David Rizzio

David Rizzio (; ; – 9 March 1566), sometimes written as David Riccio (; ), was an Italian courtier, born close to Turin, a descendant of an ancient and noble family still living in Piedmont, the Riccio Counts di San Paolo e Solbrito, who rose to become the private secretary of Mary, Queen of Scots. Mary's husband, Lord Darnley, is said to have been jealous of their friendship because of rumours that Rizzio had impregnated Mary, and he joined in a conspiracy of Protestant nobles to murder him, led by Patrick Ruthven, 3rd Lord Ruthven. Mary was having dinner with Rizzio and a few ladies-in-waiting when Darnley joined them, accused his wife of adultery and then had a group murder Rizzio, who was hiding behind Mary. Mary was held at gunpoint and Rizzio was stabbed numerous times. His body took 57 dagger wounds. The murder was the catalyst of the downfall of Darnley, and had serious consequences for Mary's subsequent reign.
Career.
Rizzio (whose name appears in Italian records as David Riccio di Pancalieri in Piemonte) went first from Turin to the Court of the Duke of Savoy, then at Nice. However, finding no opportunities for advancement there, he found means in 1561 to get himself admitted into the train of the Count of Moretta, who was about to lead an embassy to Scotland. The Court in Scotland had no employment for Rizzio, and dismissed him. He ingratiated himself with the Queen's musicians, whom she had brought with her from France. James Melville, a friend of Rizzio, said that "Her Majesty had three valets in her chamber, who sung three parts, and wanted a bass to sing the fourth part". His salary for the post of valet was 150 Francs or £75 Scots.
Rizzio was considered a good musician and excellent singer, which brought him to the attention of the cosmopolitan young queen. Towards the end of 1564, having grown wealthy under her patronage, he became the queen's secretary for relations with France, after the previous occupant of the post had retired. Rizzio was ambitious, controlling access to the queen and seeing himself almost a Secretary of State. Other courtiers felt that as a Catholic and a foreigner he was too close to the queen. Rumours became rife that Mary was having an adulterous affair with Rizzio. .
Mary gave him gifts of rich fabric from her wardrobe, including black velvet figured with gold, and five pieces of gold cloth figured with scales.
Murder.
Jealousy precipitated his murder in the Queen's presence, in her supper chamber in the Palace of Holyroodhouse on Saturday 9 March 1566 at 8 o'clock. The royal guards were overpowered and the palace was turned over to the control of the rebels. Mary and Rizzio were in a supper room, which still exists as part of the bedchamber, and was then "a cabinet about XII foot square, in the same a little low reposinge bedde, and a table" according to an account of the murder written by Francis, Earl of Bedford, and Thomas Randolph. The room had been decorated by Mary's servant Servais de Condé.
On the night of the murder Mary, Rizzio, and the Lady Argyll were seated at the supper table. The Queen was six months pregnant (with James VI) at the time, and some accused Rizzio of having impregnated her. The rebels burst into the cabinet or supper room, led by Lord Ruthven, and demanded that Rizzio be handed over. The Queen refused. Rizzio then hid behind Mary but was nevertheless seized. According to Mary, one of the intruders, Patrick Bellenden brother of the Lord Justice Clerk, pointed his gun at her pregnant belly, while Andrew Kerr of Faldonsyde threatened to stab her. Lord Ruthven denied this.
After this violent struggle, Rizzio was dragged through the bed chamber into the adjacent Audience Chamber and stabbed an alleged 57 times. His body was thrown down the main staircase nearby (now disused) and stripped of his jewels and fine clothes. The location of Rizzio's murder is marked with a small plaque in the Audience Chamber, underneath which is a red mark on the floorboards, which reportedly was left when Rizzio was stabbed to death.
Rizzio was first buried in the cemetery of Holyrood Abbey. Buchanan states that shortly afterwards his body was removed by the Queen's orders and deposited in the tomb of the kings of Scotland in Holyrood Abbey. This strengthened the previous rumours of her familiarity with him. Rumours were thrown around about the motive for the murder – some claimed Darnley was jealous, or that powerful lords sought to manipulate Darnley and remove an irritating presence at court.
Aftermath.
Immediately after the murder Mary was able to speak to Lord Darnley, and may have convinced him they were both in danger and captives in the palace. The guard around her was relaxed and at midnight the next day they escaped and she rode behind Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, master of her stable, to Seton Palace and then to safety at Dunbar Castle. An English servant of Lord Darnley Anthony Standen later claimed to have accompanied the queen with John Stewart of Traquair and his brother William Stewart. Mary returned to Edinburgh with her supporters, and took up lodgings on the Royal Mile rather than return to the palace. On 21 March she had Darnley declared innocent of the murder.
Robert Melville arrived in Edinburgh from London and reported back to Elizabeth and Cecil on the aftermath of the murder. He noted that Morton, Lord Ruthven, Lord Lindsay, William Maitland of Lethington, the Clerk Register James Balfour, the Lord Justice Clerk John Bellenden (whose brother was alleged to have pointed a gun at the queen), and some gentlemen of Lothian, who were all suspected of having knowledge of the plan had fled.
Rizzio's brother, Joseph, arrived in Scotland with Michel de Castelnau and was appointed secretary in David's place by 25 April 1566. Joseph and an Italian colleague, Joseph Lutyni, had some trouble over coins taken from the queen's purse, and in April 1567 he was accused and acquitted with Bothwell of Darnley's murder.
Legacy and memorial.
David Rizzio's career was remembered and referred to by Henry IV of France. Mocking the pretension of James VI of Scotland to be the "Scottish Solomon", he remarked that "he hoped he was not David the fiddler's son", alluding to the possibility that Rizzio, not Darnley, fathered King James.
It has been alleged that Rizzio is buried at Canongate Kirkyard, Edinburgh; this would have required reinterment of a Catholic with no living friends in a Protestant graveyard 120 years after his death. It is considered more likely that he lies in an unmarked grave in the graveyard attaching Holyrood Abbey. The Protestant historian George Buchanan wrote in 1581 that David was first buried outside the door of the Abbey, and then Mary arranged for him to be buried in the tomb of her father James V and Madeleine of France within. As Buchanan described this circumstance as reflecting badly on the Queen, while his book was at the printers, a friend James Melville tried to get Buchanan to rewrite the passage, fearing that Mary's son James VI would suppress the whole book. Buchanan asked his cousin, Thomas Buchanan, a schoolmaster in Stirling, if he thought the story was true, and the cousin agreed. The story was published.
Representation in visual media and fiction.
Rizzio was played by John Carradine in the 1936 RKO picture "Mary of Scotland"; by Ian Holm in the 1971 movie "Mary, Queen of Scots"; by Tadeusz Pasternak in the BBC mini-series "Gunpowder, Treason, and Plot"; by Andrew Shaver in The CW network television show "Reign"; and by Ismael Cruz Córdova in the 2018 film "Mary Queen of Scots".
The murder of Rizzio and the subsequent downfall of Darnley form the main subject of the 1830 play "Maria Stuart" by Juliusz Słowacki.
Rizzio's life and death are a key plot element in Caleb Carr's Sherlock Holmes story "The Italian Secretary", Holmes vocally dismissing the idea that Rizzio was ever anything more than entertainment.
Arthur Conan Doyle used the death of Rizzio as a plot point in his 1908 story, “The Silver Mirror”.
The takers in hand.
Thomas Randolph listed these men as participants in Rizzio's murder:
with the preachers; John Knox and John Craig.


Charles H. Mansur

Charles Harley Mansur (March 6, 1835 – April 16, 1895) was a U.S. Representative from Missouri.
Born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Mansur attended Lawrence Academy, Groton, Massachusetts.
He studied law and was admitted to the bar in Richmond, Missouri, August 30, 1856.
He moved to Chillicothe, Missouri, in 1856 and practiced law.
He served as a member of the board of education of Chillicothe for eight years.
He served as a member of the Democratic State central committee 1864–1868.
He served as a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1868 and 1884.
He served as prosecuting attorney of Livingston County 1875–1879.
Joint nominee of the Democrats and Liberal Republicans for Congress in 1872, and again the nominee of the Democrats in the same district in 1880.
Mansur was elected as a Democrat to the Fiftieth, Fifty-first, and Fifty-second Congresses (March 4, 1887 – March 3, 1893).
He was an unsuccessful candidate for renomination in 1892.
He was appointed by President Cleveland as second Comptroller of the Treasury on May 29, 1893, and served until September 30, 1894.
Assistant Comptroller from October 1, 1894, until his death in Washington, D.C., April 16, 1895.
He was interred in Sunny Slope Cemetery, Richmond, Missouri.


Charles Hamlin (general)

Charles Hamlin (September 13, 1837 – May 15, 1911), from Bangor, Maine, was an attorney and a Union Army officer during the American Civil War, attaining the rank of major. He was nominated for appointment to the grade of brevet brigadier general of volunteers by President Andrew Johnson on January 13, 1866, to rank from March 13, 1865, and the United States Senate confirmed the appointment on March 12, 1866. He was one of the sons of Vice President Hannibal Hamlin and a brother to Cyrus Hamlin, a Union Army brigadier general.
Biography.
Hamlin was born in Hampden, Maine, and graduated from Bowdoin College in 1857. During the American Civil War, Hamlin served in the Union Army as a major, and was awarded the honorary rank of brevet brigadier general United States Volunteers, to rank from March 13, 1865, by U.S. Senate confirmation on March 12, 1866.
Hamlin began his military career as a major in the 1st Maine Heavy Artillery Regiment. He gained a staff position as major and assistant adjutant general in the Army of the Potomac. He fought in the Battle of Gettysburg among other engagements. Hamlin served as assistant adjutant general on the staffs of Generals Hiram G. Berry and Albion P. Howe. While serving under Gen. Howe in Washington, Hamlin was in the audience at Ford's Theatre when President Lincoln was assassinated. Hamlin was mustered out of the U.S. Volunteers on September 14, 1865. On January 13, 1866, Hamlin was nominated by President Andrew Johnson for the award of the honorary grade of brevet brigadier general United States Volunteers, to rank from March 13, 1865 for faithful and meritorious services The U.S. Senate confirmed the award on March 12, 1866.
Along with his sister Sarah, Hamlin was at Ford's Theater on the night of the Lincoln assassination.
After the war, Hamlin became a companion of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States.
A lawyer in civilian life, Hamlin returned to his home in Bangor, Maine after the war. He became the City Solicitor of Bangor in 1867. In 1883 and 1885 he was elected to successive terms in the Maine House of Representatives, becoming its Speaker in his second term. He also served as president of the Eastern Maine General Hospital (now the Eastern Maine Medical Center).


Cyril Douglas-Pennant

Admiral The Honourable Sir Cyril Eustace Douglas-Pennant KCB CBE DSO DSC (7 April 1894 – 3 April 1961) was a Royal Navy officer who went on to be Commander-in-Chief, The Nore.
Naval career.
Born the son of Frank Douglas-Pennant, 5th Baron Penrhyn, Cyril Douglas-Pennant joined the Royal Navy in 1907. He served in World War I.
He also served in World War II as Captain of the cruiser . He went on to command the assault forces from HMS "Bulolo" which landed on Gold Beach during the Normandy landings in 1944.
After the War he became Commandant of the Joint Services Staff College and then Flag Officer (Air) and Second in Command of the Mediterranean Fleet in 1948. He was appointed Senior Naval Representative for the British Joint Services Mission to Washington D. C. in 1950 and Commander-in-Chief, The Nore in 1952. He retired in 1953.
Family.
In 1917 he married Phyllis Constance Leigh. Following a divorce from his first wife, he married Sheila Brotherhood in 1937.


Taxation in Japan

Taxation in Japan is based primarily upon a national and a based upon one's area of residence. There are consumption taxes and excise taxes at the national level, an enterprise tax and a vehicle tax at the prefectural level and a property tax at the municipal level.
Taxes are administered by the National Tax Agency.
Consumption tax.
The Liberal Democratic Party government of Masayoshi Ōhira had attempted to introduce a consumption tax in 1979. Ohira met a lot of opposition within his own party and gave up on his attempt after his party suffered badly in the 1979 election. Ten years later Noboru Takeshita successfully negotiated with politicians, bureaucrats, business and labor unions to introduce a consumption tax, which was introduced at a rate of 3% consumption tax in 1989.
In April 1997 under the government of Ryutaro Hashimoto it was increased to 5%. The 5% is made up of a 4% national consumption tax and a 1% local consumption tax. Shortly after the tax was introduced Japan fell into recession, which was blamed by some on the consumption tax increase, and by others on the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
Prime Minister Jun'ichirō Koizumi said he had no intention of raising the tax during his government, but after his massive victory in the 2005 election he lifted a ban on discussing it. Over the following years a number of LDP politicians discussed raising it further, including prime ministers Shinzō Abe, Yasuo Fukuda, and Tarō Asō.
The Democratic Party of Japan came to power in the August 2009 elections with a promise not to raise the consumption tax for four years. The first DPJ prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama was opposed, but Naoto Kan replaced him and called for the consumption tax to be raised. The following prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda "staked his political life" on raising the tax. Despite an internal battle that saw former DPJ leader and co-founder Ichirō Ozawa and many other DPJ diet members vote against the bill and then leave the party, on June 26, 2012, the lower house of the Japanese diet passed a bill to double the tax to 10%. The new bill increased the tax to 8% in April 2014 and 10% in October 2015. However, due to Japan's economic situation, the Abe government delayed the tax increase to 10% twice; initially until April 2017 and then October 2019.
Income Tax.
Controversial tax law.
There is a spouse deduction that some have argued discourages men and women from entering the workforce full-time. In Japan, the Wall of 1.03 million yen and 1.30 million yen (103万円・130万円の壁) is a controversial social phenomenon among Japanese spouses due to the government's taxation policy. If a spouse's income is in excess of 1.03 million yen, which constitutes a taxable income of 380,000 yen , the couple cannot take the . If a spouse's income is in excess of 1.30 million yen, which constitutes a taxable income of 760,000 yen , a couple cannot take the . A couple is not eligible for the marital deduction if the main earner's income is in excess of 10 million yen.
Hometown tax.
"See main article: Hometown tax"
Since 2008, Japanese taxpayers have been allowed to pay 2000 yen to redirect a portion of their income tax to one of the regions, instead of central government (despite the name, there is no obligation for this to be the taxpayer's "home town"). As the regions compete to win these taxes by offering "gifts" in exchange, the result is that taxpayers end up simply using it to buy products more cheaply (e.g. a donation of 2000 yen can produce a "gift" of 60 kg of rice, equivalent to an adult's annual consumption).


Adam v The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform

Adam v The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform [2001] IESC 38 is a reported decision of the Irish Supreme Court, in which the Court, in affirming High Court orders to strike out two judicial review proceedings as frivolous, held that, to challenge the decision of a public authority, one must attempt to rely on proved individual circumstances.
Background.
There are two appeals at hand here, the Toma Adam case and the Florin Iordache case. Toma Adam case will be referred to as "the Toma Adam proceedings" and the Florin Iordache case will be referred to as "the Iordache proceedings". The appeals are heard together because of the High Court judgment in 2001.
In the Toma Adam appeal, the Applicants claimed that they came to Ireland to seek asylum as they were abused in Romania, they were oppressed of their human rights, and as a result of both of these facts, they were afraid of the same occurrences if they returned to Romania. There was no real evidence presented of either the abuse or the breach of their human rights. The High Court granted them leave to seek judicial review. The applicants were allowed to seek two reliefs: An Order of Certiorari and An Order of Mandamus. Applicants also wanted the Respondents to seek a case against Romania under the law of the European Convention on Human Rights, however, the High Court did not allow this. The Respondents later opposed the applicants and sought two orders: to discharge the High Court's decision to allow a judicial review, and to get rid of the Applicants legal action overall as they make no proper case against the Respondent and it has no serious purpose.
O'Donovan J. in the High Court, held that the Court has power to analyse the decision that granted leave to seek judicial review. The Judge also held that it is wrong that all of the Applicants were put together in one case. It was then held that the European Convention on Human Rights does not involve Irish domestic law and the Minister for Justice does not need to apply such law in his actions. Lastly, it was held that there is no proof that the Minister did not take into consideration the actions in Romania or that there was any breach of natural justice.
In the Iordache proceedings, Florin Iordache was seeking judicial review on the basis that when he lived in Romania he suffered a lot of abuse and injustice due to his sexual orientation. Laffoy J. in the High Court, allowed the Applicant to seek: An Order of Certiorari, An Order of Mandamus for the Respondents to take into consideration the Applicants wish to stay in Ireland due to asylum, An Order of Mandamus making the Respondents initiate a claim against Romania, and lastly an order to seek damages.
In regards to the Iordache proceedings, the High Court held: that the Court has power to analyse the decision that granted leave to seek judicial review just like in the Adam proceedings. It was held that the European Convention on Human Rights does not involve Irish domestic law and the Minister for Justice does not need to apply such law in his actions. Also it was held that there was no proof that the deportation was in breach of Section 3 of the Immigration Act 1999. It was lastly held that making the State to bring a case against Romania was bound to fail as it would go against Article 29.4.1 of the Constitution.
The High Court then held that the Applicants legal action should be dismissed overall as they make no proper case against the Respondent and it has no serious purpose. The Judge held that if an appeal of his decision is made to the Supreme Court, then both the Toma Adam's proceedings and the Iordache case should be heard together.
Opinion of the Supreme Court.
The judgments were brought by McGuinness J., and Hardiman J.
The Issues
The first issue at hand is whether a High Court can clear the judgment of another judge in the High Court, which granted leave for judicial review to the Applicant.
The second issue is whether in the Toma Adam and Iordache cases, the Applicants made a strong case for judicial review proceedings.
Judgment of Mrs Justice McGuinness
McGuinness J. firstly agrees with the lawyers who were present in the High Court that there is no precise Irish authority on the matter regarding whether a High Court has the authority to dismiss an order for leave which has previously been given. However, in the case of "Adams v DPP", the judge dismissed an order for leave which was granted before.
Judge McGuinness referred to the test set out in "G v DPP", the first part of the test was whether the Applicants had a "sufficient interest in the matter". The judge explained that at this stage it is unclear with each Applicant as to what is his/her precise interest in the case. The judge agreed with O'Donovan J (High Court judge), that it is not right to have such a big group of Applicants put together. Furthermore, Judge McGuinness said that the biggest problem here for the Applicants are parts B) and C) of the test in G v DPP, she stated that if the Applicants affidavit had a specific and strong ground as to why such relief was being sought, then the Applicants would get such relief.
McGuinness J. then went on to talk about the affidavits of Mr Pendred (Solicitor). The affidavits regarded the matter of different ways in which the applicants could suffer persecution in Romania. McGuinness J. felt that in this case the affidavits were stated in "very general terms". She reminded everyone that a judicial review is not another appeal, it is about the procedures that were used to come to a decision. The judge explained that an Applicant, when seeking leave for a judicial review must produce an affidavit that specifically establishes how he/she believes the decision making procedure was wrong.
Judge McGuinness contrasted this case with "R v Secretary of State for the Home Department", ex parte Turgut [2001] 1 All ER 719, where "1,500 specific pages of specific evidence were submitted to the Court." In this case, on the other hand, the judge could not find whether the facts supported a proper ground for the relief being fought, "because neither in the Adam proceedings nor the Iordache proceedings did the pleadings set out any specific evidence that the Minister had failed to have regard to the situation in Romania when considering the position of the Applicants."
The judge found that the Applicants did not provide much evidence for their claims and did not put forward a strong case. For these reasons, Judge McGuinness dismissed both appeals and affirmed the orders of the High Court.
Judgment of Hardiman J.
Judge Hardiman, when deciding on the conclusion of the case, looked at whether the Applicants provided a strong, reasonable case, or whether these cases are "frivolous or vexatious or doomed to fail".
Hardiman J., began his judgment by saying that the Applicants did not have strong evidence, they instead are simply claiming that Romania is a place where deportation should not be allowed. These allegations were made by "Counsels advice", there was no real proof as to why deportation should be disallowed.
As for the Adam proceedings, the judge stated that there was nothing presented, to clearly show the individual situations of the applicants. Hardiman J., then explained that although Mr. Iordache had more specific reasons for his application, it was still quite vague. "No applicant has made out a credible cause that he or she has an individual fear of persecution."
The judge then used the case of "Finnucare v McMahon" [1990] ILRM 505, to show contract with the case at hand. In the "Finnucare" case, the Plaintiff showed with strong evidence that he could not be sent back to Northern Ireland. In contrast, the Applicants in this case, apart from Mr. Iordache, did not attempt to show evidence, as Hardiman J., states in his judgment.
Mr. Iordache was given permission to seek a case against Romania in the High Court, however, Hardiman J., stated, "I consider that no Court has jurisdiction to direct any such order to the executive". He also referred to Article 29.4.1 of the Irish Constitution to give source to his statement. He explained that it would be against the Constitution if the Court began proceedings against Romania. If this were to happen, as the judge explained, then the court would be performing a function which is meant for the Government, it would disregard the separation of powers.
Hardiman J. concluded that this case had no proper facts, apart from Mr. Iordache's case. He found these proceedings to be "frivolous, vexatious and doomed to fail: indeed they are scarcely recognisable as legal proceedings at all."
Like in Judge McGuinness' conclusion, Hardiman J. also referred to the case "R v Secretary of State for the Home Department", ex parte Turgut [2001] 1 All ER 719, to contrast with the case at hand.
Lastly, Hardiman J. added that he also agreed with O'Donovan J. (High Court), that all of these Applicants should not have had their cases put into one proceeding without having their situations distinguished individually.
Hardiman J. dismissed the appeal and affirmed the order of the High Court.


Jagjit Chadha

Jagjit Singh Chadha (Punjabi: ਜਗਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਚਢਾ, born 1 December 1966) is a British economist who is the Director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research.
He is on secondment from his position as Professor and Chair in Money and Banking in the Department of Economics at the University of Kent. He is Professor of Commerce at Gresham College and was Chair of the Money, Macro and Finance Research Group (now Money Macro and Finance Society) and was previously a specialist adviser to the Treasury Select Committee. He is also a part-time, Visiting Professor of Economics at Cambridge University.
Chadha obtained his education from University College London and the London School of Economics. He then became an advisor and researcher at the Bank of England working on monetary economics, in particular on the interaction of financial markets and monetary regimes.
His earlier academic positions included: Lecturer in Macroeconomics in the Department of Economics at the University of Southampton, Fellow and Economics Director of Studies at Clare College, University of Cambridge, as well as a member of the Cambridge faculty Professor of Economics and Director of the Centre for Dynamic Macroeconomic Analysis at the University of St Andrews.
After a period as the Chief Quantitative Economist at BNP Paribas, Chadha was appointed Professor of Economics in Keynes College at the University of Kent in 2007, where he is Chair in Money and Banking.
In August 2014, Chadha was appointed Mercers' School Memorial Professor of Commerce at Gresham College for a period of three years, replacing Douglas McWilliams. Chadha's first series of six free public lectures was on "Money, Monetary Policy and Central Banks: The Meeting of Art and Science"
Chadha has acted as an academic adviser to HM Treasury, the Treasury Select Committee and other policy-making institutions outside the UK. He was formerly Chair of the Money, Macro and Finance Research Group (MMF). He is the current Editor of the series "Modern Macroeconomic Policy-making" published by Cambridge University Press.


Claude Silberzahn

Claude Silberzahn (18 March 1935 – 18 April 2020) was a French high civil servant.
Silberzahn was Prefect of French Guiana (1982–84), of Seine-Maritime (1985-86, with jurisdiction over the region of Haute-Normandie) and Doubs (1986–89, with jurisdiction over the region of Franche-Comté).
He was Director-General of DGSE, the French external intelligence agency, from 23 March 1989 to 7 June 1993.
He was mayor of Simorre, a village in Gers department, from 2001 to 2014.
He died on 18 April 2020.


Albert Adomakoh

Albert Adomakoh (April 8, 1922 – August 16, 2016) was an economist and a Governor of the Bank of Ghana. He was governor from 10 September 1965 to 9 February 1968.


About Adam

About Adam is a 2000 romantic comedy film written and directed by Gerard Stembridge and starring Kate Hudson, Stuart Townsend, and Frances O'Connor. The plot focuses on the effect a seductive young man has on four siblings.
Synopsis.
Adam is a young Dubliner who ingratiates himself into the Owens family after meeting Lucy at the restaurant where she waits tables and sings. While wooing her, he becomes involved with her more reserved older sister Laura, a romantic literary type who spends most of her time at the library, her oldest married sister Alice, a new mother who is unhappy with her boring husband Martin, and her brother David, who seeks Adam's advice on how to seduce his repressed girlfriend, only to find himself nearly succumbing to Adam's charms himself.
Revisits are made to several scenes, each seen from the point-of-view of a different character.
Production.
Kate Hudson performs "The Man I Love" by George and Ira Gershwin, "You Do Something to Me" by Cole Porter, and "All the Way" by Sammy Cahn and Jimmy Van Heusen. During the closing credits, Peggy Lee performs "Sisters" by Irving Berlin.
The film premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2000 and was shown at the Karlovy Vary Film Festival in the Czech Republic in July 2000 but wasn't released theatrically until it opened in Ireland in January 2001. It was given a very limited release in the U.S., where it grossed $159,668.
Critical reception.
Stephen Holden of "The New York Times" said "Guilt-free and nearly devoid of erotic angst, "About Adam" is the flip side of movies like "Teorema", "Something for Everyone" and those slogging Tennessee Williams dramas in which an irresistible, omnisexual stud is often an angel of death. Here he is an angel of sexual health in an impossibly euphoric world where sibling rivalry and sexual jealousy are only passing twinges of discomfort, not consuming passions. The movie's blissful spirits coincide with its portrait of modern, freshly-scrubbed-looking Dublin as the closest thing to Fun City the British isles have to offer nowadays."
Emanuel Levy of "Variety" called the film "smartly sexy," a "brightly observed narrative," and "a frolic free of any judgments ... marked by Stembridge's sparkling wit." He added, "Stembridge plays with shifting perspectives in a fresh manner that defies expectations of the romantic genre ... This literate ensembler is propelled by talent behind and in front of the camera. Townsend, who physically resembles the young Terence Stamp, is perfectly cast as the dark, spirited outsider. Rest of the mostly female cast is equally deft and attractive."
Maitland McDonagh of "TV Guide" rated it three out of four stars, calling it "sweet, likable and consistently engaging, if so insubstantial that it's always on the verge of blowing away" and adding, "Townsend pulls off the unenviable job of making Adam a chameleon-like seducer without allowing him to seem like a cad or a callous sexual opportunist ... Stembridge deftly balances genre expectations with just enough stylistic flourishes to make it feel surprisingly fresh. The movie starts to fade from memory as soon as it's over, but for an hour and a half it's a pleasantly diverting lark."


Ramiro I of Aragon

Ramiro I (bef. 10078 May 1063) was the first King of Aragon from 1035 until his death, although he is sometimes described as a petty king. He would expand the nascent Kingdom of Aragon through his acquisition of territories, such as Sobrarbe and Ribagorza, and the city of Sangüesa. Sancho Ramírez, his son and successor, was King of Aragon, but also became King of Pamplona.
Biography.
Apparently born before 1007, he was the illegitimate son of Sancho III of Pamplona by his mistress Sancha of Aybar. Ramiro was reputed to have been adopted by his father's wife Muniadona after he was the only one of his father's children to come to her aid when needed, although there is no surviving record of these events and the story is probably apocryphal.
During his father's reign, he appeared as witness of royal charters starting in 1011, and was given numerous properties in the county of Aragon, and by the division of Sancho's realm on the latter's death in 1035, the county of Aragon fell to Ramiro with the title of "baiulus" or steward. This was part of what would prove to be a larger division: Navarre and the Basque country went to eldest half-brother García, the county of Castile was held by Ferdinand, while the counties of Sobrarbe and Ribagorza fell to Gonzalo and Ramiro received lands in Aragon to hold under García.
Ramiro's exact status is vague. He was called king by his vassals, neighbors, the church and even his sons, yet he always referred to himself simply as "Ranimiro Sancioni regis filio" (Ramiro, son of King Sancho). Likewise, in his two wills, he refers to his lands as having been given him in stewardship: in the first by García, and in the second by God. He is called "regulus" (rather than "rex" used for García) and "quasi pro rege" (acting as if king) in charters from Navarre. Due to his growing independence and the small size of his Pyrenean holdings, he is sometimes called a "petty king", Aragon a "pocket kingdom".
Ramiro sought to enlarge his lands at the expense of both the Moors and his brother, García, the King of Navarre. Shortly after the death of his father (the date variously placed from 1036 to 1043), he supported the emir of Tudela in an invasion of the Navarre. While he was defeated in the Battle of Tafalla, he still was able to gain territory, including Sanguesa, and established a state of semi-autonomy. In 1043, apparently with the approval of García, he annexed Sobrarbe and Ribagorza, previously held by his youngest legitimate half-brother, Gonzalo. This union created a pseudo-independent Aragonese state, with its capital at Jaca, that would give rise to the Kingdom of Aragon.
After annexation of Ribagorza and Sobrarbe, Ramiro began the advance from Aragon toward Huesca and Zaragoza. The first charter for the royal town of Jaca is attributed to him. It included well defined laws of protection even to non-residents, and would set an example for urban rights until late in the Middle Ages.
Ramiro died at the Battle of Graus in 1063 while trying to take the city. He was buried at the monastery of San Juan de la Peña, in Santa Cruz de la Serós.
Marriage and children.
Before he was married, Ramiro had a mistress named Amuña (Amunna) with whom he had an illegitimate son, Sancho Ramírez, Count of Ribagorza, in whom he confided the government of the county of Ribagorza.
Ramiro's first wife was Gisberga, daughter of Bernard Roger of Bigorre, on 22 August 1036. She changed her name to Ermesinda on marrying him. Together the couple had five children:
Ramiro's second wife was Agnes (Inés), perhaps a daughter of the Duke of Aquitaine. No children are known from this marriage.


Man Up (film)

Man Up is a 2015 romantic comedy film directed by Ben Palmer from a screenplay written by Tess Morris, starring Lake Bell and Simon Pegg. The film follows a single 34-year-old woman (Bell), who after being mistaken for a stranger's blind date, finds the perfect boyfriend in a 40-year-old divorcé (Pegg). The film was released in the United Kingdom on 29 May 2015 by StudioCanal.
Plot.
Nancy is 34 years old and has been single for four years. She is pessimistic about love, but her sister hopes that Nancy can find it and encourages her to "put herself out there." Nancy has an awkward blind date at her friend's engagement party.
Nancy takes the train to London to attend her parents' 40th anniversary celebration. On the train, Nancy sits across from Jessica, a bubbly 24-year-old woman who is going on a blind date based on a self-help book called "6 Billion People and You". Nancy is rude to Jessica so, when Nancy falls asleep, Jessica leaves behind her copy of the book, bookmarking Chapter 7, "Your Negative Thoughts are Ruining Your Life (And Everyone Else's...)". At London Waterloo station, Nancy pursues Jessica to return the book, but is stopped by Jack, Jessica's blind date, who thinks she is Jessica because of the book. Before Nancy can explain she is not, the nervous Jack charms her with his rambling introduction. She decides to take a chance and pretend to be Jessica, and they have a good time drinking and bowling, but Nancy's ruse is exposed when they run into her creepy secondary school acquaintance, Sean.
Nancy and an angry Jack argue and return to the bar to retrieve his bag and her notebook, where they run into Hilary, Jack's soon-to-be-ex-wife, with Ed, the man she left him for. Nancy goes along with Jack's own ruse when he pretends she is his girlfriend. The presence of the self-assured Nancy irritates Hilary, but Nancy ends up consoling Jack in the bathroom, where she shares the story of her own ex and helps him achieve closure.
Nancy wants to invite Jack to her parents' anniversary party — but Jessica has left telephone messages for Jack and still wants to meet up, so he parts ways with Nancy. Nancy arrives at her parents' party but is downhearted about the parting, while Jack, who has found he has little in common with Jessica, also quickly realises that letting her go was a mistake. After Jessica — who is pleased about Jack and Nancy's "love story" because it supports her optimistic view of the world — sees him off in a taxi, he enlists the help of Sean and some teenagers (Sean sent Jack to the wrong house and went off to try his luck with Nancy himself — to little avail — but one of the teenagers knew where she lived and they all went there together) to find Nancy's house and they decide to take a chance on each other.
Production.
In June 2013, it was announced Simon Pegg had joined the Big Talk production, co-starring as the romantic interest. On 19 November 2013 Lake Bell joined the cast as the film's lead, with "The Inbetweeners" director Ben Palmer set to direct. The film received funding from BBC Films, with Anton Capital Entertainment and Amazon Prime Instant Video joining as minor production partners. StudioCanal distributed the film.
Olivia Williams, Rory Kinnear, Stephen Campbell Moore, Sharon Horgan, Harriet Walter, and Ken Stott joined the cast of the film during the filming. Principal photography began on 20 January 2014 in London.
Release.
"Man Up" was released theatrically in the United Kingdom on 29 May 2015 by StudioCanal following its premiere at the 2015 Tribeca Film Festival on 19 April. The film was released in the United States by Saban Films on 13 November 2015.
The film received positive reviews from critics. On review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an 80% "Certified Fresh" rating based on 79 reviews, with an average rating of 6.25/10. The site's consensus states: "Thanks to fine performances from Lake Bell and Simon Pegg, "Man Up" largely strikes the deceptively difficult balance between romance and comedy." On Metacritic, the film holds a 69 out of 100 rating, based on 16 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".
As of November, 2020 the film is being presented on YouTube "Free Movies".


United Nations Security Council Resolution 655

United Nations Security Council resolution 655, adopted unanimously on 31 May 1990, after considering a report by the Secretary-General regarding the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force, the Council noted its efforts to establish a durable and just peace in the Middle East.
The resolution decided to call upon the parties concerned to immediately implement Resolution 338 (1973), it renewed the mandate of the Observer Force for another six months until 30 November 1990 and requested that the Secretary-General submit a report on the situation at the end of that period.


Satoshi Sumita

 was a Japanese businessman, central banker, the 25th Governor of the Bank of Japan (BOJ) during a period in which Japan became the world's largest creditor nation.
Early life.
Sumita was born in Gunma Prefecture.
Career.
In the 1960s, Sumita was made director of the Banking Bureau within the Japanese Ministry of Finance. He gained international experience as president of the semi-official Japan Export-Import Bank (JEXIM).
Sumita was Governor of the Bank of Japan from December 17, 1984 to December 16, 1989, having previously served as its deputy governor from 1979 to 1984.
In September 1988, he represented Japan at a meeting of the Group of Seven (G7) in Bonn. In March 1989, he was the head of Japan's delegation at meetings of the G7, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
According to Finance Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, Sumita "served during a very difficult time". Sumita was often blamed for the easy monetary policies of the Bank of Japan, which gave rise to the Japanese asset price bubble of the late 1980s. Subsequent research has however exonerated him, as the Bank of Japan deputy governor Yasushi Mieno and the Bank of Japan's director of the banking department, Toshihiko Fukui, created the asset bubble using a clandestine policy tool called 'window guidance' of whose existence the governor was not informed by them.
Selected works.
In a statistical overview derived from writings by and about Satoshi Sumita, OCLC/WorldCat encompasses roughly 8 works in 10+ publications in 3 languages and 30+ library holdings.


Five years plan to governing aborigines

Five-year plan for governing aborigines, or the Five Year Plan to Subdue the Savages, was a program aimed to use military force to suppress the aborigine populations in Taiwan during the early years of the Japanese Occupation. It was enacted by the fifth Taiwanese governor general, Sakuma Samata from 1910 to 1915.
In the year of 1906, General of the imperial Japanese army Sakuma Samata became the fifth governor general of Taiwan. In 1909, Sakuma created the Bureau of Aboriginal Affairs as a part of the Civil Administration Bureau and established local aboriginal offices in different regions among Taiwan and assigned aboriginal duties to local administrators, as a result of preparation on further soon to be enacted aboriginal governance program. He then drafted the ‘Five-year plan of aboriginal governance’ in 1910 with a budget of 16.3 million Yuan, aimed to make all the aborigines who were living in the mountain regions pledge their allegiance to the Japanese ruling force with the use of military and armed forces in 5 years.
Background.
In the nineteenth century, mountain areas in Taiwan contained wealth of natural resources yet to be developed. Forest and mineral products became a tempting treasure for Japan. However, those areas were traditionally the hunting field and possession of the Taiwanese aborigines. Among the east part of Taiwan and most of the mountainous areas were treated as the aboriginal areas under the Qing rule. When the first Sino-Japanese war ended in 1895, the Chinese Qing government signed on the treaty of Shimonoseki, and abandoned Taiwan. From 1895, Taiwan became an imperial Japanese colony. Japan had conflicts with the Taiwanese aborigines since the pre-Sino-Japanese war, so called the Mudan Incident of 1871. 54 Japanese had been killed by the Taiwanese aborigines. This incident ended with the victory of Japan’s well trained and equipped military force. The leader of the Japanese side was Satsuma Samata, later the fifth Governor General. Aborigines in Taiwan who traditionally live in the mountains were regarded as barbaric and ruthless in Japan’s colonizers’ minds. In the beginning of the twentieth century, Imperial Japan’s administration among Taiwan’s cities and towns had been settled and established for some years since occupation. Violent resistance and uprisings had decreased due to the huge disparity between the Japanese military force and the Taiwanese local people. The colonial government then had the necessity to focus more on the administration over the mountains.
The plan.
From the beginning of the plan, Japanese colonial government had decided to adopt a violent way to force the aborigines to obey. Sakuma was assigned to implement the plan due to his experience to fight with the aborigines during the Mudan incident. Sakuma started to enact the program of five years plan for governing aborigines after he took the position as the governor general. The plan aimed to control and administer the mountain areas within 5 years. It predicted that it would take one to two years for the Japanese military force to mop up the northern side of aborigines. At the same time, they were to develop the frontier guard system comprehensively, whilst first to reassure the aborigines among the southern regions of Taiwan. While the military force mop up the north, they would then laying roads on the mountains and investigate the terrain features in the south and information about the southern aborigines for the future use of the mop up to the south. In the third year, they would use to maximum force possible to attack the 'Taroko aborigines'. During the fourth year, comprehensive attacks to the southern and eastern regions and its aborigines were to begin. There would be a central east to west road to be built, and a transport route for the development of the eastern part of Taiwan would be established. During the fifth year, the final year of the plan, the frontier guard lines would then be reformed as permanent roads.
Implementation.
The actual implementation of the plan began during April 1910. The Tayal (Atayal) tribe were the first of the northern aborigines to be mopped up. However, the Japanese military force met with the much greater resistance than they had expected, so they greatly increased the number of troops. The Japanese committed many atrocities, especially in their campaign against the Slamaw area. The Truku (Taroko) tribe put up such fierce resistance that the Japanese realized they could not quell the aborigines in just five years. More time was needed. Plans to suppress and develop southern and eastern tribes were carried out hurriedly. When the Truku tribe was finally vanquished, Sakuma went back to Japan to report the completion of the aboriginal governance plan to the Meiji Emperor, and then resigned as the governor general of Taiwan.
Result.
Ando Teibi as the successor of Sakuma who became the sixth governor general of Taiwan in April 1915 ceased the 'Bureau of Aboriginal Affairs' and returns the aborigines' administration to the police bureau of mountainous areas, ending the armed suppression policy of the aboriginal governance.


Benegal Rama Rau

Sir Benegal Rama Rau, CIE, ICS (1 July 1889 – 13 December 1969) was the fourth Governor of the Reserve Bank of India from 1 July 1949 to 14 January 1957.
He was educated at Presidency College, Madras, and at King's College, Cambridge. Joining the Indian Civil Service in 1919, he was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire (CIE) in 1930, and was knighted in 1939. He was a member of the Indian Civil Service. While he had the longest tenure as Governor of the RBI, it was cut short when he resigned just before the expiry of his second extended term, due to differences with Finance Minister TT Krishnamachari.
From a Konkani-speaking Chitrapur Saraswat Brahmin family from Mangaluru, his elder brother Sir Benegal Narsing Rau was an Indian civil servant, jurist, diplomat and statesman known for his key role in drafting the Constitution of India, and his younger brother B Shiva Rao became a journalist and politician. Married to Dhanvanthi Rama Rau, of Kashmiri Brahmin descent and a leader in the Indian women's rights movement who was the International President of Planned Parenthood, their younger daughter Santha Rama Rau became a travel writer, marrying and settling in the United States.
On joining the ICS and before joining the RBI he held the following posts.
When he returned to India he was appointed Chairman of the Bombay Port Trust (1941–1946). After serving in the post he once again served as a diplomat as the Indian Ambassador to Japan (1947–1948), and as the Ambassador to the United States (1948–1949). His last position was as the Governor of the Reserve Bank of India. He has been the longest-serving R.B.I Governor to date.


Fremantle Customs House

The Old Customs House is a building in Fremantle, Western Australia that was built in 1908 to house the main branch of the Customs Department of Western Australia. It is one of only a handful of extant Customs Houses in the state; others are in Albany, Broome, Cossack, and Geraldton.
History.
It was built on the corner of Cliff Street and Phillimore Streets on the site of the old railway station, a location selected by William Lyne (and recommended by the Fremantle Citizens League). William Hedges also lobbied in support of the location.
An earlier idea of renovating the old Post Office building for Customs' use was scrapped.
On 18 September 1907, the state government allocated £7,500 (of the total projected cost of £10,000) to be spent on construction in the following year.
The architectural plans were prepared by the State's Public Works Department under the supervision of the Principal Architect, Hillson Beasley. The building construction was undertaken by a local firm, Ashman and Warner, under the supervision of Mr Sefton of the Public Works Department.
The two storey building is constructed of brick on a base of Cottesloe limestone. The heavily moulded cornices and facings were constructed from Donnybrook stone, which was chosen in preference (due to lower cost, and better weather resistance) to Sydney freestone. Western Australian timbers were also used.
The Postmaster-General decided not to open a telegraph office in the new building, because one already existed close by.
Current use.
In 1986 the building was used to house the Fremantle Arts Foundation (FAF), with the creation of eight artist's studios. The FAF was established by the State Government to provide a cultural component to 1987 America's Cup Defence. The building was subsequently purchased by the State and managed by the Foundation. In 1992 FAF changed its name to the Artists Foundation of Western Australia Ltd (AFWA), providing support for visual artists through statewide delivery of professional development, support and advocacy services. In 2004 AFWA was rebranded and now trades as Artsource. The building housed the WA Circus School until 2017, and currently accommodates 24 artist's studios.
Heritage value.
The building was classified by the National Trust of Australia (WA) on 28 October 1974 and was placed on the Register of the National Estate on 21 March 1978.
The building was formally listed on the State Register of Heritage Places by the Heritage Council of Western Australia on 23 April 1999. It is also listed on the City of Fremantle's municipal heritage list.


Bowles v. Russell

Bowles v. Russell, 551 U.S. 205 (2007), is a Supreme Court of the United States case in which the Court determined that the federal courts of appeals lack jurisdiction to hear habeas appeals that are filed late, even if the district court said the petitioner had additional time to file.
Early history of the parties.
In 1999, Keith Bowles was convicted in the murder of Ollie Gipson. Bowles requested to file an appeal under Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 4(a)(6), which allows a district court to grant a 14-day extension under certain conditions. The District Court granted Bowles' motion but inexplicably gave him 17 days to file his notice of appeal. He filed within the 17 days allowed by the District Court, but after the 14-day period allowed by Rule 4(a)(6) and §2107(c). In an opinion written by Chief Judge Danny Julian Boggs, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals held that the notice was untimely and that they therefore lacked jurisdiction to hear the case.
Supreme Court decision.
In this case, a District Court purported to extend a party's time for filing an appeal beyond the period allowed by statute. We must decide whether the Court of Appeals had jurisdiction to entertain an appeal filed after the statutory period but within the period allowed by the District Court's order. We have long and repeatedly held that the time limits for filing a notice of appeal are jurisdictional in nature. Accordingly, we hold that petitioner's untimely notice—even though filed in reliance upon a District Court's order—deprived the Court of Appeals jurisdiction.
The dissenting opinion stated "It is intolerable for the judicial system to treat people this way, and there is not even a technical justification for condoning this bait and switch."
Impact of the case.
The Court ruled that an appellate court may sua sponte (on its own motion) dismiss an appeal which has not been filed within the time limitations authorized by statute, even if the district court told the appellant that he had additional time and the appellant relied on the court's guidance. Rule 4(a)(6) of the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure was interpreted that time is of the essence. Additional time granted by the district court judge is not permitted if beyond the stated rules. The ruling may be seen as the Court's attempt to limit the powers of the judicial branch, especially in regard to appeals from criminal convictions.


Paolo Baffi

Paolo Baffi (5 August 1911 – 4 August 1989) was an Italian academic, banker, and economist. He was the Governor of Bank of Italy from 1975 to 1979.
Biography.
He was born at Broni. He became governor of the Bank of Italy in 1975, succeeding Guido Carli. His appointment was supported by both the government parties (in particular the Republican Party and Aldo Moro of Christian Democracy, then president) and the main opposition force, the Communist Party.
He resigned in 1979, after a failed accusation against him led by magistrates of the Tribunal of Rome, considered kin to the Caltagirone family (a group of builders who had contracted heavy debts with the Bank of Italy) and Christian Democracy. Baffi died in Rome in 1989.
In March 1979, he was implicated in a judicial investigation into the lack of vigilance by the credit institutes opened by the deputy prosecutor of the Republic of Rome Luciano Infelisi and conducted by the investigating judge Antonio Alibrandi.


Imee Marcos

Maria Imelda Josefa "Imee" Romualdez Marcos (; born November 12, 1955) is a Filipino politician serving as a Senator since 2019. She previously served as governor of Ilocos Norte from 2010 to 2019, and as representative of Ilocos Norte's 2nd district from 1998 to 2007. She is the daughter of former president Ferdinand Marcos and former first lady Imelda Marcos.
During her father's martial law regime, she played various political roles including assemblyman to the Batasang Pambansa and chairperson of the Kabataang Barangay, during which activist Archimedes Trajano was murdered after he questioned her appointment to the office. She turned 18—the age of majority in the Philippines—just fourteen months after her father's declaration of Martial Law, and was already 30 years old by the time her family were ousted from power in the 1986 People Power revolution, after which they escaped to Honolulu.
After her family were allowed to return in the 1990s, she served three terms in the House of Representatives and three terms as governor of Ilocos Norte. She was elected to the Senate in the 2019 elections.
Her conviction in the 1993 "Trajano v. Marcos" case (978 F 2d 493) before the U.S. district court in Honolulu is noted in U.S. legal circles for exposing the weaknesses of the act of state doctrine, allowing for similar suits to be filed.
She has been linked to the unexplained wealth of her family, identified as a beneficiary of various Marcos offshore holdings as revealed in the Panama Papers and the findings in the court convictions of her mother Imelda Marcos. These holdings were defined as "ill-gotten wealth" by the Supreme Court of the Philippines, and are the subject of repatriation efforts by the Presidential Commission on Good Government.
Early life.
Marcos was born on November 12, 1955, in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila, as the eldest child of former president Ferdinand Marcos, and former first lady Imelda Marcos, both of whom exercised autocratic rule over the Philippines from December 1965 to February 1986. She has three other siblings: Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr., a former senator and failed vice presidential candidate; Irene Marcos-Araneta,; and Aimee Marcos, who was adopted.
Marcos grew up as a young child in the Malacañan Palace, the official residence of the president. She turned ten years old the day after her father was elected in 1965. In an interview with her family-backed "Filipinas Magazine" in 1999, she admitted that she was uncomfortable living in the palace because it was too confining, very formal, and fixed. She also added that it is "not necessarily the most appropriate place to bring up a kid but it was quite nice".
While living at the palace, Marcos claimed that she attended "regular" schools in Manila, but had to discontinue as the First Family found it difficult to go out because of protest rallies outside Malacañang. The rallies, all of which were faced with military assaults which led to numerous Filipino deaths, were in response to her family's deadly conjugal dictatorship that lasted for more than two decades.
Education.
During the 2019 elections, Marcos' educational background has been steeped in controversy. Under her parents' conjugal dictatorship, Marcos falsified her graduation from at least four schools (including two universities), falsely claiming that she graduated as "cum laude" and "class valedictorian" in two of them.
Primary and secondary education.
Marcos attended the "Institucion Teresiana" (now Saint Pedro Poveda College) in Quezon City from kindergarten through grade IV where she earned first honors. She transferred to Assumption Convent at Herran Street in Manila for grade V to first year high school, where she also earned first honors. Then, she moved to the American School (now International School Manila) in Makati.
Falsification of Santa Catalina high school graduation.
For more than four decades, Marcos claimed that she graduated as class valedictorian from Santa Catalina Convent (now called Santa Catalina School) in Monterey, California. On March 21, 2019, Santa Catalina's assistant head of school John Aimé disproved Marcos' claims, stating: '[Imee Marcos] attended our school for a brief period in the fall of 1972, she is "not" a graduate.'
Undergraduate education.
In 1973, Imee Marcos enrolled at Princeton University, where she took a variety of courses in religion and politics but never declared a major.
Marcos' stay at Princeton was marred with controversy with black and Asian students (Asian-American Students Association - AASA) protesting her admission for allowing the daughter of a dictator to study at the university and as a potential threat to students who opposed the Marcos regime.
She withdrew from Princeton in 1976, returned in 1977, and then withdrew for the last time in 1979. She did not receive a degree from Princeton. She had flunked out, according to Princeton alumnus Richard Klein in the August 1983 issue of "Town Topics".
In the book "Some Are Smarter Than Others", author Ricardo Manapat reveals that after the EDSA revolution, investigators from the Presidential Commission on Good Government found out that Marcos' tuition, US$10,000 monthly allowance, and the 18th-century estate she stayed in while studying at Princeton was paid for using taxpayer money that could be traced partly to the intelligence funds of the Office of the President, and partly to some of the 15 bank accounts that the Marcoses had secretly opened in the US under assumed names.
False Princeton graduation claims.
Imee Marcos' time as a student at Princeton became a public issue once again in 2018, when she filed her candidacy for the Philippine Senate in the 2019 elections.
Marcos claimed in numerous venues, including a campaign leaflet and her official website, that she had graduated from Princeton. This resulted in social media uproar which brought up old news articles to show that Imee Marcos had not.
On her campaign website, Marcos uploaded an official biography that claimed that she was "one of the first female graduates from an Ivy League School—Princeton University, graduating with honors," but this claim was quickly disproved by news reports and on social media. In addition, she had stated in her curriculum vitae during her stay in the House of Representatives that she had graduated with honors from Princeton with an "Independent Major in Religion and Politics".
In a later interview with news anchor Tina Marasigan on DZMM TeleRadyo, she was asked whether she really graduated from Princeton or not, and whether her status as a Princeton graduate could be proven. She evaded the question and answered:
DZMM TeleRadyo's parent network, ABS-CBN News, noted that the video went viral as Marcos opted not to answer the question.
 This was seconded by InterAksyon, pointing out that Marcos "avoided answering the question and instead diverted the topic to the scholastic records of her brother Bongbong Marcos."
In January 2019, after a query from "Rappler", Princeton deputy university spokesperson Michael Hotchkiss stated that university records "do not show that Ms Marcos was awarded a degree," effectively proving that Marcos fabricated her Princeton degree.
On February 26, 2019, the student newspaper of Princeton, "The Daily Princetonian", reported that Marcos falsely claims that she graduated from the university. In an e-mail to "The Daily Princetonian", Hotchkiss repeated "Our records do not show that Ms. Marcos was awarded a degree."
Admission to and non-graduation from the UP College of Law.
After her stay at Princeton, she then enrolled at the University of the Philippines College of Law. Her admission was controversial because the student body protested the fact that she had failed to meet the normal requirement of having a college degree, while they had to go through a stringent admissions process.
According to University of the Philippines Cebu history professor Madrileña de la Cerna, Imee Marcos did not take 35 units worth of courses at the College of Law by the time she was supposed to graduate. Despite the missing units, the college faced political pressure to allow her to graduate, but the faculty, led by Haydee Yorac, refused to approve her graduation.
Staged ceremony and false graduation and honors claims.
A few days after the University of the Philippines held its recognition ceremonies for 1983, a televised recognition ceremony held at the Meralco Theater showed Imee Marcos graduating, and being honored magna cum laude even though she had not actually graduated. The ceremony was pushed by her parents, Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, who ruled the Philippines under their conjugal dictatorship.
In the book "Some Are Smarter Than Others" published in 1991 and written by Ricardo Manapat, the author detailed, "It appeared that Imee never had the proper qualification to enter the school and that her name never appeared in the list of approved graduates nor among the candidates endorsed for graduation by a committee."
Marcos claimed in her curriculum vitae during her time at the House of Representatives that she graduated with a bachelor's degree from the UP College of Law. She also falsely noted that she was cum laude.
In an e-mail to "Rappler", UP Executive Vice President Teodoro Herbosa stated that: "There is no record of her graduation from UP nor any honors or academic distinctions received with the University Registrar's office".
A viral Facebook post later circulated in the social platform, claiming that Imee graduated from the University of the Philippines in 1983 as class valedictorian. The post included an alleged yearbook, which had Marcos in it. The yearbook's authenticity was later proven to be false, as Marcos did not appear in any authenticated UP yearbook from 1983. Coincidentally, Marcos' eldest son Borgy was also born in 1983, making it impossible for Marcos to graduate from UP Law on time.
According to former UP Law dean Froilan Bacungan in the book "The Turning Point: Twenty-six accounts of February events in the Philippines":
Falsification of Master in Management degree.
After Imee's third educational attainment claim was disproved, the Asian Institute of Management (AIM) refused to provide information on whether Marcos was enrolled or had graduated from their school, as Marcos has claimed through her government resume that she also earned a "MA Management and Business Administration (MA MBA)" from AIM. However, on March 22, 2019, the Registrar and Student Enterprise Director of the school, Bryan Magbutay, reiterated, "In our 50 years of providing world class programs we "never" offered an MA MBA," effectively disproving Imee's claims.
Career under the Marcos administration.
Declaration of martial law.
Marcos and her siblings (Ferdinand Jr. and Irene) were studying overseas before Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, 1972. The siblings stayed there until they ended their studies, but would come home for Christmas and summer holidays using government funds. She turned 18 - the Philippines' age of majority, fourteen months after the declaration of Martial Law, and played various political roles in the Martial Law administration - as chairperson of the Kabataang Barangay and as assemblyman to the Batasang Pambansa. She was already 30 when the People Power revolution finally deposed the Marcos administration in 1986.
Administrative and political roles.
Kabataang Barangay.
After returning from Princeton, Marcos entered the world of politics as chairperson of the Kabataang Barangay—the youth organization that would eventually be replaced by the Sangguniang Kabataan—in 1977. She was founding chair of the Kabataang Barangay Foundation from 1975 to 1986. During her stint, Archimedes Trajano was brutally murdered. She would later be convicted on the torture and killing of Trajano in later life.
Assemblyman for Ilocos Norte to the Batasang Pambansa.
On June 30, 1984, she won a seat as one of two assemblyman to the Batasang Pambansa for Ilocos Norte (the other assemblyman was Antonio V. Raquiza) under the wing of her father's dictatorship. She formally held this role until the Batasang Pambansa was dissolved in the aftermath of the 1986 EDSA Revolution, which ousted their family from power.
National Media Production Center and Experimental Cinema of the Philippines.
From 1979 to 1986, she was consultant to the minister of the National Media Production Center in Quezon City. From 1981 to 1986, she was director general of the Experimental Cinema of the Philippines (ECP) after recommendation from her parents, who were controlling the country through a conjugal dictatorship. She served as co-producer of the films "The Boatman", "Brutal", and "Scorpio Nights", but was not listed as producer or co-producer of other ECP films.
In a 2002 interview with Philippine cinema academician Joel David, Marcos confirmed that she had "half-jokingly" named the “"Experimental Cinema of the Philippines"” as a reference to Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia, the institution founded during the dictatorship of Benito Mussolini - a reference to a cinema institution put up under a prior dictatorship which Professor David surmised to also be a tease aimed at Imee's parents.
As the mid-1980s approached, the collapse of the Philippine economy forced government to reduce the budget of the ECP, and to raise funds, it began screening what critics deemed skin flicks, which were called "Bomba" or "Bold" films in the local slang. At around this time, Imee Marcos promoted Johnny Litton, who had been deputy director general to chief executive officer of the ECP under her, and Litton's decision to screen extremely explicit films such as Scorpio Nights (Regal Films), Company Of Women (Athena Productions, Inc.) and Hubo (lit. "Naked" FLT Films International) were scored by industry critics. By 1985 ECP was producing "about twenty sexually explicit quickies" which they hoped to screen at the three screening rooms of the National Film Center. The films were assured of a neat profit despite the few screening venues.
Unexplained Marcos wealth.
The Marcoses got much criticism during the last part of Ferdinand Marcos' reign because of their conspicuous spending, which was far beyond their legal means, as expressed in the Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos' legally-required Statements of Assets Liabilities and Net Worth (SALN).
Some of the specific things Imee Marcos enjoyed were her own "Marcos Mansions" in Baguio and in the Metro Manila area, and her own purchases of Marcos jewels just like her mother.
In one instance recounted by British journalist Caroline Kennedy, Imee Marcos effectively used Philippine Airlines flights as a courier for breastmilk when she was traveling in Europe but had left her child in the Philippines. According to Kennedy, Imee had explained that she "expressed her milk every day and then Daddy sent a Philippine Airlines plane to wherever she was and it would bring the milk back." Kennedy noted that this coincided with a time when many Europe-based Philippine expats complained of a lot of flight delays and cancellations.
All this was aside from the uber-VIP treatment that the Marcoses regularly received. For example, when Imee Marcos enrolled in the University of the Philippines, the university broke its own policy of not having airconditioned classrooms and made sure the lecture halls Imee had classes in were equipped with AC.
Other roles before the 1986 revolution.
Other media work.
From 1975 to 1986, Marcos produced the television shows "Kulit Bulilit" and "Kaluskos Musmos". She was also a consultant/writer of the Children's Television Workshop for Asia and New York (1977–1979).
Marcos was columnist of "Manila Bulletin" (then known as "Bulletin Today") in Manila, publisher of the Filipino Film Review, publisher and editor of the Kabataang Barangay Foundation, Makati, Metro Manila, and special consultant to the chairperson of the board of BBC-2, RPN 9, and IBC 13. She was also the producer of "Metro" Magazine (1975–1986).
Legal work.
Marcos also worked as counsel at the Center for Legal Aid at the U.P. College of Law, and consultant for corporate taxation for different real estate corporations, such as Independent Realty Corp., Anchor Corp., and Prime Holdings.
Torture and murder of Archimedes Trajano.
The torture and killing of Archimedes Trajano was attributed to Imee Marcos, then the National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay. "On August 31, 1977, Archimedes Trajano, a 21-year-old student of Mapua Institute of Technology, attended an open forum with Imee Marcos, 21-year-old daughter of the dictator. Her father had appointed her National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay youth organization. When Trajano questioned her about her appointment, Imee apparently became irritated. Her guards seized Trajano and dragged him away. His body was found hours later: he had been severely tortured and beaten to death."
Nine years after the killing of Archimedes Trajano, his mother, Agapita Trajano, pressed charges against Imee Marcos and her accomplices for "false imprisonment, kidnapping, wrongful death, and a deprivation of rights" of her son. Marcos and her lawyers did not deny that Trajano was tortured—instead, they argued that as agents of the state, the soldiers who killed Trajano were immune from suit in a foreign state. The Honolulu district court awarded $2.5 million in punitive damages, $1.25 million for mental anguish to Agapita Trajano and $246,966 in attorney's fees and costs against Imee Marcos for the murder of Archimedes Trajano, by Marcos's personal bodyguards. Imee Marcos responded by saying, "Yes, Archimedes Trajano was tortured and killed but it's none of your business.""
1986 ouster, and life in exile.
Increasing unrest springing from the economic collapse of the Philippines in the years after the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino in 1983 came to a head in February 1986, when the EDSA Revolution succeeded in unseating the Marcoses from Malacañang palace.
Fearful of a scenario in which Marcos' presence in the Philippines would lead to a civil war, the Reagan administration flew Marcos and a party of about 80 individuals - the extended Marcos family and a number of close associates - from the Philippines to Hawaii despite Marcos' objections. Imee and her family were on the flight with her parents.
The exiles stayed at Hickam Air Force Base at the expense of the US Government. A month later, they moved into a pair of residences in Makiki Heights, Honolulu, which were registered to Antonio Floirendo and Bienvenido and Gliceria Tantoco.
Marcos would eventually die in exile in 1989.
President Corazon Aquino eventually allowed the Marcoses, including Imee, to return to the Philippines in order to face various charges. News reports from the period record that Marcos supporters organized crowd from Manila's slums to welcome the Marcoses on their return.
Post-exile career.
Return to politics.
Twelve years after her family's exile, Marcos returned to the world of politics. She ran as Congresswoman of the 2nd District of Ilocos Norte and won. She assumed office on June 30, 1998, and ended June 30, 2007.
In the 2010 elections, she ran as governor of Ilocos Norte against her cousin, Michael Marcos Keon, who was the governor during that time. She defeated her cousin in the elections. Imee had 196,160 votes while her cousin, Gov. Michael had 86,005 votes. She assumed office on June 30, 2010. She was re-elected as governor in the 2013 polls, unopposed. On October 16, 2015, she filed as a candidate for her third and final term. She was reelected in the 2016 elections.
During the 3rd Sulong Pilipinas Convention last 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte named Imee as one of his campaign contributors, saying that she borrowed money to fund his campaign. However, Duterte's Statement of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE) does not include her as a donor. Imee denied the claim saying that she just helped him get votes from the Ilocos Region.
In 2018, she expressed her desire to run for senator "to bring back the Marcoses to Malacañang Palace one day."
On January 25, 2019, Marcos tweeted that Ilocos Norte's poverty incidence rate lessened under her governorship; however, the very same tweet showed poverty incidence rate actually increased during her rule. Poverty "reduction" rate was 17% in 2006, while it dropped to 5% in 2015. The tweet was afterwards deleted.
Establishment of the Marcos political dynasty.
Imee Marcos' entrance into politics, beginning with her term as congresswoman of the 2nd District of Ilocos Norte in 1998, saw her taking over the position previously held by her brother, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who became governor of Ilocos Norte that same year. In the context of their mother Imelda Marcos' similar return to politics as congresswoman in Leyte in 1995, journalists and academics noted that the Marcoses had cemented a political dynasty after their return from exile, despite the explicit anti-dynasty provision in Article II Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines.
Saying that this was a common occurrence because of the way Philippine society is structured, Imee Marcos asserted in a November 2012 interview with the "Sydney Morning Herald" that:
Political scientist Ramon Casiple, in an interview with the "South China Morning Post", noted:
Renegade and establishment of CREAM.
Marcos has been president and executive producer of Renegade Filmmakers since 1996.
In 2007, along with some industry luminaries, Imee Marcos established the Creative Media and Film Society of the Philippines (CREAM). A year after CREAM evolved into CREAM Content Distribution, Inc., a production company that specializes in animation, game and film production. She is currently the president of CREAM.
Unexplained wealth.
Imee Marcos was named in the Offshore Leaks – Panama Papers, along with her three sons, Fernando Martin, Matthew Joseph, Ferdinand Richard Michael, her sister Irene Marcos, her brother-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III, and her estranged husband Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Kalaw Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc. According to records uncovered by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, Imee and her three sons are beneficiaries of the Sintra Trust, which was formed in June 2002 in the British Virgin Islands. Other documents, the latest dated 2010, also name Imee as a financial adviser for the Sintra Trust as well as ComCentre Corporation, which was formed in January 2002 and is still in operation. She is also identified as a "master client" for the M Trust, which was formed in July 1997 and closed July 2009. However, these three offshore accounts do not appear in Imee's Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net worth (SALN). The SALN is required of all public officials and employees, and should include all of the officials' assets and liabilities.
Misuse of tobacco funds.
On March 2, 2017, House Majority Leader Rodolfo Fariñas, along with Pampanga representatives Aurelio Gonzales Jr. and Juan Pablo Bondoc, filed House Resolution 882, which requested the House Committee on Good Government to "conduct an inquiry" about the misuse of PHP 66.45 million from Ilocos Norte's share of excise tax funds to obtain more than 110 units of motor vehicles. The resolution cited that the "highly irregular purchase" violated 2 republic acts—RA No. 7171, "An Act to Promote the Development of the Farmer in the Virginia Tobacco Producing Provinces," and RA No. 9184, "Government Procurement Reform Act --and 1 presidential decree: PD No. 1445, Government Auditing Code of the Philippines. The investigation began on May 2, 2017.
The vehicles were said to be for distribution to the different baranggays and municipalities. Marcos justified the purchase as a response to the multiple requests of farmers asking for vehicles, although Fariñas had pointed out that RA 7171 does not include purchasing vehicles as a means to utilize the excise tax. He also pointed out that a baranggay captain from Laoag City received vehicles, despite the fact that there are no tobacco farms in that area. Other baranggay captains have also complained that the vehicles were not duly registered under the Land Transportation Office (LTO), or filed as government property, so costs for oil and gas could not be reimbursed by the baranggay budget.
On July 24, 2017 hearing, six local officials confessed that they have access to tobacco excise tax funds used to pay 70 mini-trucks. Pedro Agcaoili, Eden Batulayan, Josephine Calajete, Encarnacion Gaor, Genedine Jambaro, and Evangeline Tabulog also acknowledged that their signatures were written on pertinent documents, a fact that they had previously denied. Marcos also admitted that the said mini-trucks were bought from a direct contractor, and was not up for public bidding, as was the protocol when government property is procured.
Upon continued investigation and hearings, the House committee discovered that all the purchased vehicles "were overpriced by PHP21,450,000." The direct contractor who sold 40 units of mini cab was identified as Mark Chua, who is also currently Marcos' long-time boyfriend, who overpriced the mini cabs by PHP7,800,000 overall. The committee also verified the complaints from baranggay captains that the vehicles did not have registrations from the LTO. Committee Report No. 638 therefore concluded and recommended that charges be filed against Marcos, Chua, and several local officials. As of July 2018, another "fact-finding investigation" initiated by the Office of the Ombudsman is underway. If they find enough cause, the Ombudsman will then open a formal investigation.
As beneficiaries of illegal Swiss foundations.
In the conviction of her mother Imelda Marcos for seven counts of graft in November 2018, the Sandiganbayan anti-graft court found that illegal Swiss foundations were used to earn from investments and interests to benefit Imelda and Ferdinand Marcos and their beneficiaries Imee Marcos, Bongbong Marcos, and Irene Marcos-Araneta.
The Sandiganbayan's 5th Division convicted former Imelda Marcos for creating and maintaining seven private foundations in Switzerland while holding government positions from 1968 to 1986. Imee and her siblings were named as beneficiaries of two of the illegal foundations: the Trinidad Foundation and the Xandy Foundation.
Senator (2019-present).
In 2018, she expressed her desire to run for senator "to bring back the Marcoses to Malacañang Palace one day." She filed her certificate of candidacy on October 16, 2018, accidentally arriving at the same time as human rights advocate Chel Diokno, who was also filing his candidacy. Because Chel Diokno's crowds supported his human rights advocacy, political chants quickly transitioned into protest chants concerning the Marcos martial law legacy, including the traditional protest chants "Never Again to Martial Law" and "Marcos Hitler Diktador Tuta!" (Marcos: Hitler, Dictator, Lapdog"). Imee Marcos did not acknowledge either Chel Diokno or the protest chants of his supporters.
On November 10, 2018, the anti-graft court Sandiganbayan found that she and her siblings benefited from the illegal Swiss foundations that her mother, Imelda Marcos, created and maintained. On November 25, 2018, Marcos said that she intends to 'help' coco farmers once elected; however, she dodged questions regarding her family's involvement in the Coco Levy Fund scam, which used coco farmers to enrich the Marcos family and its cronies.
Despite the senatorial campaign not yet in effect, Marcos began a premature senatorial campaign in numerous provinces. On January 17, 2019, the government of Cebu City took down political tarpaulins of Marcos that she ordered to be installed in the city during the Sinulog Festival. The city government criticized Marcos for 'politicizing' a religious festivity.
In her campaigns, she noted that she was a graduate of Princeton University in the United States. However, Princeton deputy university spokesperson Michael Hotchkiss stated that Imee's claim was false and completely fabricated, as she never graduated from Princeton University. At the same time, Imee's claim that she was a cum laude from the University of the Philippines Diliman was found to be fabricated. UP Executive Vice President Teodoro Herbosa noted that "there is no record of [Imee's] graduation from UPD (University of the Philippines Diliman) "nor" any honors or academic distinctions received with the University Registrar's office." During a February 9, 2019, senatorial debate, Marcos called on the government to remove term limits in elections, sparking criticism. Term limit removal was used by her father, the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, in the 1970s which led to a 21-year brutal regime. On March 6, 2019, amid Imee's fake degrees controversy, President Duterte's daughter, Sara Duterte, backed Marcos, stating, "Honesty should not be an election issue," effectively yielding to Imee's fabricated claims. Marcos has also claimed she graduated from Santa Catalina School as "class valedictorian" for more than four decades. On March 21, 2019, Santa Catalina School assistant head of school John Aimé disproved Imee's claims, stating: '[Imee Marcos] attended our school for a brief period in the fall of 1972, she is "not" a graduate.' After Imee's third educational attainment claim was disproved, the Asian Institute of Management (AIM)'s Registrar and Student Enterprise Director, Bryan Magbutay, reiterated, "In our 50 years of providing world class programs we "never" offered an MA MBA,” effectively disproving Imee's fourth educational attainment claim.
In another campaign meet-up, Marcos stated that she was "too young" to have any power during her father's dictatorship, and that she should not be blamed for the things she did due to her youth. However, records show that she was already 30 years old when her family was ousted from power in 1986.
On January 25, 2019, Marcos tweeted that Ilocos Norte's poverty incidence rate lessened under her governorship; however, the very same tweet showed poverty incidence rate actually increased during her rule. Poverty "reduction" rate was 17% in 2006, while it dropped to 5% in 2015. The tweet was afterwards deleted. In April 2019, Marcos stated that she intends to make working abroad a "matter of choice", however, she dodged questions on her father's dictatorship - which led to the country's economic collapse, forcing Filipinos to work abroad in the first place.
On April 11, 2019, after China again reiterated its claims in the West Philippine Sea, Marcos announced that she "trusts China", falsely claiming that China never invaded any Philippine territory. She also blamed the Philippines, falsely claiming that Filipinos started the territorial conflicts with China, earning criticism from Filipinos.
After the 2019 Philippine Senate election, she placed ninth and won one of the twelve contested seats. On June 30, 2019, Marcos officially took office in the Senate and has already filed various bills during her first months including her own version of the SOGIE bill or the Sexual Orientation or Gender Identity or Expression Bill that was first filed by fellow Senator Risa Hontiveros.
On July 22, 2019, Marcos was appointed as chair of the Philippine Senate Cultural Communities Committee.
On August 6, 2019, Marcos filed a bill that would make men also liable for committing adultery.
Party affiliation.
She formerly belonged to the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan, or KBL, the political party of her father. Subsequently, she joined the alliance of the Nacionalista Party of Manny Villar in support of her mother and her brother. She is the sister of former Senator Bongbong Marcos.
Martial law denialism.
As with other Marcos family members who have stayed in the public eye since their return to the Philippines, Imee Marcos has received significant criticism for instances of historical revisionism, and the denial or trivializing of the human rights violations and economic plunder that took place during the Marcos administration, and of the role she played in the administration.
Prominent examples of statements by Imee Marcos which have received such criticism include her 2016 statement that she was "too young" to have any power during her father's administration (although she was already 31 years old in 1986), and her 2018 assertion that critics should just "move on" regarding the crimes and excesses of the martial law era.
"Move on from torture, corruption and murder" comment.
On August 21, 2018, the anniversary of the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. who had flown back to the Philippines to face her father, Imee Marcos told Filipinos to "move on" from the abuses, murders and massacres during her father's dictatorship. Imee Marcos stated "The millennials have moved on, and I think people at my age should also move on as well".
To this, various sectors of the youth protested, releasing statements such as "She has no right to claim what our stand is on the issue. Not in our name, Imee Marcos," "The millennials, the youth in general, have not moved on and we will never move on from the Marcoses’ crimes against the Filipino people. Not until justice has been served to the thousands of Filipinos who were killed, abducted and tortured under their reign, we will not move on", "Binubuo pa lang ako ng magulang ko may utang na ako. Paano ako nagmo-move on Imee Marcos?" (I was still being formed by my parents in the womb, already I had debts. How can I move on, Imee Marcos?), "When your family's in jail, when you return what you stole, when Marcos is taken out of Libingan ng mga Bayani, then we move on," and "The gall of Imee Marcos to ask why many have not “moved on” from the turbulent past they caused is like asking someone who got robbed to just think of the stolen item as donation. Sauli nyo mga ninakaw nyo! (Return what you stole!)"
In a statement before media, Marcos said "...what I've heard is that there are calls for an apology tantamount on admission, which we would never do" and stated that she didn't know what her family should admit to in the first place.
Family denial.
Imee Marcos denies that human rights abuses occurred during her family's regime and called them political accusations.
In a press briefing, she said ""Kung ang dinedemand ay admission (of guilt) ay palagay ko hindi pwede 'yun." (If what is demanded is an admission of guilt, I don't think that's possible)
When asked why, she replied: "Bakit kami mag-aadmit sa hindi namin ginawa?"" (Why would we admit to something we did not do?)
She then falsely claimed: "As we all know, these are political accusations that have not been proven in court." She was convicted before a U.S. district court through the 1993 Trajano v. Marcos case (978 F 2d 493).
Personal life.
Marcos is the eldest daughter of Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Romuáldez Marcos. Her siblings are, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., Irene Marcos-Araneta, and Aimee Marcos. She also has a number of half-siblings who are not as known by the public at large. This includes three siblings which her father had with Carmen Ortega of the Ortega clan of La Union, who was his common-law wife before he married Imelda Romuáldez as a political strategy.
Imee Marcos was married to golfer and former professional basketball coach Tommy Manotoc, but their marriage was controversial as the Philippines has no divorce law and Manotoc was still married to Aurora Pijuan at the time, officially making Marcos a mistress. Marcos and Manotoc have three sons: Fernando Martín ("Borgy"), a commercial model and club DJ; Ferdinand Richard Michael ("Mike"), a lawyer; and Matthew Joseph ("MJ"), a sports agent and incumbent governor of Ilocos Norte since June 30, 2019. She has two stepchildren through her marriage to Manotoc, including ABS-CBN reporter and news anchor TJ Manotoc.
Since her legal separation from Manotoc, Marcos has been in a long-term relationship with Singaporean and ethnic Chinese businessman and resident Mark Chua, since the 1990s. Marcos and Chua have been linked to the 64.5 million peso Ilocos Norte Tobacco Excise Tax Funds Scandal.


Sarah Knox Taylor

Sarah Knox "Knoxie" Taylor Davis (March 6, 1814 – September 15, 1835) was the daughter of the 12th U.S. President Zachary Taylor and part of the notable Lee Family. She met Jefferson Davis (1808–1889), when living with her father and family at Fort Crawford during the Black Hawk War in 1832. They married in 1835 and she died three months later of malaria.
Marriage and death.
Margaret Mackall (née Smith) and Zachary Taylor had three surviving daughters and one son. Sarah Knox Taylor was their second child and spent some years growing up on military installations. Her father became a general and commanded forts; her mother provided most of her education. Sarah was given the nickname "Knoxie," which originated from her middle name and from Fort Knox II in Vincennes, Indiana, where she was born. In the early 1830s, her father commanded Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, and was involved in waging the Black Hawk War. His wife and children lived there with him.
At age 17, Sarah fell in love with Jefferson Davis, (1808–1889), a recent graduate of the United States Military Academy, and a newly commissioned lieutenant in the United States Army, who was second to General Taylor at the fort. Davis was transferred to St. Louis in 1833, yet managed to keep in contact with the woman whom he wished to marry. Zachary Taylor admired Davis for his soldiering skills but opposed the romantic match. The Taylors' older daughter had already married Army surgeon Robert Crooke Wood, and they were raising three young children in a desolate frontier outpost. Together with their own experience, the Taylors felt that the military life was too hard and did not want Sarah to be an Army wife. After discussions with his older brother Joseph Emory Davis, Jefferson decided to resign from the Army so that he could marry Sarah. He returned to Mississippi to develop his Brierfield Plantation next to his brother's Hurricane Plantation. Joseph gave Jefferson the land, called Brierfield because it was largely covered with brush and briers.
After Sarah turned 21, she married Davis on June 17, 1835 at the home of her aunt, near Louisville, Kentucky. Both of the newlyweds contracted either malaria or yellow fever on a summer visit to Davis's sister, Anna Davis Smith, in St. Francisville, Louisiana. Sarah Taylor Davis died of the tropical illness just three months into her marriage to Jefferson Davis, while staying in her sister-in-law's home, Locust Grove Plantation. Her husband nearly died as well.
The young Mrs. Davis was laid to rest near other members of Jefferson Davis's family, in the cemetery located on the site of the (former) Locust Grove Plantation. The cemetery has been preserved by the state of Louisiana and is now known as the Locust Grove State Historic Site.
Posthumous.
Jefferson Davis was devastated by the death of his young wife, as were her parents. Her death caused years of ill will between Davis and Zachary Taylor; Taylor and his wife felt that Davis should have known better than to go to St. Francisville in the "fever season". The men met by chance in 1845 on a Mississippi steamboat and achieved some reconciliation.
After recovering from malaria, seeking respite from the loss of his wife, Davis sailed to Havana, and then to New York City. In 1836, he returned to his Brierfield Plantation in Warren County, Mississippi, to take up cotton cultivation. After being reclusive for years, he gradually became active in politics. He remarried in 1845 and had six children. He served in Congress and was elected as President of the Confederate States of America, after secession in 1861.
When Jefferson Davis married Varina Banks Howell on February 26, 1845, he insisted that the newlywed couple visit Sarah's grave during their honeymoon.
Davis served as Colonel under the command of General Zachary Taylor in the 1847 Battle of Buena Vista during the Mexican–American War. Davis fought bravely during the battle but was a shot in the foot, necessitating his removal to safety by Robert H. Chilton. In recognition of Davis's bravery and initiative, Taylor is reputed to have said, "My daughter, sir, was a better judge of men than I was."
The city of Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, designated March 6, 2013, as Sarah Knox Taylor Day.


Germain Pirlot

 Germain Pirlot (born 18 March 1943 in Sart-Custinne, Gedinne, Belgium) is a Belgian esperantist and ex-teacher of French and history, presently living in Ostend. He is best known as the inventor of the name "euro" for the common currency of the European Union (EU).
On 4 August 1995, Pirlot sent a letter to then President of the European Commission, Jacques Santer, in which he suggested the name "euro" to be used for the planned currency of the EU. Later, Pirlot received an official letter thanking him for the suggestion.
The name "euro" was officially adopted by the European Council in Madrid (Spain) on 16 December 1995. Jean-Jacques Schul, chairman of Promeuro (Association for the promotion of the euro), claims that to his knowledge nobody else had suggested to use this name for the currency before 4 August 1995.
Another suggestion made by Pirlot in the same letter, to name the hundredth of the currency "ropas", has not been realized – instead, the name "cent" has been adopted.


National Lieutenant Governors Association

The National Lieutenant Governors Association (NLGA) is the non-profit, nonpartisan professional association for elected or appointed officials who are first in line of succession to the governors in the 50 U.S. states and the five organized territories. (The first official in the line of succession is generally established in the state or territorial constitution).
Lieutenant governors.
In 43 states and four territories, this official is a statewide elected lieutenant governor (In 2010 New Jersey elected its first lieutenant governor). In three states and one territory, this official is the state secretary of state. In four states, the president of the state senate (the upper house of the state legislature) is first in line of succession; two of these officials (Tennessee and West Virginia) may statutorily use the title "lieutenant governor".
Of the elected lieutenant governors (including New Jersey), 25 are elected on a ticket in the general election with the gubernatorial candidate as a running mate. Most states allow the governor to designate his or her running mate, but in some states, the governor and lieutenant governor run separately in the primary election and are "paired" for the general election. In 18 other states, the lieutenant governor and the governor are elected separately and as a result may be of different political parties. Lieutenant governors typically are acting governor when the governor is out of state. Thirty lieutenant governor are presidents of the state Senate, and of these half may cast tie-breaking votes (mirroring the Federal government of the United States, in which the Vice President of the United States is the president of the United States Senate).
History.
The NLGA was founded in 1962, as the National Conference of Lieutenant Governors (NCLG). The organization's first meeting was on December 4, 1962. In 1966, NCLG affiliated with the Council of State Governments (CSG) and was staffed through CSG from 1983 to 1988 with Edward Feigenbaum as director. In 1988, NCLG became financially independent. Gail Manning ran the organization's operations and was named director in 1991; she served until 2002.
In 2002, Julia Hurst became executive director. The same year, the organization adopted its current name and a new logo and launched its website.
The Association was incorporated in Kentucky in January 2013 and assumed independent corporate status and operations July 1, 2013.
Functions.
NLGA provides members the opportunity to network, meet, foster interstate cooperation, gain policy knowledge, hone professional skills, share policy work, and promote the effectiveness of the office of lieutenant governor. NLGA does adopt national policy resolutions on subjects of importance to the membership. NLGA Articles provide for the Chairmanship to rotate annually between a Democrat and Republican. The Chair Elect is of the opposite party to the chair and assumes the role of Chair the following year.
The association office is located in Covington, Kentucky. The full membership meets twice a year, annually in Washington, DC for its Federal-State Relations meeting and annually in the summer in a select host state.
In 2007, NLGA was given the prestigious 'Associations Advance America' recognition by the American Society of Association Executives (ASAE). NLGA was determined to have one of the six best association programs in the nation for 'Ending Cervical Cancer in our Lifetime,' a nationwide health care campaign. NLGA has also been recognized for work by Women in Government, the American Cardiology Association, and the American Iron and Steel Institute.