Poverty alleviation programmes in India

The poverty alleviation programs in India can be categorized based on whether it is targeted either for rural areas or urban areas in the country.
Most of the programs are designed to target rural poverty as the prevalence of poverty is high in rural areas. Also targeting poverty is a great challenge in rural areas due to various geographic and infrastructure limitations. The programs can be mainly grouped into

1) Wage employment programs

2) Self-employment programs

3) Food security programmes

4) Social security programs

5) Urban poverty alleviation programs.

6) skill India programs for employment.

The five-year plans immediately after independence tried to focus on poverty alleviation through sectoral programs.
Jawahar Gram Samridhi Yojana (JGSY).
Jawahar Gram Samridhi Yojana (JGSY) is the restructured, streamlined, and comprehensive version of the Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (JRY). It was started on 1 April 1999. The main aim of this program was the development of rural areas. Infrastructure like roads to connect the village to different areas made the village more accessible and other social, educational (schools) and infrastructure like hospitals. Its secondary objective was to give out sustained wage employment. This was only given to BELOW POVERTY LINE families and the fund was to be spent for individual beneficiary schemes for SCs and STs and 3% for the establishment of barrier-free infrastructure for the disabled people.
National Old Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS).
This scheme came into effect on 15 August 1995. The scheme provides pensions to all old people who were above the age of 65 (now 60) who could not fund themselves and did not have any means of subsistence. The pension that was given was ₹200 a month (now it is 2000 per month). This pension is given by the central government. The job of implementation of this scheme in states and union territories is given to panchayats and municipalities. The state's contribution may vary depending on the state.
The amount of old-age pension is ₹200 per month for applicants aged 60–79. For applicants aged above 80  years, the amount has been revised to ₹500 a month according to the 2011–2012 Budget. It is a successful venture.
National Family Benefit Scheme (NFBS).
This scheme was started in August 1995. This scheme is sponsored by the state government. It was transferred to the state sector scheme after 2002–03. It is under the community and rural department. This scheme provides a sum of ₹20,000 to a person of a family who becomes the head of the family after the death of its primary breadwinner. The breadwinner is defined as a person above 18 who earns the most for the family and whose earnings the family survives.
National Maternity Benefit Scheme.
This scheme provides a sum of ₹6000 to a pregnant mother in three installments. The women should be older than 19  years of age. It is given normally 12–8  weeks before the birth and in case of the death of the child the women can still avail it. The NMBS is implemented by almost all states and union territories with the help of panchayats and municipalities. During 1999–2000 the total allocation of funds for this scheme was 767.05  crores and the amount used was ₹4444.13  crore. It is for families below the poverty line. The scheme was updated in 2005-06 into Janani Suraksha Yojana with ₹1400 for every institutional birth.
First instalment ("in first trimester of pregnancy") - ₹3,000/-
• Early Registration of Pregnancy, preferably within the first three months.
• Received one antenatal check-up.
Second instalment
• At the time of institutional delivery - ₹1500/-
Third instalment ("3 months after delivery") - ₹1500/-
• Childbirth is compulsory to be registered.
• Child has received BCG vaccination.
• Child has received OPV and DPT-1 & 2.
Annapurna.
The government started this scheme in 1999–2000 to provide food to senior citizens who cannot take care of themselves and are not under the National Old Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS), and who have no one to take care of them in their village. This scheme would provide 10  kg of free food grains a month for the eligible senior citizens. The allocation for this scheme in 2000-2001 was ₹100  crore. They mostly target groups of 'poorest of the poor and 'indigent senior citizens'...
Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP).
IRDP in India is among the world's most ambitious programs to alleviate rural poverty by providing income-generated assets to the poorest of the poor.
This program was first introduced in 1978–79 in some selected areas but covered all the areas by November 1980. During the sixth five-year plan (1980–85) assets worth 47.6 billion rupees were distributed to about 16.6 million poor families.
During 1987–88, another 4.2 million families were assisted with an average investment of 4,471 per family or 19 billion rupees overall.
The major objective of the Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP) is to raise families of identified target group below the poverty line by creating sustainable opportunities for self-employment in the rural sector.
Assistance is given in the form of subsidy by the government and term credit advanced by financial institutions (commercial banks, cooperatives, and regional rural banks.) The program is implemented in all blocks of the country as a centrally sponsored scheme funded on a 50:50 basis by the center and the states.
The target group under IRDP consists of small and marginal farmers, agricultural laborers, and rural artisans having annual income below ₹11,000 defined as the poverty line in the Eighth Plan. To ensure that benefits under the program reach the more vulnerable sectors of the society, it is stipulated that at least 50 percent of assisted families should be from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes with a corresponding flow of resources to them. Furthermore, 40 percent of the coverage should be of women beneficiaries and 3 percent of physically challenged persons.
At the grassroots level, the block staff is responsible for the implementation of the program. The State Level Coordination Committee (SLCC) monitors the program at the state level whereas the Ministry of Rural Areas and Employment is responsible for the release of central share of funds, policy formation, overall guidance, monitoring, and evaluation of the program.
Pradhan Mantri Gramin Awaas Yojana.
This scheme aimed at creating housing for everyone. It was initiated in 1985. It aimed at creating 20  lakh housing units out of which 13  lakhs were in rural areas. This scheme also would give out loans to people at subsidized rates to make houses. It was started in 1999–2000. In 1999–2000, ₹1438.39  crore was used for this scheme, and about 7.98  lakh units were built. In 2000-01 a central outlay of ₹1710.00  crores was provided for this scheme. It improved the standard of living of rural areas: health, primary education, drinking water, housing, and roads.
The scheme has proved to be a major boost in the Indian rural population's income
To augment wage employment opportunities by employing demand and by specific guaranteed wage employment every year to households whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work to thereby extend a security net to the people and simultaneously create durable assets to alleviate some aspects of poverty and address the issue of development in the rural areas.
The Ministry of Rural Development (MRD) is the nodal Ministry for the implementation of NREGA. It is responsible for ensuring timely and adequate resource support to the States and the Central Council. It has to undertake a regular review, monitoring, and evaluation of processes and outcomes. It is responsible for maintaining and operating the MIS to capture and track data on critical aspects of implementation and assess the utilization of resources through a set of performance indicators. MRD will support innovations that help in improving processes towards the achievement of the objectives of the Act. It will support the use of Information Technology (IT) to increase the efficiency and transparency of the processes as well as improve the interface with the public. It will also ensure that the implementation of NREGA at all levels is sought to be made transparent and accountable to the public. Now 100 to 150 days of work for all is provided.
The integrated child development program is also one of the poverty alleviation programs.


Chingiz Ildyrym

Chingiz Ildyrym oglu Sultanov () (1890–1937) better known as Chingiz Ildyrym, was an Azerbaijani Bolshevik revolutionary, innovator and the first People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs of Azerbaijan after the Sovietization of Azerbaijan.
Early life.
Ildyrym was born to the family of a landowner in Qubadli settlement of Zangezur uyezd of Elisabethpol Governorate (present day Azerbaijan) on July 10, 1890. He studied at a local school established by his father, continued his secondary education in Shusha and then Vladikavkaz completing it in 1909. He was then admitted to Saint Petersburg Polytechnical University to study mount-mining. While a student, he lost his father and had to work around the clock to be able to support himself. In 1916, he graduated from the university with a specialty in Metallurgy Engineering and got a job at "Ayvaz" plant. Involved in public protests after Russia's February Revolution, he took a part in the gathering to meet Vladimir Lenin returning from Finland at Saint Peterburg railway station on April 3, 1917. Impressed by his speech, Ildyrym decided to commit himself to the communist movement.
Political career.
Having joined the ranks of the Bolsheviks, Ildyrym proposed to create Muslim Labor Red Army, then called "Ildyrymmiye", which would defend the Bolshevik governments in regions of Azerbaijan. The first Ildyrymmiye was established in June 1918 in Petrograd and Simal. The same year, Ildyrymmiye army of 2,000 Azerbaijanis fought against the White Army in Astrakhan during the Russian Civil War but due to involvement of Armenian Dashnaks siding with Bolsheviks in massacres of Azerbaijanis during March Days of 1918, Bolsheviks lost their support among Azerbaijanis and the army soon dissolved. In 1919, he returned to Shusha and continued propagating communism. During the existence of Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, Ildyrym served as Deputy Commander of Azerbaijani Navy and chief of the harbor under Musavat's leadership although he was a Bolshevik. In 1919, he established a special navy expedition to handle transportation of oil to Russia.
On April 27, when the 11th Red Army was invading Baku, Ildyrym played an important role in overthrowing the ADR government. With a number of soldiers, he entered Baku Navy school and disarmed the cadets. Later in the day, he captured positions in Bailov, completely taking over the shipyard. All prisoners held in Bailov prison were let free, among them well known revolutionaries Rahim Huseynov, Dadash Bunyadzade and Gasim Ismayilov. Once the center of Baku was taken, the Bolsheviks led by Ildyrym surrounded the National Assembly of Azerbaijan with artillery and presented an ultimatum to Musavat government. On early morning hours of April 28, 1920, after debates in the parliament, the government agreed to terms of the Bolsheviks and ADR ceased to exit. With the establishment of Communist regime in Azerbaijan, Chingiz Ildyrym was appointed the first People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs of Azerbaijan.
Later years.
In 1924, Ildyrym worked as Commissar of Public Roads and presented innovative ideas for road construction in Azerbaijan later applied elsewhere in USSR. He built the first electrified railway in the USSR on the Baku-Sabunchi route. The construction of the Baku-Julfa railway, stretching 407 km in 1924, was his best and most well known project.
In 1924–1928, Ildyrym worked as Deputy Chairman of Supreme Agricultural Council. During his term in the entity, he started electrification policies in Azerbaijan. As a result, 19 electric stations (1500 hp) were built in 1924–1927. This stimulated increase in manufacturing abilities of Azerbaijan and in 1927, steel manufacturing department was established at Lieutenant Schmidt (presently Sattarkhan) Plant. In 1925, 65% of the drilling equipment for Azerbaijani oil fields were switched to electric power.
In 1929, Ildyrym was appointed project manager for construction of Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works and from 1934, he was managing construction of one of centers of Soviet metallurgy, Krivoy Rog. During the time of construction boom, Ildyrym was sent to the United States to arrange shipments of necessary materials for construction of the plant in Magnitogorsk.
Arrest and execution.
On July 7, 1937, Ildyrym was arrested by NKVD and charged with an alleged anti-revolutionary plot. He was held prisoner in Dnipropetrovsk, Baku and Moscow. In Moscow, he was first jailed in high security Lefortovo Prison and then moved to a more severe location - Sukhanovo Prison, infamous for political prisoners. He was sentenced to death by NKVD and his family was notified he had been sentenced to 10 years without permission to communicate with the outside world. He was executed by firing squad in the summer of 1941.


Adriatic Question

In the aftermath of the First World War, the Adriatic Question or Adriatic Problem concerned the fate of the territories along the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea that formerly belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The roots of the dispute lay in the secret Treaty of London, signed during the war (26 April 1915), and in growing nationalism, especially Italian irredentism and Yugoslavism, which led ultimately to the creation of Yugoslavia. The question was a major barrier to agreement at the Paris Peace Conference, but was partially resolved by the Treaty of Rapallo between Italy and Yugoslavia on 12 November 1920.
Background.
Austria-Hungary exited the war on 3 November 1918, when it ordered its troops to cease fighting. The Armistice of Villa Giusti, signed with Italy that day, took effect on 4 November, and on 13 November the Armistice of Belgrade was signed with Italy's allies on the Balkan front. Italy began immediately to occupy territories ceded to it by the treaty of 1915, while simultaneously the South Slavs formed local governments in opposition to both Italian expansion and Austro-Hungarian authority. A National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs was set up in Zagreb on 5–6 October, and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs was proclaimed there on 29 October and that same day the "Sabor", the legitimate parliament of Croatia-Slavonia, declared independence from Austria-Hungary. On 1 December the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia) was formed in Belgrade by union of this new state with Serbia and Montenegro.
Arguments.
Populations.
The main argument presented by Yugoslavia was that the territories under consideration contained about seven million Slavs, almost the entire population.
Of the Dalmatian islands, only Lošinj (Lussin) had an Italian majority. When the hinterland of Fiume was included along with its suburbs the Yugoslav majority increased further. The Italian claim on Gorizia and Gradisca was generally recognised, as was its claim on the Slavic settlements around Friuli.
At the Conference of Oppressed Nationalities in Rome (8–10 April 1918), Italy lent official support to the Declaration of Corfu (20 July 1917), a Yugoslavist document supported by Britain and France that expressed the need to unite the South Slavs politically.
Geography.
The Italians argued that the natural geographic boundary of Italy included the Julian and Dinaric Alps, and that therefore the Austro-Hungarian littoral lay within geographic Italy. The strategic importance of the geography of the eastern coast of the Adriatic has been generally accepted. The Chief of the Division of Boundary Geography with the American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, Douglas Wilson Johnson, wrote at the time, "Any naval power on the [Adriatic] eastern coast must find itself possessing immense advantages over Italy." Johnson went on to note that the offer of Pula (Pola), Vlorë (Valona) and a central Dalmatian island group to the Italians effectively settled the strategic problem and balanced the two Adriatic powers.
Allied occupation.
Joint occupation of Fiume.
On 29 October 1918 the Austro-Hungarians evacuated Fiume, and the new Croatian mayor, Rikard Lenac, proclaimed the town's adherence to the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. On 30 October the Italian community set up a "national council" headed by Antonio Grossich and proclaimed Fiume's union with Italy. The next day the local governor handed over power to the Italians, as did the governor of Trieste. On 4 November an Italian naval detachment under Admiral Guglielmo Rainer aboard the battleship arrived in the harbour of Fiume. Rainer declared the local government dissolved and, on 14 November Italian Prime Minister Vittorio Orlando, acting on the advice of Chief of Staff Armando Diaz, ordered Rainer to land a troop of marines. The next day (15 November) Diaz requested that Allied troops take part in the occupation of Fiume. The commander of British forces on the Italian Front, the Earl of Cavan, was ordered to send a company "to show that the occupation is allied, and to keep order". That same day 2,000 Serbian soldiers arrived on the outskirts of Fiume.
France and the United States also sent naval contingents to Fiume, and on 17 November some American, British and French naval officers met with Mayor Lenac and Ivan Lorković, a delegate from the Slovene–Croat–Serb state, in the abandoned governor's palace. It was agreed that the Serb troops should evacuate the area that afternoon and that the Italian marines should not be landed for another three days, pending orders from the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference. Although Rainer agreed, he was countermanded by his superior, on the grounds that he had acted without instruction, and an Italian troops force eighty strong entered the city that afternoon. They ordered Lenac's government out of the palace and removed all Serbian flags on public display. On 18 November the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs officially protested to the allied commanders. The arrival of an American battalion on 19 November prevented any outbreak of violence, but the Italians eventually posted 12,000 troops in the city—"an Italian military occupation in overwhelming force, for political reasons" wrote Admiral Edward Kiddle, and Commodore Howard Kelly, commanding the British Adriatic Force, could remark on 22 November that "the Italian occupation has all the appearance of an annexation to the Italian Crown."
Establishment of a naval commission.
When Italy first began occupying land east of the Tagliamento, the former boundary between Italy and Austria-Hungary, it employed troops of the 332nd Infantry Regiment of the United States (which were under Italian command on the Italian Front), with the goal of appearing to be an international occupation force. Although this misuse of American troops led the United States War Department to order them withdrawn, President Woodrow Wilson countermanded the order to prevent a breakdown in negotiations over the Adriatic Question in Paris. Thereafter, as a result, the international control for the Adriatic was a naval responsibility.
On 16 November 1918 representatives of the Allied navies—American, British, French and Italian—met in Venice to establish the Naval Commission (or Committee) for the Adriatic. At several sessions held in Rome from 26 November, the commission decided the fate of the Austro-Hungarian fleet and of its coastline. The fleet was divided in control between the Americans, French and Italians pending a final political decision regarding its fate, while the coast was divided into three zones of control, an Italian in the north (mainly corresponding to the Austrian Littoral), an American in the middle (mainly Dalmatia) and a French in the south (mainly Albania). This arrangement eventually received political ratification in Paris. Josephus Daniels, United States Secretary of the Navy, wrote to his Chief of Naval Operations, William S. Benson, also American naval advisor to the Paris Peace Commission, that "due to possible Adriatic developments and [American] desire to show sympathy with [the] Slavonic government being formed in the late Austro-Hungarian Empire, consider it desirable to send flag officer ... immediately into the Adriatic." Benson later wrote to Admiral William H. G. Bullard, commanding American naval forces in their zone, that "the general principles laid down by the President", i.e. the Fourteen Points, which stressed national self-determination, should be furthered, implying active American support for Yugoslav nationhood.
Split incident.
The Naval Commission began its work in Fiume in early December, but in January the Italian representative, Admiral Vittorio Mola, resigned in protest. At the demands of the American, British and French admirals, Italy appointed Rear Admiral Ugo Rombo to replace him on 1 February 1919. At a meeting in Venice on 8 February Rombo told Admiral Albert Parker Niblack that the Americans did not understand the Adriatic problem, leading to a breakdown in negotiations between the Italians and the rest. In the end the Commission's report was not publicised.
When the Commission moved to Split, the admirals tasked the Yugoslavs with maintaining order, but on 24 February some Yugoslav (mostly Croat) citizens attacked some Italian officers meeting with local Italianophiles. Rombo demanded the Allies patrol the city, but Niblack and Benson vetoed it.
Austro-Hungarian fleet allocation.
On 8 October 1918, in response to the recent opening of the National Council in Zagreb, the "Reichsrat", one of the two parliaments of Austria-Hungary, freed 348 of the 379 sailors still in custody after the mutiny of 1–3 February in Kotor (Cattaro). On 22–24 October officers conducted talks with sailors in their native languages on all ships explaining Emperor Charles I's plan to federalise Cisleithania, but it was too late to restore morale or loyalty to the crown. On 26 October the forbidden call to mutiny, "Hurra-Rufe", was heard on the in Kotor, and two days later on the battleships in Pula. The sailors organised councils but did not openly rebel or riot. On 31 October 1918 the Austro-Hungarian Navy, with all its ships and other craft, supplies, stores and facilities (ports, arsenals, etc.) was handed over to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs by Admiral Miklós Horthy, acting under orders received from the emperor the previous day. All non-Yugoslav sailors were furloughed and all officers were given the option to continue in service to the new nation. The emperor's order contained a proviso that in the future all the "nations" of Austria-Hungary should have a right to claim compensation for their share of the value of the fleet. The formal handover at Kotor took place on 1 November, the same day the Italians sank the battleship at Pula, whether yet aware it was a Yugoslav ship or not. Admiral William Sims, commander of the United States Navy in Europe, ordered Admiral Bullard to go to Pula aboard the and escort the former Austro-Hungarian ships that had been taken over by Yugoslavia to Corfu under white flags.
By the end of the day, 1 November, Chief of the Naval Staff Paolo Emilio Thaon di Revel had informed the government that "the entire Austrian fleet or at least a great part of it has pulled down the Austrian flag and raised the Yugoslav. The fleet or a good part of it is already in the hands of the Yugoslav National Committee." This did not effect negotiations at Villa Giusti, and the armistice was signed on behalf of the navy by Prince Johann of Liechtenstein of the Austrian Navy League and Captain Georg Zwierkowski of the Danube Flotilla. The treaty promised the Italians a share of the Austro-Hungarian fleet (although this had in fact ceased to exist some days before):
Shortly before the armistice came into effect at 3:00 p.m. on 4 November, the Italian navy occupied Vis (Lissa). This was done "to exorcise the old demons of 1866 [i.e., the Austro-Prussian War] and restore the honour of the Italian navy while the war at least technically was still underway." Before the end of the day Fiume, Trieste and Pula had been occupied, and on 5 November Šibenik (Sebenico) followed. The Yugoslavs abandoned all the vessels they could not man to the Italians, and on 7 November the sailed out of Pula for the unoccupied port of Bakar (Buccari). On 9 November the Italian flag was raised on all remaining vessels in Pula. That day, cruisers of the British, French and Italian navies sailed into the Bay of Kotor (Bocche di Cattaro) and the last unoccupied Austro-Hungarian port. The sailors there cut up their Austro-Hungarian ensigns—to prevent them from being taken by the Italians as trophies—and distributed them as souvenirs. That same day, at an inter-Allied conference on Corfu, the Italian diplomat Ugo Conz retorted to his British colleagues, "There can be no fleet where there is no state. There can be no Yugoslav fleet as long as such a state has not yet been founded or as long as peace has not been definitively concluded."
American occupation zone.
In Dalmatia, the American occupation zone, the citizens had elected a provisional assembly and a governor, and both supported the nascent State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. Order was kept by the local militia, which was often unreliable, and by Serbian troops which had begun to garrison the area in small numbers. This arrangement was supported by the Americans, but "[b]y early 1919, disturbed local conditions forced the [Naval] Committee for the Adriatic to circulate four armed inter-allied patrols night and day throughout the area under the command of the American admiral." After a few months of this the Admiral Bullard supplanted the inter-allied patrol with a patrol composed entirely of Americans to assist the local police in maintaining order for a few hours each day.
Several times Italian troops crossed the frontier into the American zone of occupation, but in each case they were turned back, either by a warning or, in one case, by the arrival of American warships and landing of American forces. In several towns the Americans posted notice that they would protect the lives and property of Dalmatians against any Italian injustice. This latter sort of propaganda was the most effective means of keeping the peace, since the American admiral had to rely on Serbian troops for garrisoning the interior. His own garrison was minuscule, and reinforcements were only landed in emergencies. One Yugoslav mayor from the Italian zone sent a letter of thanks to the American admiral for protecting his people from the Italians.
The first effort to bring American naval forces in the Adriatic home took place in December 1919. In February 1920 the Italians requested four Austro-Hungarian ships allocated to Italy by the Allied Military Committee of Versailles and which were being guarded at Split by American forces. The Italian ambition to receive these vessels led to the decision to retain American ships in the Adriatic longer. The American occupation ended only after the Italian forces had evacuated their zone and the International Committee for the Destruction of Enemy Warships had allocated all the formerly Austro-Hungarian vessels under its command to the Italian Navy. The last American troops left aboard the on 29 September 1921, after the Treaty of Rapallo had been signed.
Negotiations.
The negotiations attending the Adriatic Question at the Paris Peace Conference may be divided into three periods based on the dominant Italian personality of the time: January–June 1919, the Baron Sonnino period; June–September 1919, the Tittoni period; and 12 September – 9 December 1919, the d'Annunzio period.
Wilson Line.
From January until June 1919 negotiations were dominated by Baron Sidney Sonnino, the Italian Foreign Minister, who divided and conquered his allies, forcing Britain and France to acquiesce in the Treaty of London and endeavouring to negotiate directly with America from a position of strength. At the same time he whipped up the Italian people with nationalistic propaganda. When the government of Orlando was replaced by that of Francesco Saverio Nitti on 23 June, Sonnino was replaced by Tommaso Tittoni. The nationalist fervour he had stoked, however, broke into open violence in Fiume, where, on 6 July 1919, an element of the Italian population massacred some of the occupying French soldiers.
On 15 April President Wilson issued a memorandum proposing a line, the so-called "Wilson Line", dividing the Istrian peninsula between Italy and Yugoslavia. Trieste and Pula, with the railway connecting them, lay on the Italian side; Fiume and Ljubljana (Laibach), with the railway connecting them, on the Yugoslav. Učka (Monte Maggiore) was to be Italian, but the Wilson Line ran further west of Fiume than that of the Treaty of London. Italy would have none of the rights in northern Dalmatia granted it by that treaty, but it would receive the islands of Vis (Lissa) and Lošinj (Lussin). The Yugoslav fleet, inherited from Austria-Hungary, was to be reduced, and the area of the frontier demilitarised generally. The Italians alleged that the Wilson line did not give sufficient protection to the Trieste–Pula railway.
Tittoni altered the course of negotiations by abandoning the Treaty of London and strengthening the Franco-Italian alliance, but he did not accept President Wilson's proposed "line". The French diplomat André Tardieu worked as an intermediary between Tittoni and the Americans, and he first suggested the creation of a buffer state out of a strip of land around Fiume, the future Free State of Fiume. The main American objection at the time was that the buffer state denied its inhabitants the right of self-determination.
Memoranda and compromise.
On 12 September 1919, Gabriele d'Annunzio led a band of disaffected soldiers of the "Granatieri di Sardegna" in a march on Fiume—the so-called "impresa di Fiume" ("Fiume enterprise")—defying the international commission and the governments of Italy and Yugoslavia. Tittoni petitioned the international community, represented by French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau after the American and British heads of government had both gone home, and the Yugoslav government for time to allow Italy to rein in d'Annunzio. In October he proposed that Fiume itself and a coastal strip leading to it should be conceded to Italy, that besides Lošinj and Vis she should possess the islands of Cres (Cherso) and Lastovo (Lagosta) and that the city of Zadar (Zara) should be a free city under Italian protection.
After the departure of the president, Frank Polk headed up the American Commission to Negotiate Peace in Paris. He was the driving force behind the memorandum of 9 December, signed by American, British and French delegates. This statement denied the Italians Fiume and most Yugoslav islands and even restricted their mandate over Albania. This memorandum was quickly abandoned by the British and French, whose prime ministers signed a compromise with their Italian counterpart on 14 January 1920 without American participation. Therein it was agreed to concede Fiume and a coastal strip to Italy and in exchange hive off the northern part of Albania and give it to Yugoslavia. To gain the latter's acceptance the signatories of the new compromise threatened to otherwise enforce the Treaty of London.
This last compromise aroused the anger of President Wilson, who, in a statement issued 10 February, denounced it as "a positive denial of the principles for which America entered the war". He threatened to withdraw the United States from the Treaty of Versailles and from the Franco-American agreement of the past June. On 26 February, Clemenceau and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George published a note offering to disavow the January compromise and suggesting that the memorandum of December be similarly sidelined. They expressed their wish to see Yugoslavia and Italy negotiate directly, and, contrary to Wilson's desire, stood by their intention to enforce the Treaty of London if all else failed. It was suggested by some at the time that Lloyd George had personally frustrated the efforts of Wilson by a private agreement with Nitti whereby the latter would support Britain against France on the Eastern (i.e., Russian and Turkish) Question.
Ancillary issues.
Albanian question.
In a presidential note published in "The New York Times" on 4 March 1920, Woodrow Wilson affirmed that "he cannot approve any plan which assigns to Jugo-Slavia in the Northern district of Albania territorial compensation for what she is deprived of elsewhere," thus forestalling the concession of Shkodër (Scutari) to Yugoslavia in exchange for Yugoslav recognition of Italian rights to Fiume. In an internal memorandum dated 9 December 1919, the delegates of America, Britain and France recognised the borders of the Principality of Albania as laid down in 1913. The Yugoslav delegation, in a memo dated 14 January 1920, was in favour of an independent Albania free of foreign influence, but if that should not be feasible the delegates favoured territorial concessions to Yugoslavia in the north. The Allies were already content to recognise an Italian mandate over central Albania and Yugoslav rights of transit through northern Albania, with the attendant right to build and operate railroads on its territory. The Albanian representatives at the Congress of Lushnjë (27–31 January) voted against any Italian mandate, despite the fact that as a solution it was made to counter Italy's designs on Vlorë (Valona).
Montenegrin question.
It was in connection with this problem of Montenegro that my faith in Self-Determination as the remedy for all human ills became clouded with doubts and reservations.<br>—British diplomat Harold Nicolson
After the collapse of Montenegro's army in 1916, the government and the court went into exile in France. The Allied governments gave King Nicholas I of Montenegro an income, but by the end of 1916 the British and the French had become convinced that he was responsible for the surrender of his army and were refusing to countenance an independent Montenegro after the war. Until the war's end the king and his government continued to receive financial support and diplomatic recognition by the Allies—"an inexplicable state of affairs". The Ally with the most interest in Montenegro was Italy, which had trade relations with her and which saw here as a part of the same sphere of influence as Albania. Italian policy favoured the restoration of Nicholas and immediately after the Austro-Hungarian armistice army and navy troops were moved up the Montenegrin coast in order to keep order pending the return of Montenegrin (royal) self-government. The French refused to allow Nicholas to return, and lent their support to the Montenegrin Yugoslavists. The Italians allowed some of Nicholas's supporters to enter Montenegro with them and gave their tacit support to the royalist Christmas Uprising of December 1918 against the Yugoslavists.
At Paris, Baron Sonnino defended Montenegrin independence, argued for her presence at the negotiating table and attacked irregularities in the election of members for the Podgorica Assembly. Queen Elena of Italy, a daughter of the king of Montenegro, even interceded with Woodrow Wilson on her father's behalf. Although the king was prepared to accept an autonomous Montenegro in a federal Yugoslavia, the Allies believed that any autonomy given to that state would only furnish grounds for continuing Italian intervention. On 7 July 1919, Foreign Minister Tittoni approached Major Johnson, the American geographical expert at Paris, with a proposal: in exchange for sovereignty over the Montenegrin Bay of Kotor (Boka Kotorska) and Mount Lovćen Italy would cede all her rights in northern Dalmatia and certain islands. He also conveyed his preference for continued Montenegrin independence, which Johnson (and the British delegate Sir Eyre Crowe) considered a regional danger, and asked Johnson to forward his proposals to the Yugoslav Foreign Minister, Ante Trumbić. After getting Secretary Lansing's approval the next day (8 July), Johnson informed a surprised Trumbić. That same evening the Yugoslav delegation unanimously rejected Italy's "big shot" proposal. After this rebuff, the Italians began negotiating directly with the Yugoslavs through their delegates in the Allied Shipping Commission in London, although the Montenegrin question was mostly avoided. Despite "the preservation of an independent Montenegro" being "among the major postulates of her foreign policy", in Prime Minister Nitti's words, it was felt that in the long term Yugoslav–Montenegrin unification was inevitable and being alone in pressing for her independence would be unseemly in Paris.
By the middle of 1919 the Bay of Kotor, as well as the towns of Bar (Antivari), Budva (Budua) and Ulcinj (Dulcigno) were occupied by army and navy personnel of Britain, France, Italy and Yugoslavia. Clashes were frequent between the last two. The Italians armed and transported the royalist rebels, and spread propaganda about Serb actions in Montenegro. On 20 July 1919 the Yugoslav army attacked some Montenegrin royalists seeking Italian protection in Kotor and several were killed. The Italian government clamped down on its commander in the Balkans, General Settimio Piacentini. In a secret cable of 29 July Tittoni claimed that the Yugoslavs were willing to recognise an Italian protectorate in Albania if Italy would give up any claim in Montenegro.
In debate in the House of Lords on 11 March 1920, Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon affirmed that the Allies did not recognise the legitimacy of the Podgorica Assembly or its deposition of King Nicholas and proclaimed union with Serbia. On 12 February, the Leader of the House of Commons, Bonar Law, urged that "the real point at issue is ... whether what is being done, or what will be done, is in accordance with the wishes of the majority of the Montenegrin people." In April 1919, the Count de Salis, former ambassador to Montenegro (1911–16) at Cetinje, was dispatched there to report on the state of the union with Serbia. The supporters of the Podgorica Assembly argued that Montenegro's adherence to the Allies was nominal at best and that members of the royal family had conspired with the enemy after the defeat of the winter of 1915–16. The supporters of Montenegrin independence argued that the Assembly was a fraud perpetrated by Serbian conquerors, who had endeavoured with French connivance to eliminate Montenegro since its defeat.
Aftermath.
On 12 September 1919, D'Annunzio occupied the city of Rijeka (Fiume) and proclaimed the Italian Regency of Carnaro, but the approval of the Treaty of Rapallo on 12 November 1920 turned the territory into an independent state, the Free State of Fiume. Other parts of the Treaty of Rapallo were supposed to solve the dispute between the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (renamed Yugoslavia in 1929). It included Italian annexation of parts of Carniola, several Adriatic islands, and the city of Zadar (Zara).


Halifax West (provincial electoral district)

Halifax West was a provincial electoral district in Nova Scotia, Canada, that elected one member to the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. It was formed in 1933 when Halifax County was divided into five distinct electoral districts. In 1955, the district of Halifax Northwest was created from a portion of Halifax West. Following a name change in 1966 to Halifax County West, the district was redistributed entirely to create the current district of Halifax-St. Margaret's in 1967.
Members of the Legislative Assembly.
Halifax West elected the following members to the Legislative Assembly.


Prostitution in the Crown dependencies

Crown dependencies are independently administered jurisdictions which do not form part of either the United Kingdom or the British Overseas Territories. They are self-governing possessions of the Crown (defined uniquely in each jurisdiction). Internationally, the dependencies are considered "territories for which the United Kingdom is responsible", rather than sovereign states.
Bailiwick of Guernsey.
Prostitution in Guernsey is legal, but related activities such as solicitation and brothel keeping are prohibited.
History.
At the end of the 19th century prostitution was common in Guernsey, especially in St Peter Port where around 500 soldiers were garrisoned. A large number of the prostitutes were French. The military authorities were concerned about the high rate of STIs amongst the soldiers.
The "Committee of the Council for the Affairs of Guernsey and Jersey" reported in 1897:
 "Secret Diseases, not unfrequently [sic] introduced by foreign prostitutes would appear to be prevalent in that Island [ie Guernsey] . . . such diseases sap the foundation of public health and affect injuriously not only those who by their own misconduct have incurred them, but even generations yet unborn . . ."
This report eventually led to the passing of "la Loi Rélative aux Maladies Secrètes" in 1912. This law provided for compulsory medical examination and detention in hospital if infected, and also the expulsion of foreign prostitutes. This law was repealed by The Venereal Diseases Ordinance (1912) Repeal Ordinance, 1949. However, due to the wording of the 1949 act, the 1912 law is arguably still in force in Alderney.
In 2005 an East European prostitution ring was thought to be operating on the island.
Bailiwick of Jersey.
Prostitution in Jersey is legal, but related activities such as keeping a brothel are outlawed. Following a consultation period from 1 September 2017 and 13 October 2017, the Home Affairs Minister approved a new draft Sexual Offences (Jersey) Law to be debated in the Assembly of the States of Jersey. The draft law does not criminalise prostitution, but consolidates previous legislation on related activities.
In 2015 it was estimated there were 35–40 prostitutes in Jersey. Most visit the island for short periods and work from hotels.
History.
In the 19th century, prostitution was common. French women came over to the island to service the needs of the soldiers stationed on the island and sailors in the port. The road that led from the barracks to the port, Pier Road, had many brothels and, after dark, women solicited in the road. In 1846, George Le Cronier, the Centenier of Saint Helier, decided to clean up the island. He visited one of the houses of ill-repute, "Mulberry Cottage" on Patriotic Street, and arrested 11 prostitutes who worked there. The following week he returned to the house with the intent of arresting the master and mistress of the house. On entering the house he was stabbed in the stomach by the mistress Marie Le Gendre. Le Cronier died the next day and Le Gendre transported to Australia for life.
At the end of the 19th century, police would accompany gentlemen to brothels and, for a fee, ensure no legal action was taken against them. Prostitutes were using hotels and restaurants to find customers by 1910. In the 1930s, Sand Street was where street prostitutes worked and there was a well known brothel, the "Striped Monkey", on Cross Street.
During the German occupation of the island in 1940, all sexual contact between the German soldiers and the islanders was prohibited. To stop any "illegal" prostitution, the German authorities set up a brothel in the "Maison de Victor Hugo" hotel. Syphilis was a problem amongst the soldiers and a specialist clinic was set up in the "Merton Hotel".
Isle of Man.
Prostitution in the Isle of Man is legal but related activities such as soliciting, procuring and brothel keeping are prohibited by the Sexual Offences Act 1992.
There are few prostitutes permanently on the Isle of Man, most visiting the island on short term "tours". A man and a woman were arrested on suspicion of committing prostitution offences in Douglas in 2013. A police spokesman said this was "an unusual and rare incident."


National Empowerment Television

National Empowerment Television (NET), later known as America's Voice and, later still, The Renaissance Network, was a cable TV network designed to rapidly mobilize politically conservative individuals for grassroots lobbying on behalf of the movement's policy aims. It was created by Paul Weyrich, a veteran strategist for the paleoconservative movement. At its peak, NET claimed to reach more than 11 million homes, on selected cable systems or, in some markets, low-powered television stations. It accompanied the contemporaneous explosion of the popularity of talk radio, practically all of which was dedicated to propagating conservative political positions on numerous issues, in the U.S. during the 1990s.
History.
Weyrich had long believed that the mainstream news and entertainment media exhibited a liberal bias, opposed structurally, as well as in terms of content, to what figures in the conservative movement defined as traditional American culture and government. In an attempt to help counter the perceived phenomenon, he mobilized groups and donors who were equally concerned by the supposed lack of journalistic integrity and disgusted by dismissals of said concerns by established broadcasters and publishers. Coordinated by Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation (FCF), the activists and donors launched a Washington, D.C.-based satellite television network called National Empowerment Television (NET). Its logo featured a square of nine dots, referring to a puzzle that cannot be solved without drawing lines "outside the box." NET went on air for the first time on December 6, 1993.
Academics and representatives of the mainstream media roundly criticized NET, namely because of its drastic departure from the mainstream 20th-century paradigm of disinterested reportage in favor of what they viewed as blatant propaganda. For instance, the "Columbia Journalism Review" observed in 1994 that it spurned "broadcast journalism's caveat against partisan news programming... One-third of the programs on NET are produced by 'associate broadcasters' -- organizations handpicked by Weyrich to share NET's airtime. Among the dozen associate broadcasters on NET are Accuracy in Media, the National Rifle Association, and the American Life League, an anti-abortion group. Though these programs can look like 'Discovery Channel' documentaries, they are in fact unrestrained, unfiltered, political infomercials."
The "CJR" analysis referred to FCF's attempt to circumvent mainstream media opposition by using associate broadcasters (i.e., organizations not legally related to FCF), local broadcasting channels for television syndication, and other non-traditional means of marketing. Thus, NET was able to become a broader resource for the U.S. social and economic conservative movements. Many organizations that had been traditionally shunned by major broadcasters and advertisers bought airtime on the channel in a manner similar to televangelists on religious local stations and networks, including the Christian Coalition, the Cato Institute, Accuracy in Media, and others.
Nevertheless, the network had interests in a broad base of issues, including some topics not normally associated with American conservatism. For instance, under the management of Weyrich, NET was involved discussing – on programs entitled "American on Track" and "The New Electric Railway Journal" (affiliated with a print magazine of the same name) – public and mass transit issues, including local rail and interstate mass transit and the deleterious effects of automotive-oriented planning on the American environment, economy, and urban quality of life. There were also programs and segments on family, community, and social issues that featured writers, local community activists and representatives, and academic leaders. Other programs focused on issues important to FCF activity: "Endangered Liberties" discussed privacy issues; "Legal Notebook" emphasized judicial nominations and court trends, and "Next Revolution" covered activities within social conservatism. The most popular program was "Direct Line" with Weyrich, in which the host interviewed lawmakers and other prominent figures live and permitted the public to call in directly with questions and comments, with Weyrich delivering commentary in the final segment. Additionally, the channel had programming on culinary and etiquette issues, and even occasional segments devoted to wines and music.
In all of its programming, the management team under Weyrich sought a highly professionalized approach to both its advocacy and journalistic programming. Consequently, the channel featured high production values and cost a great deal. The FCF claimed that various ideologically liberal organizations and individuals and industry competitors pressured many advertising firms to withdraw or withhold support. The result was that revenue could not meet operating costs, and in response to donor and investor pressure for a clearer focus, FCF dropped all programs not directly related to public policy and conservative activism and rebranded the channel as NET: The Conservative NewsTalk Network, with the initials NET no longer standing for anything, and the nine-dot logo replaced with one evoking the U.S. Capitol dome. It also began news reports and updates (akin to the likes of CNN, albeit keeping its ideological principles at the forefront), and a full-fledged investigative journalism program. However, the high cost of this strategy, perceived obstacles for entering the marketplace, and other factors combined to bring NET down by 1997.
As part of its audience mobilization strategy, NET invited viewers to participate in eight hours of live call-in television each day. Programs included:
NET and Philip Morris.
A number of detractors of NET have consistently referred to its support by Philip Morris. In a 1993 internal strategy paper, the company discussed options for increasing NET's adverse coverage of Bill Clinton's proposal to finance an expanded public health care system with increased taxes on tobacco. "Generate additional publicity by having NET dedicate a news crew and programming to the health care issue as well as other challenges to the industry. Regarding health care, the crew could cover the town hall meeting sponsored by Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) and broadcast the highlights nationally", the memo suggested.
"With respect to other issues, NET could produce their ["sic"] own version of a "60 Minutes" show demonstrating the industry's side of controversial issues such as FDA/nicotine and the EPA's risk assessment on ETS. Finally, NET could sponsor public opinion surveys in key congressional districts on the health care issue and broadcast the results," the memo stated.
While the company was hoping to get NET to assist in advancing its corporate agenda, Morris was willing to return the favor to NET. "Philip Morris could increase the impact of NET's coverage by assisting the network in getting additional cable companies to carry their broadcasts", the memo stated.
Funding was an option too. "Since NET is a TV network, we could fund these activities via product advertisements from the food and beer business", the memo suggested.
Despite the potential for controversy, the company's funding of NET was extremely minor. A March 1994 internal strategy document revealed that it spent only $200,000 to help fund NET. One proposed miniseries would 'focus on debunking the myths of the Clinton plan and the use of excises to fund such a plan, and to investigate more market-driven alternatives". Morris planned another miniseries critiquing the proposed Clinton health care plan, as a part of a broad-based effort by health care providers and businesses of all types to stop the nationalization of American health care.
NET and donor intervention and controversy.
NET was also a broader resource for U.S. social and economic conservatism. Many organizations bought the rights to air programs on the channel. This was part of NET's strategy of flouting the conventional media of the time. However, the strategy had flaws, as each associate added more oversight on NET's finances and programming segmentation, thereby inadvertently diluting the focus of NET. For instance, Philip Morris was hopeful NET could prove to be a powerful campaign tool. "If the health care miniseries goes well, the possibilities of working with NET to present our side of the story are virtually limitless (VNR's, district by district canvassing, etc.) … but will require a substantial amount of increased support", the internal report noted. Although Morris decided against such a strategy, the report delineated the potential hazards of relying mostly on outside organizations for programming.
Nevertheless, Weyrich and others remained steadfast in their programming orientation and optimism. In a proposal sent to potential sponsors, NET boasted that in its first nine months the network had "confirmed the validity of its motivating premise: that public affairs broadcasting based upon solid American principles and values has appeal beyond the hearty but thin ranks of policy wonks by making discussion of public affairs exciting and compelling, by igniting viewers' passions, by bringing elected officials onto live programs to be grilled by caller ["sic"] around the country, and by hosting programs not with TV personalities but with veteran Washington hands familiar with how the nation's capital works". Additionally, the network began inviting opposing viewpoints on a number of programs, in order to increase viewer interest. According to the proposal, one of the changes NET had made to its programs had been by "increasing conflict: Champions and opponents of measures increasingly face each other on the shows". This was in keeping with the popularity of mainstream political programs such as CNN's "Crossfire" and PBS' "The McLaughlin Group," both of which featured debate-style arguing, as well as a close ally of Weyrich in paleoconservative circles, Pat Buchanan.
Another supporter was the then-Speaker of the House of Representatives, Newt Gingrich, who hosted his own weekly program, "Progress Report with Newt Gingrich". The program was paid for by Gingrich's Progress and Freedom Foundation and was reported to cost $140,000. Gingrich also helped out by hosting a February 1995 $50,000 plate fundraising dinner to build up NET's coffers.
In the ensuing controversy over Gingrich's role as a fundraiser for a conservative media organization, Weyrich rebuffed criticisms, defending his sponsor. "The fact is that but for the efforts of people like the speaker, NET would not continue", Weyrich wrote in a column in "The Washington Times," itself another media vehicle for conservative ideology in the U.S.
According to NET's proposal, its first-year budget was $5.6 million with $1 million to be raised from eight 'associate producers' with advertising scheduled to bring in only $365,000 and on-air fundraising another $262,000. NET hoped any shortfall would be eliminated by grants and pledges from unspecified sources.
In 1995, Weyrich wrote to its associate broadcasters to inform them that from April 1, National Empowerment Television "will now be referred to as NET-Political NewsTalk Network".
"It seems that the name National Empowerment Television often led to some misconceptions about what we do. As we actively pursue new affiliates, we now hope to be more readily identifiable as a public policy organization", he explained. In practice, though, the "PNTN" sub-branding was very rarely used, and "NET" continued to be used on air and by providers carrying the network to identify it.
High costs bring changes.
Although NET was launched with a budget of $10 million, it bled money. In 1995 alone, Weyrich transferred $2 million in assets to the project. Despite the initial support of its original associate broadcasters, it was only enough to cover the operating costs on a continuing basis. Further, the apprehension of most big business corporations against sponsoring programs left the network isolated. When it failed to get financial support on a continuing basis, FCF split off NET as a private business and sought private funds.
FCF planned a new strategy to make NET a self-sustaining, even profitable, commercial enterprise, rather than a money-losing tool of outreach. However, the FCF blamed the hostility of other large media and agitation by liberal groups for refusal of support from major advertising firms. Without enough revenue to cover its costs, the corporate board forced Weyrich to stop new segment programming and focus on retooling the network for a relaunch.
In a decision he later came to regret bitterly, Weyrich, under pressure from the associate broadcasters, turned over day-to-day operation of the channel to Robert Sutton, an industry veteran who had been successful with other startups. It relaunched in the spring of 1997 as a for-profit TV channel called "America's Voice", with another $20 million in seed money. However, Sutton came from the ranks of mainstream media and refused to agree with Weyrich and others' ideological analysis that the television industry was failing to meet the demands of conservative and traditionalist viewers. A power struggle ensued, with Sutton persuading the network's board to force out Weyrich in a hostile takeover.
With Weyrich gone, under Sutton, the channel abandoned its conservative identity, marketing itself merely as a non-ideological forum for the public to make its views known to policymakers, akin to the call-in programs on C-SPAN. However, the network retained four conservative programs funded by the FCF and a few remaining supporters, but it had to pay to retain them. Finally, further pressure from advertisers and larger broadcasters allegedly forced even those to be removed.
With much of its original viewership alienated, and also with the rise of Fox News Channel as a popular and far-better-funded source of conservative opinion on cable television, financial support under Sutton collapsed, and Dish Network dropped it. Eventually, America's Voice was sold, becoming "The Renaissance Network" (TRN), airing on a few broadcast stations, mainly UHF and low-power channels. Facing ruin, TRN brought back FCF content, but it was not enough to save the operation.
Legacy.
Even without the financial and administrative issues that led to its demise, the future viability of NET would likely have been poor in any case, due to its orientation toward then-minority elements within conservatism such as right-wing populism, hard-core libertarianism, isolationist foreign policy, protectionist economics, and borderline anti-Semitism and racism. Instead, Fox News focused on then-mainstream issues, reflecting fusionist general ideology, neoliberal economics (not referring to political liberalism "per se"), and neoconservative foreign policy, a consensus that marked the Republican Party's governing philosophy at that time. In sharp contrast to the failed NET/America's Voice/TRN, Fox News went on to eventually become the highest-rated cable network devoted to public affairs.
In an irony, though, in response to the accession of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency in 2017 and his celebrity among Republican voters and intellectual and institutional leaders of the American political Right, Fox News began to incorporate paleoconservative and even alt-right perspectives, which eventually became the network's primary vantage point by the late 2010s, in both its reporting and talk programming, perhaps vindicating, posthumously, Weyrich's original vision for NET.
Aftermath.
FCF has also experimented with radio broadcasting, airing weekly recorded programs on the Liberty Works Radio Network and other outlets.
Today, the FCF offers interviews, soundbites, and commentary readings on its website FCF News on Demand.
In 2000, America's Voice was purchased by E-Cine, a Dallas-based multimedia company, which briefly returned Weyrich to the airwaves before succumbing to bankruptcy later that year.
A similarly conservative-formatted over-the-top and satellite TV network called America's Voice News (no relation to the original America's Voice network) appeared in 2018. It has since changed its name to Real America's Voice.


Leningrad City Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

The Leningrad City Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, commonly referred to as the Leningrad CPSU gorkom, was the position of highest authority in the city of Leningrad (until January 26, 1924 Petrograd) roughly equating to that of mayor. The position was created in March 1918, and abolished on August 24, 1991 although most authority was lost in June that year to the position of Mayor of Saint Petersburg. The First Secretary was a de facto appointed position usually by the Politburo or the General Secretary himself. The First Secretary exercised a large influence throughout the Soviet Union.


Zero-Coupon Inflation-Indexed Swap

The Zero-Coupon Inflation Swap (ZCIS) is a standard derivative product which payoff depends on the Inflation rate realized over a given period of time. The underlying asset is a single Consumer price index (CPI).
It is called "Zero-Coupon" because there is only one cash flow at the maturity of the swap, without any intermediate coupon.
It is called "Swap" because at maturity date, one counterparty pays a fixed amount to the other in exchange for a floating amount (in this case linked to inflation). The final cash flow will therefore consist of the difference between the fixed amount and the value of the floating amount at expiry of the swap.
Detailed Flows.
where:


Kolender v. Lawson

Kolender v. Lawson, 461 U.S. 352 (1983), is a United States Supreme Court case concerning the constitutionality of vague laws that allow police to demand that "loiterers" and "wanderers" provide “credible and reliable” identification.
Background.
Edward Lawson was a law-abiding black man with suitable knowledge of the U.S. Constitution. Lawson was frequently subjected to police questioning and harassment in San Diego County, California, where he lived when as a pedestrian he walked in so-called "white neighborhoods." He was detained or arrested approximately 15 times by the San Diego Police within 18 months, was prosecuted twice, and was convicted once (the second charge was dismissed).
Lawson challenged California Penal Code § 647(e),
which required persons who loiter or wander on the streets to identify themselves and account for their presence when requested by a peace officer to do so.
A California appellate court, in "People v. Solomon" (1973), 33 Cal. App.3d 429, had construed the law to require "credible and reliable" identification that carries a "reasonable assurance" of its authenticity.
William Kolender was an appellant who was acting in his capacity as Chief of Police of San Diego, as was John Duffy who was acting in his capacity as Sheriff of San Diego County.
Prior history.
The Ninth Circuit, in "Lawson v. Kolender", 658 F.2d 1362 (1981), had additionally held that Penal Code §647(e) violated the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures because it "subverts the probable cause requirement" by authorizing arrest for conduct that is no more than suspicious. "Vagrancy statutes cannot turn otherwise innocent conduct into a crime." Id. at 1367.
The Ninth Circuit also noted that "police knowledge of the identity of an individual they have deemed ‘suspicious’ grants the police unfettered discretion to initiate or continue the investigation of the person long after the detention has ended. Information concerning the stop, the arrest and the individual's identity may become part of a large scale data bank." Id. at 1368.
Lawson represented himself up through the conclusion of the Federal Ninth Circuit Court appeal. He was told he could not represent himself before the Supreme Court without a law degree, so he had an ACLU lawyer represent him before the Court.
Conclusion.
Using the construction of the California appellate court in "Solomon", the Court held that the law was unconstitutionally vague because it gave excessive discretion to the police (in the absence of probable cause to arrest) whether to stop and interrogate a suspect or leave him alone.
The Court hinted that the California statute compromised the constitutional right to freedom of movement.
Because the U.S. Supreme Court was able to resolve "Kolender" on the issue of vagueness, they did not decide the Fourth Amendment issue.
Subsequent history.
"Kolender" was cited in "Hiibel v. Sixth Judicial District Court of Nevada", , as an example of a "stop and identify" statute the Court had voided on vagueness grounds. In "Hiibel", the Court held that a Nevada law
requiring persons detained upon reasonable suspicion of involvement in a crime to state their name to a peace officer did not violate the Fourth Amendment's prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures. Unlike California Penal Code §647(e) as construed in "Solomon", the Nevada statute was apparently interpreted by the Nevada Supreme Court as requiring only that persons detained upon involvement in a crime to state their name.
"Hiibel" does not provide a means of "arresting" someone for failing or refusing to identify himself. [See People v. Fernandez, 2011 IL App (2d) 100473]
California Penal Code §647(e) was repealed in 2008 at the request of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department.


Party for Zeeland

The Party for Zeeland (; PvZ) is a political party in the province of Zeeland in the Netherlands. It is one of the largest independent provincial political parties of the Netherlands, and arose through an alliance between the ZVP ("Zeeuwsch Vlaamsche Volkspartij") and a number of local municipal political parties.


Ad de Jager

Ad de Jager (18 September 1938 – 18 May 2021) was a Dutch politician. As a member of the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy he was a member of the senate from 1995 to 1999 and from 2000 to 2003. In the Senate he was involved in education and public housing and Antillean and Aruban affairs.
De Jager started his career as a professional development teacher and after that he was, among other things, education inspector, inspector-general of education, education advisor in the Netherlands Antilles and interim director of the Rijksopleidingsinstituut.
De Jager  died in Waddinxveen on 18 May 2021, aged 82.


Jean-Gabriel Castel

Jean-Gabriel Castel (born June 21, 1925) is a French and Canadian law professor and Professor Emeritus at Osgoode Hall Law School. He currently teaches a course at Osgoode in conflicts of law.
Born in Nice, France he served in the French Resistance during World War II receiving military decorations for his service. After the war, he received two law degrees in Paris. He was one of the first foreign Fulbright scholars. He received a J.D. in 1953 from the University of Michigan and a D. Juris. in 1958 from Harvard University.
From 1954 to 1959, he taught at the Faculty of Law of McGill University, where he served as the first Faculty Advisor to the "McGill Law Journal". In 1959, he moved to Osgoode Hall Law School and taught there until his retirement in 1999. From 1957 to 1984, he was Editor-in-Chief of the Canadian Bar Review.
He is the author of "Canadian Conflict of Laws", the leading Canadian work on the conflict of laws.
In 1985, he was made an Officer of the Order of Canada in recognition for being "known around the world as an authority on the subject of private international law". He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada and a member of the Order of Ontario. He is an officer of the Légion d’Honneur and officer de l’Ordre national du Mérite.


James Fazy

James Fazy (12 May 1794 – 6 November 1878) was a Swiss politician and President of the Swiss Council of States (1854). From 1848 to 1861 Fazy was Staatsrat (States Council) in Geneva.


United Nations Security Council Resolution 447

United Nations Security Council resolution 447, adopted on 28 March 1979, after hearing representations from the People's Republic of Angola and the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), the Council recalled resolutions 387 (1976) and 428 (1978) and condemned South Africa for its continuing raids in direct violation of prior resolutions.
Resolution 447 went on to condemn the suppression of the Namibian people by South Africa, apartheid and the militarisation of South West Africa (Namibia). The Council demanded South Africa respect the territorial integrity of these states, and commended Angola and other front-line states for their support of the Namibian people, asking other states to provide assistance to them.
The resolution ended with a request to the Secretary-General to submit a report by 30 April 1979 on the situation.
The Council adopted Resolution 447 by 12 votes to none; France, the United Kingdom and United States abstained.


Charlottetown-Brighton

Charlottetown-Brighton is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Prince Edward Island, Canada. It was formerly named Charlottetown-Rochford Square from 1996 to 2007.
Members.
The riding has elected the following Members of the Legislative Assembly:


Arie Heijkoop

Arie Wouter Heijkoop (26 August 1883, in Charlois – 13 December 1929, in Rotterdam) was a Dutch politician who served in the House of Representatives from 1918 to 1919. He was also a municipal councillor in Rotterdam from 1923 to 1929.


Anne Cooney


Dieppe (electoral district)

Dieppe is a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada.
It was created in 2006 as a result of large population growth in the City of Dieppe. It includes 4 of 5 wards of the city of Dieppe and a small portion of Moncton near Champlain Place shopping mall. The name of the district was briefly Dieppe Centre, but the legislature changed it to Dieppe Centre-Lewisville before an election was held in the district. In the 2013 redistribution it lost those parts of Moncton in the district, gained some parts of Dieppe from the abolished district of Memramcook-Lakeville-Dieppe, while losing some of Dieppe to the new district of Shediac Bay-Dieppe.


Social-Political Group

The Social-Political Group (; ) was a political faction in Switzerland.
History.
The faction was originally known as the Democratic Group, and consisted of a coalition of parties from different cantons, including the Extreme Left party () from Ticino and the Democratic Group from Graubünden.
In the 1919 federal elections the faction won four seats. Although it was reduced to three seats in the 1922 elections, it won five seats in the 1925 elections. However, it was reduced back to three seats after the 1928 elections. In 1931 the faction was renamed the Social-Political Group, and won only two seats in the elections that year. In 1935 it won three seats, and in "silent elections" of 1939, it won five. It retained all five seats in the 1943 and 1947 elections, but was reduced to four seats in the 1951 elections. The faction retained its four seat strength in elections in 1955, 1959 and 1963, before being reduced to three seats in the 1967 elections.
In 1971, before the elections that year, the faction split into two. The Glarus and Graubunden branches merged with the Party of Farmers, Traders and Independents to form the Swiss People's Party, while the rest of the group merged into the Free Democratic Party.


Tsanko Dyustabanov

Tsanko Hristov Dyustabanov () (May 13, 1844 – June 15, 1876) was a Bulgarian revolutionary and participant in the April uprising of 1876.
Dyustabanov was born in Gabrovo in today's Bulgaria, which was then part of the Ottoman Empire. He attended the Gabrovo School and was fluent in French and Turkish, he later studied at Robert College in Istanbul in 1872-1873.
Though not a supporter of the revolutionary campaign in the struggle for national liberation, Dyustabanov gradually became active in the social and political life of Gabrovo. In 1875, he was elected trustee of the school and member of the District court. As such he organized a petition to the Ottoman government with demands such as the recognition of the Bulgarian language as a second official language in the empire alongside Turkish.
Dyustabanov joined the local revolutionary committee and assisted the preparation of the April Uprising of 1876. He led a cheta (detachment) when the uprising broke out and fought with Ottoman posses in the regions of Batoshevo, Kravenik and Novo Selo. He was seriously wounded and arrested. Dyustabanov was sentenced to death and hanged in Veliko Tarnovo June 15, 1876.


Clemens Iten

Clemens Iten (24 February 1858 – 16 January 1932) was a Swiss politician and President of the Swiss National Council (1902).


Georgetown-St. Peters

Georgetown-St. Peters was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of Prince Edward Island, Canada. It was created from mostly 3rd Kings and part of 5th Kings. The district was named Georgetown-Baldwin's Road from 1996 to 2007.
Members.
The riding has elected the following Members of the Legislative Assembly:


Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships

The Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships is an event open to all national World Bowling member federations, which participate in tenpin bowling and are countries within the Commonwealth or all national tenpin bowling federations and/or associations (Non-WB) who are within the Commonwealth and participate in tenpin bowling. Eligible members send two men and two women to compete for medals in Singles, Doubles, Mixed Doubles, Team, All-Events, and Masters.
Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Federation.
The CTBF was founded on August 28, 2002 in Stirling, Scotland. CTBF was created to foster a greater and more focused interest in tenpin bowling and international friendship between all nations within the Commonwealth. The CTBF will affiliate to the sport’s international governing body, World Bowling, with its prime focus being to successfully stage Commonwealth Championships that will ultimately meld into the official Commonwealth Games program.
History.
Stirling 2002.
The inaugural Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Stirling, Scotland. England won seven out of a possible ten gold medals. Donna Adams won gold in singles, all-events, masters, mixed doubles, and team. India's Shaik Abdul Hameed won two gold medals, in singles and masters.
Paphos 2005.
The second Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Paphos, Cyprus. Malaysia won six out of a possible ten gold medals. Shalin Zulkifli won gold in all-events, masters, mixed doubles, and team.
Melbourne 2006.
The third Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Melbourne, Australia. England won five gold medals, but Australia won the most medals, with eleven (three gold, four silver, and four bronze). England's Fiona Banks won gold in doubles, masters, and mixed doubles.
Belfast 2008.
The fourth Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Belfast, Northern Ireland. England and Malaysia each won four gold medals, with Singapore winning the remaining two gold medals.
Kuala Lumpur 2011.
The fifth Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Three nations dominated this edition, with Singapore winning four gold medals and three each for England and Malaysia.
Auckland 2013.
The sixth Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Auckland, New Zealand. Australia won four gold medals, three by Sam Cooley in singles, all-events, and masters.
Johannesburg 2016.
The seventh Commonwealth Tenpin Bowling Championships were held in Johannesburg, South Africa from November 19-27. Malaysia won seven of the ten events and led the medal tally with 13 (7 gold, 5 silver, 1 bronze). Malaysia's Muhammad Nur Aiman won four gold medals (Singles, All-Events, Masters, Mixed Team Event) and a silver medal (Doubles).


Nikolai Rysakov

Nikolai Ivanovich Rysakov (; – 15 April 1881) was a Russian revolutionary and a member of Narodnaya Volya. He personally took part in the assassination of Tsar Alexander II of Russia. He threw a bomb that disabled the Tsar's carriage. A second bomb by an accomplice, Ignacy Hryniewiecki, killed the Tsar.
In his post-arrest confession, Rysakov revealed all that he knew of the organization, its personnel and its agenda. This resulted in numerous arrests, and seriously compromised the party's strength. Despite his repentance, he was hanged along with other accomplices.
Biography.
Early life.
Nikolai Rysakov was born most likely in 1861 to Orthodox Christian parents Ivan Sergeevich Rysakov and Matrena Nikolaeva Rysakova at a sawmill plant in Belozersky district of Novgorod province. He had a brother Fedor and three sisters, Alexandra, Ljubica and Catherine. His family was originally from Tikhvin, and his father was the manager of the sawmill plant. Rysakov received his elementary education at Vytegorsk. Having studied at his own expense, in 1878, he graduated from the Cherepovets secondary school. From September 1879, he was a student at the Institute of Mining Engineering in St. Petersburg until December 1880. Rysakov was described by contemporary accounts as a thick-set youth with long reddish hair.
In early January of 1881, having fallen under the influence of Andrei Zhelyabov, whom he knew under the pseudonym "Zakhar", he joined Narodnaya Volya. Rysakov then started living under the name "Makar Egorov Glazov", and was known in the revolutionary circle by the pseudonym "Belomor". He assisted the propaganda group whose staff included Hryniewiecki and Zhelyabov. In particular, he distributed 100 copies of the first issue of Rabochaya Gazeta to workers in various inns and taverns, as well as to cab drivers and to peasants living on the outskirts of town. He also distributed the second issue of the newspaper, all of which he passed out by the third day. Rysakov held two meetings in his own apartment, in which he read lectures to workers. However, the meetings were attended by as few as five or six workers.
Assassination of Alexander II.
The invitation to take part in the attempt was made two weeks prior to the incident by Zhelyabov. Rysakov, Hryniewiecki, and Timofei Mikhailov volunteered. The day before the assassination, under the guidance of Nikolai Kibalchich, the three volunteers tested their missiles out of town in a deserted place. Two missiles were pitched and one of them exploded.
On the morning of 13 March [1 March, Old Style], at about 9 AM, Rysakov and other bomb-throwers gathered at the group's safe house to collect their bombs and review the plan of the attack. Rysakov wore a dagger and a revolver for self-defense, and was carrying a bomb wrapped in a hand kerchief or a newspaper. He was wearing a fur cap, a silk scarf, and a drape coat, and underneath a linen shirt having traditional Russian patterns at the ends of the sleeves and on the chest.
On 13 March 1881, at about 2:15 PM, the Imperial procession had gone about a hundred and fifty yards down the embankment of the Catherine Canal before it approached Rysakov. He moved closer to the roadway and threw his bomb which landed between the horse's legs or under the rear wheels of the carriage. The ensuing explosion damaged the vehicle, killed one of the Cossack escorts, and severely wounded a butcher's boy who had been on his way to deliver an order. Alexander II emerged dazed but unharmed (reportedly, he had only suffered a minor cut on one of his hands).
Rysakov started fleeing from the scene of the crime and was immediately chased by gendarmes. Witnessing this, a worker threw his crowbar at his feet, causing him to stumble and fall. Rysakov resisted capture but was eventually pinned against the iron railing along the edge of the quay, about thirty steps from the site of the explosion. The Tsar walked up to Rysakov and inquired about his identity. Rysakov introduced himself as the Vyatka tradesman Glazov. The Tsar, according to one eye-witness, wagged a threatening finger at Rysakov. The Tsar stopped to offer comfort to the victims and to survey the devastation wrought by Rysakov. The Tsar said: "Thank God, I escaped injury", and according to one witness, Rysakov loudly pronounced something to the effect: "We will see if you will still thank God." The delay amounted to 5–6 minutes. The Tsar was ready to leave when Hryniewiecki approached him and detonated a second bomb at his feet.
After the second bomb went off, Rysakov was roughed up by one of the soldiers holding him. As soon as the Tsar was rushed by sleigh to the Winter Palace, the police decided that Rysakov should be taken directly to the mayor. As he was being led to a cab, Rysakov was attacked by the mob, but with the intervention of the police, he was turned over to the authorities unharmed. Tsar Alexander II died roughly 45 minutes later.
Trial.
While in custody, in an attempt to save his own life, Rysakov cooperated with the investigators by giving them valuable information about his accomplices. In particular, his post-arrest confession enabled the police to raid the group's safe house on Telezhnaya street, where Gesya Helfman was arrested and Nikolai Sablin committed suicide after firing several shots at the police. Mikhailov, Sophia Perovskaya, and Kibalchich were also subsequently captured. Rysakov established the identity of all prisoners. Although he knew many of them only by their party pseudonyms, he was able to describe the role they each had played.
Rysakov was put on trial, together with Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Kibalchich, Helfman, and Mikhailov. His counsel sought to palliate his crime on account of his extreme youth. On 29 March, all the defendants were found guilty and were sentenced to death by hanging. In a last desperate effort, Rysakov offered his services to the police, and composed a letter addressed to Alexander III alleging sincere repentance; his plea was ignored. Vladimir Solovyov proposed that Alexander III, "as a Christian and ruler of a Christian nation, ought to forgive his father's assassins." In a letter to Alexander III, a similar appeal was made by Leo Tolstoy, but to no avail.
Execution.
In the evening before the execution the Church offered its ministrations. Rysakov eagerly received the priest, talked with him for a long time, confessed and received the Eucharist.
On the morning of 15 April [3 April, Old Style], the prisoners were transported to the parade grounds of the Semenovsky Regiment, where the execution was set to take place. They were all dressed in black prison uniforms, and on their chests hung a placard with the inscription: "Regicide". Rysakov and Zhelyabov were placed on the first cart which was drawn through the city by a pair of horses, while Kibalchich, Perovskaya and Mikhailov were placed on a second cart. Along the route, Rysakov's head was bent; he and Zhelyabov avoided eye contact.
The correspondent of the London Times estimated that the execution was attended by a hundred thousand spectators. It is reported that during the proceedings, Rysakov more than once showed signs of failing strength. According to eyewitnesses, at the foot of the gallows, Rysakov appeared ghastly pale. When priests ascended the gallows to give the last rites, the convicts almost simultaneously approached them and kissed the crucifix. Once the priests withdrew, Zhelyabov and Mikhailov approached Perovskaya and they kissed each other good-bye. Rysakov stood motionless looking at Zhelyabov the whole time. Perovskaya had turned away from Rysakov.
The executions commenced at 9:20 AM with Kibalchich. Rysakov was last to be hanged and therefore had to witness the execution of all his companions. He appeared to faint when the executioner placed the blindfold over his face. From the moment the suspension began, for several minutes Rysakov desperately tried to keep his feet to the stool. The executioner pulled the stool from under his legs, and gave his body a strong push forward. At 9:30 AM the execution was over; the executioner left the gallows and the drums stopped beating. The body of Rysakov and his accomplices were allowed to hang for twenty minutes. A military doctor then examined the corpses, and at 9:50 they were cut down from the gallows and placed in black wooden coffins. They were buried in a nameless common grave.


Dzhuma Durdy Karayev

Dzhuma Durdy Karayev (10 January 1910 in Baýramaly – 4 May 1960) was a Turkmen politician who served as General Secretary of the Communist Party of Turkmenistan.
Karayev came to power on 14 December 1958, succeeding Sukhan Babayev. He served until his death on 4 May 1960. Balysh Ovezov became the next General Secretary.
References.
Rulers of Soviet Republics


Status (law)

Legal status is the position held by something or someone with regard to law. It is a set of privileges, obligations, powers or restrictions that a person or thing has which are encompassed in or declared by legislation.


Andrea Bezzola

Andrea Bezzola (19 April 1840 in Zernez – 10 January 1897 in Zürich) was a Swiss jurist, politician and President of the Swiss National Council (1885/1886).


Halifax East

Halifax East was a provincial electoral district in Nova Scotia, Canada, that elected one member to the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. It was formed in 1933 when Halifax County was divided into five distinct electoral districts. In 1966, it was renamed Halifax County East, and in 1967, its boundaries were reformed to create the current district of Halifax Eastern Shore.
Members of the Legislative Assembly.
Halifax East elected the following members to the Legislative Assembly:


John Beverley Robinson

John Beverley Robinson (February 21, 1821 – June 19, 1896) was a Canadian politician, lawyer and businessman. He was mayor of Toronto and a provincial and federal member of parliament. He was the fifth Lieutenant Governor of Ontario between the years 1880–1887.
Biography.
He was born in York, Upper Canada (later Toronto) in 1821, the son of Sir John Robinson, an important political figure in Upper Canada. He attended Upper Canada College, where he was a leading cricketer, eventually representing Canada in the inaugural international cricket match, against United States in 1844.
During the Upper Canada Rebellion of 1837, Robinson served as aide-de-camp to Sir Francis Bond Head. He later studied law and was called to the bar in 1844. He became an alderman in Toronto at St. Patrick's Ward during the 1850s, including a term as mayor in 1856. He was also involved in the incorporation of a number of companies in the Toronto area including the Toronto and Georgian Bay Canal Company in 1856. He was elected to the 6th Parliament of the Province of Canada representing Toronto in 1858. He helped promote the Northern Railway and served as president from 1862 to 1875. He represented Algoma in the House of Commons of Canada in 1872 and represented West Toronto in 1878. He was also a member of the Orange Order in Canada.
He briefly lived at The Grange, a house in Springfield, Toronto Township. Now Erindale, a community in Mississauga, it is home to Heritage Mississauga.
He suffered a stroke while preparing to give a speech at Massey Hall in Toronto and died in 1896.
Family.
Hon. John Beverley Robinson married Mary Jane Hagerman, daughter of Judge Christopher Alexander Hagerman and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of James Macaulay. Their daughter Minnie Caroline Robinson was born and educated in Toronto. She married, 1881, William Forsyth-Grant, Esquire, formerly Captain of H.M.'s 82nd Regiment, son of William Forsyth, Esquire, of Ecclesgreig Castle, County Kincardine, Scotland, J. P. and D.L., who, in 1842, assumed by Royal licence the additional surname of Grant (Chad-wick). her husband was grandson of John Forsyth of Montreal. She contributed to periodicals and newspapers and authored a travel book "Scenes in Hawaii, or Life in the Sandwich Islands." She served as President of the Woman's Historical Society of Toronto, and was elected President of the Ladies' Relief Society of Toronto, Ontario.
The couple's youngest daughter Augusta Louisa, sang in London at public concerts, in company with other artists, and was also on tour in the Provinces. During John Beverley Robinson's term as Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario, 1880–87, his wife Mary Jane Robinson and daughter Augusta Louise dispensed the hospitalities of Government House. She frequently sang at Government House and subsequently took vocal instruction in London, from Randegger, and in Paris, from Laborde. In London she lived with the song composer, Maude Valérie White.
Augusta Louisa returned to Canada in 1895, and sang on tour with Emma Albani, Pol Plançon, Harry Plunket Greene, and Allan James Foley. She married, October 8, 1898, Stewart Fielde Houston, Barrister.


Eduard Hoeks

Eduard Wilhelmus Vincent Maria Hoeks (born November 9, 1952) is a Dutch diplomat. He is the current Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine.
Education.
Eduard Hoeks finished his studies at the University of Amsterdam in 1977, Political and Social Sciences (international relations and international law).
Diplomatic career.
Started to work for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1978 and was posted at the Embassies of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Nairobi, Sofia, Moscow, Dhaka, Algiers, Ouagadougou and Jakarta. He also worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in The Hague. Furthermore, he hold the following positions: Head of the Eastern European division (1996-2000); NATO Political Advisor SFOR Commander, Sarajevo (2000–01); He was consul-General of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ho Chi Minh City (2001–04); He was consul-General of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Saint Petersburg (2004–08); He was ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Luxembourg (2008–12); He was ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Prague (2012-2017); From 2017 - 2019 He was Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Kyiv.


Prostitution in the British Overseas Territories

The British Overseas Territories (BOT) or alternatively, United Kingdom Overseas Territories (UKOTs), are 14 territories under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the United Kingdom. They are the parts of the British Empire that have not been granted independence or have voted to remain British territories. These territories do not form part of the United Kingdom. Most of the inhabited territories are internally self-governing, with the UK retaining responsibility for defence and foreign relations. The rest are either uninhabited or have a transitory population of military or scientific personnel.
Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
The territories of Akrotiri and Dhekelia are British military bases on the island of Cyprus. The large presence of British troops on the island led to laws on prostitution while Cyprus was under British administration.
Anguilla.
Prostitution is legal in Anguilla, but related activities such as brothel keeping, are illegal under sections 171 - 181 of the Criminal Code. Brothels are common on the island, and most villages have a 'sports bar' where prostitutes work. These bars have bedrooms at the back that the prostitutes use. Many of the prostitutes are from Venezuela. Law enforcement turns a blind eye to these activities.
In 2016, photojournalist Belinda Soncini produced a photo-blog of about the prostitutes on the island entitled 'Desperate Women: Venezuela's Latest Export'.
Bermuda.
Prostitution is legal in Bermuda but related activities such as running a brothel are illegal under the Criminal Code. Women coming to the island to work as prostitutes, or is a known prostitute, may be refused entry under the immigration laws. Many of the prostitutes in the country are from Philippines, Dominican Republic and Panama. In 2010 the visa requirements for people from these countries was changed to attempt to curb prostitution. Street prostitution occurs in the capital, Hamilton, on Front Street.
History.
Bermuda has a long history of prostitution fuelled by the British garrison and sailors visiting the island. One of the best known former brothels, "The Queen Of The East", was demolished in 2016. It was originally built in the 1740s. In 1968, when homosexuality was still outlawed in the Royal Navy, the 'Bermuda case' caused concern to naval authorities. The owner of a gay brothel on the island had recorded the names and ships of more than 400 sailors who had visited the brothel, potentially making them the targets for blackmail.
British Antarctic Territory.
The British Antarctic Territory is uninhabited except for research personnel.
British Indian Ocean Territory.
The islands of the British Indian Ocean Territory are uninhabited except for military personnel and contractors.
British Virgin Islands.
Prostitution is legal in the British Virgin Islands, but related activities such as soliciting and procuring are illegal. Known prostitutes or those known to be living off the proceeds of prostitution can be refused entry visas to the country. Prostitution occurs mainly in brothels and strip clubs, especially in the capital, Road Town. The National AIDS Programme distributes condoms and advice to the sex workers.
Cayman Islands.
Prostitution in the Cayman Islands is legal but related activities such as brothel keeping are prohibited by the Penal Code.
Falkland Islands.
Prostitution in the Falkland Islands is legal but related activities such as solicitation and keeping a brothel are prohibited by the Crimes Ordinance 2014. A man compelling his wife to become a prostitute is a grounds for divorce under the Matrimonial Proceedings (Summary Jurisdiction) Ordinance 1967. Soldiers returning from tours on the islands report little or no prostitution in the Falkland Islands.
Gibraltar.
Prostitution is illegal in Gibraltar, as are related activities.
History.
In 1725 there were about 1,000 Catholics and Jews living in Gibraltar (under British control since 1713), and about 100 British. Some of the British women were prostitutes.
The British military buildup on Gibraltar started during the Spanish siege of 1727. One diarist noted that in that year there was much excitement as a ship was due in from Ireland with prostitutes on board.
In the 19th century, the military authorities in charge took the view prostitution was inevitable where soldiers and sailors were stationed. A rescindable permit was required by non-British people to enter and reside in Gibraltar. The permits were only issued to prostitutes if they agreed to a weekly medical examination. Failure to comply once in Gibraltar would result in the permit being withdrawn. British prostitutes in Gibraltar were brought into the scheme by withdrawing permits to any alien prostitutes who they resided with if the British prostitute didn't accompany them to the examination. The police kept a close scrutiny on the brothels and the prostitutes. By the end of the 19th century, prostitution had centred around a street called Seruya's Ramp, known locally as Calle Peligro. By this time most of the prostitutes were Spanish nationals. In 1892 it was noted by an official in the Colonial Office that 47 'native' prostitutes was too few to service the needs of the 4,926 men in the garrison plus sailors from ships docked in the harbour.
When the brothels were shut down and prostitution banned by Governor Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien in January 1922, the prostitutes moved across the Spanish border to the "Calle Gibraltar" area in La Línea.
Montserrat.
Prostitution in Montserrat is legal and common. However related activities such as controlling prostitution or living off the earnings of prostitution are prohibited by the Penal Code.
Following the eruption of the Soufrière Hills Volcano in 1997 that buried the capital, Plymouth, many migrant workers came to the island from Guyana, Jamaica, Haiti and the Dominican Republic. With them came prostitutes, especially from the Dominican Republic, and prostitution on the island increased.
Pitcairn, Henderson, Ducie and Oeno Islands.
The Pitcairn, Henderson, Ducie and Oeno Islands are virtually uninhabited.
Apart from involvement in child prostitution, there are no prostitution laws on the Pitcairn Islands.
The population of the islands is estimated at 50. However, in the late 1930s, when the population reached its highest of 250, the pastor of the islands complained to the High Commissioner that prostitution on the islands was "very common."
Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha.
No information available.
South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands.
The South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands have no permanent inhabitants.
Turks and Caicos Islands.
Prostitution is common on the Turks and Caicos Islands, especially in Providenciales. Many of the sex workers are from Eastern Europe and the Dominican Republic. There is some female sex tourism on the islands. Sex trafficking and HIV are problems in the country.


Nikolai Achba

Nikolai Vladimirovich Achba () is a former Minister for Economy of Abkhazia. Achba was appointed on 15 October 2014 by newly elected President Raul Khajimba. On 8 April 2015, following the resignation of Prime Minister Beslan Butba, Achba was replaced by Adgur Ardzinba. Instead, Achba was appointed Deputy Chairman of the State Committee for State Property and Privatisation on 21 May.


Coleraine (UK Parliament constituency)

Coleraine is a former United Kingdom Parliament constituency, in Ireland, returning one MP. It was an original constituency represented in Parliament when the Union of Great Britain and Ireland took effect on 1 January 1801.
Boundaries.
This constituency was the Parliamentary borough of Coleraine in County Londonderry.
Election results.
Elections in the 1840s.
Litton resigned after being appointed Master of Chancery in Ireland, causing a by-election.
Elections in the 1850s.
Boyd resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, causing a by-election.
Elections in the 1860s.
Boyd's death caused a by-election.


Jan van Angeren

Johannes Regnerus Maria van Angeren (9 May 1894 – 19 March 1959) was Dutch politician. He was born in Utrecht and died in The Hague.