” policy making. BSM further protested the minimal admittance of qualified African Americans into the university and that there was still not an office specific for minority concerns. Dr. Sonja Stone received tenure in the fall of 1980 and the Office of Minority Affairs was formed.
In October 1990 a sculpture, The Student Body, was installed to be representative of the UNC student body. Many students felt that the depictions of the characters were unrealistic. The statue showed a black woman balancing books on her head, a white woman looking up a man, and a black man with a basketball. BSM organized a study-in, where students studied around the statue showing what the student body actually looks like.
After the passing of Dr. Sonja Stone in 1991, the BSM protested to have a free standing academic building named after her to replace the Black Cultural Center. They gained support from students, faculty, student athletes, and Spike Lee. The building was approved in 1993 and was opened in 2004.
On November 14, 1998, to commemorate the BSM's 30th anniversary, students rallied in support of the Housekeeper and Groundskeeper Struggle, and presented Chancellor Michael Hooker with a list of 22 new demands.
On March 28, 2012 BSM, along with other student organizations, marched down Franklin Street in hoodies, Skittles, and tea in hand in response to the murder of an unarmed Trayvon Martin. It was a silent march that was used to inform people of the case and honor his life.
BSM Evolves.
The Black Student Movement, commonly referred to as BSM has the mission: "We, the members of the Black Student Movement, embrace a culture distinct from the dominant culture found at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. In view of this fact, it is the goal of this organization to strive for the continued existence of the unity among all its members, to voice the concerns and grievances of its members to the University, to offer outlets for expressing Black ideals and culture, and finally, to insure that the Black Student Movement members never lose contact with the Black community".
In November 1997, students on campus still felt as though their voices were not being heard. BSM presented Chancellor Michael Hooker with a list of concerns. The presentation coincided with BSM Awareness Day, remembering those who began the fight for equality thirty years earlier. On Friday afternoon, students presented readings, music and poetry to make the campus community aware of their cause. At the conclusion of their events, the students marched to the Officer of Chancellor Hooker and presented him with a list of demands. They presented 22 demands that were not different from the ones presented to Chancellor Sitterson in 1968, however there was an additional demand for a black cultural center on campus.
One of the demands presented at the second round was a free-standing black cultural center. When professor Sonja Haynes Stone died of a stroke in 1991, BSM members voiced their dissatisfaction with the small black cultural center in the Student Union and pushed for a freestanding building dedicated to the late professor.But former Chancellor Paul Hardin said the center should be "a forum and not a fortress," and the Black Cultural Center's suite in the Union was dedicated to Stone. After more than a decade of fundraising and rallying, BSM members were able to see the dedication of a freestanding Sonja Haynes Stone Center for Black Culture and History.
In addition to advocating for the minority voice, in recent years, the BSM has made an effort to promote change and voter participation. In 2009, the political action committee of BSM presented "Vote and Vote Smart", to encourage political participation.
The group presented the event in conjunction with the local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the group United with the Northside Community Now.
BSM also has focused the 2011 year on self-identity, hosting "Same by Race, Different by Name", a panel discussion on identity in the black community as well as an in-depth look at stereotypes about Africans and American Americans and their relationship with one another.
BSM continues to encourage their subcommittee involvement from hosting Gospel Choir concerts, Harmonyx Acapella performances, and the BSM Ball, where they crown a Mr. and Ms. BSM. They also began partnership with other campus organizations to promote unity. BSM hosts “Culture on the Lawn” with Carolina For The Kids (CFTK) and the Homecoming Kickoff Powderpuff Game with Carolina Fever. The goal of unity allows for more cooperation and fluidity with “black issues.” For example, the Black Lives Matter movement gained support from many black students within BSM and outside of it. BSM supports the protests that occur on campus without having to lead the protests.
The “We Gon Be Alright Scholarship” was created by Miss BSM (2015-2016) Summer Holmes. The name of the scholarship comes from lyrics by Kendrick Lamar, which has become an anthem for the Black Lives Matter Movement. The mission of the scholarship is to award “underclassmen scholarship money based on their commitment to service and activism within and outside the Carolina community” and “to highlight the valiant efforts of those who have enacted change for the betterment of their constituents during times of institutional injustices and the disenfranchisement of minority populations.”


Poverty in Uruguay


Cypriot pound

The Cypriot pound, also known as the Cypriot lira ( / plural "λίρες" and Turkish: "lira", from the Latin "libra" through the Italian "lira"), was the currency of Cyprus, including the Sovereign Base Areas in Akrotiri and Dhekelia, from 1879 to 2007, when the Republic of Cyprus adopted the euro. However, the self-proclaimed Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus used and still uses on the official level the Turkish lira.
The Cypriot pound was introduced in 1879 and was equal in value to the pound sterling. It had remained at that value until 1972, some twelve years after Cyprus gained independence from the United Kingdom. The Cypriot pound was replaced by the euro as official currency of the Republic of Cyprus on 1 January 2008 at the irrevocable fixed exchange rate of CYP 0.585274 = €1.00.
History.
The British introduced the Cypriot pound in 1879. It had the same value as the British pound sterling, and was valued at a rate of one pound to 180 Turkish piastres. It was initially divided into 20 "shillings" ("σελίνι" / "σελίνια", "şilin"), in common with its United Kingdom counterpart. However, unlike the United Kingdom shilling, the Cyprus shilling was divided into 9 "piastres" ("γρόσι" / "γρόσια", "kuruş"), thus establishing a nomenclature link to earlier Ottoman currency. The piastre was itself divided into 40 "para" (like the kuruş). The para denomination did not appear on any coins or banknotes but was used on postage stamps. However, the -piastre coin was equal to 10 para (παράδες) and called δεκάρα in Greek and the -piastre coin was equal to 20 para and called εικοσάρα. The Cypriot pound remained equal in value to the pound sterling until 1972, some twelve years after Cyprus gained independence from the United Kingdom.
The introduction of the Cypriot pound was controversial from its inception in 1879 as technically the island was a province of the Ottoman Empire and the right to issue currency within the Ottoman Empire rested solely with the Ottoman Sultan. A question on the legality of introducing the pound in Cyprus was raised by the British Member of Parliament, Thomson Hankey, in the United Kingdom parliament in 1879, but concerns were dismissed by the British government, and they ceased to be an issue on the island following the annexation of Cyprus by Britain in 1914, in response to the Ottomans siding with the Central Powers in the First World War.
The British takeover of Cyprus in 1914 was not ratified by the new Republic of Turkey until the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, but that agreement led to the creation of a full British colonial government in Cyprus in 1926, with the establishment of a local legislative council. The Council in turn established a Cyprus Currency Board in 1927 to oversee the issue of Cypriot pounds.
The Currency Board could issue notes and coins, initially denominated in the Cypriot pound, shillings and piastres, and later, following decimalization in 1955, in Cypriot pounds and mils. However, the Cypriot pound remained pegged at one Cypriot pound to one pound sterling meaning ultimate fiscal control still rested with the Bank of England in London and the Government of the United Kingdom. This link was maintained by the requirement that for every Cypriot pound issued by the Currency Board in Cyprus, one pound sterling issued by the Bank of England had to be deposited by the Government of Cyprus with the Crown Agents in London.
Decimalisation.
In 1955, the British colonial authorities decimalised the Cypriot pound, using the system proposed in 1855 by Sir William Brown, a member of the United Kingdom parliament, that the pound sterling in the United Kingdom should be divided into 1000 parts, each called a mil (rather than 960 farthings). Although this system was never adopted in the United Kingdom, it was used in several British colonies, including Hong Kong from 1863 to 1866, and the British Mandate of Palestine from 1927 until 1948. This latter example may have been the impetus to use a pound-mil system in Cyprus as the Palestine pound was for a brief period accepted as legal tender in Cyprus.
The Cypriot pound was decimalised in 1955 with 1,000 "mils" ("μιλς", "mil") to the pound. Colloquially, the 5-mil coin was known as a "piastre" (not an exact equivalence; the piastre was equal to mils) and the 50-mil coin as a "shilling" (an exact equivalence).
The subdivision was changed to 100 "cents" ("σεντ", "sent") to the pound on 3 October 1983. At that time, the smallest coin still in circulation was that of 5 mils. This was renamed as cent, but soon was abolished. Mil-denominated coins are no longer legal tender.
Towards the end of the Cypriot pound era, some cashiers omitted the 1- and 2-cent coins from the change they gave. Owner-operated businesses often rounded down the net amount to be paid to the nearest multiple of 5 cents.
Towards the euro.
The Cypriot pound was replaced by the euro on 1 January 2008. The currency entered the Exchange Rate Mechanism II on 2 May 2005 and it was limited within the band of CYP 0.585274 ±15% per euro. A formal application to adopt the euro was submitted on 13 February 2007. On May 16, 2007, Cyprus, along with Malta, received the European Commission's approval for this and was confirmed by the European Parliament on 20 June 2007 and the EU leaders on 21 June 2007. The permanent exchange rate, EUR 1.00 = CYP 0.585274, was decided by the EU Finance Ministers on 10 July 2007. From 12 July 2007 to 5 December 2007, the exchange rate remained at 0.5842. Since 7 December 2007, the rate has been fixed at the irrevocable rate, € = £0.585274.
In summer 2006, the Bank of Cyprus started including on its statements the indicative balance in euros. The Cyprus Telecommunications Authority followed suit with its bills two months later. A small number of shops also showed indicative euro totals on their receipts. By late autumn 2006, the number of banks and shops offering indicative euro equivalents on their statements and pricing had increased significantly.
Euro changeover.
The Cypriot pound was replaced by the euro as official currency of the Republic of Cyprus on 1 January 2008 at the irrevocable fixed exchange rate of CYP 0.585274 = €1. However, pound banknotes and coins continued to have legal tender status and were accepted for cash payments until 31 January 2008. Cypriot pounds were convertible free of charge at Cypriot credit institutions until 30 June 2008. CYP coins were convertible at the Central Bank of Cyprus until 31 December 2009 and CYP banknotes were convertible until 31 December 2017.
For a wider history surrounding currency in the region, see The History of British Currency in the Middle East.
Coins.
Predecimal.
In 1879, copper coins were introduced in denominations of , , and 1 piastre. The Greek-Cypriots called the first of these coins the δεκάρα ("dekara"—from the Greek word "deka" that means ten), referring to its equivalence to 10 para. The Greek name for the -piastre coin was εικοσάρα ("ikosara"—from the Greek "ikosi" that means twenty). These coins were followed, in 1901, by silver 3, , 9 and 18 piastres, the last two being equal to 1 and 2 shillings. The 3 piastres was only issued that year. The piastre was last struck in 1926. In 1934, scalloped-shaped and 1 piastre coins were introduced struck in cupro-nickel, changing to bronze in 1942. In 1947, cupro-nickel 1 and 2 shillings replaced the silver coins. The last piastre and shilling coins were issued in 1949.
Decimal - mils.
In 1955, 3, 5, 25, 50 and 100-mil coins were introduced, with the lowest two struck in bronze and the others in cupro-nickel. In 1963, dodecagonal, aluminium 1 mil coins were introduced, following the discontinuation of the 3 mil coin. Dodecagonal, aluminium 5 mil coins were introduced in 1981.
Decimal - cents.
In 1983, coins were introduced for , 1, 2, 5, 10 and 20 cents, with the cent the same size and composition as the earlier 5 mil coins. The other coins were struck in nickel-brass. The cent was only struck in 1983. In 1991, cupronickel, Reuleaux heptagonal (curved-equilateral-heptagonal) 50-cent coins were introduced.
Banknotes.
Predecimal.
In 1914, the government issued emergency notes in denominations of 10 shillings, and 1 and 5 pounds. Regular type notes were issued from 1917 and on. Notes for 5 and 10 shillings, and 1 and 10 pounds were introduced that year, followed by 1 and 2 shillings in 1920 and 5 pounds in 1926. Denominations below 10 shillings were not issued after 1920 but were reintroduced in 1939, with 3 piastres issued between 1943 and 1944. The 1 and 2-shilling notes were replaced by new coins in 1947.
Decimal - mils.
In 1955, the 5 and 10 shillings notes were replaced by 250 and 500-mil notes. The Central Bank of Cyprus was established in 1963 as an autonomous institution in accordance with the Central Bank of Cyprus Law 1963 and the relevant articles of the constitution. It began issuing paper money in 1964, and introduced 10-pound notes in 1977. Notes for 250 mils ceased production in 1982, shortly before the cent was introduced.
Decimal - cents.
On 3 October 1983, 50-cent notes replaced the 500-mil notes, with 20-pound notes added in 1992.
The last set of banknotes in use were:
The 1992/1993 version of the £20 note was almost identical to the latest one in terms of design. However, it is often considered part of the 1987–1992 series despite the apparent look and feel difference. And like the rest of the 1987–1992 series, the 1992/1993 £20 note was officially withdrawn by the Central Bank a few years before the adoption of the euro.


Jan Dijkstra

Jan Dijkstra (14 April 1910, Lemmer – 22 November 1993) was a Dutch politician.
He was a member of the Christelijk-Historische Unie.
For a few months in 1945, he was mayor of Wonseradeel. In December 1945, he succeeded Kornelis van der Vlis and as mayor of Franeker and he served in that position until his retirement in May 1975. Dijkstra was succeeded by Jaap Pop as mayor of Franeker. Dijkstra married Trijntje Hornstra in 1934 and they had three children. Within the local community Dijkstra's nickname was Jan Skoen.


Peter Bieri (politician)

Peter Bieri (born 21 June 1952) is a Swiss politician. He was a member of the Council of States and served as the President of the Swiss Council of States for the 2006-2007 session. He is a member of the Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP/PDC).
Bieri was born 1952 in Winterthur. He is married and father of four. From 1987 to 1994, he was member of the council of the municipality of Hünenberg.


25 Field Artillery

25 Field Artillery Regiment was an artillery regiment of the South African Artillery.
Origin.
Origin.
This unit was originally formed as 25 Composite Regiment on 17 May 1977 and was based in Potchefstroom.
As a composite unit, it comprised
Conversion to a Medium Regiment.
By 1984 the regiment was altered with the removal of its mortar and radar and its conversion to a medium regiment.
Operations.
On 3 May 1984 the regiment was added to the operational control of Far North Command. As a Citizen Force Regiment, its primary function was artillery support and it secondary function as infantry. The regiment was operational in the border area with Zimbabwe in 1980 and in South West Africa in 1983.
Traditions.
Emblem design.
The regiment had a typical artillery tradition and instead of having colours considered its cannons its colours. The unit received its ceremonial emblems on 21 September 1984. The emblem has the traditional artillery background colours of red and dark blue separated by a gold glowing line depicting the Mooi River. The gold penny represents efficiency while the strikes typify artillery fire. This design also can be seen to show the radar element which was previously part of the unit.
Commanding Officer saber.
Commanding officers were issued a ceremonial saber for the taking over of command.


Commonwealth Youth Parliament

The Commonwealth Youth Parliament is an annual gathering hosted by the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA). It brings together young people aged 18–29 from across the Commonwealth of Nations to discuss issues of democracy and governance.
Each member parliament of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association has the opportunity to nominate up to two delegates to attend the Commonwealth Youth Parliament.
The Commonwealth Youth Parliament rotates annually through the nine regions of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. The 7th Commonwealth Youth Parliament was held in 2015 in Darwin, Australia hosted by the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly. The 8th Commonwealth Youth Parliament was held in British Columbia, Canada in 2016. The 9th Commonwealth Youth Parliament was hosted by the States of Jersey in 2018. In 2019, the 10th Commonwealth Youth Parliament was hosted by the Delhi Legislative Assembly in India.


Clayton Ruby

Clayton Charles Ruby (born February 6, 1942) is a Canadian lawyer and activist, specializing in constitutional and criminal law and civil rights.
Early life and education.
Born in Toronto, Ontario, Ruby received a Bachelor of Arts degree from York University in 1963. He earned a Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of Toronto in 1969, and was called to the bar in 1969. In 1973, he earned a Master of Laws from the University of California, Berkeley.
Career.
From 1976 to 2008 he was a partner with the law firm of Ruby & Edwardh with Marlys Edwardh. Since 2007, he has been a partner with the law firm of Ruby Shiller Chan Hasan in Toronto, Ontario.
In 1991, Ruby was part of the legal team used by the Church of Scientology to defend itself and nine of its members who were on trial for stealing documents concerning Scientology from the Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General, the Canadian Mental Health Association, two police forces and other institutions. The case stemmed from a surprise raid of the Church of Scientology's Toronto headquarters in 1983 by more than a hundred policeman who seized an estimated 250,000 documents over the course of two days. Legal maneuvers used by Ruby delayed the case for many years and he later unsuccessfully attempted to get the case dismissed because of "unreasonable delay." On June 25, 1992, seven church members were convicted for operations against the Ontario Provincial Police, the Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). The Church of Scientology itself was convicted on two counts of breach of the public trust (infiltration of the offices of the Ontario Provincial Police and the Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General) and was ordered to pay a $250,000 fine.
In 2006, Ruby was made a Member of the Order of Canada.
In late 2005, Ruby became the acting Treasurer, or elected head, of the Law Society of Upper Canada, the body responsible for regulating the Province of Ontario. On February 23, 2006, however, Ruby was defeated in a special election and ceased to be Treasurer.
In 2012, Ruby represented a plaintiff who attempted to oust Mayor Rob Ford of Toronto in a high-profile conflict of interest case, which the plaintiff and Ruby won. The mayor subsequently launched an appeal. On January 25, 2012, Ford won the appeal and remained in office.
In 2013, Ruby successfully argued for the former Ontario Deputy Minister of Education Ben Levin's release on $100,000 bail. Ruby told reporters "(Ben Levin) is a man who has made enormous contributions to the educational system in this province, and indeed with changes that have been copied around the world, And I intend to work very hard to see that he shall be innocent." Ben Levin was charged with one count of making child pornography, one count of counselling to commit an indictable offence, 2 counts of distributing child pornography and agreeing to, or arranging, a sexual offence against a child under 16. Levin was eventually sentenced to three years in prison on the aforementioned charges.
Personal life.
He is married to Madam Justice Harriet Sachs of the Superior Court of Justice of Ontario.
Clayton Ruby's father, Louis Ruby, was publisher of "Flash Weekly" a crusading Toronto tabloid and scandal sheet that ran from the late 1930s until the 1970s.
Clients.
Some of Ruby's high-profile clients have been the following:


Colonial government in the Thirteen Colonies

The governments of the Thirteen Colonies of British America developed in the 17th and 18th centuries under the influence of the British constitution. After the Thirteen Colonies had become the United States, the experience under colonial rule would inform and shape the new state constitutions and, ultimately, the United States Constitution.
The executive branch was led by a governor, and the legislative branch was divided into two houses, a governor's council and a representative assembly. In royal colonies, the governor and the council were appointed by the British government. In proprietary colonies, these officials were appointed by proprietors, and they were elected in charter colonies. In every colony, the assembly was elected by property owners.
In domestic matters, the colonies were largely self-governing; however, the British government did exercise veto power over colonial legislation. Diplomatic affairs were handled by the British government, as were trade policies and wars with foreign powers (wars with Native Americans were generally handled by colonial governments). The American Revolution was ultimately a dispute over Parliament's right to enact domestic legislation for the American colonies. The British government's position was that Parliament's authority was unlimited, while the American position was that colonial legislatures were coequal with Parliament and outside of its jurisdiction.
Relation to the British government.
By the start of the American Revolution, the thirteen colonies had developed political systems featuring a governor exercising executive power and a bicameral legislature made up of a council and an assembly. The system was similar to the British constitution, with the governor corresponding to the British monarch, the council to the House of Lords and the assembly to the House of Commons.
Crown.
The thirteen colonies were all founded with royal authorization, and authority continued to flow from the monarch as colonial governments exercised authority in the king's name. A colony's precise relationship to the Crown depended on whether it was a charter colony, proprietary colony or royal colony as defined in its colonial charter. Whereas royal colonies belonged to the Crown, proprietary and charter colonies were granted by the Crown to private interests.
Control over a charter or corporate colony was granted to a joint-stock company, such as the Virginia Company. Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island were founded as charter colonies. New England's charter colonies were virtually independent of royal authority and operated as republics where property owners elected the governor and legislators. Proprietary colonies were owned and governed by individuals. To attract settlers, however, proprietors agreed to share power with property owners. Maryland, South Carolina, North Carolina, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania were founded as proprietary colonies.
In 1624, Virginia became the first royal colony when the bankrupt Virginia Company's charter was revoked. Overtime, more colonies transitioned to royal control. By the start of the American Revolution, all but five of the thirteen colonies were royal colonies. Maryland, Pennsylvania and Delaware remained proprietary, while Rhode Island and Connecticut continued as corporate colonies.
Historian Robert Middlekauff describes royal administration of the colonies as inadequate and inefficient because lines of authority were never entirely clear. Before 1768, responsibility for colonial affairs rested with the Privy Council and the Secretary of State for the Southern Department. The Secretary relied on the Board of Trade to supply him with information and pass on his instructions to colonial officials. After 1768, the Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs was responsible for supervising the colonies; however, this ministry suffered from ineffective secretaries and the jealousy of other government ministers.
Parliament.
Parliament's authority over the colonies was also unclear and controversial in the 18th century. As English government evolved from government by the Crown toward government in the name of the Crown (the King-in-Parliament), the convention that the colonies were ruled solely by the monarch gave way to greater involvement of Parliament by the mid 1700s. Acts of Parliament regulated commerce (see Navigation Acts), defined citizenship, and limited the amount of paper money issued in the colonies.
The British government argued that Parliament's authority to legislate for the colonies was unlimited. This was stated explicitly in the Declaratory Act of 1766. The British also argued that the colonists, while not actually represented in Parliament, were nonetheless virtually represented. The American view, shaped by Whig political philosophy, was that Parliament's authority over the colonies was limited. While the colonies initially recognized Parliament's right to legislate for the whole empire—such as on matters of trade—they argued that Parliamentary taxation was a violation of the principle of taxation by consent since consent could only be granted by the colonists' own representatives. In addition, Americans argued that the colonies were outside of Parliament's jurisdiction and that the colonists owed allegiance only to the Crown. In effect, Americans argued that their colonial legislatures were coequal—not subordinate—to Parliament. These incompatible interpretations of the British constitution would become the central issue of the American Revolution.
Judicial appeals.
In the United Kingdom, Parliament (technically, the King- or Queen-in-Parliament) was also the highest judicial authority, but appellate jurisdiction over the British colonies ended up with a series of committees of the Privy Council (technically, the King- or Queen-in-Council). In 1679, appellate jurisdiction was given to the Board of Trade, followed by an Appeals Committee in 1696.
The Appeals Committee of the Privy Council was severely flawed because its membership was actually a committee of the whole of the Privy Council, of whom a quorum was three. Even worse, many Privy Councillors were not lawyers, all Privy Councillors had equal voting power on appeals, and there was no requirement that any of the Privy Councillors hearing a particular appeal had to be a lawyer. As a result, parties to appeals could and did try to tilt the outcome of appeals in their favor by persuading nonlawyer Privy Councillors to show up for the hearings on their appeals. For this reason, the Appeals Committee fell into disrepute among better-informed lawyers and judges in the colonies.
Branches.
Governor.
In royal colonies, governors were appointed by the Crown and represented its interests. Before 1689, governors were the dominant political figures in the colonies. They possessed royal authority transmitted through their commissions and instructions. Among their powers included the right to summon, prorogue and dissolve the elected assembly. Governors could also veto any bill proposed by the colonial legislature.
Gradually, the assembly successfully restricted the governor's power by asserting for itself control over money bills, including the salaries of the governor and other officials. Therefore, a governor could find his salary withheld by an uncooperative legislature. Governors were often placed in an untenable position. Their official instructions from London demanded that they protect the Crown's power—the royal prerogative—from usurpation by the assembly; at the same time, they were also ordered to secure more colonial funding for Britain's wars against France. In return for military funding, the assemblies often demanded more power.
To gain support for his agenda, the governor distributed patronage. He could reward supporters by appointing them to various offices such as attorney general, surveyor-general or as a local sheriff. These offices were sought after as sources of prestige and income. He could also reward supporters with land grants. As a result of this strategy, colonial politics was characterized by a split between a governor's faction (the court party) and his opposition (the country party).
Council.
The executive branch included an advisory council to the governor that varied in size ranging from ten to thirty members. In royal colonies, the Crown appointed a mix of placemen (paid officeholders in the government) and members of the upper class within colonial society. Councilors tended to represent the interests of businessmen, creditors and property owners in general. While lawyers were prominent throughout the thirteen colonies, merchants were important in the northern colonies and planters were more involved in the southern provinces. Members served "at pleasure" rather than for life or fixed terms. When there was an absentee governor or an interval between governors, the council acted as the government.
The governor's council also functioned as the upper house of the colonial legislature. In most colonies, the council could introduce bills, pass resolutions, and consider and act upon petitions. In some colonies, the council acted primarily as a chamber of revision, reviewing and improving legislation. At times, it would argue with the assembly over the amendment of money bills or other legislation.
In addition to being both an executive and legislative body, the council also had judicial authority. It was the final court of appeal within the colony. The council's multifaceted roles exposed it to criticism. Richard Henry Lee criticized Virginia's colonial government for lacking the balance and separation of powers found in the British constitution due to the council's lack of independence from the Crown.
Assembly.
The lower house of a colonial legislature was a representative assembly. These assemblies were called by different names. Virginia had a House of Burgesses, Massachusetts had a House of Deputies, and South Carolina had a Commons House of Assembly. While names differed, the assemblies had several features in common. Members were elected annually by the propertied citizens of the towns or counties. Usually they met for a single, short session; but the council or governor could call a special session.
As in Britain, the right to vote was limited to men with freehold "landed property sufficient to ensure that they were personally independent and had a vested interest in the welfare of their communities". Due to the greater availability of land, the right to vote was more widespread in the colonies where by one estimate around 60 percent of adult white males could vote. In England and Wales, only 17–20 percent of adult males were eligible. Six colonies allowed alternatives to freehold ownership (such as personal property or tax payment) that extended voting rights to owners of urban property and even prosperous farmers who rented their land. Groups excluded from voting included laborers, tenant farmers, unskilled workers and indentured servants. These were considered to lack a "stake in society" and to be vulnerable to corruption.
Tax issues and budget decisions originated in the assembly. Part of the budget went toward the cost of raising and equipping the colonial militia. As the American Revolution drew near, this subject was a point of contention and conflict between the provincial assemblies and their respective governors.
The perennial struggles between the colonial governors and the assemblies are sometimes viewed, in retrospect, as signs of a rising democratic spirit. However, those assemblies generally represented the privileged classes, and they were protecting the colony against unreasonable executive encroachments. Legally, the crown governor's authority was unassailable. In resisting that authority, assemblies resorted to arguments based upon natural rights and the common welfare, giving life to the notion that governments derived, or ought to derive, their authority from the consent of the governed.
Union proposals.
Before the American Revolution, attempts to create a unified government for the thirteen colonies were unsuccessful. Multiple plans for a union were proposed at the Albany Congress in 1754. One of these plans, proposed by Benjamin Franklin, was the Albany Plan.
Demise.
During the American Revolution, the colonial governments ceased to function effectively as royal governors prorogued and dissolved the assemblies. By 1773, committees of correspondence were governing towns and counties, and nearly all the colonies had established provincial congresses, which were legislative assemblies acting outside of royal authority. These were temporary measures, and it was understood that the provincial congresses were not equivalent to proper legislatures.
By May 1775, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress felt that a permanent government was needed. On the advice of the Second Continental Congress, Massachusetts once again operated under the Charter of 1691 but without a governor (the governor's council functioned as the executive branch). In the fall of 1775, the Continental Congress recommended that New Hampshire, South Carolina and Virginia form new governments. New Hampshire adopted a republican constitution on January 5, 1776. South Carolina's was adopted on March 26 and Virginia's on June 29.
In May 1776, the Continental Congress called for the creation of new governments "where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been hitherto established" and "that the exercise of every kind of authority under the ... Crown should be totally suppressed". The Declaration of Independence in July further encouraged the states to form new governments, and most states had adopted new constitutions by the end of 1776. Because of the war, Georgia and New York were unable to complete their constitutions until 1777.


Council of European Municipalities and Regions

The Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) is the largest organisation of local and regional governments in Europe. Its members are 60 national associations of towns, municipalities and regions from 41 countries that are part of the Council of Europe. Together these associations represent about 130,000 local and regional authorities.
At the head of its political structure is its president, currently the president of the region Emilia-Romagna, Stefano Bonaccini. It has a staff of about 30, headed by its secretary-general, Frédéric Vallier.
CEMR’s annual budget is about €2.5 million. Membership fees from its national associations make up the bulk of its funding. About 15% are paid by the European Commission through an annual grant.
The organisation has also assumed the function of the European section of the new worldwide organisation United Cities and Local Governments.
History.
CEMR was founded in Geneva on 28 January 1951 by a group of European mayors as Council of European Municipalities (CEM). Regions were later allowed to join as well, hence the later name Council of European Municipalities and Regions.
CEMR Presidency.
Stefano Bonaccini, president of the region Emilia-Romagna, has been elected President of CEMR in December 2016.
He is notably succeeding:
Activities.
CEMR's task is to promote a united Europe, based on locally and regionally autonomous government and democracy. To this end, it endeavours to shape the future of Europe by enhancing local and regional contributions, to influence European law and policy, to exchange experience at the local and regional levels and to cooperate with partners in other parts of the world.
European legislation affects more than 60% of the policies implemented by cities, municipalities and regions. CEMR works together with its members to ensure that their interests are taken into account when European policy is being drafted.
CEMR is active in a number of political fields, including regional policy, transport, the environment, equal opportunities and governance. Its committees and working groups seek to influence draft EU legislation in order that the interests and concerns of local and regional authorities are taken into account from the earliest stages of the EU legislative process.
Fields of activity.
CEMR’s work focuses on five thematic areas, which affect all aspects of the lives of European citizens as well as the local and regional authorities that represent them:
CEMR is also deeply involved in building an extensive European town twinning network. Today, there are over 30,000 twinning projects linking towns from all over Europe. This process is improved through CEMR's close cooperation with the DG Education and Culture of the European Commission.
Last but not least, CEMR is behind several political documents of significance to local and regional governance, such as the "Charter of Local Liberties" (adopted in 1953), which inspired the "Charter on Local Self-Government of the Council of Europe", adopted in 1985. It also launched the "European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life", which was adopted in 2006 and has been signed by more than 1,800 local and regional governments in Europe.
Social dialogue.
CEMR represents European local and regional governments (LRG) as employers in the EU social dialogue committee of LRGs, where it sits and discusses with EPSU, the sectorial trade union.
The committee was formally established in 2004 and covers the local and regional public services, such as local administrators, fire-fighters, waste workers, community liaison personnel, etc., counting for some 13 million workers in the EU and 100 000 local and regional authorities.
The committee is a forum for promoting quality public service, exchanging information on labour market issues, and influencing legislation and policy in the fields of employment, training, social protection, labour law, and health and safety.
Gender equality.
In May 2006 CEMR launched the "European charter for equality of women and men in local life". Local and regional governments are invited to sign the charter to make a formal public commitment to the principle of equality between men and women and to implement the charter within their territory.
The Charter is now available in 27 languages and is signed by more than 1,800 municipalities and regions from 36 European countries.
In order to monitor the implementation of the Charter by signatories, CEMR, in partnership with the Swedish government and the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions, launched an Observatory of the European Charter for equality of women and men in Local Life in March 2012.
Town twinning.
According to CEMR town twinning has always been a vital way to bring Europe closer to its citizens beyond national boundaries.
In May 2007, CEMR organised a conference on "Twinning for tomorrow's world" in Rhodes. Over 600 representatives of local governments from across Europe met to discuss issues like new types of twinning; obtaining financial support; and how twinning can contribute to social inclusion. In September 2011, CEMR is organising in Rybnik (Poland) a European congress on citizenship and twinning. It will provide participants with the possibility to discover the next generation of partnerships between local and regional governments and their citizens; explore how to foster the development of a more "grassroots democracy" and to participate in a consultation on citizenship.


Charlottetown-Sherwood

Charlottetown-Sherwood was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Prince Edward Island, Canada. It was created prior to the 2007 election from Stanhope-East Royalty, Sherwood-Hillsborough, Parkdale-Belvedere and Winsloe-West Royalty.
The district was replaced by Charlottetown-Winsloe.
Members.
The riding has elected the following Members of the Legislative Assembly:


Derek Ingram (journalist)

Derek Thynne Ingram (20 June 1925 – 17 June 2018) was a distinguished journalist and passionate supporter of the Commonwealth. In the 1960s he gave up a successful career as a newspaper editor to start a news service that would reflect the views of people in newly independent African countries and elsewhere in the developing world. He was on first name terms with leaders such as Indira Gandhi and Kenneth Kaunda, and was known to many as “Mr Commonwealth”.
Biography.
The only child of a middle-class family, brought up in North London, Ingram was successful immediately after leaving Highgate School at the age of 16 during WW2. He was earning six guineas a week as a sub-editor on the "Daily Sketch" at the age of 17. He served as a signalman in the Navy, stationed until 1946 in Rome. After being demobbed, he joined the "Daily Express", but in 1949 jumped ship to the "Daily Mail", where he rose to deputy editor. He might have become editor, but his liberal politics and ferocious opposition to apartheid and racism in any form put him at odds with the paper's proprietor, Viscount Rothermere. Ingram resigned in 1966, but not before making his views known in "Partners in Adventure", one of five books he authored. "Two problems above all torture our minds in this second half of the 20th century," he wrote. "The first is the atomic threat to our civilisation; the second the relationship between the black man and the white. The greatest single factor about the Commonwealth idea is that it transcends all racial barriers."
For Ingram, such views were not just theory. In 1967, he founded Gemini News Service, a syndication service that provided an alternative to wire services like Reuters by providing a platform for young journalists from the developing world. Gemini writers included a young Trevor McDonald in Trinidad who would go on to gain fame as a newsreader in the UK. A package of six articles, covering everything from politics to healthcare, education and art, copied on a Gestetner machine, was sent out by mail twice a week, Ingram himself stuffing the envelopes alongside a small, overworked staff. Because of Gemini, newspaper readers in Malaysia, for example, could read articles by journalists from Kenya and vice versa. Gemini pioneered the use of graphics and explanatory maps, which later became standard in newspapers. For many young reporters it was an opportunity to be published that they could get nowhere else, and Ingram would champion young reporters, especially those who came from Commonwealth countries where journalism was in its infancy. Ingram's legacy includes the CJA/Derek Ingram Fellowship, a fund administered as part of Wolfson College's Press Fellowship Programme In Cambridge UK, to support the personal and professional development of early career journalists focused on the Commonwealth.
While running Gemini, Ingram continued to report on the Commonwealth, covering 20 CHOGMs – Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings – stopping only when ill health intervened in his late 1980s. He was amongst the last foreign correspondents to interview the Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, before his death. He never name-dropped, but other journalists envied his access to post- Independence African leaders such as Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, who would listen to Ingram's views on Commonwealth issues, knowing that he understood the politics better than almost anyone else. He also got to know Thabo Mbeki and other politicians who would go on to govern post-apartheid South Africa.
In 1978 Ingram co-founded the Commonwealth Journalists' Association, of which he remained President Emeritus after his retirement in 1990 until his death. He was a long-serving trustee on the board of the Commonwealth Institute in London. He received recognition from several Commonwealth bodies and in the 1998 Birthday Honours he was awarded an OBE in the Diplomatic List for services to Commonwealth journalism.
Ingram was a member of the Round Table Moot, having first attended a meeting of the Moot in 1971. Until 2007 he wrote the "Commonwealth Update" in "The Round Table Journal". He wrote extensively in the journal, including its coverage of Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings, having attended every one since 1971. He was a Vice-President of the Royal Commonwealth Society. Ingram never married, nor had children, though he relished strong friendships across generations from around the world. He loved theatre, music and art and collected anything notable that was printed or published from postage stamps to newspapers, magazines, books and theatre programmes. Cultured, he boasted nonetheless that he had never been in control of a wheel in his life. He neither drove a car nor rode a bicycle. For decades he would always walk from his house in a quiet mews in Marylebone to his office and to meetings all over central London, and at a cracking pace. Right up until the last few months of his life, he would read the newspapers every morning and watch Channel 4 News at 7pm, proud to see one his Gemini proteges, Lindsey Hilsum, reporting from around the world.
"Eventually the peoples of the world must be colour-blind," he wrote in 1965. "The Commonwealth is there as an instrument to this end, and all of us must try to use it." While others denigrated it as a diplomatic talking shop, or an association of rogues, Ingram, like Queen Elizabeth II, believed in the Commonwealth as a force for good.
He died on 17 June 2018 at the age of 92.


5 Forward Delivery Squadron

5 Forward Delivery Squadron was an armour recovery and replenishment squadron of the South African Army Armoured Corps. The squadron was responsible for reissuing and moving tanks and heavy armour between bases and operational areas utilising heavy duty flatbed vehicles.
Origin.
Tanks suffer mechanical or electrical breakdown and have to be repaired from time to time. Crews would mend problems if they could. The next step would be that tanks squadron's fitters, then the field workshops and finally the Brigades workshops. After the tank had been repaired it could either go back to its unit or could go to the Brigades Forward Delivery Squadron. The FDS was the channel for new or re-worked tanks and for replacement crews.
Command Structure.
5 Forward Air Delivery was seconded to the Command of 81 Armoured Brigade.


Rudolf Geilinger

Rudolf Geilinger (6 May 1848 – 23 January 1911) was a Swiss politician, mayor of Winterthur (1879–1911) and President of the Swiss National Council (1899/1900).


American Commission to Negotiate Peace

The American Commission to Negotiate Peace, successor to The Inquiry, participated in the peace negotiations at the Treaty of Versailles from January 18 to December 9, 1919. Frank Lyon Polk headed the commission in 1919. The peace conference was superseded by the Council of Ambassadors (1920–1931), which was organized to deal with various political questions regarding the implementation of provisions of the Treaty, after the end of World War I. Members of the commission appointed by President Woodrow Wilson included:


Poverty in Nigeria

Nigeria had one of the world's highest economic growth rates, averaging 7.4% according to the Nigeria economic report that was released in July 2019 by the World Bank. Following the oil price collapse in 2014–2016, combined with negative production shocks, the gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate dropped to 2.7% in 2015. In 2016 during its first recession in 25 years, the economy contracted by 1.6%. Nationally, 43 percent of Nigerians (89 million people) live below the poverty line, while another 25 percent (53 million) are vulnerable. For a country with massive wealth and a huge population to support commerce, a well-developed economy, and plenty of natural resources such as oil, the level of poverty remains unacceptable. However, poverty may have been overestimated due to the lack of information on the extremely huge informal sector of the economy, estimated at around 60% more, of the current GDP figures. As of 2018, Population growth rate is higher than economic growth rate, leading to a slow rise in poverty.  According to a 2018 report by the World Bank, almost half the population is living below the international poverty line ($2 per day), and unemployment peaked at 23.1%.
Poverty in Nigeria can also be caused by the political instability of the country.
However, these programs have largely failed to overcome the three reasons for this persistent poverty: income inequality, ethnic conflict, and political instability.
Income inequality.
As at 2010, the Gini coefficient of Nigeria is rated medium, at 0.43. However, there are more rural poor than urban poor. This is correlated with differential access to infrastructure and amenities. This results from the composition of Nigeria's economy, especially the energy (oil) and agriculture sectors. Oil exports contribute significantly to government revenues; it contributes 9% to the GDP, and employs only a fraction of the population. Agriculture, however, contributes to about 17% of GDP, and employs about 30% of the population.
This incongruence is compounded by the fact that oil revenue is poorly distributed among the population, with higher government spending in urban areas than rurally. High unemployment rates renders personal incomes even more divergent. Moreover, the process of oil extraction has resulted in significant pollution, which further harms the agricultural sector. Additionally, agriculture growth as slowed also because of farmer-herdsmen clashes, revolts in the north-east, and floods.  The majority of Nigeria's better paying jobs are in capital-intensive sectors, but they are very scarce and limited. Only the places striving with economic activity and are very capital-intensive, possess law firms, small local businesses, and the governing powers.
Long-term ethnic conflict and civil unrest.
Nigeria has historically experienced much ethnic conflict. With the return to civilian rule in 1999, militants from religious and ethnic groups have become markedly more violent. While this unrest has its roots in poverty and economic competition, its economic and human damages further escalate the problems of poverty (such as increasing the mortality rate). For instance, ethnic unrest and the displeasure to local communities with oil companies has contributed to the conflict over oil trade in the Niger Delta, which threatens the productivity of oil trade. Civil unrest might also have contributed to the adoption of populist policy measures which work in the short-run, but impede poverty alleviation efforts.
The people living in the Northern region and rural areas of Nigeria were confirmed to be the poorest according to research. Poverty has also been increasing in the North and Northwest areas of the country as they account for 87% of poor people in Nigeria as of 2016.
Most Southern states had the lowest percentage while Sokoto state had a very high one as of 2019.
Political instability and corruption.
Nigeria's large population and historic ethnic instability has led to the adoption of a federal government. The resultant fiscal decentralisation provides Nigeria's state and local governments considerable autonomy, including control over 50% of government revenues, as well as responsibility for providing public services.
The lack of a stringent regulatory and monitoring system has allowed for rampant corruption. This has hindered past poverty alleviation efforts to a large extent, since resources which could pay for public goods or directed towards investment (and so create employment and other opportunities for citizens) are being misappropriated.
Nigerian corruption and poverty are interrelated and encourages each other. When looking at human development, Nigeria is at the bottom of the scale and corruption scores highest. Its existence is in all levels in the government – Local, State and even in the national departments. As a result of extreme corruption, even the poverty reduction programs suffer from no funding and have failed to give the needed remedy to this country. One of the reasons for the continued success of corruption is the encouragement that it receives from the government. Government shows tolerance towards corruption and corrupted official s to the extent that the officials facing indictment are pardoned and accepted into the society. Is there a remedy to eradicate corruption? The answer lies in the hands of Nigeria's federal government. They must get involved more and implant stronger reduction programs and ensure that it is being followed by all the officials and the departments. Just by eradication corruption, Nigeria could come of poverty. Taking care of corruption is taking care of poverty. <http://www.actionaid.org/sites/files/actionaid/pc_report_content.pdf>
Economic Evolution.
The management of oil revenues impacted the economy and the level of poverty in Nigeria by a considerable amount, leading up to 1985.  As a result of the profiting oil businesses, much of the oil revenues were spent expecting that the oil prices would continue to increase.  This aggressive spending led to the rise of per capita income from N1,200 in 1972 to nearly N2,900 in 1980, according to 1987 prices (In $US at the time from $280 to $1,100). So when the oil revenue crumbled the real capital income decreased heavily and Nigeria's economy took a big hit.  During this shift to a focus on the oil boom, the agricultural sector, where the majority of people made a living, had a sharp drop occur. Throughout this oil boom period, naira (Nigerian Currency) increased, and agricultural exports dropped by almost half the value and half the volume. Non-agricultural wages dropped massively as the labor workers increased in non-agricultural jobs because of the steady migration to more urban areas.  As these wages decreased, agriculture prevailed temporarily but eventually ended up declining as well. As a result, the gap created by the oil boom of agricultural and non-agricultural profits finally stabilized. The economy began to decline in the 1980s due to a sharp decline in oil prices in 1982 and agriculture continued to deteriorate. As a result, wages continued to decline and unemployment grew further in the mid-1980s.
Defining Poverty.
Economic Measures.
Officially, there is no poverty line put in place for Nigeria but for the sake of poverty analysis, the mean per capita household is used.  So, there are two poverty lines that are used to classify where people stand financially. The upper poverty line is N395.41 per person annually, which is two-thirds of the mean value of consumption.  The lower poverty line is N197.71 per person annually, which is one-third of the mean value of consumption. If you fall under the lower poverty line you are considered extremely poor, while if you fall under the upper poverty line are considered moderately poor. Thus defined, the poverty line is less than the minimum wage of labor workers in 1985.
Vulnerability to Poverty.
People that are presently not in poverty and those currently in poverty are both considered 'vulnerable to poverty'. Household vulnerability is determined by the chances or risk that a household will either fall under the poverty line or if already poor, remain in poverty.  If a household has 50% or more odds of falling into poverty or staying in poverty, they are considered to be vulnerable to poverty. The three groupings of vulnerability to poverty are the permanent poor due to temporary abnormal events occurring, those becoming poor because of predictable events, and those who become poor because of damage to the economy that affected the household's profits.  The three main terminologies adopted to classify poverty are Vulnerability as Expected Poverty (VEP), Vulnerability as Low Expected Utility (VEU), and Vulnerability as Uninsured Exposure to Risk (VER). In Nigeria, those most at risk of poverty and financially insecure are widows (specifical ones without adult children), orphans, the physically challenged, and migrants. The likeliness of poverty in rural areas of Nigeria is higher with those of household characteristics such as the number of people living in a household, education level, and production.  Another determining factor of vulnerability to poverty is food poverty, which is sometimes considered the root of all poverty. The vulnerability of food poverty varies across the urban/rural and geo-political zones throughout Nigeria. Altogether, 61.68% of Nigerians are vulnerable to food poverty, so measures should be taken to increase food production and food distribution.
Child Poverty.
One of the terrible effects of Nigeria's poverty problems is the result of child poverty.  A study made in 2001 from the Harmonized Nigeria Living Standard Survey (HNLSS) and the 2011 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) indicates that 23.22% of children are currently in extreme poverty and 70.31% of children in the country are in overall child poverty.  Education, health, nutrition, water, and sanitation are classified as child deprivation in Nigeria. Similarly to the main concentrations of extreme poverty in Nigeria, the majority of child poverty takes place in rural areas rather than urban areas.  Action was taken on this problem when rule switched to democratic to fight child poverty and deprivation from the Child Rights Act in 2003, which was intended to guarantee welfare and basic living standards for children in Nigeria. However, the fact that many children are still in poverty and are suffering, the Child Rights Act wasn't as successful as it seemed to be.
Government programmes.
There have been attempts at poverty alleviation, most notably with the following programmes:


Glen Doherty


United Nations Security Council Resolution 428

United Nations Security Council Resolution 428, adopted unanimously on May 6, 1978, after hearing representations from the People's Republic of Angola, Zambia and the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), the Council reminded Member States to refrain from using threats and use of force in their international relations. Reiterating Resolution 387 (1976), the present resolution condemned South Africa for its armed invasion of Angola via South West Africa (Namibia).
Resolution 428 went on to condemn the suppression of the Namibian people by South Africa, as well as apartheid. The Council reaffirmed that the liberation of the Namibian people would be a prerequisite for the attainment of peace and security in southern Africa. The resolution also commended the People's Republic of Angola for its support of the Namibian people.
Finally, the Council made provisions that, should Angola be attacked again, it would not hesitate to adopt further measures against South Africa, in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.


Augusta La Torre

Augusta Deyanira La Torre Carrasco (29 August 1946 – 14 November 1988), also known as Comrade Norah, was a Peruvian Maoist noted as the number two in command of the Shining Path terrorist group. La Torre's influence on her husband, Shining Path founder Abimael Guzmán, is credited with establishing equality for women with regard to participation within the revolutionary organization, and during its militant actions.
Early life and political involvement.
Augusta La Torre was born in Huanta in 1946 into a family with a prominent political lineage. The daughter of Communist party leader Carlos La Torre Córdova and Delia Carrasco, "she grew up in a family where political activity, party membership and protest against the Peruvian state were routine, making it unsurprising that she too entered radical politics." She joined the Peruvian Communist Party in 1962 at the age of 17. She met Abimael Guzmán, a professor of philosophy, through her parents. Guzman was a regular guest to their home in Ayacucho, meeting with La Torre's father to discuss politics. In February 1964, she married Guzman. La Torre also encouraged Guzman to establish the Popular Women's Movement in Ayacucho in 1965. She was active within the Maoist political organization, "Bandera Roja" (Red Flag), and helped found the "Socorro Popular del Peru" (Popular Succour).
Shining Path.
La Torre was instrumental in helping Guzman to create the Shining Path ("Sendero Luminoso"). She led the first offensive of the Shining Path on December 24, 1980. She went into hiding with Guzman in 1978 and died in November 1988, although the circumstances of her death remain unclear. She was succeeded as number two of the Shining Path by Guzman's second wife, Elena Iparraguirre.


Pretoria Armour Regiment

The Pretoria Armour Regiment (formerly the Pretoria Regiment) is a reserve armoured regiment of the South African Army.
History.
Origin.
The regiment was formed in Pretoria on 1 July 1913 as the 12th Infantry (Pretoria Regiment) – a unit of the Active Citizen Force – by the amalgamation of several units: the Pretoria Company of the Transvaal Scottish, the Central South African Railway Volunteers, the Northern Mounted Rifles and the Pretoria detachment of the Transvaal Cycle and Motor Corps.
World War One.
The Regiment landed from the sea and served in German South West Africa at Aus and Tschaukaib in the south. They were part of the advance on Tsumeb in July 1915.
Rand Revolt.
The regiment prevented a force of armed strikers from damaging the Pretoria-Germiston Railway line in May 1922.
Renamed.
In 1928, it was renamed the Pretoria Regiment.
The Royal Colonel.
On 24 October 1930 it was once again renamed, to the Pretoria Regiment (Princess Alice's Own) after Princess Alice, Countess of Athlone. The Regiment became fully bilingual with the addition of a 2nd Battalion staffed predominantly by Afrikaners.
World War Two.
During World War II, the Regiment was converted to an armoured formation attached to the 11th South African Armoured Brigade, South African 6th Armoured Division. The unit was demobilised after the war, and in 1946 it was re-organised as a part-time force, consisting of two separate regiment-sized formations. These were re-integrated in 1954.
Renamed again.
After the establishment of the Republic of South Africa in 1961, the unit was again renamed Pretoria Regiment by the South African Defence Force. In the 1960s, recruits were trained on Centurion tanks and the new Eland armoured cars. The regiment assisted in the development of the Olifant MBT.
Border War.
The regiment was placed under the command of the 8th Armoured Division (South Africa) in this period.
The regiment saw service in the Border War in operations such as Operation Prone.
One squadron of the regiments tanks was attached to 61 Mechanised Battalion Group for operations near Cuito Cuanavale sustaining no personnel or vehicle casualties.
SANDF era.
Name Change.
In August 2019, 52 Reserve Force units had their names changed to reflect the diverse military history of South Africa. The Pretoria Regiment became the Pretoria Armour Regiment, and have 3 years to design and implement new regimental insignia. Unlike others it was only a confirmation of the regiment's armoured role.
Equipment.

Insignia and honours.
Previous dress insignia.
An unusual backing appeared on the regiment's cap badge around 1945 when it was associated with a British unit, the 24th Guards Brigade, when they were both part of the 6th South African Armoured Division. The two units had fought side by side on the Italian Front and ended their association by celebrating their co operation; the 24th Guards Brigade gave their arm badge as a present to the unit. The two wings are therefore those depicted on the Guards Brigade arm patch.
Official mascot.
During the Second World War, the sole Class 21 2-10-4 Texas type locomotive of the South African Railways (SAR) was often used to haul long and heavy military trains, troop trains and sometimes Italian prisoners-of-war to the military unit and prisoner-of-war camp at Sonderwater near Cullinan. In the process it was made the official mascot of the oldest military unit in Pretoria, the Pretoria Regiment (Princess Alice's Own). The was the only SAR locomotive to be honoured in this way by the armed forces.


Poverty in the Philippines

The Philippine poverty rate decreased from 23.3% in 2015 to 16.7% in 2018, and is expected to decline further in the following years. This shows that even though the economy has recently slowed, the Philippines is still making progress in poverty reduction.
The rate of decline of poverty has been slower compared with other East Asian Countries, such as People's Republic of China (PRC), Thailand, Indonesia, or Vietnam. National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) deputy director general Rosemarie Edillon attributed this to a generally low and stable inflation, improved incomes and higher employment rates during the period.
The government planned to eradicate poverty as stated in the Philippines Development Plan 2011–2016 (PDP). The PDP for those six years are an annual economic growth of 7–8% and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Under the MDGs, Philippines committed itself to halving extreme poverty from a level of 33.1% in 1991 to 16.6% by 2015.
Poverty.
Background.
, a quarter of the 105 million Philippine population lived in poverty, that is, over 26 million people. Through various anti-poverty programs, such as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform, "Lingap Para sa Mahirap", and the Social Reform Agenda, the Philippines has been through a long battle to ameliorate that statistic. Despite these governmental efforts, the Millennium Development Goal milestone of reduction in poverty has been a slow process. The poor in the Philippines are most likely self-employed farmers, fishermen, or other agricultural workers. Three-quarters of these people live in severe disaster-risk areas that are highly rural. In 2015, about 58 percent of poor households have more than six members. Education overall has improved over time; from the ages of 15–24, over 75 percent have completed secondary education or above in 2015. Specifically in poor households, however, over 60 percent of families have education only up to elementary school. Of those who live in poverty, in 2012, 18.4 million people accounted for extreme poverty, living with about $1.25 per day. The challenges that such people face are vulnerability to natural disasters, weak governance, inadequate health services, lack of natural resources and more. The poor face an expensive process of recovering from vulnerability, just to face another conflict which then restarts the cycle.
Causes of poverty.
As of 2015, with one fifth of the population living below the poverty line the desire to reduce poverty was a priority. The poorest populations work in agriculture and live in areas prone to natural disasters compared to the wealthier population. There is an inadequate number of available good jobs, and a lack of investment in education that leads to such a high inequality of income. However, the government has plans focused on reducing poverty with objectives of improving the lives of the poorest segments of the population.
Poverty occurs for many reasons, but in the Philippines there are recurring factors that have slowed the development progress. Economic growth is low compared to neighboring countries. GDP growth is comparable, however, GDP per capita in relation to the increase of population is much slower. Poverty directly impacts economic growth due to constraints in credit and the underdevelopment of the financial market and inequality in income and assets. Another cause of poverty in the Philippines is the rise of unmanaged population growth. Because the poor tend to have bigger families, they are unable to access health services or sex education, which leads to more children and the continuation of that cycle. The pattern of growth is common in rural areas, but there has been a rise in poverty in urban areas. Cities in the Philippines have been faced with an increase in poverty due to lack of well-paid employment. One of the main causes of poverty in the Philippines is the vulnerability to natural disasters. Natural disasters in the Philippines have caused US$23 billion in damages since 1990, which continues to delay the development process. According to the DW, the Philippines is the most vulnerable country to typhoons, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions in the world. The frequent occurrences cost the country lives, illness, malnutrition, and denial of education and health services. Filipino farmers are some of the most vulnerable, because floods and landslides severely affect their crops and income. Another cause of poverty is the lack of research on poverty and the effective policies to implement in order to prevent further damage. This lack of research has caused deficient targeting in poverty programs, and unsuccessful current processes. Until more research is done as to how exactly tackle the poverty trap, programs will not be effective.
Comparison to other Southeast Asian countries.
According to data provided by the Asian Development Bank, economic growth in the Philippines competes sufficiently with the GDP per capita percent growth of neighboring countries. The GDP per capita percent growth of the Philippines is 4.8% compared to 5% in Laos People's Democratic Republic, and 4.4% in Cambodia. In 2020, the GDP per capita growth rate of the Philippines is expected to grow to 6.2%. Declination of poverty is slower in the Philippines because urbanization and industrialization is progressing faster elsewhere. This advancement allows people to leave their agricultural-based work to a factory job with a higher paying income. The country has made movement out of the labor-intensive work in populous regions, such as Manila, however the country as a whole has made slower improvements. In addition to slow progress, natural disasters in the Philippines, like stated previously, is one of the biggest conductors of poverty. While other countries are able to develop without consistent disturbances, the Philippines is forced to start from the ground up after every single occurrence. The Economist, state that low growth of annual GDP is one of the main reasons for persistent poverty compared to Vietnam, China, and Thailand. Because the growth is concentrated in Manila, other provinces in the country are forgotten and hardly progress.
Poverty rate declines.
According to the World Bank, poverty rates declined from 26.6 percent in 2006 to 21.6 percent in 2015. Although 1 in 5 of the Filipino population still live below the poverty line, the country has attempted to increase income and opportunities and reverse impacts of occurring natural disasters. The Philippine Development Plan of 2017–2022 and the AmBisyon 2040 are proposals for the nation to suppress poverty and improve the lives of the poorest population. These policies include creating more and better jobs, improving productivity, investing in health and nutrition, managing disaster risks, protecting the vulnerable, and more. These documents help set the overall goal of reducing poverty to 13–15 percent by 2022 and having the nation thrive at similar levels as surrounding countries. The strategic plans that the Philippine government has created are intended to work towards a middle-class society where poverty is reduced and living conditions are improved.
Drivers of poverty reduction.
The main drivers between 2006 and 2015 were an increase in wage income and movement of employment out of agriculture, government transfers, and remittance from domestic and foreign sources according to the World Bank publication, Making Growth Work for the Poor. Movement from agricultural jobs to lower-end industry jobs led to increase of wages and accounted for 50 percent of the reduction in poverty. Due to the Pantawid Pamilya, the government was able to use the social assistance which resulted in the contribution of 25 percent reduction of poverty as well as influence behavior change. Remittances from domestic and foreign sources accounted for 12 percent of the reduction in poverty. In addition, a factor of the declination of poverty is the growth of population. With a 1.7 percent increase of population a year has resulted in a 3.8 percent increase in per capita GDP growth. An additional factor is an increase of school enrollment and decrease of dropout rates. Despite a lack of distribution, the water, sanitation and electricity of the Philippines have also improved. Other socioeconomic indicators such as social safety nets and health insurance has also been beneficial factors. In addition, drivers of reduction also include the influx of economic expansion that has grown the economy.
Opportunities.
Poverty will decline with the continuation of three actions. First is enabling Filipinos to get jobs outside of agriculture and increase the income of farmers. Second, is using the Government's Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), a primary social program, to reduce poverty to allow children access to education and health services. Lastly, the continuation of remittances from sources of domestic and foreign. There are current programs that have helped poverty rates decline. In 1981, Opportunity International began their operation through loans and savings in Manila. Through rural expansion, the bank wants to implement a program that will provide electricity to about 10,000 families. To contend to the natural disasters, Opportunity International also has provided insurance programs that help those who have been impacted in Typhoon Helen. With the help of social protection programs from the Government of the Philippines, there are cash assistances to families living in extreme poverty. Child immunizations, school enrollment, and health programs are some of the specific actions that the programs have assisted. Also USAID, or the U.S. Philippines Partnership for Growth specifically, have implemented regulations and policies to promote development within the country. USAID is also initiating programs that help those who were impacted by natural disasters and contributing to environmental resilient methods for the future.


R v Heywood

R v Heywood 1994 3 S.C.R. 761 is a leading Supreme Court of Canada decision on the concept of fundamental justice in section seven of the Charter. The Court found that section 179(1)(b) of the Criminal Code for vagrancy was overbroad and thus violated section 7 and could not be saved under section 1.
Background.
In 1987, Heywood was convicted under section 246.1(1) (now s. 271(1)) of the Criminal Code for sexual assault of children. The conviction made him subject to section 179(1)(b) which prevented certain convicted individuals from loitering.
In July 1989, Heywood was arrested in Beacon Hill Park in Victoria for loitering "at or near a playground" under section 179(1). He had been spotted several times previously near the playground carrying a camera with a telephoto lens. Upon arrest the police got a search warrant and found collections of pictures of children at play.
At trial, Heywood argued that the law violated section 7, 11(d), 12, and 15 of the Charter. The court found a violation of 7 and 11(d) which was justified under section 1. Heywood was convicted. On appeal to the Supreme Court of the province, then to the provincial Court of Appeal the conviction was upheld. Finally, the Supreme Court of Canada affirmed the violations of section 7 and 11(d) but also found that they could not be saved under section 1, and so the conviction was overturned.
Reasons of the court.
In a 5 to 4 decision, the Court dismissed the appeal, finding a section 7 violation that could not be saved. The majority was written by Cory J. with Lamer C.J., Sopinka, Iacobucci, and Major JJ. concurring.
The case turned on the interpretation of the word "loiter" in section 179(1)(b) which states:
Cory states that the word should be given its ordinary, dictionary meaning, which is "to stand idly around, hang around, linger, tarry, saunter, delay, dawdle", and it does not contain any element of malevolent intent. He further claims that such a meaning supports the purpose of the section to protect children. "Malevolent intent" - a lesser degree of intent than unlawful intent - is too broad, vague, and subjective, says Cory.
Given this interpretation, Cory finds that the law infringes the principles of fundamental justice as it is more restrictive than necessary and applies too broadly. That is, "without prior notice to the accused, to too many places, to too many people, for an indefinite period with no possibility of review".
Dissent.
The dissent, written by Gonthier J., with La Forest, L'Heureux-Dubé, and McLachlin JJ. concurring, found that the word "loiter" required an element of "malevolent intent" and therefore was not overbroad and did not violate section 7.


Bay du Vin (electoral district)

Bay du Vin was a provincial electoral district in New Brunswick. It was created from the multi-member riding of Northumberland in the 1973 electoral redistribution, and was abolished in the 1994 electoral redistribution.


End Domestic Terrorism rally

The End Domestic Terrorism rally, sometimes subtitled "Better Dead Than Red", was a far-right demonstration organized by the Proud Boys and held in Portland, Oregon on August 17, 2019. The event, the purpose of which was to promote the idea that the "antifa" anti-fascist movement should be classified as "domestic terrorism", received national attention. The rally drew more counter-demonstrators than participants—with at least one group urging its members in advance not to attend—and ended with the Proud Boys requesting a police escort to leave.
Planning.
The rally was organized by talk show radio host and former "InfoWars" staffer Joe Biggs, who is based in Florida, to protest Portland-based antifascists, and to have antifa declared a domestic terrorist organization. Proud Boys chairman Enrique Tarrio, a two-time convicted felon, was listed as an organizer on the event's Facebook page. Tarrio said the Proud Boys did "not [come] to Portland to cause problems," but to support "innocent people, journalists and our brave law enforcement officers".
Plans for the rally were confirmed as early as July 1, 2019, after protests held on June 29 resulted in clashes. Viral video of an incident on June 29 where conservative blogger Andy Ngo was assaulted by masked demonstrators led the Proud Boys to organize the rally. The city did not issue a permit for the event, which was planned to be held at Tom McCall Waterfront Park. Members of "The Daily Stormer", and Oath Keepers were expected to attend. However, Oath Keepers backed out and "disavowed the rally for fear of being associated with white supremacists."
Members of Three Percenters militia, and the white supremacist American Guard, both designated as hate groups by the Southern Poverty Law Center, attended the event.
Biggs promoted the event by posting a video online in which he carries a "Trump-themed" baseball bat and t-shirt with the text "Training to Throw Communists Out of Helicopters", in reference to the summary execution of political dissidents in Chile under Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship. He told participants not to bring weapons or fight unless they were in "imminent danger".
The president of Oath Keepers discouraged members from attending the rally or associating themselves with white nationalists.
Law enforcement.
Portland mayor Ted Wheeler announced a "zero-tolerance approach" would be adopted and promised law breakers would be arrested. Organizers on both sides criticized his handling of the planned activities. Wheeler considered asking Governor Kate Brown to seek support from the Oregon National Guard.
Danielle Outlaw, chief of the Portland Police Bureau, said officers were prepared, and the president of the Portland Police Association proposed arresting all people who demonstrate without a permit. Police worked with organizers on both sides "to achieve the goal of a safe event". The Portland Police Bureau said in advance of the rally that all 1,000 of its officers would be on duty. Federal, state, and other local law enforcement agencies provided assistance to prepare for the rally.
Leading up to the rally, Biggs advocated for laws preventing protesters from wearing masks, and said, "I hope at the end of the day I can shake the cops' hands and say good job, nothing happened." Six members of Patriot Prayer, including political activist Joey Gibson, were arrested days before the event.
The Portland Police Bureau encouraged people to avoid Waterfront Park and visit other parts of the city. The Federal Bureau of Investigation planned to have a presence at the rally. Deployment of the National Guard was considered but avoided.
Reaction.
Leaders of civil rights, community, and religious groups condemned the event's organizers and ideology, and approximately 100 people gathered at Pioneer Courthouse Square on August 14 to speak out against violence. Jo Ann Hardesty said, "You want to be hateful, stay home. Do not get on a plane, on a bus and come to Portland. We don't want you here. We never wanted you here. If you come, we will expose you to the light of day." Wheeler, Outlaw, U.S. Attorney Billy J. Williams, and Joey Webber of the Portland Timbers also attended the August 14 rally.
President Donald Trump monitored developments and tweeted, "Major consideration is being given to naming ANTIFA an 'ORGANIZATION OF TERROR.' Portland is being watched very closely. Hopefully the Mayor will be able to properly do his job!" Wheeler responded, "My job today is to be heads down and focused on maintaining the public safety here in Portland, Oregon. I'm focused on what's going on the ground here in my community... This is a potentially dangerous and volatile situation, and adding to that noise doesn't do anything to support or help the efforts that are going on here in Portland." According to "Business Insider", "The president's remarks quickly drew scrutiny for siding with the far-right."
Antifascist groups made plans to counter-protest. Popular Mobilization hosted "The Spectacle" to "downplay the far-right's rhetoric and inject the atmosphere with whimsy and 'joyful resistance'"; planned activities included a banana costume dance party, mask decorating, and dressing as the Pile of Poo emoji. Rose City Antifa issued a statement calling on counter-protestors to defend the city from a "far-right attack". Miles Thompson and his Unpresidented Brass Band, a 12-person marching band, planned to march with 50 counter protesters in banana costumes, hosting a "Banana Bloc Dance Party". Counter-protesters also organized a fundraiser to benefit Causa, based on the number of rally supporters; according to "HuffPost", the organization "advocates for Oregon's Latino population at the state and national level, and helps protect local undocumented immigrants from deportation".
Event.
Members of Proud Boys started gathering at the Morrison Bridge at approximately 9am, then started marching south an hour later. They held a prayer service underneath an American flag at Waterfront Park at approximately 10:30am. Officers maintained distance between opposing groups, keeping members of Proud Boys and other right-wing groups south of the Morrison Bridge and counter-protesters north of the bridge. Later, members of Proud Boys marched over Tilikum Crossing while counter-protesters crossed the Burnside Bridge. The demonstration was over by approximately 2:30pm.
Crowd estimates varied. CBS News and the "Portland Mercury" reported there were 200 and 300 people attending in support of the rally, respectively. There were approximately 500 counter-demonstrators, according to "Willamette Week". Police estimated there were approximately 1,000 protesters, and the "Portland Mercury" Alex Zielinski wrote, "At its peak, there were an estimated 300 right-wing protesters and 1,000 left-wing protesters in downtown Portland."
The event remained mostly calm. Police arrested 13 people, and confiscated weapons, including bear spray, poles, and shields.
Gibson attended the rally. The president of the local NAACP affiliate was among the counter-protesters.
According to Al Jazeera, "More than two dozen local, state and federal law enforcement agencies, including the FBI and the Federal Protective Service ... gathered in Portland to help police monitor the right-wing rally." The Proud Boys pledged to return to Portland monthly until Wheeler "excises the alt-left groups from his city".
Impact.
Some local businesses changed plans or closed for the day because of the demonstrations. Roses on the River, a 5K run and walk affiliated with the Portland Thorns FC, was relocated to the other side of the Willamette River to avoid potential conflicts. The Portland Streetcar Scavenger Hunt was postponed. Multiple Starbucks locations in downtown Portland closed for the day. Kells Irish Pub cancelled its annual "Summer Smoker" amateur boxing match. Two performances at Keller Auditorium took place as scheduled, but the venue hired increased security.
The Portland Bureau of Transportation closed the northbound side of Southwest Naito Parkway from 9am to 4pm on the preceding Friday and following Monday. Prior to the event, TriMet said services would be altered as needed if law enforcement determined riders were at risk, and confirmed delays were expected. On the day of the rally, Southwest 2nd Avenue from Southwest Madison to Main streets was closed, as were the Hawthorne Bridge and SmartPark garage at 1st Avenue and Jefferson Street.