Al-Ahbash

Al-Ahbash (, , ), also known as the Association of Islamic Charitable Projects (AICP) (, ) is a neo-traditionalist Sufi religious movement which was founded in the mid-1980s. The group follow the teachings of Ethiopian scholar Abdullah al-Harari. Due to the group's origins and activity in Lebanon, the Ahbash have been described as the "activist expression of Lebanese Sufism."
The Ahbash have been noted for their ardent criticism of conservative strains of Islam, including the Salafi movement and Wahhabism. The movement has been described as one of the "most controversial Muslim associations" among modern Islamic groups and, within Sunni Islam, opponents of the Ahbash have frequently referred to the movement as unorthodox and deviant.
History.
The AICP was founded in the 1930s by Ahmad al-Ajuz and arrived in Lebanon in the 1950s, where "they blended Sunni and Shi'a theology with Sufi spiritualism into a doctrinal eclecticism that preached nonviolence and political quietism." The AICP remained without a leader until the 1980s when Abdullah al-Harari became the nominal head of the organization and was taken over by Al-Ahbash in 1983.
Al-Ahbash was founded in the suburb of Bourj Abu Haidar, in West Beirut, as a small philanthropic and spiritualist movement among the Sunni lower classes. From there they spread throughout Lebanon to Tripoli, Akkar and Iqlim Al-Kharrub in the Chouf, where they founded educational and religious institutions. Beginning in the 1990s, Ahbash propelled from a minority group to the largest Sunni religious organization in Lebanon, mainly due to Syrian government backing—having close links to Syrian intelligence. The Syrians supported and promoted the Ahbash in order to limit the influence of radical and fundamentalist Sunni movements in Lebanon. Their growth was also aided by the forcible seizure and control of many prominent mosques in West Beirut in the early 1980s, despite the protests of Dar al-Fatwa (the official body for Lebanon's Sunni Muslims). At the end of the 1990s there were close to 250,000 Ahbash members worldwide, according to a high-ranking Ahbash activist.
Several public figures became Ahbash members when it emerged in France beginning in 1991, such as rapper Kery James or Abd Samad Moussaoui.
In 1995, members of a Salafi jihadi group called "Osbat al-Ansar" killed the leader of Al-Ahbash, Sheikh Nizar Halabi, who was reportedly being groomed by the Syrians to become Lebanon's Grand Mufti. His murder led to a heavy-handed Syrian response—concluding with the gruesome public execution of his assassins in 1997.
It has been compared to the Turkish Gülen movement.
Religious beliefs.
Al-Ahbash beliefs are an interpretation of Islam combining elements of Sunni Islam and Shia Islam with Sufi spiritualism. Al-Ahbash follows the Shafi school and Ash'ari theology, their Sufi aspect is derived from the Rifa'i brotherhood. The group rejects Islamist figures such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Sayyid Qutb. It advocates Islamic pluralism, and opposition to political activism (its slogan is "the resounding voice of moderation"). It also promotes its beliefs internationally through a major internet presence and regional offices, notably in the United States.
In Canada and the United States, the Al-Ahbash pray using the South-east direction in contrast to the majority of the Muslims in the region who pray facing the North-east direction in their mosques.
Doctrinal aspects.
Syncreticism.
Shaykh Habashi's syncretic teachings draw upon a conflation of different branches of Islamic theology, and thereby elude unambiguous classification. In an address to his followers, Shaykh Habashi stated that "[w]e are Ash'aris and Shafi'is. The Ash'ariyya is the basis of our belief, and the Shfi'iyya is our daily code." According to Thomas Pierret, Ahbash's ideology """can be termed 'neo-traditionalist', in that it aims to preserve the Islamic heritage of the Ottoman era - which they consider themselves to be the inheritors."
Shaykh Habashi in his books and lectures blends elements of Sunni and Shi'a theological doctrines with Sufi spiritualism by supporting the legitimacy of Imam Ali and his descendants while condemning Mu'awiyya, the caliph and governor of Damascus, and his son Yazid as "seditious" thus adopting Shi'ite tradition whereas setting apart from all other Sunni jurists. Although not explicitly stated, Sufism plays also an important role in al-Ahbash's doctrine as demonstrated by the practice of several Sufi traditions such as the pilgrimage to holy men's tombs (Ziyarat), mystical dancing sessions, use of musical bands in religious ceremonies and the support of three Sufi Tariqas. The contention that it is a primarily Sufi movement, however, has been disputed.
Moderation.
Mustafa Kabla and Haggai Erlich identify "moderation" ("wasatiyyah") as the key word in al-Ahbash's "necessary science of religion" and instance the group's twelve-goal platform whose second item calls for "[p]reaching moderation [...] and good behavior as ways of implementing religious principles, while combating extremism and zeal." This position is also reflected in the groups's decided opposition to the Salafist movement and Islamist thinkers, namely Sayyid Qutb, Muhammed ibn 'Abd-al-Wahhab, and Ibn Taymiyyah.
Rejection of anthropomorphism.
One further critical cleavage is al-Ahbash's strict rejection of any form of anthropomorphism of God of which they accuse Wahhabis. Consequently, Shaykh Habashi holds that "it does not befit God to speak like that, and his word is not a voice or letters" and that therefore, the Qur'an contains the word of God but could be written only after "Gabriel listened to His word, understood it, and passed it on to the prophets and the angels." This is a highly controversial point of view within Islam which is not fully compatible with the consensus of Sunnis, and Wahhabis accuse Ahbash of doubt regarding the origin of the Qur'an. Another famous example regards the interpretations of the Qur'anic sentence describing God seated on his throne after creating the world. According to Wahhabi texts, this means that he literally sat on his throne; however, according to Shaykh Habashi, copying the Mu'tazila school of thought, it meant that he took control of the world.
Separation of religion and state.
The arguably most important split, however, is the question of the relation between religion, politics, and the state. Departing from most Islamic writings on this topic, al-Ahbash advocates a separation of religion and state and thereby rejects the idea of an Islamic state. Al-Fakhani, an AICP representative said "Most of our states are Islamic and Muslims wish the presence of an Islamic state, but the regional and international conditions do not allow it." Consequently, the group repeatedly emphasized the need for Muslim-Christian co-existence and tolerance towards other religious groups in Lebanon.
Takfir.
The tolerant stance in Al-Ahbash's public rhetoric is doubted by some Muslim groups, orthodox Sunni in particular. They accuse the group of an excessive use of Takfir – the act of declaring another Muslim an unbeliever – and thereby of the provocation of inner-Islamic tensions. Al-Ahbash has mainly used takfir against Wahhabi and Salafi leaders. According to Tariq Ramadan, Al-Ahbash "adherents carry on a permanent double discourse: to Western questioners, they claim to support the emancipation of women and laicism to oppose the "fundamentalists" (all the issues they know are sensitive and useful for getting them recognized). However, within Muslim communities, they carry on an extremely intransigent and closed discourse, usually treating most of the principal Muslim ulama as kuffar *by which they mean "unbeliever,' "impious people"). They base their teachings on interpretations recognized as deviant by all other schools of thought and all other scholars of note (for example, their singular understanding of the meaning of the name of God, or their assertion that the Qur'anic Text was interpreted by the angel Gabriel, or the practice of praying to the dead). Their approach on very specific points of doctrine (such as those we have referred to) is hostile and usually violent."
Political positions.
As a political party, when al-Ahbash ran for the 1992 Lebanese parliamentary elections, this constituency enabled its candidate, Adnan Trabulsi, to win a seat in a Beirut district after the Ahbash and Hezbollah concluded an undeclared alliance in Beirut that assured the election of their respective candidates. However, Trabulsi lost in the subsequent 1996 elections. In 2018, Trabulsi was again elected to serve on the Lebanese Parliament.
The Ahbash are also allied to the Amal Movement, a Shia party, and Mustaqbal.
Controversy.
The group are seen as being controversial within Islam for its anti-Salafi religious stance, as their Sufi and other beliefs are seen as heretical. As a result, they are commonly described by Wahhabis as combining "Sufi polytheism, shirk, with Shi'i covert anti-Sunna tactics". They are also viewed by other Muslims groups as being favoured by the governments of the United States, Europe, Ethiopia, and Australia, who "do indeed welcome the Ahbash activities among their Muslim citizens." They have been described as a sect by various commentators, while others see them as a valid religious movement. The AICP runs a network of Islamic schools in affiliation with Al-Azhar according to Kabha and Erlich although a range of scholars from the latter institution, including previous Presidents and Ali Gomaa, the former Grand Mufti of Egypt, have described the Al-Ahbash movement as deviant and unorthodox in their edicts or "Fatwas" (an official statement or order from an Islamic religious leader), and members of the movement were arrested "attempting to spread their beliefs on the campuses of Al-Azhar University" under the Egyptian penal code.
Australia.
In 2011, the Australian National Imams Council accused the Muslim Community Radio Incorporated as being associated with Al-Ahbash, which they described as a fringe cult organisation and violent, and made public announcement for government officials not to renew its broadcasting license. However, the Australian Communications and Media Authority granted a 5-year license in 2011, which drew criticism from Islamic groups. In 2006, the Imam of Lakemba Mosque in Sydney, Taj El-Din Hilaly, threatened to back out of the Howard Government's, Muslim Community Reference Group because of the inclusion of Dr. Mustapha Kara-Ali, who was affiliated with Al-Ahbash.
Egypt.
In 2003, Ali Gomaa, the former Grand Mufti of Egypt, issued a fatwa describing the Ahbash as "deviant" that sought to "corrupt the Muslim creed and incite sedition amongst the Muslim Ummah. Moreover, they are paid agents to the enemies of Islam." In 2007, Egypt also arrested 22 men for seeking to spread the Ahbash faith in the country.
Ethiopia.
In 2012, Muslim protesters in Addis Ababa accused the Ethiopian government of Meles Zenawi of promoting Al-Ahbash among the Muslim population of the country.
Jordan.
During the 1990s fighting broke out between the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Ahbash in what became known as the "war of the mosques". The fighting was started due to the brotherhood believing that Jordan's Ministry of Religious Endowments were giving precedence to Al-Ahbash members being allowed to teach in mosques from which they themselves were banned.
Lebanon.
Due to its strong historical links with the Syrian government of the al-Assad family, the Ahbash have often been in conflict with the Lebanese supporters of the anti-Syrian Hariri family and in 2005 at least two of its members were initially implicated—jailed and later released—in the Assassination of Rafic Hariri. The Ahbash also strongly opposed and demonstrated against the Cedar Revolution that was triggered by Hariri's assassination. Ahbash reportedly remains neutral in the Syrian Civil War, despite pressure from both sides.
In 2010, Ahbash and Hezbollah members were involved in a street battle which was perceived to be over parking issues. Both groups later met to form a joint compensation fund for the victims of the conflict. However, despite this instance of violence, the Ahbash have "normal" and "friendly" relations with Hezbollah. The Ahbash have also engaged in bloody clashes in Sidon and Tripoli, in the 1990s, against the rival Sunni Al-Jama'ah Al-Islamiyah.
Saudi Arabia.
Former grand mufti of Saudi Arabia Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz declared Ahbash a "deviant faction".
Ukraine.
Roman Silantiev states that the mufti of Ukraine, Ahmad Tamim, a Lebanese citizen, has been accused of belonging to the "sinister sect" of Ahbash by his opponents, however, his opponents find it difficult to define the heresy of Ahbash. Ahmad Tamim's opponent mufti Said Ismaigilov allegedly has links to groups affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.


Islam in Oman

Virtually all Omanis profess Islam; 70% of the population of Oman follow the Ibadi School of Abd-Allah ibn Ibadh. Ibadism represents the only remaining expression which developed from 657 as a result of one of the first schisms within Islam.
History.
Islam spread to Oman early. The Ibadite denomination established itself in the region after fleeing from Basra in modern-day Iraq.
Christians and Jews have historically been able to practice their own religions openly in Oman. The society is tolerant, though social hierarchies do exist. In Ibadi communities, the traditional Arab coffee is served to Muslims first, with Christians being served after the poor Muslims; in Sunni communities, Christian guests may actually be served even before the respected Muslim leaders and clerics.
Denominations.
Ibadism.
Many people believe that Ibadism is an outgrowth of the Kharijites movement, a variant form of Islam practiced by descendants of a sect that seceded from the principal Muslim body after the death of Muhammad in 632. Ibadies, however, deny this notion considering themselves an outgrowth [led by?] the follower "(tabe'e)" Jābir ibn Zayd. Ibadies reject primogeniture succession of the Quraysh, the tribe of Muhammad, and assert that leadership of Islam should be designated by an imam elected by the community from candidates who possess the appropriate spiritual and personal qualities. Ibadhi leadership is vested in an imam, who is regarded as the sole legitimate leader and combines religious and political authority. The imam is elected by a council of prominent laymen or "shaykhs". Adherence to Ibadism accounts in part for Oman's historical isolation. Ibadis were not inclined to integrate with their neighbours, as the majority of Sunni Muslims regard Ibadism as a heretical form of Islam.
The austere, puritanical nature of Ibadism has affected the practice of Islam in the country. Omani mosques are very simple, with almost no decoration except around the windows and often lack the minarets common in other Muslim countries. Moroccan explorer Ibn Battuta described the cleanliness of Omani mosques, despite the fact that the entire community would congregate to eat inside, each person bringing their own food. The denomination frowns upon singing and dancing. Sharia law is strictly enforced in public and private, and Oman's adherence to conservative Ibadism led to its historical isolation from the rest of the Middle East.
The highest religious authority in Oman is the Grand Mufti, at present Ahmed bin Hamad al-Khalili.
Shi'ism.
The Shi'a live along Al Batinah and Muscat coasts. There are at least seven Twelver Shia mosques in Muscat.
Sunni Islam.
In the 1800s, the Jalan Bani Bu Ali tribe converted to Sunni Islam. They sporadically fought Ibadi communities but otherwise did not affect the overall religious demographics of Oman.


Josephine Ransom

Josephine Maria Ransom, née Davies (1879-1960) was an Australian Theosophist and writer. She served as General Secretary of three different national sections of the Theosophical Society, and wrote "A Short History of the Theosophical Society". Ransom was also Honorary Secretary of the Britain and India Association, and editor of its magazine "Britain and India".
Life.
Josephine Davies was born in Armidale, Australia on 22 March 1879. She travelled to India, where she became a member of the Theosophical Society in 1897, and worked with Annie Besant in Ceylon (today Sri Lanka).
After moving to England, she attempted to make the English more aware of Indian attitudes. In 1918 she lectured English audiences advocating Indian self-government. After the Jallianwala Bagh massacre she founded an illustrated monthly magazine, "Britain and India", 'for the Promotion of Friendliness, Understanding and Sympathy between Britain and India'. Charlotte Despard, persuaded by Annie Besant that "womenhood everywhere is one", contributed an address to Indian women in support of the franchise for Indian women. Sarojini Naidu, then living in London, also wrote for the journal, and it featured interviews with other intellectuals such as Rabindranath Tagore. By August 1920 the magazine needed to become bimonthly, and financial difficulties forced its closure at the end of the year.
Ransom also regularly lectured on different aspects of Theosophy, and was active in the organization of the Theosophical Society. She was General Secretary of the Australian Section of the Theosophical Society in 1924–5, and General Secretary of the South African Section in 1926–7. She was General Secretary of the English Section between 1933 and 1936. .
Though Ransom was nominated Vice-President of the Theosophical Society in 1960, she never assumed office. After a traffic accident in London, she died on 2 December 1960.


Gaura Festival

The Gaura Festival is celebrated by the Hindu peoples residing in the especially most of middle-western & far-western part of Nepal. Gaura festival mostly falls in month of Bhadra, according to Nepali calendar (August/September).
Origin.
There are many tales regarding the origin of the Gaura but mainly this day, the women worship goddess Gauri, the wife of Lord Shiva for their husband's health and long age.
Celebrations.
The main theme of this festival is to worship goddess Gauri. Gaura is celebration starts with Biruda Panchami (fifth day of lunar calendar). On the day of Biruda Panchami married women soak five cereal also known as "Pancha Biruda" following specified rituals"." Astami (eighth day according to lunar calendar) is another most important day of Gaura. On this day, there is prayers of Gauri and Maheshwor (Parbati and Shiva). In the afternoon, married women who soak Biruda, offer blessing to their keens for good health and prosperity. Biruda. It is supposed to give them long life and health. The deuda dance is major part of this festival in which participants hold hands and form a circle as they stepped to traditional music. Apart from the many ceremonies that happen during this festival, it is the occasion for married women to put on the sacred thread. The deuda dance is a major part of the festivities in which participants hold hands and form a circle as they step to traditional music.


Association of Reformed Evangelical Church of Burkina Faso

The Association of Reformed Evangelical Churches of Burkina Faso or the Eglises evangéliques réformées du Burkina Faso abbreviated AEERB was started in 1977 by Kinza Lazare with 30 members. He was separated from the Pentecostal Assemblies of God a Pentecostal denomination. Pastor Lazare studied in Benin, Theological Institution of Porto Novo, where he was acquainted with the Reformed Presbyterian tradition. This association was officially founded in 1986. Local congregations concentrated mainly in the northern part of the country, and Ouagadougou. This work focused on the north side of the country. The church is engaged in rural developments.
The church has 40,000 members and 40 congregations and 18 house fellowships. The Reformed Evangelical Church subscribes the Apostles Creed, Nicene Creed and the Heidelberg Catechism. Member of the World Communion of Reformed Churches.
The church is growing quickly.


Tang Kesan

Tang Kesan () was a Chinese Muslim. In Xikang province during the Sino-Tibetan War Tang Kesan represented the Kuomintang.
Career.
Tang was a Muslim from Shandong province, and he promoted Muslim education. He worked with Muslim General Bai Chongxi. Tang directed the Muslim Chengda School, and was friends with Muslim General Ma Fuxiang.
Tang negotiated a ceasefire with the Tibetans in 1932.
Ma Fuxiang, as head of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, sent a telegraph to Tang Kesan ordering him to breach the agreement with Tibet, because he was concerned that political rivals in Nanjing were using the incident.
The President of the education organization Chinese Islamic National Salvation Federation was General Bai Chongxi (Pai Chung-hsi) and the vice president was Tang Kesan (Tang Ko-san).


Dzogchen Beara

Dzogchen Beara is a Tibetan Buddhist retreat centre on the Beara Peninsula near Allihies in West Cork in Ireland established by Sogyal Rinpoche in 1987. It is home to the Spiritual Care Centre, which was opened by Mary McAleese on 12 September 2007.
History.
Peter and Harriet Cornish bought the land where Dzogchen Beara is located in 1973. In 1992, they offered the land and its buildings to a charitable trust under the guidance of Sogyal Rinpoche. Harriet died in 1993 and her death, and the way she was cared for, became the inspiration for the Spiritual Care Centre, which opened in 2007. Peter Cornish and Dzogchen Beara were the subject of a documentary made for Dutch television called "The Retiring Hermit". Cornish's memoir describing the creation of Dzogchen Beara was published in 2014 under the title "Dazzled by Daylight".
In 2006 the centre became the first Buddhist centre in Ireland to host a Christian Mass, performed by Father Laurence Freeman.
Events.
The first closed one-year retreats, which follow a traditional Tibetan schedule of practice and study, began in 1994.
Over the years, Dzogchen Beara has hosted a number of senior lamas from the Tibetan tradition, including Dzogchen Rinpoche, Dzigar Kongtrul Rinpoche, Garchen Rinpoche, Orgyen Tobgyal, Ringu Tulku, H.E Jetsun Khandro Rinpoche and Garje Khamtrul Rinpoche. It has also hosted events with several non-Tibetan teachers, including Father Laurence Freeman, Sister Stanislaus Kennedy, Dr Tony Bates, Christine Longaker, Patrick Gaffney, Sharon Salzberg and Andrew Warr.
Care centre.
The Spiritual Care Centre opened in 2007. According to Darci Meyers, its aim is "to support people leading up to death, at the time of death, and after death."
Temple project.
There are plans to build Ireland's first Buddhist temple on the site. The project is being guided by Orgyen Tobgyal, who consecrated the site by performing a fire ceremony in 2010. Work on the foundations of the temple building began in April 2016 and the block work of the three level building has recently been completed.


Dashain

Dashain (, Nepal or "Baḍadasai" ), also Bijaya Dashami) is a festival originating from Nepal. In other parts of South Asia, it is called Dashain. Dashain is celebrated by the Hindus of Nepal and the Nepali language speaking people of the Darjeeling hills, Sikkim, Siliguri, Assam and other North-Eastern states of India and among the Lhotshampa of Bhutan and the Burmese Gurkhas of Myanmar. Many people of Nepal celebrate this festival. It is famous in Hindu region.
It is the longest and the most auspicious festival in the Bikram Sambat and Nepal Sambat annual calendars, celebrated by Nepalese people, along with their diaspora throughout the globe. It is the most anticipated festival in Nepal, Bhutan, Burma, and North Indian hills. People return from all parts of the world, as well as different parts of the country, to celebrate together. All government offices, educational institutions, and other offices remain closed during the festival period. The festival falls in September or October, starting from the shukla paksha (bright lunar fortnight) of the month of Ashwin and ending on Purnima, the full moon. Among the fifteen days on which it is celebrated, the most important days are the first, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, and fifteenth.
Among the Newar of the Kathmandu Valley, during the Dashain festival, a popular Newari festival called Mohani, is celebrated as the most important festival of Nepal Sambat calendar year. Among Hindu and Buddhist Newars, it is celebrated differently, where each nine days "Navaratri" () leading up to the 10th day called 'Dashami', carry special importance. The goddess Durga and her various manifestations are especially worshiped by Newars throughout the Shaktipeeths of Kathmandu Valley. Among Newars, Dashain is also important for its emphasis on family gatherings as well as on a renewal of community ties, highlighted by special family dinners called Nakhtyā () and various communal processions of deities called Jātrā () throughout the three royal cities of Kathmandu Valley.it is celebrated to worship god durga
Significance.
Dashain symbolizes the victory of good over evil.
For followers of Shaktism, it represents the victory of the goddess Durga. In Hindu mythology, the demon Mahishasura had created terror in the devaloka (the world where gods lives) but Durga killed the rakshas (demon). The first nine days of Dashain symbolize the battle which took place between the different manifestations of Durga and Mahishasura. The tenth day is the day when Durga finally defeated him. For other Hindus, this festival symbolizes the victory of Ram over Ravan as recounted in the "Ramayana".
Day 1: Ghatasthapana.
Ghaṭasthāpanā ( "sowing "Jamara"") marks the beginning of Dashain. Literally, it means placing a kalasha or a pot, which symbolizes goddess Durga. Ghaṭasthāpanā falls on the first day of the festival. On this day the Kalash is filled with holy water and is then sewn with barley seeds. Then the Kalash is put in the center of a rectangular sand block. The remaining bed of sand is also seeded with grains. The priest then starts the puja by asking Durga to bless the vessel with her presence. This ritual is performed at a certain auspicious time which is determined by the astrologers. The goddess is believed to reside in the vessel during Navratri.
The room where all this is done is known as the Dashain Ghar. Traditionally, outsiders are not allowed to enter it. A family member worships the Kalash twice every day, once in the morning and then in the evening. The Kalash is kept away from direct sunlight and holy water is offered to it every day so that by the tenth day of the festival the seed will have grown to five or six inches long yellow grass. This sacred grass is known as "jamara". These rituals continue until the seventh day.
Day 7: Phulpati.
Phulpati is a major celebration occurring on the seventh day of Dashain.
Traditionally, on this day, the royal Kalash, banana stalks, jamara, and sugar cane tied with red cloth is brought by Magars from Gorkha, a three-day walk, about away from the Kathmandu Valley. Hundreds of government officials gather together in the Tundikhel grounds in conventional formal dress to witness the event. The king used to observe the ceremony in Tundikhel while the Phulpati parade was headed towards the Hanuman Dhoka royal palace. Then there is a majestic display of the Nepalese Army along with a celebratory firing of weapons that continues for ten to fifteen minutes honoring Phulpati. The Phulpati is taken to the Hanuman Dhoka Royal Palace by the time the occasion ends in Tundikhel, where a parade is held.
Since 2008, when the royal family was overthrown, the two-century-old tradition is changed so that the holy offering of Phulpati goes to the residence of the president. The President has taken over the king's social and religious roles after the fall of the royal government.
Day 8: Maha Asthami.
The eighth day is called "Maha Asthami".
This is the day when the most fierce of Goddess Durga’s manifestations, the bloodthirsty Kali, is appeased through the sacrifice of buffaloes, goats, hens, and ducks in temples throughout the nation. Blood, symbolic for its fertility, is offered to the Goddesses. Appropriately enough, the night of this day is called Kal Ratri(Black Night). It is also the norm for buffaloes to be sacrificed in the courtyards of all the land revenue offices in the country on this day. The old palace in Basantapur Hanuman Dhoka is active throughout the night with worships and sacrifices in almost every courtyard. On the midnight of the very day the Dashain Ghar, a total of 54 buffaloes and 54 goats are sacrificed in observance of the rites. After the offering of the blood, the meat is taken home and cooked as "prasad", or food blessed by divinity. This food is offered in tiny leaf plates to the household gods, then distributed amongst the family. Eating this food is thought to be auspicious. While the puja is being carried out, great feasts are held in the homes of common people. On this day Newar community has an event called "Khadga Puja" where they do puja of their weapons.
Day 9: Maha Navami.
The ninth day of Dashain is called "Mahanavami", "the great ninth day". This is the last day of Navaratri. Ceremonies and rituals reach a peak on this day. On this day, official military ritual sacrifices are held in one of the Hanuman Dhoka royal palaces, the Kot courtyard. On this occasion, the state offers the sacrifices of buffaloes under the gunfire salutes. This day is also known as the demon-hunting day because members of the defeated demon army try to save themselves by hiding in the bodies of animals and fowls.
On Mahanavami, Vishvakarman, the god of creation, is worshipped as it believed that all the things which help us in making a living should be kept happy. Artisans, craftsmen, traders, and mechanics worship and offer animal and fowl blood to their tools, equipment, and vehicles. Moreover, since it is believed that worshipping the vehicles on this day avoids accidents for the year all the vehicles from bikes, cars to trucks are worshipped on this day.
The Taleju Temple gates are opened to the general public on only this day of the year. Thousands of devotees go and pay respect to the goddess this day. The temple is filled with devotees all day long.
Day 10: Bijaya Dashami or Vijayadashami.
The tenth day of the festival is the 'Vijayadashami'. On this day, a mixture of rice, yogurt and vermilion is prepared. This preparation is known as "tika". Often Dashain tika time is different every year. Elders put this tika and jamara which is sown in the Ghatasthapana on the forehead of younger relatives to bless them with abundance in the upcoming years. The red also symbolizes the blood that ties the family together. Elders give "Dakshina", or a small amount of money, to younger relatives at this time along with the blessings. This continues to be observed for five days till the full moon during which period families and relatives visit each other to exchange gifts and greetings. This ritual of taking tika from all the elder relatives (even the distant relatives) helps in the renewal of the community ties greatly. This is one reason why the festival is celebrated with so much vigour and enthusiasm.
Day 15: Kojagrat Purnima.
The last day of the festival which lies on the full moon day is called 'Kojagrat' Purnima. The literal meaning of Kojagrat is 'who is awake'. On this day Goddess Laxmi who is believed to be the goddess of wealth is worshipped as it believed that Goddess Laxmi descends on earth and showers whoever is awake all night with wealth and prosperity. People enjoy the night by playing cards and much more.
Animal sacrifices are often the norms during this time, as the festival commemorates the mythical bloody battles between the "divine" and "demonic" powers. The proponents of animal sacrifice interpret that this sacrificial act as the symbolic sacrifice of our animal qualities, but those who are opposed to animal sacrifice stress that the sacrificial act is nothing but an excuse to fulfill the appetite for food/meat.
Forms of celebration.
The Malshree dhun is incorporated into mainstream Nepalese music as the music of Dashain. It is the tune that announces the Dashain has arrived. Malashree dhoon is one of the oldest surviving devotional music of Newa art form, with its origin in the 17th century. In due time and also the fact that Dashain happens to be celebrated not just by Newars but by all Nepalese, this dhoon caught up and now is part of the national culture and played during Dashain.
As Dashain approaches, kite flying becomes more and more common. Riding kites has been a very important part of celebrating Dashain in the country, as it is considered to be one way of reminding God not to send rain anymore. During the festival people of all ages fly kites from their roofs. Colourful kites and voices shouting out 'changā chet' (this phrase is usually used when one cuts the other person's kite string) fill the days during the festival.
Playing cards is another way of celebrating Dashain. While children are busy flying kites during Dashain, the older members of the family pass their time by getting together and playing cards with each other for money and fun.
Buying and wearing new clothes is an important part of the festival. As many people living in the villages are below the poverty line, for them it is often the case that new clothes come only with Dashain. Almost all the shops have festival offers and discounts. This makes shopping more attractive. Clothes have the highest sales during the festival.
Bamboo swings are constructed in many parts of the country as a way of celebration. Dashain swings are called 'ping' in Nepali. They present the best of local culture, tradition, community spirit, and fun. These swings are constructed by community members with traditional methods which use ropes made from tough grass, bamboo sticks and wood, etc. The swings are normally constructed a week before Ghatasthapana and dismantled only after the festival of Tihar which comes after Dashain. The height of some swings exceeds twenty feet. People of all ages enjoy the swings. They are especially famous with children.
Fairs and celebrations are organized during the festival. Usually, small fairs are organized in the villages with Ferris wheels for children and other entertainment for the adults. However, in the city commercial fairs and celebrations are usually organized.
Thousands of animals including buffalo, ducks, and rams are slaughtered in Dashain every year. It has been considered an important ritual since it is believed that the goddesses are appeased by such sacrifices. Almost all the temples, especially the Durga and Kali temples, are offered with thousands of sacrifices. Ashtami and Navami are the days when the sacrifices reach a peak. While thousands of animals are sacrificed to appease the goddesses, people also slaughter animals for feasts. Since many feasts and gatherings are organized throughout the fifteen days of the festival, the demand for meat goes up considerably. To meet the demand, the slaughtering of animals becomes considerably high and necessary.
Controversy.
The festival of Dashain is often criticized for its animal sacrifice. Many online petitions have been registered on Change.org, calling for a government action against mass slaughter. Driven by the belief that offerings of fresh blood will appease goddess Durga, scores of animals and birds are ritually slaughtered especially in the eighth and ninth day of the festival. Birds and animals that are traditionally eligible for sacrifice include goats, buffaloes, sheep, chickens, and ducks. Some animal activists have called for the use of pumpkins and coconuts, as opposed to birds and animals.
Numerous national luminaries and animal rights activists alike have expressed their concerns over the issue of animal cruelty in the festival. On 3 October 2016, renowned Nepali comedian Hari Bansha Acharya wrote a satirical piece on "Nepal Saptahik" – entitled "Euta Khasiko Aatmakatha" (Autobiography of a Goat) – in light of "horrendous" exploitation inflicted upon animals during the festival.
Dashain has also become controversial in Nepal's current political climate as several indigenous groups ("adivasi janajati") argue that festival has been imposed on them by the state. In an effort to resist what they view as the cultural domination by the Hindu elites that dominate the Nepali state, several organizations have organized a boycott of Dashain. Especially communists within a country and missionaries. So far those campaigns have had a limited effect across the country, but they do reveal the political origins and importance of the festival.
References.


Hindu Temple of Greater Cincinnati

Hindu Temple of Greater Cincinnati or HTGC, is a Hindu Temple in Cincinnati, Ohio. It serves the Hindu Population of the Cincinnati Metropolitan Area. The address of the Hindu Temple is 720 Barg Salt Run Road, Cincinnati, Ohio 45244.
History.
The temple opened in May 1997, after years of planning and construction. HTGC hosted Taste Of India, a local event dedicated to various Indian Cuisine. It was the largest Indian Festival to be hosted in the Midwest at the time.


Religion in Tokelau

The vast majority of people in Tokelau are Christians and Christianity plays a significant role in the Tokelauan way of life.
History.
Missionaries preached Christianity in Tokelau from 1845 to the 1860s. French Roman Catholic missionaries on Wallis Island (also known as 'Uvea) and missionaries of the Protestant London Missionary Society in Samoa used native teachers to convert the Tokelauans. Atafu was converted to Protestantism by the London Missionary Society, Nukunonu was converted to Catholicism and Fakaofo was converted to both denominations. Since 1992 the Roman Catholic Mission Sui Iuris of Tokelau has represented the Catholic church in Tokelau.
Denominations.
In 2006, all people who answered the religion question on the Tokelauan census gave one of the major Christian denominations as their religion.
In 2011, 58.5% of respondents belonged to the Congregational Christian denomination and over one-third of respondents (36.8%) belonged to the Roman Catholic denomination. Of the remaining 4.7%, 1.8% were Presbyterian, 0.1% belonged to Spiritual and New Age religions, and 2.8% belonged to other Christian denominations.
Variation by atoll.
The majority of Tokelau's usually resident population living on Atafu (89.8%) and Fakaofo (68.9%) in 2011 were Congregational Christians. Congregational Christian has remained the major denomination on Atafu and Fakaofo since the 2006 Census, but the proportion of residents who report belonging has decreased.
In 2006, 95.4% of residents on Atafu and 70.7% on Fakaofo were Congregational Christians.
Roman Catholic has remained the major denomination of Nukunonu residents since the 2006 Census. In 2011, 93.9% of usual residents were Roman Catholics, compared with 96.9% in 2006.
Since the 2006 Census, the proportion of Congregational Christians on Nukunonu has increased markedly, from 2.1% in 2006 to 4.5% in 2011. On Atafu, the proportion of Roman Catholics also had a notable increase, from 0.2% in 2006 to 2.4% in 2011.
On Fakaofo, there was an increase in its second-largest religious denomination (Roman Catholic). In 2011, 25.9% of Fakaofo residents were Roman Catholics, compared with 22.2% in 2006.
References.
"This article contains content derived from the 2011 Tokelau Census, produced by Statistics New Zealand, which is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 New Zealand License. See for the full citation."


St. Marx Cemetery

St. Marx Cemetery (Sankt Marxer Friedhof) is a cemetery in the Landstraße district of Vienna, used from 1784 until 1874. It contains the unmarked burial of the famous composer Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart.
History.
The cemetery was named after a nearby almshouse whose chapel had been consecrated to St Mark. It opened in 1784 following a decree by Emperor Joseph II that forbade further burials in cemeteries within the outer walls of the city of Vienna. He also ordered that bodies should be buried in unmarked graves, without coffins or embalming. This regulation however never went into effect in Vienna, because the government of the city denied its approval owing to the fact that the populace did not want to be reminded of the mass graves of plague times. There were no mass graves in late 18th-century Vienna.
Thus the common assumption that Mozart's grave was unmarked because he was too poor is false. His burial in 1791 after a funeral in the Stephansdom simply followed the regulations of the day.
Notable interments.
It includes the graves of:
Mozart.
The most famous person to be buried in the St. Marx Cemetery is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. Later attempts to locate his grave all failed, including a search by his widow, 17 years after Mozart's death, and by Vincent Novello in 1829. In 1855 a gravestone was erected at what was presumed to be the correct spot. Later the stone was transferred to a group of famous musician graves at Zentralfriedhof. At St. Marx Cemetery, a worker replaced the gravestone with a memorial tablet, which was again expanded by several contributors. The memorial known today was refurbished by Viennese sculptor Florian Josephu-Drouot in 1950.
After closing.
Over the years, the rest of the cemetery decayed. In the 20th century it was restored, put under historic preservation status, and opened to the public in 1937.


Tulaga Manuella

Sir Tulaga Manuella, GCMG, MBE (born 26 August 1936) is a political figure from the Pacific nation of Tuvalu.
Background.
Prior to embarking on a political role, Manuella was previously a civil service accountant and secretary of the Church of Tuvalu.
Governor General of Tuvalu.
Manuella was appointed Governor-General of Tuvalu on June 21, 1994, as the representative of Elizabeth II, Queen of Tuvalu. He served in this office until June 26, 1998.
Personal honours.
Manuella was knighted in 1996.


Muslim Congress Party

The Muslim Congress Party was a political party in the Gambia. The party was founded during the pre-independence period to represent the Muslim population in the colony of Bathurst (now Banjul). The party was led by I. Garba-Jahumpa. The party emerged from the Bathurst Young Muslim Society.
Garba-Jahumpa won one of the three directly elected seat in the Legislative Council in 1951 and 1954, as the MCP candidate. It contested the 1960 election in alliance with the People's Progressive Party (which was based in the rural areas).
Ahead of the 1962 election, the MCP merged with the Democratic Party to form the Democratic Congress Alliance.


Javier Bertucci

Javier Alejandro Bertucci Carrero (born November 16, 1969) is an evangelical pastor, philanthropist, and Venezuelan businessman. In 2016, he was linked to the leakage of the Panama Papers. He runs the Maranatha Christian Church, a religious congregation with more than 16,000 followers in Latin America that expands social work and evangelist through the Civil Association El Evangelio Cambia, of which he is a leader and founder. He was a candidate in the 2018 Venezuelan presidential election.
Biography.
Javier Bertucci was born on November 16, 1969, in Guanare, Portuguesa, to a peasant family that subsisted on a banana and tobacco producing plantation. His great-grandmother, Maria de las Nieves, helped the Bertucci family experience economic mobility.
Using family land to cultivate topochos in the town of San Nicolás, Portuguesa State, Bertucci cut the topochos and sold them on a nearby road. Subsequently, the hacienda grew by diversifying its agricultural production on a small scale which grew his family's wealth.
Bertucci completed both his primary and secondary education in the town of Yagua (north of Valencia). In school he met Francisco Barrios at age 12, who introduced him to his future wife Rebeca Barrios, Francisco's sister. In 1994, at the age of 24, Bertucci married Rebeca Barrios. They have three children: Raquel Rebeca, Valeria Alejandra and Javier Abraham.
Bertucci began to follow the Evangelical Christian Church in 1990, when he had "an experience with God at 21 years old."
He decided to start a pastorate career a month after his marriage when he received the "call of God" (an expression that indicates when a believer recognizes the task to follow within a church or in your life as a Christian).
From 1993, with his wife Rebeca, Bertucci began to preach in squares, parks, and houses. In the 1990s, the Bertucci Barrios family moved to Valencia, where they lived, and simultaneously formed a small evangelical church in the town of Tinaquillo (Cojedes, 48 km southwest of Valencia), which remained for the next five years.
House arrest.
On July 2, 2010, Bertucci was charged with aggravated smuggling and conspiracy to commit a crime. He was detained for three days when he tried to move a 5,000-metric-ton tanker ship from the Ocamar dock in Puerto Cabello to the port of Barahona in the Dominican Republic. The ship was thought to contain 5,000 tons of diesel disguised as paint thinner. The diesel, through its Tecnopetrol company, was referenced in file GP01-R-2010-000234 of the Court of Appeals.
During the presentation hearing, prosecutors Armando Galindo, Yolanda Carrero and Francisco Leal requested that Bertucci receive a custodial (incarceration) sentence. On July 4, the first judge in control of the Criminal Judicial Circuit, extension Puerto Cabello, Henry Chirino, ordered his house arrest. On September 30 of the same year he was granted a permit to leave his residence only to officiate at the Maranatha Church.
On December 20, Bertucci received a substitute measure of freedom with a filing system and was banned from leaving the country. His defense appealed and the court annulled the sentence, initiating a new trial that is still in progress under judge No. 2 of the Judicial Criminal Circuit of Carabobo state, Rosa Matute. The Venezuelan Supreme Court of Justice does not have a record of a signature sentence on the case.
Panama Papers.
Bertucci was linked to the leakage of the Panama Papers in 2016. According to a series of emails delivered to the German newspaper "Süddeutsche Zeitung" consulted for an investigation by journalist Katherine Pennacchio, Bertucci contacted the law firm Mossack Fonseca to be the president of Stockwin Enterprises Inc, a company created in Panama on January 3, 2012, with a capital investment of five million dollars dedicated to the purchase and sale of inputs, mainly the importation of raw materials from the food sector.
Desiré Obadia, an intermediary client of the company and the person in charge of negotiating with Mossak Fonsecca, denied that the transaction had been completed, stating that in order to import an import license and Cadivi dollars (National Center for Foreign Commerce) were needed, and that neither of the two were obtained. During the investigation, attempts were made to contact Bertucci on several occasions, but no response was received until five days after the report was published, when Bertucci explained that the initiative did not materialize and that he did not have the resources to possess accounts in tax havens.
Both the intermediary of Mossack Fonseca and Bertucci denied the accusations and rejected the investigative work done by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. The journalist was subjected to cyberbullying and attacks on social networks headed by Bertucci himself.
Political career.
In January 2018 he announced his presidential candidacy, in which he referred to his desire to be "the light among the darkness," to seek to electoral victory over Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, and to affect change in the country.
As the Venezuelan constitution establishes a secular requirement for those running for office, Bertucci had to leave his occupation as a pastor.
Among his proposals as a candidate is the lifting of exchange control. He has also declared that he would not govern with Chavismo or with the opposition. He has additionally expressed his desire to implement Sunday radio and television channels using the Bible, and converting Venezuelans into "devotional" Christians, and to implement "Christian values". He has positioned himself against same-sex marriage and is in favor of abortion only in medical cases or that compromise the life of the mother.


Anatole de Bengy

Anatole de Bengy (born 19 September 1824, executed at the court of the Cité Vincennes, Rue Haxo, Paris 26 May 1871) was one of the five Jesuit martyrs of the Paris Commune along with Pierre Olivaint. He was known for the work he did for the poor during the siege. His remains were placed in a chapel in the Rue de Sèvres.


History of the Jews in Udmurtia and Tatarstan

Jews from Udmurtia and Tatarstan. The Udmurt and Tatar Jews are special territorial ethnocultural group of Ashkenazi Jews, which started to be formed in the areas of the mixed Turkic-speaking (Volga Tatars, Kryashens, Bashkirs, Chuvash people), Finno-Ugric-speaking (Udmurts, Mari people) and Slavic-speaking (Russians) population. From 1807, Jewish people also began to reside in the industrial and administrative centers of Sarapulsky Uezd (predominantly in Izhevsk, Votkinsk, Sarapul). Until this time the Jews in this region lived only in Kazan (from the 18th century). The occurrence of Jewish communities in the region was made possible only after the decree of Emperor Nicholas I of Russia on August 26, 1827 on the introduction of conscription for the Jews (see Cantonists).
The Ashkenazi Jews first appeared on the territory of the Udmurt Republic in the 1830s. They began to live on the territory of Tatarstan in the same period of time.
Geographic, ethnocultural and linguistic characteristics.
Initially the vast majority of Ashkenazi Jews lived in the workmen's settlement of Izhevsky Zavod (at present Izhevsk) and the uezd city of Sarapul (both inhabited localities were at that time a part of the Sarapulsky Uezd of the Vyatka Governorate, are now the two largest cities in Udmurtia), as well as in the city of Kazan (at the time a town and the administrative center of the Kazan Governorate, now the capital of the Republic of Tatarstan). Jews of these territories were Yiddish-speaking.
The local historian and linguist A.V. Altyntsev subdivided the Jews of the region on cultural and linguistic characteristics into two territorial groups: 1) Udmurt Jews (Udmurt Jewry), who lived on the territory of Udmurtia and the north of Tatarstan; 2) Tatar Jews or Kazan Jews (Tatar Jewry or Kazan Jewry), who lived mainly in the city of Kazan and its agglomeration.
According to A.V. Altyntsev, the Udmurt Jewry ("dos udmurtishe yidntum") had formed the local Idiom (see Идиом, Idiom (Spracheigentümlichkeit)) on the base of the Yiddish of Udmurtia till the 1930s and features of Yiddish of migrants "joined" into it (in the 1930-1940s); as a result up to the 1970-1980s the Udmurt Idiom ("Udmurtish") was divided into two linguistic subgroups: the Central subgroup (with centers – Izhevsk, Sarapul and Votkinsk) and the Southern subgroup (with centers – Kambarka, Alnashi, Agryz and Naberezhnye Chelny). One of the characteristic features of the Udmurt Idiom is a noticeable number of Udmurt and Tatar loan words. For example, "ule" "herd, flock, troop, drove" < Udmurt "ull'o" "herd, flock, troop, drove, brood"; "d'z'uče(r)", "džuče(r)" "Russian (a person is appurtenant to the ethnic group)" < Udmurt "d'z'uč" "Russian (a person is appurtenant to the ethnic group)"; "kam" "big river" < Udmurt "kam" "big river"; "šurχ" "river" < Udmurt "šur" "river"; "botke" "boiled rice, congee" < tatar "botka" "kasha, pap, porridge, gruel, stirabout", "(š)ulej" "herd, flock, troop, drove" < Udmurt "ull'o" "herd, flock, troop, drove, brood"; "kiser", "kis'er" "failure, misfortune, reverse, bad luck, ill-luck" < Udmurt "kis'ör" "failure"; "vös'ašndorf" < Yiddish "vös'ašn-" "priestly, sacerdotal (the word was used only in relation to Udmurt pagan priests)" < Udmurt "vös'as"' "pagan priest in Udmurt ethnic religion" + Yiddish "dorf" "village", the word וואָסיאַשןדאָרף "vös'ašndorf" [vəˈsʲaʃ(ə)ndɔʁf] is a Jewish appellation of the Udmurt village of Kuzebaevo in the Alnashsky District of Udmurtia where southern Udmurts (inhabitants of the village) are performed pagan oblations up to the present day. In connection with the Kazan "centralization" the Tatar Jewry on the main ethnocultural characteristics (language, food, holidays, religion, clothing, etc.) has been more or less holistic. Also the Jewish community of Udmurtia and Tatarstan have had for the greater part cultural-ethnic rather than religious basis because among its members were representatives of different religious characteristics – a confessional affiliation (Judaism, Atheism, Lutheranism, Catholicism, Orthodox Christianity, Baptists, Adventism, Pentecostalism), a degree of religiosity and syncretic elements on the familial-ethnic level (for example some Jewish families celebrate Hanukkah and Christmas). Currently, due to the assimilation processes the Jews of Udmurtia and Tatarstan were successfully integrated into the Russian-speaking space and is actively used the Russian language.
Rural Jewish community of Alnashsky District.
In the Alnashsky District of Udmurtia, there was a fairly large rural Jewish community whose members spoke the Alnashic subdialect of Udmurtish. Many Jews also spoke Udmurt and/or Tatar languages. The Ashkenazi Jews in the Alnashsky District first appeared early in the 20th century (in the 1910s and 1920s). In the 1940s through the 1960s, the number of Jews in the district never exceeded 25-35 humans. The primary residences of the Jews there were three settlements: the village of Alnashi, the village of Varzi-Yatchi and the hamlet of Garga. The Alnashic Jewry celebrated all Jewish holydays except for Tu Bishvat. The most revered feasts were Passover (Pesach), Simchat Torah (Simches To(y)reh), Yom Kippur (Yom Kipper), Hanukkah and
Purim. The Udmurts of the district often mistook the Jews for Russians but sometimes for russianized Germans or Udmurts. In the 1980s, the Jews mostly left Alnashsky District. In 2015, however, a few Jews lived still in the district as members of interethnic (Jewish-Udmurt) families.
Besides, the Alnashsky District occasionally attended the Subbotniks (Hebrew/Yiddish "gerim"; Russian "subbotniki" literally "sabbatarians", "novyye zhidy" (новые жиды) literally "new Yids", "zhidovstvuyushchiye" (жидовствующие) literally "Judaizers", "iudeystvuyushchiye" literally "Judaizers", "zhidovery" literally "Jewbelievers"; Russian endoethnonym "gery" to Hebrew "ger"). The Subbotniks came for a recreation (Varzi-Yatchi sanatorium) or on working affairs. Please also note that the Russian word "zhid" (жид) is an antiquated word for 'Jew,' and is now considered a racial slur, translating to the English word 'Yid' or 'kike.'
The Alnashsky District's population has a complex ethnic structure. The district is one of 16 rural district of the Udmurt Republic where the Udmurts make up the majority, as well as one of the four districts of compact residence of Mari people. Besides, the Alnashsky District along with the Grakhovsky District and the Kiznersky District is the residence territory of the Kryashens in the rural area of Udmurtia. As a result of the 2002 census, among the 4th largest ethnic group of the district population the Udmurts turned out 81.7%, Russians - 12.2%, Tatars - 3.4%, Mari - 2.1%.
Synagogues and Jewish ethnocultural formations.
Under the moral pressure of leadership, Orthodox clergy and higher ranks of the Russian Empire, the Jews of the region to improve their living conditions turned into the Christian faith (mainly Orthodox Christianity). Such cases are known since 1831.
Despite this fact in Izhevsk there were officially registered 56 orthodox Jews in 1846, 55 in 1847 and 130 in 1849. In 1897, there were 221 orthodox Jews in the city of Sarapul, and beyond, on the territory of the Sarapulsky Uezd (mostly in Izhevsk) there were 322 orthodox Jews.
In 1861, in the city of Kazan there were 184 Jews, mostly craftsmen and retired soldiers and their families. In 1897, the number of Jews in Kazan had risen to 1467 people (about 1% of the city population).
In Izhevsk, since 1849 under the Jewish religious needs the prayer house was allocated (the Dornbush's house). A second synagogue was opened in 1917 on Verkhniy Uzskiy side street (at present Internatsionalnyiy side street) between Tserkovnaya Street (at present Vadim Sivkov Street) and Gospitalnaya Street (at present Krasnoarmeyskaya Street), it was moved to another location (22 Verkhniy Uzskiy side street) in 1927. Both synagogues were closed in 1930 (by the Soviet authorities).
At the beginning of the 20th century there was a synagogue in the city of Sarapul. The location of the first synagogue is unknown, but from 1915 to 1926 the Sarapul synagogue was located in the wing of a building at 38 Karl Marx Street.
From 1993 through the present time in Udmurtia there is "the Association of Jewish culture of the Udmurt Republic" (Russian "Общество еврейской культуры Удмуртской Республики"). Created to study the history, culture and traditions of the Jewish people. There is a Sunday school. It has a connection with the Jewish Agency and the JDC. In 2000, it had about 400 members.
In the city of Kazan until the late 19th century, the Jewish community was not officially registered. Only on March 18, 1897, were the Jews allowed to make a house of worship, and the Kazan Jewish community was registered. But because of various delays created by the authorities, the Jewish prayer house was not opened until March 12, 1915, and before that, the community rented a private house for religious services. In 1929, the Kazan synagogue was closed by decision of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the Council of Workers, Peasants and Red Army Deputies. Once again, the Jewish religious community was registered in 1990. And after the return of the building of the former prayer house, the Kazan synagogue was opened anew in 1996. It is located on 15 Profsoyuznaya Street in the city of Kazan.
In 1989, the club of Jewish culture "Menorah" was established in the Tatar branch of the Russian Cultural Foundation, which since 1993 is called the Kazan cultural center "Menorah". Since 1991, in Kazan there is the branch of the Jewish Agency. Also, it operated various institutions of education: since 1995 - the Sunday school, since 1998 - the secondary Jewish School №12; since 2000 - the center of World ORT and the Jewish kindergarten. In June 1997, it was officially registered the Jewish communal-charitable center "Hesed Moshe", where in the late of the 1990s received assistance about two thousand people. Since 1994, it is operated "Maccabi World Union" and the club "Golden Age" (Russian "Золотой возраст"). "Hesed Moshe" publishes the newspaper "Jewish Street" (Russian "Еврейская улица").
Population.
The number of Jews who lived on the territory of the Udmurt Republic.
The number of Jews who lived on the territory of the Republic of Tatarstan.