Left of Boom

Left of Boom: How a Young CIA Case Officer Penetrated the Taliban and Al-Qaeda is a memoir by Douglas Laux, a former case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, and Ralph Pezzullo.
Background.
The book details the experiences of Doug Laux, who served for eight years as an undercover case officer for the CIA, first in southern Afghanistan and later in the Middle East, particularly Syria. The book was heavily redacted by the CIA prior to publication.
The phrase "left of boom" is a military idiom that refers the U.S. military's effort to disrupt insurgent cells before they can build and plant bombs.
Overview.
"Left of Boom" describes Laux's time as a case officer in Afghanistan, which included a tour in Afghanistan during the and another to Kandahar during the operation that killed Osama bin Laden. As an undercover case officer, Laux was trained in Pashto prior to his deployment along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, however, Laux writes the dialect of Pashto he learned was not spoken in the region, thus making communication with local assets initially difficult. The role that Pakistan's Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence played during this time is alluded to, but Pakistan is never specifically mentioned in the book.
Laux writes about his time in Syria meeting with leaders of the Syrian rebellion in 2012 with the goal of removing Bashar al-Assad from power. Frustrated by the Obama administration's decision to reject the CIA's plans to oust Assad in December 2012, Laux resigned from the CIA in early 2013.
Laux also discusses the strain that being an undercover agent had on his personal relationships, saying, "the closest to me were always suspicious." Laux developed addictions to alcohol and oxycontin as a way of coping with and operational setbacks the struggles of his double life, adding, "I didn't handle it well."
Reception.
In an official statement released after publication, the CIA commented on "Left of Boom", "Sadly, Mr. Laux’s career at the CIA did not work out," it said in a statement. "We hope that someday, maybe with age and greater maturity, he will have better perspective on his time here." Reviewing "Left of Boom", the "New York Times" said, "The collective weight of all C.I.A. memoirs written since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks could collapse a bookshelf, but Mr. Laux brings a raw perspective to the canon."


Nordic Council of Ministers

In 1971, the Nordic Council of Ministers, an intergovernmental forum, was established as a result of the Helsinki Treaty. The purpose of the Nordic Council of Ministers is to complement the Nordic Council and promote Nordic Cooperation.
Structure.
The governments of the Nordic Countries each have a Minister for Nordic Cooperation. This responsibility often goes to the Minister of Foreign Affairs or another ministerial post that the Nordic country has a special desire for cooperation. These Ministers for Nordic Cooperation delegate meetings for other Ministers to discuss avenues for cooperation in the minister's respective fields, thus the Ministers for Cooperation set up Ministerial Councils. Hence the name, Council of Ministers.
Cooperation with other International Organizations.
The Council and the Council of Ministers are involved in various forms of cooperation with neighbouring areas, amongst them being the Baltic Assembly and the Benelux, as well as Russia and Schleswig-Holstein. The Council of Ministers has offices in the following countries:
Closed offices
Programmes.
Nordic Council of Ministers's educational programme for lifelong learning is "Nordplus". The main objective of the programme is to strengthen and develop Nordic educational cooperation.


Federation of Cuban Women

The Federation of Cuban Women () (FMC) was established in 1960 under the revolutionary government with Vilma Espín as its president. Espin fought in the Sierra Maestras with Fidel Castro and Raul Castro and married Raul in 1959. She was the president of the FMC till her death in 2007. The FMC was deeply involved in the 1961 Cuban Literacy Campaign and in supplying workers after the mass exodus of trained labor following the Revolution. A few of the stated goals of the FMC are:
FMC & The Cuban Literacy Campaign.
The Cuban Literacy Campaign was a national effort to eradicate illiteracy in Cuba following the 1959 Revolution. Shortly after the Revolution, motivated by patriotism and sustained by political will, Fidel Castro declared that illiteracy would be eradicated within 1 year. Accordingly, during 1959 and 1960 the groundwork was laid for a mass literacy campaign, La Alfabetización. In the year leading up to the campaign, the FMC was charged with identifying illiterate women and convincing them to participate. During the campaign itself "figures indicate that more 91,000 women participated with the FMC in La Alfabetización. Thousands of women became teachers and other cared for the young boys and girls ages 11-16, who formed the Conrado Benitez Brigade." "On December 22, 1961, when Cuba was declared a "territory Free of Illiteracy" 55% of the 700,000 new literates were women.
FMC & The 1975 Family Code.
1966 Fidel Castro made a speech in which he called for the addition of a million women to the labor force. Many women responded to this and entered the work force only to leave again when the burden of family and work proved too difficult. During the 1970s many improvements were made that allowed women to return to work, daycare centers were opened and other services provided. But still women lagged men in the workforce, making up only 25% of the force. In 1975 the FMC made a nationwide inquiry to investigate the reasons behind this. The result of this inquiry was the Family Code of 1975. The code gave men and women equal rights and equal responsibilities in the home and increased state social services. Some of the unique outcomes of this code were that working women were to have first rights to buy appliances that saved time, cafeterias were opened in the work place and health clinics were kept open later. Plan Jaba gave working women shopping priority. They could drop off their bags at the store in the morning together with a shopping list and pick them up in the evening on the way home already filled.
Second National Congress of the Federacion de Mujeres Cubanas November 25–29, 1974.
The second national congress is an example of the work of the FMC. Its 1,916 delegates were elected in an intense and lengthy process beginning at the grass-roots level. They came from every background and every level of education. The congress' slogan was "To Deepen Women's Revolutionary Action!" Topics covered by the congress ranged from the Family Code to Vietnam. "Close to sixteen years of revolution has produced a keenly politicized, combative Cuban Woman, capable of deep analysis, concise projection and- most impressive- with the ability to conceive of herself as a part of an immense group in which all individuals are related in effort and purpose and in which solutions are sought and worked out collectively" Not only were Cuban women united in solidarity with other Cuban women but with the women of the world. They invited representatives of other countries and allowed them to participate. There were women from Chile, Costa Rica and a Soviet cosmonaut.


Sunday Live

Sunday Live was a Sunday morning regional current affairs programme, broadcast on Scottish TV in Central Scotland and Grampian TV in the North (now both known as STV).
Stephen Jardine, a former "Scotland Today" newsreader (later co-host of STV's "The Hour"), fronted the programme, interviewing some of Scotland's best-known public figures and politicians. Louise White filled in for Stephen when he was away. A second series was planned for the Autumn of 2006, although the show never returned.


Saveli Chitanava

Saveli Chitanava is the current Chairman of the State Committee for Ecology and the Environment of Abkhazia. Chitanava was appointed on 21 October 2014 by newly elected President Raul Khajimba.


Russian cruiser Ochakov

Ochakov was a of the Russian Navy Black Sea Fleet. She was decommissioned in 2011 but remained laid-up in Sevastopol, until on 3 March 2014 she was towed and sunk as a blockship in the channel to Donuzlav lake, in Novoozerne, in western Crimea. A few months later she was refloated and returned to Inkerman to await scrapping.
History.
"Ochakov" was laid down in the Soviet Union on 25 December 1969, launched on 30 April 1971, and commissioned in the Soviet Black Sea Fleet on 4 November 1973. The ship was constructed in the 61 Kommunar Shipyard at Nikolayev (Mykolaiv) on the Black Sea. She was in service with the Soviet Fleet until 1991, and then joined its successor, the Russian Navy. In 2000, the ship was laid up for modification and repairs. By 2006, all work on the ship had been halted, and, in 2008, the ship was towed from Sevmorzavod.
On 20 August 2011, the naval flag of "Ochakov" was hauled down and the ship prepared to be sold for scrap.
On 6 March 2014, during Russo-Ukrainian War, Russian sailors scuttled the hull of "Ochakov" in Donuzlav Lake at the entrance to Donuzlav Bay in western Crimea as a blockship, in an attempt to prevent Ukrainian Navy ships from gaining access to the Black Sea. Trapped in the bay, the Ukrainian squadron based at the Southern Naval Base surrendered without a shot being fired. The "Ochakov" was refloated several months later, and returned to Inkerman to await scrapping.


Pensions in the United States

Pensions in the United States consist of the Social Security system, public employees retirement systems, as well as various private pension plans offered by employers, insurance companies, and unions.
History.
While various iterations of what could be considered pensions existed before the declared independence of the United States, most were designed solely for veterans of wars or set up as charitable initiatives by Church communities. This trend continued throughout early American history, with much of the first veterans' pension under the newly formed United States offered to retired naval officers in 1799.
United States Congress later created the Bureau of Pensions to oversee an increasing number of veterans' pensions in 1832 following the granting of pensions to all American Revolutionary War veterans. Eventually, responsibility for these pensions would be transferred to the Department of the Interior in 1849 as returning veterans from the Mexican–American War put further stress on the system.
At the outset of the Civil War the General Law pension system was established by congress for both volunteer and conscripted soldiers fighting in the Union Army. Payouts derived from this plan were based on degree of injury and subject to review by government boards. By 1890, general old-age pensions were incorporated for Union veterans.
Outside of veterans' pensions, the institution of the first public pension plan for New York City Police is considered as the first iteration of a modern pension in the USA. The Police Life and Health Insurance Fund, created in 1857, provided payment to officers injured or otherwise disabled in the line of duty and offered compensation in a lump sum to families of officers killed in action. The fund was initially funded not by state or municipal budgets, but by the sales of unclaimed stolen property, rewards, voluntary contributions and fines collected for violations of Sunday laws, proving sufficient for the relatively low enrollment and demands of the initial plan.
The compensation scheme later came to cover firefighters as well, growing into a lifetime pension plan about 20 years after its initial creation, with added funding from more substantial sources.
Within the private sector, the American Express and Baltimore and Ohio Railroad defined benefit pension plans are considered the first instances of major employers instituting a fully fledged retirement plan The plans came to be established in 1875 and 1880 respectively.
The United States saw significant growth in pension plans, both public and private, throughout the Progressive Era as labor sought more rights from larger, and often more industrialized employers. Private employer retirement plans also grew substantially following the passage of the Revenue Act of 1913, which implicitly granted tax exempt status to retirement plans, making them more economically desirable.
Subsequent revenue acts in 1921 and 1926 added further, explicit benefits to contributions made to employees retirement plans (both defined contribution and benefit) spurring further growth.
The establishment of the Social Security system and numerous New Deal initiatives aimed at providing a safe net for elderly Americans caused an explosion in the size of the nation's federal retirement investment.
From the New Deal through the 1960s, numerous federal acts and regulations were created in order to encourage and protect the growing number of pensioners in the US. In particular, early retirement options were added to Social Security benefits and IRS regulations were created that clearly defined tax policies and benefits to pensioners. By the late 1960s, almost half of all employed persons in the United States had some form of pension.
However, the next seminal event in the history of pensions would be the creation of the Employees Retirement Income Security Act, ostensibly enacted in response to the failure of Studebaker and the loss of pension benefits promised to thousands of employees. Among other things, the act set fiduciary duties over pension plans, set funding requirements, and created the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation as a backstop to defined benefit plans.
Further shifts in tax regulations, age of participation, vesting status, and contribution limits would be set throughout the Reagan, Clinton, and Bush administrations. Most notably, the Retirement Equity Act of 1984 and The Tax Reform Act of 1986 made significant changes to maternity leave implications for retirement savings' vesting schedules, specific compensation brackets, and attempted to unify rules for individual retirement accounts. Both acts built upon changes made in the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982.
Despite reform legislation under discussion in the ensuing decades, pension participation particularly in the private sector continues to decline. From a peak of nearly 50% prior to the ERISA, now less than 10% of private sector employees are granted a defined benefit pension plan
Types.
A Defined Benefit Plan is commonly recognized as a "pension" in the United States. The structure of these plans guarantees a payout to a retiree following their date of retirement. This contrasts with a Defined Contribution Plan which creates a trust based on the amount invested by an employee during their working years. IRA, 401k plans, 403b, and 457 plans are prominent examples of the latter and are not generally considered pensions in common parlance.
Qualified vs. non-qualified plans.
Pensions can either be qualified or non-qualified under U.S. law. For defined benefit plans, the benefits of a qualified plan are protections under the Employees Retirement Income Security Act and offer tax incentives for contributions made by employers to fund the plans.
Non-Qualified plans are generally offered to employees at the higher echelons of companies as they do not qualify for income restrictions related to pensions. Typical iterations of these plans include executive bonus structures and life insurance contracts. Plans are also typically deferred compensation rather than defined benefit.
Public, private, and union distinctions.
There are also delineations drawn between public pensions, private company pensions, and multi-employer pensions governed under Taft-Hartley Act regulations.
Multi-employer plans.
Multi-employer pensions necessitate a collective bargaining agreement between multiple employers and a labor union. The benefit of this structure is the mobility of labor between these employers without amending retirement and health benefits. A primary example of the benefit of these plans are the nations' Teamsters Unions whose employment demands necessitate movement across many geographies, maintaining benefits in each region.
Multi-employer plans have courted a large degree of criticism in recent decades for corruption related to mob involvement and general misappropriation of pension funds.
In response to growing concerns over funded ratios, the U.S. Congress enacting the Multi-employer Pension Protection Act of 1980 to increase funding requirements and curb bankruptcy fears. Nonetheless, Congress was compelled to establish further regulations and restrictions on the specific stripe of plan in 2014 with the Multiemployer Pension Reform Act of 2014 (MPRA). Given the billions of dollars in unfunded pension liabilities, the bill proposed reductions of pension benefits to plans slated to become insolvent. The act also enforced penalty premiums on plans that necessitate PBGC intervention.
Tax law.
Various federal tax provisions of the Internal Revenue Code apply to pension plans. Similar rules apply to profit-sharing plans and stock bonus plans, which are commonly used for retirement savings. Significant portions of these tax law provisions parallel portions of ERISA (see discussion in a preceding section of this article).
Bankruptcy law.
In April 2012, the Northern Mariana Islands Retirement Fund filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection. The retirement fund is a defined benefit type pension plan and was only partially funded by the government, with only $268.4 million in assets and $911 million in liabilities. The plan experienced low investment returns and a benefit structure that had been increased without raises in funding.
According to "Pensions and Investments", this is "apparently the first" US public pension plan to declare bankruptcy.


4 Squadron SAAF

4 Squadron SAAF was a South African Air Force unit which served during World War II.
It was resurrected in 1951 and remained active until 1958. Its final period of active service was from 1961 to 1991. Its final aircraft were Impala Mk IIs. It was based at Lanseria Airport at the time of final disbandment.
History.
Establishment and deployment.
The squadron was initially equipped with Hawker Hartbees, Hawker Furys and Wapitis when it was first formed in April 1939 in Durban. It was disbanded soon thereafter (December 1939) and resurrected at AFB Waterkloof on 24 March 1941 flying Hurricanes. Operational training took place in Kenya and soon the squadron was responsible for protection against possible Italian attacks from Somaliland. While in Kenya, it received a number of Curtiss Mohawks which had been taken over from French orders.
World War II.
On 1 September 1941 the squadron began to move to Egypt and converted to Tomahawks. Its first combat patrol came on 12 November, early in Operation Crusader as a fighter-bomber squadron. The squadron remained in Egypt to take part in all of the desert battles from Operation "Crusader" to El Alamein. The squadron also supported the advance into Tunisia as well as the invasions of Sicily and Italy. The Kittyhawks were replaced by Spitfires in July 1943. In August it moved on to Sicily and to the Italian mainland in September from where it concentrated on ground attack missions until the end of hostilities. 4 Squadron remained in Italy for two months after the end of the war; on 12 July its personnel began returning to South Africa. The squadron was disbanded in October 1945.
Post World War II.
4 Squadron was reformed in January 1951 at AFB Waterkloof as the Active Citizen Force element of 1 Squadron with Harvards and Spitfires until once again disbanded in October 1958. On 1 November 1961, it was reformed at Swartkop, flying Harvards and in August 1972 the first Impala Jets were received.
The squadron moved from Swartkop to Waterkloof and then to Lanseria Airport, where it received Impala Mk IIs. It saw numerous deployments to South-West Africa and Mpacha and Rundu airfields in southern Angola. Its home base remained at Lanseria until it was disbanded in September 1991.


East Mayo (UK Parliament constituency)

East Mayo was a parliamentary constituency in Ireland, which returned one Member of Parliament (MP) to the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom from 1885 to 1922.
Prior to the 1885 general election the area was part of the Mayo constituency. From 1922 it was not represented in the UK Parliament.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the eastern part of County Mayo.
1885–1922: That part of the barony of Costello not contained within the constituency of South Mayo and that part of the barony of Gallen not contained within the constituency of North Mayo.


Township (South Africa)

In South Africa, the terms township and location usually refer to the often underdeveloped racially segregated urban areas that, from the late 19th century until the end of apartheid, were reserved for non-whites, namely Indians, Africans and Coloureds. Townships were usually built on the periphery of towns and cities. The term "township" also has a distinct legal meaning in South Africa's system of land title, which carries no racial connotations.
Townships for non-whites were also called "locations" or "lokasies" in Afrikaans, and are often still referred to by that name in smaller towns. The slang term "kasie", a popular short version of "lokasie" is also used. Townships sometimes have large informal settlements nearby.
History.
Early development.
During the first half of the twentieth century, a clear majority of the black population in major urban areas lived in hostels or servants’ accommodations provided by employers and were mostly single men. In the period during and following World War II urban areas of South Africa experienced a rapid period of urbanisation as the colour bar was relaxed due to the war. Neither employers nor the government built new accommodation or homes for the influx of new residents. This led to overcrowding, poor living conditions, and the absence of amenities thereby contributing to high levels of crime and violence. High rents and overcrowding led to land invasions and the growth of shack settlements which were largely ignored by government.
By 1950 a substantial proportion of the urban black population lived in townships. In 1950, upwards of 100,000 people were living in townships on the Witwatersrand area, 50,000 people in Cato Manor in Durban, and an estimated 150,000 black and coloured people lived in townships in Cape Town.
Living conditions in the shack township settlements were low but had the advantage over other more established options in the hostels of being cheap and largely unregulated by the apartheid era South African Police.
Apartheid: 1948–1994.
During the era of ideological apartheid, black people were evicted from properties that were in areas designated as "white only" and forced to move into segregated townships. Separate townships were established for each of the three designated non-white race groups – black people, Coloureds and Indians – as per the Population Registration Act, 1950. Legislation that enabled the apartheid government to do this included the Group Areas Act.
Post-apartheid.
Most South African towns and cities have at least one township associated with them. Some old townships have seen rapid development since 1994 with, for instance, wealthy and middle-income areas sprouting in parts of Soweto and Chatsworth. Despite their origins in apartheid South Africa, today the terms township, location and informal settlement are not used pejoratively. However policy makers are, as in the 1950s, once again using the term 'slums' in a highly pejorative way.
Social issues.
Township communities are faced with several social problems. Most often, the residents of townships do not own the land on which their houses are built. In effect, these houses are built illegally. Construction is informal and unregulated by the government. This results in a lack of access to basic services such as sewerage, electricity, roads and clean water, which adversely affects residents' quality of life.
Infrastructure problems.
Sewerage, water, and electrical Infrastructure within townships is often in need of repair, resulting in a lack of sanitation due to problems with accessibility, and availability. Electricity, water and sewerage are managed by different government departments, resulting in inefficiencies in the absence of substantial co-ordination at all stages of the project planning, budgeting, and implementation cycle.
Sewerage.
The sewer systems within townships are poorly planned and constructed. The population of townships typically grow faster than the infrastructure was planned for, causing overloads which result in blockages, surges, and overflows. There are often a limited number of public toilets that are over-used, abused, and quickly become health hazards for the communities. Another issue is poor access for maintenance activities which is caused by the lack of space between houses. Some of the areas on the township peripheries or near riverbanks do not have access to facilities because they are not connected to the formal waterborne sewerage system.
Water.
A consequence of inadequate pumping infrastructure and large populations is that water pressure in townships is low. With each section of the townships is normally one pump per section. The water is used for everything from cleaning clothes, cooking, drinking, bathing, and cleaning the house. Having very little water accessible to each section makes it very hard to get enough water for a day per household.
Electricity.
Electrical wires strung along the trees leading to power boxes is an ubiquitous sight in the townships, due to illegal electricity connections. This is dangerous, however every house in the area has a wire coming out of it and every wire is known by their owner in order to fix problems as soon as they arise. Most of the sub-stations are very unsecured to begin with so having so many additional wires coming off of it is very dangerous for the people nearby and the kids playing in the area. The government does not like that the people using the sub-stations are not actual residents so they refuse to give them electricity but if they were to install more sub-stations then the problem would be solved.
Flood risk.
Some townships, such as Alexandra and Diepsloot, are built near rivers, and on flood plains. These areas are extremely dense with only tortuous, narrow access, few communal water points and banks of chemical toilets on the peripheries of the settlements. The settlements are beginning to be built in the old tributaries due to the continuing growth of the townships. With the houses in the dried up tributaries is a potential problem when a large storm comes and the tributary starts to fill up with water again or if there is a backup of sewerage coming into the tributary. The houses built in that area are all in danger of being destroyed by natural occurrences. As the area grew the tributaries were piped and a number of concrete aprons and gullies were constructed over the tributary to which the communal water points drain. The gullies were then choked with garbage and the tributaries appear to be substantially blocked but this will not hold off the water for very long if a flood came through. Residents sometimes choose to build on river banks due to overcrowding in the belief that they would provide easy access to water and laundry facilities, however the water is unsuitable for these purposes due to pollution, and they are vulnerable to floods.
Backyard shacks.
Backyard shacks are additional units on a plot of land that are rented out by the land owner for additional income. A plot of land designed for a house big enough for one family has turned into a plot of land that holds on average six families instead of one. These structures are illegally built without in violation of planning and building codes and strain infrastructure. Governments are loath to act on backyard dwellings, doing to would result in a large-scale displacement of people. A 2001 study of the township called Diepsloot near Johannesburg showed that 24% of the residents lived in brick structures, 43% were in shack areas, and 27% were in backyard shacks.
Education.
Township schools are often overcrowded, and lack adequate infrastructure. There is a high dropout rate of poor youth, particularly around Grade 9. Despite government interventions, education outcomes remain skewed, with township students continuing to under-perform. This skewed distribution is mainly attributable to higher and more rapid drop out rates among the poor, rather than to a lack of initial access to schooling. The formerly white schools uniformly produce better results and their governing bodies are able to raise substantial private funds used to get resources that are then unreachable by the rural and township schools which survive on the commitment of their teachers.
Gangs and violence.
Gangs are a problem in townships, and children as young as 12 or 13 will begin initiation into a local gang. Some see violence and gangs as a way of life and a culture. The weapon of choice for most is a gun and with easy accessibility anyone is able to get one. It is estimated that out of the 14 million guns in circulation, in South Africa, only four million are registered and licensed to legal gun owners.
Largest townships.
Largest townships in South Africa at the time of the 2011 census:
Legal meaning.
The legal meaning of the term "township" in South Africa differs from the popular usage, and has a precise legal meaning without any racial connotations. The term is used in land titles and townships are subdivided into erfs (stands). "Township" can also mean a designated area or district, as part of a place name. For instance "Industrial Township" has been used in reference to an industrial area, e.g. "Westmead Industrial Township", in Pinetown, South Africa.
Often a township (in the legal sense) is established, and then adjoining townships, with the same name as the original township, and with a numbered "Extension" suffix are later established. For example, the Johannesburg suburb of Bryanston has an extension called "Bryanston Extension 3" .
Relationship with "suburb".
In traditionally or historically white areas, the term "suburb" is used for legally-defined residential townships in everyday conversation.
A suburb's boundaries are often regarded as being the same as the (legal) township boundaries, along with its numbered extensions, and it usually shares its name with the township (with some notable exceptions, such as the Johannesburg suburb known as Rivonia, which is actually the township of Edenburg with numbered extensions called Rivonia Extensions).
Occasionally formerly independent towns, such as Sandton (which itself consists of numerous suburbs), are referred to as "suburbs" .


Rhodesian pound

The pound was the currency of Southern Rhodesia from 1964 to 1965 and Rhodesia from 1965 until 1970. It was subdivided into 20 "shillings", each of 12 "pence".
History.
The Rhodesian pound was introduced following the break-up of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, when Southern Rhodesia changed its name to simply Rhodesia. The Rhodesian pound replaced the Rhodesia and Nyasaland pound at par and the coins and banknotes of this earlier currency continued to circulate.
Like its predecessor, the Rhodesian pound was initially pegged to the British pound. When the British pound was devalued from US$2.8 to US$2.4 in 1967, Rhodesia switched its peg to 1 pound = US$2.8. In 1970, the pound was replaced by the dollar, at a rate of 1 pound = 2 dollars, so R$1 was US$1.40.
Coins.
In 1964, coins were introduced for 6 pence, 1, 2 and 2½ shillings, marked as 6D, 1’-, 2’- and 2’6. These coins also bore a denomination in cents (5C, 10C, 20C and 25C, respectively) although Rhodesia did not decimalise until 1970. In 1968, 3 pence coins were introduced which did not bear a denomination in cents. All coins had the title of Queen Elizabeth II in English, rather than in Latin, as had been the case on the coins of Rhodesia and Nyasaland and Southern Rhodesia.
Banknotes.
Beginning in 1964, banknotes were issued in denominations of 10 shillings, 1 and 5 pounds. All notes featured Queen Elizabeth II on the obverse. The reverse designs were reused on the new dollar notes introduced on 17 February 1970. These dollar notes are like the pound issues, but with new currency units, the bank logo replaces the coat of arms, and the coat of arms replaces the portrait of Queen Elizabeth II.
Prior to UDI, Rhodesia was a member of the sterling zone. The banknotes were printed and supplied from the UK by the printers Bradbury Wilkinson. After UDI, the British government expelled Rhodesia from the sterling zone and the supply of banknotes dried up. This very soon had an adverse effect in Rhodesia, and the shortage of new notes and the condition of those in circulation began to become a pressing concern.
In early 1966, the Reserve Bank of Rhodesia ordered a completely new series of Rhodesian pound banknotes from the German printers Giesecke & Devrient in Munich. A court injunction prevented the banknotes from being despatched to Rhodesia, and the entire order was destroyed by the printers. Substitute consignments were printed in Rhodesia between 1966 and October 1968.


John Hillyard Cameron

John Hillyard Cameron, (April 14, 1817 – November 14, 1876) was an Ontario lawyer, businessman and political figure. He was a Conservative Member of Parliament representing Peel from 1867 to 1872 and Cardwell from 1872 until his death.
He was born in Blendecques, France in 1817. His father was a soldier in the 79th Highlanders who served in France during the Napoleonic Wars. In 1825, he came with his family to Kingston in Upper Canada. He studied at Kilkenny College in Ireland and Upper Canada College. He then studied law with Henry John Boulton. During the Upper Canada Rebellion, he served with the Queen's Rangers. In 1839, he was called to the bar in Upper Canada and entered a law practice in Toronto, Ontario. In 1846, he became a Queen's Counsel. Cameron also served on Toronto city council from 1846 to 1847, from 1851 to 1852 and 1854 to 1855. In 1860, he served as treasurer for the Law Society of Upper Canada. In 1869, he was also called to the Quebec bar.
In 1846, he was chosen as solicitor general for Upper Canada and was elected to the 2nd Parliament of the Province of Canada in a by-election for Cornwall. In 1847, he was appointed to the Executive Council. He served in the Legislative Assembly until Confederation, except for the 4th and 6th parliaments, when he did not run. He supported representation by population and opposed the introduction of an elected Legislative Council. In 1856, he helped stir up controversy in the wake of the death of Robert Corrigan in Lotbinière, Quebec; this helped undermine the government of Allan MacNab which led to the rise of Sir John A. Macdonald as leader of the Conservatives. He supported Confederation but would have preferred a legislative union. He was elected to represent Peel in the House of Commons in 1867. In 1872, he ran in both Peel and Cardwell, being elected in the latter.
He was a director of the Toronto and Guelph Railway, which was later absorbed by the Grand Trunk Railway, helped found the Canada Life Assurance Company in 1847, was president of the Provincial Insurance Company and chairman of the board in Canada of the Edinburgh Life Insurance Company. He was also involved in the incorporation of a number of companies in the Toronto area including the Western Assurance Company in 1851 and the Toronto and Georgian Bay Canal Company in 1856. He suffered extensive financial losses near the end of 1857 as a result of a financial panic and economic depression; he promised to make good on his debts, which left him financially strained for the remainder of his life.
He was a loyal follower of the Church of England and tried to defend its interests, including the revenue from the clergy reserves. He served on the council of Trinity College, an Anglican university at the time; he also was a professor of law at the college and served as chancellor from 1863 until his death. In 1856, he joined the Orange Order and served as grand master in Canada from 1859 to 1870.
He suffered a heart attack and died while in Toronto in 1876.


Christian Levrat

Christian Levrat (born 7 July 1970) is a Swiss politician. He served as the President of the Social Democratic Party of Switzerland from 2008 until 2020. He has served as a member of the Council of States from Fribourg since 2012. Prior to the Council of states, He was a member of the National Council in from 2003 to 2012.
Levrat was born in La Tour-de-Trême, now part of Bulle in the Canton of Fribourg. He earned a bilingual law degree from University of Fribourg and a master's degree at the University of Leicester.
He has citizenship in Pont (Veveyse), Le Crêt, Esmonts et Siviriez.
In 2008, he was elected as the President of the Social Democratic Party, succeeding Hans-Jürg Fehr, who resigned after a weak showing in the 2007 Swiss federal election. He led the party for 12 years and stepped down in October 2020 after the Cédric Wermuth and Mattea Meyer as Co-Presidents.
He was elected to the Council of States in 2012, taking 54.2 percent of the vote over Jacques Bourgeois of the Swiss People’s Party.


Regiment University of Pretoria

Regiment University of Pretoria was an artillery regiment of the South African Artillery. As a reserve unit, it had a status roughly equivalent to that of a British Army Reserve or United States Army National Guard unit. It was part of the South African Army Artillery Corps.
Origin.
In the 1950s in South Africa, military units were attached to each large university. The University of Pretoria acquired an artillery capability. The concept was for long term students to complete their obligatory military training in these units. Training would also be organised so as not to unduly interfere with university work.
1 Observation Battery.
On 1 May 1950 an observation and sound measurement battery affiliated to the existing 1 Observation Battery was established at the University of Pretoria under a Captain L.J. Le Roux.
By 1957 this battery was renamed P Battery. When 1 Observation Battery was divided in 1 January 1960, the elements at the university was renamed the Regiment University of Pretoria (SAA).
Association with 17 Field Artillery Regiment.
On 1 February 1974, the Regiment was renamed 17 Field Artillery Regiment and ended its close association with the University.
Insignia.
Dress Insignia.
The insignia in the middle depicts that of University of Pretoria Military Unit. UPMU formed circa 1981 and disbanded in circa 1990.


United Nations Security Council Resolution 475

United Nations Security Council resolution 475, adopted on 27 June 1980, after hearing representations from the People's Republic of Angola, the Council recalled resolutions 387 (1976), 447 (1979) and 454 (1979), and expressed its concern and condemned the continuing attacks on the country by South Africa through occupied South West Africa.
The Council demanded South Africa cease the attacks and respect Angola's sovereignty and territorial integrity. It also called upon South Africa to cease using the territory of South West Africa to launch attacks against Angola and other African states. The resolution requested that Member States to enforce Resolution 418 (1977) and offer immediate assistance to Angola in order to strengthen its defence capabilities.
The resolution was approved by 12 votes to none; France, the United Kingdom and United States abstained.


The Black Caucus at Penn State University

The Black Caucus at Penn State's University Park Campus is a student organization founded in 1971. The Black Caucus serves as an umbrella organization to minority students and student organizations. They aim to promote the social and political development of students at Penn State. In addition, they provide students of color with a safe space to voice the struggles experienced in a predominantly white institution. During the Fall and Spring semesters, the Black Caucus holds weekly meetings titled Sankofa. Every year since 2009, the organization hosts the Ashe Awards - an award ceremony dedicated to honoring students, faculty, and student groups who have excelled in promoting diversity at Penn State.
History.
While the Black Caucus was founded in 1971, the organization has roots in two other Black student organizations. The Frederick E. Douglass Association, founded in October 1967, transitioned into the Black Student Union in 1969, which would be replaced by the Black Caucus in 1971.
The Frederick E. Douglass Association.
The Frederick E. Douglass Association named their group after Frederick Douglass –– Black abolitionist, suffragist, diplomat, and more.
1967 Petition.
In November 1967, the Douglass Association petitioned Penn State's administration to instate an Afro American History course no later than the winter session of 1968. Members of the Frederick E. Douglass Association presented this petition on November 21, 1967, to the Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, Kenneth Roose. A year later on May 13, 1968, the group submitted a list of demands to Penn State's Administration. The list included the following:
Increase Black undergraduate enrollment by 10 percent after 1970; increase Black graduate enrollment; establish a section in the Pattee Library for Black authors; establish a Martin Luther King scholarship; reevaluate the athletic recruitment process for Black students; increase the recruitment of Black Athletes and coaches; dedicate one of the campus's buildings to the late Rev. Martin Luther King; permanently establish a course on Negro History; incorporate more Black authors into English courses; establish an African culture study program.
13 Requests and Demonstrations at Old Main.
On January 13, 1969, the Frederick E. Douglass Association presented a list of 13 demands to university President Eric A. Walker (1956-1970). The list included demands to instate "black counseling" and enroll 1,000 Black students by Spring 1969. Additionally, the list included demands to hire a Black recruiter and to involve Black students and Black Pennsylvania community members in the approval process for the hiring of the recruiter, any future committees involving Black students, and instructors and courses on Black subjects. On January 20, 1969, Walker issued a ten-page reply to the Douglass Association. Prior to the release of Walker's reply, Ted Thompson, Douglass Association member, Vice President of The University Student Government (USG), and future president of the USG (the second African American man to hold that title at Penn State), met with the Penn State President to discuss the 13 demands. During this meeting, Thompson warned Walker that the association did not want an "[...] 'I will do' statement on a succeed or fail basis," despite this meeting, Walker's response did not guarantee that the administration would work towards achieving one of the demands — enrolling 1,000 Black students by Spring, 1969. In addition, Walker's Statement claimed that the University had already increased Black enrollment by fifty percent; however, the previous enrollment count only included African American undergraduates, whereas the new count included Black international students and graduate students. Therefore, the Douglass Association argued that there was actually a decrease in enrollment of Black students. As a result, Rick Collins, the President of the Douglass Association, and five other representatives (Clark Arrington, David Patterson, Billie Patterson, Valerie Tartt, and Kenneth Waters), met with Walkers in Old Main to discuss the issues with his response. While the meeting between Walker and Douglass Association representatives occurred, 60 Douglass Association members waited inside of Old Main, in addition to 400 White students waiting in support outside of Old Main. Due to the lack of a concise response from Walker, 150 Douglass Association members carried 132 bricks to the second floor of Old Main, outside of Walker's office, to build a triangular-shaped wall, with one black brick at the top, and two statements tacked to the wall. The wall symbolized barriers in communication between Old Main officials and the Black community. One statement read "Next time we won't build a wall" and the other was a two-page statement outlining the issues in Walker's 10-page reply. The Douglass Association's statement critiques Walker's proposal from his 10-page letter that new programs would include "Afro-American or primitive material" because his statement assumes an analogy between African Americans and primitive. On January 22, 1969, 70 Douglass Association members traveled to Harrisburg to meet with legislators to gain their support increasing Black enrollment. K. Leroy Irvis, House majority leader, pledged his support of the Douglass Association and stated he would oppose state funding for Penn State until he sees a full commitment of the Administration to meet the 13 demands. In addition, Irvis stated he would call upon Penn State to appoint Black people to the Board of Trustees, see to an investigation of the hiring and enrollment policies, and visit Penn State in March to speak with President Walker. On January 24, 1969, The Community Action Committee of Pittsburg and Douglass Association members met with Walker and University Provos J. Ralph Rackley to discuss the relationship between Black students and the University. Due to Rackley's unilateral decision to exclude the press (Collegian reporters) from the meeting, the committee members and Douglass Association members walked out of the meeting.
The Black Student Union.
In April 1969, Rick Collins, the president of the organization, announced that the Douglass Association changed its name to The Black Student Union, to communicate the purpose of the organization more effectively to the Black community. In September 1969, BSU announced that a committee composed of five chairmen would replace the role of president. The committee would consist of a Communications Chairman, a Counselling Chairman, a Financial Chairman, a Cultural Activities Chairman, and a Political Activities Chairman.
Black Student Orientation.
In 1970, BSU lead Penn State's first-ever Black Student Orientation. According to Treasurer, Anthony Leonard, the orientation will provide incoming freshmen with advice and information on how they can prosper in the University. Leonard stated that the orientation would be part of a series of BSU events all catered to provide an array of supportive services.
Black Arts Festival.
During the same announcement of the name change from Douglass Association to the Black Student Union, Collins stated that BSU members were discussing plans for Black cultural centers on campus and in the State College community. In addition, a Black Arts Festival would take place from May 12 to May 18. According to Ron Batchelor, BSU member and President of the Organization of Student Government Associations (OSGA), the Black Arts Festival was created to be educational on Black Culture and entertaining in order to alleviate tensions on campus. All of the profits made from the event will be put towards black scholarships and the creation of an off campus Black student center. During the festival, Black students would perform poetry, plays, African dances, and socio-historical discussions. Additionally, BSU created a magazine titled "Aquarius" that would publish poetry and essays by Black students, to be sold throughout the Black Arts Festival. The editorial staff consisted of Gloria Horsley, Lesley Bantom, Philip Coleman, Carol Merril, and Robert Moses. Some of the guests of the festival included actress Ruby Dee, Rep. Adam Clayton Powell, "The James Brown Revue", and "The Arthur Hall Afro American Dance Ensemble".
Penn State-Boston College Halftime Demonstration.
On November 1, 1969, the Black Student Union demonstrated against institutional racism during halftime of the Penn State-Boston College football game. According to the Collegian staff writer, Steve Solomon, the statement that was to be read during halftime addressed being black in a predominantly white university, glaring examples of institutional racism, and recommendations on the ways in which racism can be controlled by all people and their institutions. The demonstration was planned at least a month in advance between BSU members and Ernest B. McCoy, the Dean of the College of Health and Physical Education. A spokesperson for the State College police at Rockview stated that a "normal complement" of officers would be present and that they were finalizing "special contingency plans". Additionally, for the first time of the 1969 football season, no standing room tickets were sold. Some speculated this done as a precaution to counterprotests; however, the Sports Information Director, Jim Tarman, stated that the omission of standing room tickets was implemented independently of BSU's demonstration. The day of the football game, attendees picked up copies of the Beaver Stadium Pictorial that featured a two-page spread of BSU's demonstration. Despite the fact that most viewers were aware of BSU's allotted time, many onlookers stomped their feet, shouted slurs, and booed during the demonstration that took place in the center of Beaver Stadium's field. BSU planned for a recording to play during the reading of their statement; however, the recording was not played because McCoy stated he forgot to turn on the electrical power. The Political Chairman of BSU, Vince Benson, was delegated to read the prepared statement. Benson reported that on his way up to the press box with McCoy, he was informed that the originally allotted time of twelve minutes would be cut to eight minutes. In addition, Benson stated that he received a report from University Conference member Wells Kiddie detailing that McCoy's Assistant, Edward M. Czekaj, gave State College police orders to prevent the White students from participating in the demonstration. Benson stated that they were supposed to carry a sign across the field that read "all power to the people". State College police Lt. William Kimmel stated that the police had nothing to do with controlling who participated, but were instructed to protect the Black participants on the field.
BSU announced that they would wait for administrators on November 10, 1969, at 7:30, in the Sparks building, to discuss the issues that occurred during the halftime demonstration and the discontent with Walker's Statement on the outcome of the demonstration. Walker and many administrative officials declined the meeting with BSU. Walker's reasoning was that he already had longstanding plans and did not want to meet in the "[...] 'confrontation' setting [...]" that could have taken place on Monday.
Charter Challenges.
Due to the inactivity of the Black Student Union in the Summer term of 1971, the Black Caucus was organized. When the Black Caucus applied for a charter, Benson Lichtig, USG President at the time, gave "[...] the group a temporary-formal chartering review by the USG Supreme Court". According to Lichtig, Black Caucus was not immediately granted a charter because the Black Student Union and the Black Caucus could not both claim to represent Black Students. Black Caucus pushed for the creation of an Office of Minority Affairs, which would include programs like BSU that dealt with minority students. On October 12, 1971, the Black Student Union merged with the Black Caucus and created a revised constitution to be reviewed by the USG. A committee was formed in order to decide on how the executive board would function. The committee consisted of representatives from residence halls, "[...] Alpha Phi [A]lpha, Kappa Alpha Psi, and Omega Psi Phi fraternities, Delta Sigma Theta and Alpha Kappa Alpha sororities and the town of State College [...]". Despite the submission of the new constitution, the USG Supreme Court did not issue Black Caucus a charter because BSU owed the University $3,000 and they could not decide whether the Black Caucus was a new organization, independent from BSU's dept. A meeting was held on the night of February 14, 1972, to discuss the chartering of the Black Caucus which included discussion on the financial issues of BSU; however, the treasurer of BSU, Warren Cox, did not attend the meeting. On February 24, 1972, the Black Caucus was granted a charter after James Lomax, Vietnam Veteran and the first Black Caucus chairman, explained to the USG Supreme Court that BSU and the Black Caucus were not the same organization by highlighting the fact that the Black Caucus serves all aspects of the Black community whereas the Black Student Union only represented Black Undergraduates. In addition, Lomax pointed out that no former executive members of BSU were Black Caucus members.
The Black Caucus.
The Black Caucus arose in the summer of 1971 as a result of the Educational Opportunity Protests and inactivity of the Black Student Union. They were officially chartered on February 24, 1972.
The Village.
In the Fall Semester of the year 2000, Black Caucus President Lakeisha Wolf, amongst three other students, a football player, and university trustee, were mailed letters with personal information threatening violence and filled with racist slurs. Wolf states that she and Don Edmond, a student who was targeted in the second letter she received, were targeted by these racist and threatening letters because of their recent published works in The Daily Collegian. Wolf published a section in the “Reader Forum” section of The Daily Collegian, criticizing the Collegian's placement of an image from the Meet the Greeks event. Wolf states that The Daily Collegian published an image below their normal standards with captions that minimized the importance and meaning of the event. In addition, the image was published without an article and showed two Black men, members of the National Pan-Hellenic Council, surrounded by two articles with titles with the words “Police” and “9-11”. At 5:30 pm on October 18, 2000, Black Caucus members planned to gather for a press conference in the HUB-Robeson Center to discuss the letters and racism on campus.
On April 20, 2001, a letter was hand-delivered to The Daily Collegian, with death threats directed at Lakeisha Wolf. The threats expanded to reach dozens of students of color, parents, and a journalist of the Centre Daily Times. One of the letters detailed knowledge of the victim's daily routines and threatened violence. This resulted in a protest at the Beaver Stadium football field and a nine-day sit-in at the HUB. The group of about 100 students who led the HUB takeover on April 24, 2001, which consisted of a march from Old Main to the HUB, formed “The Village”. On the steps of Old Main, Black Caucus members called for support in their continuing effort in getting university officials to address the threatening racist violence on campus and the development of diversity and multiethnic/gender education. Black student leaders in The Village criticized the university for their lack of action or communication in dealing with the death threats sent to students and university trustee. The HUB takeover would last until May 3, 2001, when university officials signed a revised, “Plan to Enhance Diversity at Penn State” that included plans to create the Africana Research Center. As a result of The Village, the Africana Research Center was created in 2002.


Amin Niyazov

Amin Irmatovich Niyazov (; born 7 November 1903 in Ak-Tepe, Fergana Oblast; died 26 December 1973 in Tashkent) was an Uzbek-Soviet politician. He was Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek SSR and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan.
Life.
Nyazov was born the son of farmers. In 1919 he worked first for the nutritional committee in Fergana and then became secretary of the city committee of Fergana of Komsomol. In the 1920s, he worked for the Uzbek Cheka and was Head of Finance Department of Fergana Oblast. Niyazov joined the Communist Party in 1925. From 1930 to 1934 he studied at the Industrial Academy "J. W. Stalin ". From 1935 he carried out various functions in business and party. From 1940 to 1946 he was People's Commissar of Finance of the Uzbek SSR and 1946/1947 Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Uzbek SSR. From March 1947 to August 1950 Nyazov was finally chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek SSR.
From April 1950 Niyazov served as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan. In December 1955, shortly after a visit of Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev, Niyazov was dismissed. Although no reasons were given, it was argued that Khrushchev blamed Niyazov for failing to increase cotton production. Between 1956 and 1957 he was Minister of Municipal Economy of the Uzbek SSR.
Nyazov was from October 1952 to February 1956 member of the Central Committee of the CPSU and from 1946 to 1958 a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
Awards.
Nyazov was twice awarded the Lenin Order, the Order of the Red Banner and the Order of the Red Star.


Prince Albert East-Cumberland

Prince Albert East-Cumberland was a constituency of the Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan.
History.
The seat was created out of the Cumberland district.
Geography.
The district covered the eastern part of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan.


Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangathan

Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangathan (English: "Revolutionary Adivasi Women's Organisation") is a banned women's organisation based in India. The Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangathan (KAMS) is a successor of the Adivasi Mahila Sanghathana (AMS). The foundation of the AMS was laid by the Maoists in 1986.
Aims and objectives.
The count of the KAMS's registered members is about 90,000, which ranks it amongst the top-most women's organisations in India when it comes to numbers of registered members. But, Rahul Pandita, in 2011, claimed that the members of the KAMS are estimated to number around 100,000.
The KAMS concentrates on addressing various social issues faced by the women. The members of the KAMS crusades against the evil practises against women in the society like abducting the women and forcing them to marry against their will, polygyny, etc. The organisation's members have also campaigned against the "adivasi" tradition of forcing women to stay away from the village and take shelter in the forest during her menstruation period. The members also take a stand against the patriarchal mentality within their communities. In Dandakaranya, the "adivasi" men did not permit the women to sow seeds in the fields, but when the members of the KAMS approached the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the party held meetings (with the adivasis) to address the issue. While during the meets, the "adivasi" men have accepted their mistake and decided to refrain for such activities, they are yet to bring their resolution to practise. However, the CPI (Maoist) have ensured that the women are allowed to sow seed, raise vegetables, and construct check dams "on common lands, which belongs to the "Jantana Sarkar"" (people's government).
In Bastar, the KAMS members have rallied with hundreds in numbers to highlight the atrocities by the police, and a few times the attendance figure have been in thousands to "physically confront" the police.
Arundhati Roy writes,
The organisation's members also addresses problems like forced migration and other political issues as well. Roy says that the KAMS has also been opposing mining in the Dandakaranya region.
Alleged atrocities by Salwa Judum.
A senior worker from the KAMS told Arundhati Roy that after facing "bestial sexual mutilation" and getting raped by the Salwa Judum members, several of the organisation's members have left the KAMS and joined the CPI (Maoist). A number of girls, who were not the members of the KAMS but witnessed the atrocities upon the KAMS members by the Salwa Judum members, have also joined the Maoists.
Legal status.
The KAMS was reported to be a frontal organisation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, and was thus banned. Arundhati Roy says that the Government of India can "wipe out" all the 90,000 members of the organisation, any time. She writes,


Regiment Overvaal

Regiment Overvaal is a reserve force regiment of the South African Army Air Defence Artillery Formation.
History.
Origin.
8 Light Anti-Aircraft (8 LAA) was established in 1969 as a Medium Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment and was based on the Vereeniging Military Base. The unit was established without any troops. "P Battery" of Regiment Vaalrivier was therefore subsequently transferred on 1 October 1969 to form 8 LAA.
Organisation.
The first Officer Commanding was Commandant R.D.J. Coetzee and the first RSM WO1 C.S. Feldtmann.
Major R.D.J. Coetzee was appointed as the acting Commanding Officer on formation of the unit and was accompanied by 420 members consisting of:
Renamed.
8 LAA was renamed on 27 April 1973 as Regiment Overvaal.
Higher HQ.
Regiment Overvaal fell under the regional jurisdiction of Witwatersrand Command from 1969 to 1974.
Divisional Command.
Regiment Overvaal was assigned to support 8th Armoured Division from 1974 to 1984.
Regiment Overvaal then was assigned to Far Northern Command from 1984 to 1987.
The regiment was finally returned to 8th Armoured Division from 1987 to 1997.
Freedom of Entry.
The Regiment was awarded the Right and Privilege of Freedom of Entry into Vereeniging on the 6 September 1986 with Commandant. P.J. Viljoen accepting that honour. This Freedom was exercised in the 15 September 1990 with Commandant. P.J.Roetz commanding.
Equipment.
Regiment Overvaal is a unit which executes the Anti-Aircraft task independently, or in support of other arms using radar controlled Oerlikon GDF guns.
These cannon can be used in all-weather conditions against low flying aircraft and can, if necessary be used in a ground role as well.
Riot Control.
Mamelodi, Shoshanguwe and KwaNdebele - 1987/1988


Sakhalin Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

The Sakhalin Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, commonly referred to as the Sakhalin CPSU obkom, was the position of highest authority in the Sakhalin Oblast, in the Russian SFSR of the Soviet Union. The position was created in July 1925, and abolished in August 1991. The First Secretary was a de facto appointed position usually by the Politburo or the General Secretary himself.


Ecologist group (Senate)

The ecologist group () is a parliamentary group in the Senate. Its first formation was from 11 January 2012 to 29 June 2017 that included representatives of Europe Ecology – The Greens (EELV). It was recreated on 29 September 2020.
History.
The number of senators of Europe Ecology – The Greens (EELV) increased from 4 to 10 following the 2011 renewal in which the left took control of the Senate for the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic. Fifteen senators were then required for the formation of a group in the Senate; the threshold was lowered to 10 as a result of an earlier agreement between EELV and the Socialist Party (PS). The ecologist group was officially founded on 11 January 2012 after previously being attached to the socialist group, with Jean-Vincent Placé serving as its first president. After the appointment of Socialists Nicole Bricq and Hélène Conway-Mouret to the government, ecologists Hélène Lipietz and Kalliopi Ango Ela entered the Senate to become the 11th and 12th members of the group. After the rout of the socialists in the 2014 municipal elections, Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault presented the resignation of his government, reducing the ecologist group to 10 deputies once more as Bricq and Conway-Mouret returned to their seats in the Senate.
Placé remained president of the group until his appointment to the government, with Corinne Bouchoux taking his place on 15 February 2016, having previously co-chaired the group from 6 November to 13 December 2015. Placé's departure left the ecologists with only nine deputies, threatening the continued existence of the group; a few days before the deadline, however, Hervé Poher, associated senator of the socialist group, joined the ecologist group, ensuring its survival. Bouchoux concluded her term as president of the group on 3 May 2016, becoming a Secretary of the Bureau of the Senate, and was succeeded in her post by Jean Desessard on 4 May. With André Gattolin joining some 25 senators in forming the La République En Marche group on 27 June, however, the ecologist group once again fell below the requisite number to constitute a group and was dissolved, with Desessard's term as president officially ending on 29 June.


Potter v Broken Hill Pty Co Ltd

Potter v Broken Hill Pty Co Ltd, was a significant Australian court case, decided in the High Court of Australia on 20 March 1906. The case was an influential decision in Australian Private International Law which is generally regarded as based on an extension of the Moçambique rule to actions for infringement of patents.
Facts.
Charles Potter was an analytical chemist who lived in Melbourne, Victoria who in 1901 obtained patents in New South Wales and Victoria for a froth flotation process using sulphuric acid to separate silver, lead and zinc ores from waste. The Broken Hill Proprietary Company, now BHP, was incorporated in Victoria and operated a silver, lead and zinc mine Broken Hill. Guillaume Delprat, the General Manager of BHP, claimed to have discovered a similar process, and this was used at BHP's mine. Potter commenced proceedings in the Supreme Court of Victoria. BHP denied the novelty and utility of the patented process, but also that an action for the infringement in New South Wales of a New South Wales patent was not justiciable in Victoria. The question of law whether the claim was justiciable in Victoria was referred to the Full Court. Potter was represented by Higgins while BHP was represented by Isaacs . A majority of the Supreme Court held that the Victorian Courts had no jurisdiction to deal with the suit as the cause of action was local to New South Wales. Potter appealed to the High Court.
Judgement.
In a key statement affirming the application of the Moçambique rule, Griffith CJ stated:
It is settled law that an English Court cannot entertain a suit in which the question of title to foreign land is directly in controversy: "British South Africa Co v Companhia de Moçambique". The Courts will no doubt entertain such a question of title if it arises merely incidentally in a case in which the foundation of the jurisdiction is a personal obligation arising from contract or quasi-contractual relationship between the parties.
He further went on to say:
In my opinion the same rule must be applied to foreign patents that is applied to foreign lands. The reasons upon which the rule in the one case are founded are, I think, equally applicable to the other.
'As already mentioned, the decision is generally regarded as based on the Moçambique rule. Although the Moçambique rule is one of the elements in the conclusion of the High Court, an examination of the way in which the case was argued, and of the reasoning of the High Court, shows that it is a decision extending the act of state doctrine to foreign patents.'
Judicial consideration.
Australia.
In 2002 a majority of the High Court indicated that it would like to reconsider this authority, with Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow and Hayne JJ stating "We also would reserve for further consideration in an appropriate case the Moçambique rule, and the standing of "Potter v Broken Hill Propriety Co Ltd"."
The matter arose again in the High Court in 2011 where French CJ, Gummow, Hayne, Crennan, Kiefel and Bell JJ noted that "Potter v Broken Hill Propriety Co Ltd" was argued on a basis which, though conceded, can now be seen to be false, namely, 'that, for the purposes of the question ... under consideration, the several States of Australia stand towards each other in the position of foreign States'. No consideration appears to have been given in argument or in the judgments to relevant constitutional questions including, but not limited to, the application of the full faith and credit provisions of s 118 of the Constitution.
 the High Court has not reconsidered the standing of "Potter v Broken Hill Propriety Co Ltd".
United Kingdom.
'It received no attention in the English case-law until it was mentioned by Lord Wilberforce in "Hesperides Hotels Ltd v Aegean Turkish Holidays Ltd" [1979] AC 508, 536 as authority for the proposition that the "Moçambique" rule applied in Australia. It was only from the 1980s that it came to be regarded as a significant authority in the field of transnational intellectual property litigation: "Def Lepp Music v Stuart-Brown" [1986] 273; "Tyburn Productions Ltd v Conan Doyle" [1991] Ch 75 (both copyright cases).'
The 2011 United Kingdom Supreme Court decision of "Lucasfilm Limited v Ainsworth", significantly eroded much of the underpinning of this case and of the "Moçambique" rule, at least within the UK.
Notes.
This case was decided at a time when patents were granted by the several States in Australia, and was subject to the common law rule that each Australian State and Territory is treated as a 'distinct and separate country or law area'.


Halifax County Dartmouth

Halifax County-Dartmouth was a provincial electoral district in Nova Scotia, Canada, that elected one member to the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. It was created in 1956 from portions of the former Halifax County district and existed until 1967, at which point the district was reformed into Dartmouth North and Dartmouth South.
Members of the Legislative Assembly.
Halifax County-Dartmouth elected the following members to the Legislative Assembly:


East Galway (UK Parliament constituency)

East Galway was a UK Parliament constituency in Ireland, returning one Member of Parliament 1885–1922.
Prior to the 1885 United Kingdom general election the area was part of the Galway County constituency. From 1922 it was not represented in the UK Parliament.
Boundaries.
This constituency comprised the eastern part of County Galway. In 1918, the boundaries were adjusted to take account of transfers of territory between County Galway and County Roscommon under the 1898 Local Government Act.
1885–1918: The baronies of Clonmacowen, Kilconnell, Killian, Longford and Tiaquin.
1918–1922: The rural districts of Ballinasloe No. 1, Mountbellew and Portumna, the District Electoral Divisions of Cappalusk, Cloonkeen, Colmanstown, Graigabbey, Grange, Killimor and Tiaquin in the rural district of Loughrea, and the urban district of Ballinasloe.


Hughes v. Fetter

Hughes v. Fetter, 341 U.S. 609 (1951), is a Supreme Court case involving the conflict of laws between states.
Facts.
Harold Hughes, a resident of Wisconsin, was killed in an automobile accident while driving in Illinois. The other driver, Fetter, was also a Wisconsin resident, and Fetter's insurance company was also located in Wisconsin. The administrator of Hughes' estate filed a wrongful death claim in Wisconsin state court, alleging that the death was caused by negligence on Fetter's part.
Although the administrator's action was filed in Wisconsin, and the defendants were a Wisconsin resident and a Wisconsin-based insurance company, the suit was based on the Illinois wrongful death statute. The trial court granted summary judgment on the merits to the defendants, holding that the public policy of Wisconsin, which had a "door-closing" statute with respect to wrongful death actions, which expressly limited the courts to compensating deaths occurring in Wisconsin. This was affirmed by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, and the administrator then filed a petition for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, asserting that the Full Faith and Credit Clause of the United States Constitution required the Wisconsin courts to apply Illinois law.
Decision.
The U.S. Supreme Court reversed, holding that because Wisconsin's statutory policy would exclude the Illinois cause of action, the public policy asserted violated the national policy of giving Full Faith and Credit to the laws of other states. The Court found that the Illinois wrongful death statute is a "public act", and that Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each state to the "public acts" of every other state. The Court noted that Wisconsin enforced wrongful death suits under its own law, and therefore evinced no strong public policy against such claims that would justify excluding them from its courts.
A dissenting opinion by Justice Frankfurter, joined by three other justices, argued that states should be able to close their courts to foreign causes of action where there is a reasonable basis to do so. Frankurter believed there was such a basis here, because the suit could have been brought in Illinois, and because there were substantial differences in the wrongful death laws of the two states.
The Court was unclear about what the objectionable discrimination really was, between the imposition of the law of another state, or the fact that the case involved an accident in another state. It has been noted that the Court also "allowed for an indeterminate exception to the "Hughes" rule" in circumstances "when the forum did have an antipathy to the foreign claim".
Impact.
"Hughes" is considered the leading case on the constitutionality of door-closing statutes.


Hampton-Kings

Hampton-Kings was a provincial electoral district for the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, Canada. It was established in the 1994 electoral redistribution, in 2006 its boundaries were changed as its population was above the allowable reasonable population and its name was changed from Hampton-Belleisle to Hampton-Kings.


Republican and Social Action

The Republican and Social Action (, ARS) was a French parliamentary group in the Chamber of Deputies of France during the French Third Republic between 1919 and 1924 founded by 46 members of the centre-right Democratic Republican Alliance.
Fourth Republic.
The name ARS was used by the group formed by 27 Rally of the French People deputies expelled from their party for voting confidence in Antoine Pinay as President of the Council.


Dartmouth-Cole Harbour (provincial electoral district)

Dartmouth-Cole Harbour was a provincial electoral district in Nova Scotia, Canada, that elected one member of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. It existed from 1993 to 2003.


James Edward Small

James Edward Small, (February 1798 – May 27, 1869) was a lawyer, judge and political figure in Upper Canada and Canada West.
He was born in York, Upper Canada in 1798, the son of John Small. He attended the Home District School with Robert Baldwin. During the War of 1812, he served on the ship St. Lawrence.
On July 12 1817, he was the second for John Ridout in a duel with Samuel Peters Jarvis. When Ridout fired his gun early at Jarvis, Small insisted that Ridout be allowed to re-load his gun. When Ridout was shot Small sought the assistance of George Playter. Small articled in law with William Warren Baldwin and was called to the bar in 1821.
In 1831 Small and his younger brother, Charles Coxwell Small, inherited their father's large house on the southwest corner of what is now Berkeley and King streets.
In 1834, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada in Toronto. He was elected in an 1839 by-election in the 3rd riding of York; he was reelected to the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada in 1841. Small supported Robert Baldwin's call for responsible government; in 1842, he was named solicitor general for Canada West in the Baldwin-Lafontaine government. He was appointed Queen's Counsel in 1842. He resigned from his post as solicitor general in 1843. He was reelected in 1844 but was later disqualified and George Monro was declared elected. In 1849, he was appointed judge in Middlesex County.
He died in London, Ontario in 1869.
The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, while noting Small was born into a life of privilege, had nevertheless allied himself with relatively liberal figures, like his school chum, Robert Baldwin, Upper Canada's prime advocate for responsible government.


Adgur Kakoba

Adgur Paatovich Kakoba (; born 24 November 1965 in Atara) is the current Minister for Education and Science of Abkhazia. Kakoba was appointed on 15 October 2014 by newly elected President Raul Khajimba as Minister for Education, Science, Sports and Youth Policy. The latter two portfolios were transformed into separate State Committees on 30 March 2015.


Janet E. Minor

Janet E. Minor is a former Treasurer of the Law Society of Upper Canada.
Early life and education.
Minor was raised in Wainfleet, Ontario. She has an LLB from the University of Toronto and an LLM from Osgoode Hall Law School.
Legal career.
She was called to the Bar of Ontario in 1975.
Minor was elected by Convocation to lead The Law Society of Upper Canada as its 65th Treasurer in June 2014. list of Treasurers of the Law Society of Upper Canada
Minor has worked in public law since 1977. Up until her election, she was general counsel in the Constitutional Law Branch of Ontario’s Ministry of the Attorney General. She has appeared before all levels of Court and has argued many significant cases on behalf of the Ontario government. She was first elected as a bencher of the Law Society of Upper Canada in 2001 and was re-elected in 2006 and 2011. She has served on a number of committees including chair of the Professional Development and Competence Committee and the Equity and Aboriginal Issues Committee, as well as a member of the Access to Justice Committee and the Retention of Women and Challenges Faced by Racialized Licensees working groups.
Most recently, Minor played an integral role in the introduction of Pathways, an innovative project undertaken to address the shortage of articling placements, involving significant changes to the experiential training component of the Lawyer Licensing Process.
Minor is a founding director of the Association of Law Officers of the Crown (ALOC) and past director of The Advocates’ Society. She has also served on the boards of the Law Foundation of Ontario and the Ontario Justice Education Network.
Awards and honours.
She received the Women’s Law Association President’s Award (2003), the Ontario Bar Association’s Tom Marshall Award (2010), the ALOC Carol Creighton Award for Contribution to Public Law (2013), and a Zenith Award celebrating leading women lawyers from Lexpert (2013).


How Fascism Works

How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them is a 2018 nonfiction book by Jason Stanley, the Jacob Urowsky Professor of Philosophy at Yale University. Stanley, whose parents were refugees of Nazi Germany, describes strategies employed by fascist regimes, which includes normalizing the "intolerable". His book is part of a "wave of articles, books and op-eds" that warn of the "return of fascism", features of which are already evident, according to Stanley, in the politics of the United States, the Philippines, Brazil, Russia, and Hungary.
The book was reissued in 2020 with a new preface in which Stanley describes how global events have substantiated his concern that fascist rhetoric is showing up in politics and policies around the world.
Content.
Stanley focuses on rhetoric and propaganda. His previous books include "Knowledge and Practical Interests", "Language in Context", "Know How" and the award-winning "How Propaganda Works". He is a witness to the "consequences of fascism", his parents having fled Germany during the Holocaust. His maternal aunts, uncles and cousins were killed in eastern Poland in 1941 during Hitler's invasion. Stanley identifies the pillars of fascist politics that deepen the divide between "us" and "them"—denying equality, using a culture of victimhood, and feeding the sexual anxiety of men. Strategies include undermining journalists and reporters, promoting anti-intellectualism, the use of propaganda, spreading conspiracy theories, letting fear and anger overtake "reasoned debate", and then calling on "law and order" solutions. Stanley describes how one of the hallmarks of fascism is the "politics of hierarchy"—a belief in a biologically determined superiority—whereby fascists strive to recreate a "mythic" and "glorious" past by excluding those they believe to be inferior because of their ethnicity, religion, and/or race.
Reviews.
According to a "The New York Times" review, Stanley's book—a "slim volume"—"breezes across decades and continents" and says that Donald Trump "resembles other purveyors of authoritarian ultranationalism." Overall, the "Times" gave a mixed review.
"The New Yorker" said that "How Fascism Works" was popular, even though it was by an "academic philosopher"—it "prioritized current events over syllogisms" and "ranged broadly, citing experimental psychology, legal theory, and neo-Nazi blogs."
"The Guardian"s "rave review" cited Stanley who said that, one of the "ironies of fascist politics" is that it includes the "normalization of the fascist myth" so that talk of fascism is made to appear to be "outlandish". Fascist politics makes us able to "tolerate what was once intolerable by making it seem as if this is the way things have always been... By contrast the word 'fascist' has acquired a feeling of the extreme, like 'crying wolf'."
"The Times Literary Supplement" (TLS), which gave the book a mixed review, said that "How Fascism Works" belongs to a "wave of articles, books and op-eds" that warn us of the "return of fascism"—which includes "Fascism: A warning" by Madeleine Albright, "On Tyranny" by Timothy Snyder, "When The Mob Gets Swayed" with contributions by Paul Neuborn, and "The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump" with contributions by John Gartner. Stanley said in his book that a number of countries—the Philippines, Rwanda, Myanmar, Brazil, Russia, Hungary, Poland and the United States—have currently been "affected by fascist politics".


Rand Light Infantry

The Rand Light Infantry (RLI) is an infantry regiment of the South African Army. As a reserve unit, it has a status roughly equivalent to that of a British Army Reserve unit or United States Army National Guard unit.
History.
Origin.
The history of this Regiment dates back to the "Transvaal Cycle Corps", which was formed in Johannesburg on 1 October 1905 from the Bicycle Section of the Transvaal Scottish Regiment. A small section of this unit subsequently took part in the suppression of the Bambata Rebellion in Zululand.
After its return from this conflict the unit recognised the possibilities of mechanisation and members of the Regiment manufactured three armoured cars, creating a motorised fighting unit. This led to the renaming of the unit in 1909 to the "Transvaal Cycle and Motor Corps".
On 1 July 1913 the Regiment was renamed the "11th Infantry (Rand Light Infantry)" and transferred to the Active Citizen Force of the Union Defence Force. Simultaneously, the unit was converted to a normal infantry regiment. The Regiment's Pretoria detachment was transferred to the "12th Infantry (Pretoria Regiment)".
World War One.
During World War I the Regiment took part in the South-West Africa, suffering light casualties – only two dead and eleven wounded.
In 1932 the Regiment was renamed the "Rand Light Infantry".
World War Two.
The RLI was mobilized for World War II in June 1940 and gained fame in North Africa where it took part in many front line engagements and earned battle honours at Bardia, Gazala and El Alamein. (See 1st SA Infantry Division) After the defeat of Rommel’s Afrika Korps, the RLI returned to South Africa and was merged with the "Duke of Edinburgh’s Own Rifles". The remaining members of the Regiment were trained in armour, and sent as reinforcements to the South African 6th Armoured Division in Italy.
Border War.
The Regiment took part in the South African Border War.
Freedom of Entry.
The unit exercised its freedom of entry into Johannesburg on 9 November 2013 as part of the centenary celebrations of the City of Johannesburg with
fixed bayonets, colours flying and drums beating.
Battle honours.
The RLI has been awarded the following Battle Honours:
Leadership.
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Two (TV series)

Two is a Canadian drama series which aired in syndication from September 1996 to June 1997. It featured Michael Easton as Gus McClain, a college professor from Seattle who is framed for the murder of his wife by his twin brother Booth Hubbard (Easton in a dual role). Hubbard, whose existence had previously been unknown to McClain, committed several murders while assuming McClain's identity, leaving Gus on the run from the FBI. Complicating matters more was that Booth had a brain tumor that could kill him at any moment and leave Gus without a way to clear himself. The primary FBI investigator in the case was Theresa "Terry" Carter (Barbara Tyson), whose partner was a victim of Hubbard and does not believe his claims of a twin brother. It featured Andrew Sikes as a recurring character trying to help McClain.
Due to low ratings, the show was canceled after one year.


Hot Streets (TV series)

Hot Streets is an American adult animated television series that was created by Brian Wysol. The series surrounds the supernatural investigations of FBI agent Mark Branski, who works with his partner Donald French, Branski's niece Jen, and her cowardly talking dog, Chubbie Webbers. It is produced by Stoopid Buddy Stoodios, Williams Street, and Justin Roiland's Solo Vanity Card Productions!. The series premiered on January 14, 2018. It was renewed for a second season on May 7, 2018, which premiered on February 24, 2019.
On May 16, 2019, Adult Swim canceled the series after two seasons.
Plot.
Mark Branski (J.D. Ryznar) is an FBI agent along with his partner Donald French (Scott Chernoff). The two collaborate with Branski's niece Jen (Chelsea Kane) and her cowardly talking dog, Chubbie Webbers (Justin Roiland), to investigate paranormal phenomena. A recurring theme of the show is how they mostly go up against nasty, nasty monsters and wacky forces of evil, yet sometimes kill good-intentioned "adversaries" without a second thought, often based on just following orders, heated emotions or the Bible.
Production.
Prior to "Hot Streets", Brian Wysol created a series of shorts for Dan Harmon and Rob Schrab's Channel 101 including "Hot Cross Buns" and "We Solve the Crime". Wysol said "Hot Streets" was a synthesis of the two: "One was a supernatural horror cartoon and the other was a cop show, and they were my favorites [...] I wanted to weave their sensibilities together, so I came up with the idea for this new FBI supernatural investigative show." In 2012, Wysol decided to combine them for "Hot Streets".
Wysol was employed on several Adult Swim series, including the second season of "Rick and Morty" as a story editor and "Robot Chicken" as a writer. Prior to that he created several web series for Smosh's Shut Up! Cartoons. In March 2017, the network announced that they committed Wysol's pitch for "Hot Streets" to a full series, along with Myles Langlois' "Apollo Gauntlet". Stoopid Buddy Stoodios and Williams Street helm production. The former company's founders, Seth Green and Matthew Senreich—both the creators of "Robot Chicken"—announced that production for the pilot of "Hot Streets" was forthcoming in May 2015; it continued into April 2016. Green, Senreich, and Wysol are the series' executive producers, as well as fellow "Robot Chicken" staffer Eric Towner, John Harvatine IV, and "Rick and Morty" co-creator Justin Roiland. Each episode of "Hot Streets" is eleven minutes long. Animation services were provided by Salty Dog Pictures for the show's first season.
Release and reception.
"Hot Streets" premiered on Adult Swim on January 14, 2018. The pilot episode aired on December 4, 2016, and was previously released on Adult Swim's official website in August 2016, along with the pilots for three other prospective television series, including "Apollo Gauntlet". Viewers could give feedback on each pilot with five buttons marked with reactions.


Enniskillen (UK Parliament constituency)

Enniskillen was a United Kingdom Parliament constituency in Ireland (now in Northern Ireland, which remains part of the United Kingdom), returning one MP. It was an original constituency represented in Parliament when the Union of Great Britain and Ireland took effect on 1 January 1801.
Boundaries.
This constituency was the Parliamentary borough of Enniskillen in County Fermanagh.
Elections.
Elections in the 1840s.
Cole resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, causing a by-election.
Elections in the 1850s.
Cole resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, causing a by-election.
Whiteside was appointed Solicitor-General for Ireland, requiring a by-election.
Whiteside was appointed Attorney-General for Ireland, requiring a by-election.
In order to contest the 1859 by-election at Dublin University, Whiteside resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Manor of Hempholme, causing a by-election.
Elections in the 1870s.
Crichton was appointed a lord of the Treasury, causing a by-election.


Carel Sirardus Willem van Hogendorp

Carel Sirardus Willem, Count van Hogendorp (15 August 1788 – 29 October 1856) was acting Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1840–1841.


Poverty in Colombia

Poverty statistics.
In 2017, the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) reported that 26.9% of the population were living below the poverty line, of which 7.4% in "extreme poverty". The multidimensional poverty rate stands at 17.0% of the population.
Unemployment.
The average national unemployment rate in 2017 was 9.4%, although the informality is the biggest problem facing the labour market (the income of formal workers climbed 24.8% in 5 years while labor incomes of informal workers rose only 9%).
Inequality.
According to the World Bank, Colombia's Gini coefficient (a measurement of inequality in wealth distribution) was 0.587 in 2000 and 0.535 in 2013, ranking alongside Chile, Panama, Brazil and Honduras as the most unequal Latin American countries in terms of wealth distribution.
Related issues.
Literacy.
In 2015, a total of 94.58% of the population aged 15 and older were recorded as literate, including 98.53% of those aged 15–24.
Malnutrition.
In 2010, 3.4% of the children under 5 years old in Colombia suffer from global malnutrition (deficiency of weight for age) and up to 13% suffer from chronic malnutrition (deficiency of height for age). The situation is worse for the indigenous peoples of Colombia, who in the same indicators recorded rates of 7.5% and 29.5% respectively.
Social strata in Colombia.
Colombia's social strata have been divided as follows and have been extensively used by the government as a reference to develop social welfare programs, statistical information and to some degree for the assignment of lands.
The system is the classification of the residential properties that should receive public services. Although the system does not consider the income per person and the rules say that the residential real estate should stratify and not households. All mayors should do the stratification of residential properties of their municipality or district.
In 1994, this stratification policy was made into law in order to grant subsidies to the poorest residents. The system is organized so that the people living in upper layers (strata 5 and 6) pay more for services like electricity, water and sewage than the groups in the lower strata. Critics of the system say that it impedes social mobility through stigmatization, while its proponents argue that it allows the poor to locate to areas where they will be able to access subsidized services. There are many studies that have shown that the socio-economic stratum is a bad instrument to allocate subsidies. In particular, these studies show that there is a high percentage of households of strata 1 and 2 which have a level of consumption similar to the households of strata 5 and 6 (18% of households in stratum 1, 36% of households in 2 and 66% of households in stratum 3 are located in quintiles 4 and 5 of the distribution of consumption. 98% of households in stratum 6 is in these quintiles).
Although nowadays there are more reliable sources to determine capacity to pay.


UDI and Independents group

The UDI and Independents group () is a parliamentary group in the National Assembly including members of the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI), Agir (2017–2020), and some dissidents of The Republicans (LR) after the 2017 legislative elections.
History.
On 26 June 2012, the UDI group have been founded In the aftermath of the 2012 legislative elections.
In the aftermath of the legislative elections on 11 and 18 June 2017, the split between Macron-compatible "constructives" within the Republicans (LR) and the rest of the party re-emerged. On 21 June, Thierry Solère announced the creation of a new common group in the National Assembly with the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI) likely to contain 18 UDI and about 15 LR deputies. The formation of two parliamentary groups on the right represented a symbolic divorce to the two threads on the right (the moderates and the hardliners) and the end of the old Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) which had been created in 2002 to unite the right and centre.
On 27 June, the group announced that Franck Riester (LR) and Stéphane Demilly (UDI) would preside as co-presidents. At the time of its formation on 27 June, the parliamentary group included 35 deputies, including 1 associated member.
On 28 November, following the establishment of the political party Agir by LR members, the group was renamed to the UDI, Agir and Independents group ("groupe UDI, Agir et indépendants"), with Jean-Christophe Lagarde replacing Demilly as part of the rotating co-presidency of the group. Simultaneously, Thierry Solère, after his exclusion from the Republicans as a result of his role in the constructives and subsequent adhesion with La République En Marche!, voluntarily left for the La République En Marche group.
Marine Brenier left the group to rejoin The Republicans group on 23 January 2018, and the invalidation of the election of Napole Polutele on 2 February reduced the group by one more and triggered a by-election.
Exclusion from The Republicans.
Following the election of Emmanuel Macron as president under the banner of En Marche! and the subsequent appointment of three right-wing personalities in prominent posts in the newly formed government – Édouard Philippe as Prime Minister, Bruno Le Maire as French Ministry for the Economy and Finance, and Gérald Darmanin as Minister of Public Action and Accounts – a parliamentary group including LR dissidents supportive of the government, "", was formed in the National Assembly, separate from the existing LR group. After the election of Thierry Solère, one of the founding LR members of the group, as a quaestor on 28 June – a post traditionally reserved for the opposition, with the group having declared itself as an opposition group regardless of its line towards the government – many party figures added to calls for the exclusion of LR "constructive" deputies and ministers, including Philippe, Le Maire, Darmanin, Sébastien Lecornu, Thierry Solère, and Franck Riester, from the party. The issue was to be raised at the meeting of political bureau of the party on 11 July, with the "constructive" deputies publicly declaring that to be excluded would be of "no importance", and tentative proposals for the creation of "a new political force" consisting of the "constructive" LR deputies and members of the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI), who formed the backbone of the group.
Following the meeting of the political bureau on 11 July, Accoyer announced the creation of a "special commission" headed by Isabelle Le Callennec, Patrick Ollier, and Jean Leonetti tasked with "collecting the explanations" of Philippe, Le Maire, Darmanin, Lecornu, Solère, and Riester, and their immediate suspension from executive functions within the party, a compromise to postpone the decision on the possible exclusion of the six until the autumn in order to avoid pushing the "constructives" towards launching their own party. In an interview in "Le Journal du Dimanche" published on 24 October, Le Maire confirmed that he was no longer a member of The Republicans and confirmed that he was an adherent of La République En Marche, thereby resolving the question of his exclusion from LR. On 28 September, the five remaining received a letter from The Republicans summoning them to offer an explanation to the party for their support for Macron. On 3 October, the political bureau of the party initially voted to exclude Darmanin for "electoral dissidence" by appearing on an election list for La République En Marche in the department of Nord in the 2017 senatorial elections, but quickly reversing that decision, instead granting to Darmanin and the other four threatened with exclusion an additional eight days to respond. in addition, the political bureau also demanded that certain "constructive" deputies join the LR group by 30 November or else be excluded by the party.
In interviews on 4 October, both Solère and Riester envisaged the possibility of creating a new party of the right and centre representing "liberal, social, European, reformist and humanist" values. On the part of the ministers, Lecornu stated that he would appeal should he be excluded, Darmanin confirmed to have sent a response but would ultimately prefer exclusion by the party than abandonment of his political line, and Philippe was indifferent about the possibility of becoming a Prime Minister not associated with a political party, saying that the "political commitment [as Prime Minister] in my opinion is well worth the [loss of the] partisan label".
After no action was taken on 11 October, Accoyer stated that "the procedure will be completed on 24 October". At the meeting of the LR political bureau on 24 October, 37 of 47 participants voted in favor of exclusion. However, because fewer than 63 members (a majority of the body) were present, as required by the party statutes, the vote was not considered binding, and the political bureau must convene for a second time on 31 October to vote again in order to formally exclude the five, when only a simple majority of votes will be required. Darmamin, Lecornu, Solère, and Riester were formally excluded by the political bureau of the party on 31 October; Philippe was not formally excluded due to juridical reasons, though the party noted his departure. On 25 November, "Le Journal du Dimanche" reported that Darmamin, Lecornu, and Solère joined La République En Marche, while Riester, along with most LR members of the constructives and Senate group, announced the establishment of a new party, Agir, on the right.