2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
The amicable hug between Lyutvi Mestan and Sergei Stanishev at Eagle's Bridge came to be widely interpreted as a symbolic gesture of forgiveness on the part of MRF, bearing in mind the BSP predecessor party's role in the orchestration of the Process of Rebirth in the 1980s. For this and other reasons, former vice-chairman of the MRF and Ahmed Dogan right-hand man Osman Oktay has been highly critical of the nature of the BSP-MRF relationship dynamics.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
On 22 July, around 30 pro-government protesters demonstrated in front of the French embassy in Sofia, frowning upon what they saw as the French ambassador Philippe Autié's interference in Bulgaria's internal affairs due to his support for the anti-Oresharski rallies.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
Since August 2013, the main leaders of the counter-protest movement also started organizing tours around the country, visiting different cities in order to speak in front of the local inhabitants. Around mid August, the counter-protests began to take place concurrently with the anti-government protests.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
As of late August 2013, the counter-demonstrators claimed to have collected 384,000 signatures in support of the government. The pro-government citizens also accused the president of abandoning his duty as a national unifier and signed petitions calling for his removal from office. They instead extended support to vice-president Margarita Popova.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
The counter-protests generally saw a lesser turnout compared to the anti-government protests and according to an Alpha Research survey (taking into account the period between 19 and 27 August) were backed by approximately one third of Bulgarian citizens. While endorsing the right of any national to peacefully protest, president Rosen Plevneliev has depicted the counter-protests as a Bulgarian innovation and also expressed a concern that they could cause further alienation between citizens of disparate ideological persuasions.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
The counter-protests have been derisively labeled as "manifestations" by pro-protest activists such as Asen Genov due to supposedly lacking the organic nature of the anti-government ones and not being representative of civil society. According to Anna Krasteva, the year 2013 "professionalized" the counter-protest, making it an integral and recurring feature of protests in Bulgaria.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
In early January 2014, Radoslav Gochev, one of the main organizers of the counter-protests, stated that they will be discontinuing any further events or demonstrations due to their belief that the government has now consolidated its position at the helm of the country. However, he also warned that the pro-government demonstrators remain fully prepared to hit the streets once again if the need arises.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Main activities and societal feedback
Around 50 counter-protesters gathered close to the official entrance of the National Assembly on 15 January while the first session for the new year was being held in response to the presence of two groups of anti-government demonstrators on the other sides of the building.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
A number of the supporters of the counter-protests have voiced suspicions regarding the purported involvement (including the alleged offering of remuneration) of influential US-based activists and think tanks in providing impetus for the demonstrations, though this remains a fringe view among scholars.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
Similar conspiracy theories have been espoused by figures like Biser Milanov (who did not self-identify as a counter-protester, but was believed to fit this description by protest activists), who made a statement at the Council of Ministers in August 2013, in which he affirmed that his "National Liberty" movement would only support the government if it took adequate measures against "paid protesters", entailing granting them permission to create "volunteer patrols" who would operate together with police officers and apprehend "all protest organizers who are driven by a desire to promote George Soros' interests in Bulgaria".


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
Rapper Mihail Mihaylov, who was described in the media as "one of the faces of the counter-protests", in a similar fashion expressed dismay at the alleged meddling of outside agents in Bulgarian affairs and in addition to that criticized the Borisov Government for its supposed authoritarian tendencies, thus subscribing to the argument that GERB was bound to be the beneficiary of any anti-government protests.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
According to research conducted by the Sofia Open Society Institute covering the months of June and July, only 7.4% of respondents cited the concern that GERB could return to the helm of the country as being among their reasons for refusing to participate in a protest.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
Journalist Petar Volgin, who was noted for his anti-protest philosophy in contrast to other media anchors, even though he participated in the early phase of the demonstrations, echoed some of the sentiments of the conspiracy theorists, maintaining that the spontaneity of the protests only persisted until about their fifth day, after which they were taken over by a collection of interested "political engineers" – right-wing activists, GERB affiliates and "tipping point" circles with close connections to selected oligarchs. Columnists associated with the Ataka party compared the protests to the Otpor!


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
movement as well as the various colour revolutions that are also purported to have been sponsored by pro-US activists and NGOs that are claimed to promote undesirable political correctness norms in Eastern European countries.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
Thus, foreign agents were deemed capable of exerting an influence of the momentum and intensity of the protests, with one of the speculations being that the government's decision to implicitly give the green light regarding the construction of a 7th unit of the Kozloduy Nuclear Power Plant (to be commissioned to American company Westinghouse), placated the pro-American NGOs in Bulgaria and brought about a dwindling in the protest waves. During the protests and following their cessation, Volen Siderov has referred to them as "an attempt to pull off a Bulgarian Maidan".


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Counter-protests, Conspiracy theories about the protests
He has also alleged that Oresharski had a pang of conscience and decided to resign after refusing to accede to American demands (with the insistence to abandon South Stream being the only one to be made public) put forth during a meeting with John McCain in June 2014, which included (amongst others) providing the United States with a carte blanche to use Bulgarian military airports for the purpose of military and logistical actions in light of the Ukrainian crisis as well as sending Bulgarian troops to fight against the pro-Russian rebels in Ukraine. It has been alleged that parties such as BSP encouraged their supporters to flood Internet forums with anti-protest messages (attempting to divert discussions in the direction of conspiracy theories).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Government response to the protests
On 19 June, Oresharski acknowledged that he had made a political miscalculation with the DANS appointment and apologized to the protesters and the rest of the Bulgarian citizens, while also stating that stepping down would not be conducive to his overarching aim of restoring political stability. He also requested a grace period from the general public until a number of urgent social policy reforms are implemented. Oresharski emphasized that he was always open to engaging in discussions with the protesters.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Government response to the protests
Minister of Education Aneliya Klisarova characterized the protests as motivational in the sense of providing further impetus for the government to work for the betterment of the country. However, she also criticized the occupation of the universities and expressed concerns regarding the nature of the student demands, seeing them as solely political rather than education-related. Sergei Stanishev and Oresharski maintained that the ongoing protests were an indication that the "chains of fear" that had gripped society and the media in previous years have been removed from the popular consciousness of the citizens.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Government response to the protests
Valeri Zhablyanov, a BSP party deputy, insisted that from the outset the origins of the protest movement lied in an unwillingness to recognize the election results rather than opposition to the Peevski appointment, believing that they could thus set a dangerous precedent with regard to the stability of the democratic mechanisms in the country.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Government response to the protests
In late June 2013, the chairperson of the National Parliament Mihail Mikov criticized the general media coverage of the protests, stating that the ways in which the demonstrations were being framed could (alongside other factors) bring about their escalation, and urged media representatives to show responsibility and the necessary measure of calm when it came to their reporting. Mikov's statement was in turn condemned by prominent journalists and media outlets as well as the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee due to being interpreted as indicating a potential willingness on the part of the government to infringe on media freedom.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Government response to the protests
Oresharski, Minister of Interior Tzvetlin Yovchev as well as other members of the cabinet held a number of meetings with protest figures (in the Council of Ministers building), though doubts have been expressed with regard to the extent to which the people who took part in these discussions were sufficiently representative of the protest movement as a whole, with some of those staunchly opposed to the government even labeling the participants in these events as "convenient protesters". Since September 2013, the government tended to refer to the protests as explicitly political due to GERB supposedly showing its interest in assuming leadership of the demonstrations. MRF leader Lyutvi Mestan stated that the main opposition party (GERB) itself has a history of being closely linked to oligarchic structures.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
While initially (prior to Peevski's resignation), opinion polls revealed that 85% of Sofia citizens were supportive of the protests (with only 23% declaring trust in the Oresharski cabinet), approval for the protests dropped to 56% in mid July 2013 (with 37% expressing opposition to them and 48% believing them to be "politically motivated") based on nationwide surveys administered by Sova Harris. In the months of September and October, societal reactions to the protests continued to be mixed, with a relatively even split between pro- and anti-protest voices.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
However, Alpha Research surveys (administered nationwide between 26 and 31 October as well as covering the period between 30 November and 8 December) indicated that the student protests enjoyed a slightly higher degree of popular support than the original demonstrations involving other societal members.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
In response to Gallup Research questions regarding their voting preferences if the elections were to be held on the same day in which the October surveys were administered, approximately 22% of interviewees stated that they would likely pick the governing Bulgarian Socialist Party and circa 19% affirmed that they would be inclined to vote for the main one in opposition – Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria, which was reflective of the parity when it came to popular support in the case of the two parties.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
A petition entitled "Sofia without roadblocks" (Bulgarian: "София без блокади") was circulated in late July 2013 due to dissatisfaction on the part of some citizens because of the traffic disruptions on the main boulevards in the central part of the capital city and noise pollution as a result of the protest activities (caused by both protesters and counter-protesters). Former Bulgarian Interior Minister Bogomil Bonev was among the initiators of the petition. 90% of Sofia citizens insisted that protests were to be conducted in full compliance with the legal regulations pertaining to mass citizen gatherings.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
The protests against the Oresharski cabinet were supported by 60 percent of Bulgarians, according to a poll by the independent Alpha Research for the month of November. Research conducted by the Sofia Open Society Institute (analyzing the political situation in the country over the course of the June and July months) reveals that the most active participants in the protests tended to be young (aged below 30 years), were based in the capital Sofia, leaned to the centre-right or right of the political spectrum and possessed a higher than average income.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
The middle class social stratum from Sofia has been singled out as constituting a core of the protest. Similarly, Leviev-Sawyer believes that even during their short escalation phase in late July 2013, the demonstrations retained features of protests typical of the middle class. A generational gap as well as an urban-rural divide have been an aspect of the public reactions to the demonstrations, with those residing in non-urban areas and aged over 60 on the whole significantly less supportive of the protests.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
Goranova identifies the primacy of economic over political concerns due to poverty, the presence of remnants of feudalist structures in the smaller cities and villages (causing a certain built-in reluctance to protest due to fears of job losses), the significant proportion of elderly people (who have a natural aversion to instability) and the lack of sufficient trust in the youth as some of the reasons for the lacking protest activities outside the major cities.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
In addition, members of ethnic minority groups were generally not as favorably disposed to the protests, with this finding especially applicable to ethnic Turks and Romani people who typically declared a lesser willingness to participate in demonstrations in comparison to ethnic Bulgarians. Confederation of Labour Podkrepa president Konstantin Trenchev, in an August 2013 interview, did not call for national strike action against the government, but cautioned that conditions may become ripe for resorting to such activities at some point in the autumn.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
The trade union has been criticized by some experts for violating the constitution by setting political targets for itself and engaging in the type of political activism that is the prerogative solely of political parties. Figures provided by Gallup, based on interviews with more than 1000 citizens held between 9 and 16 January 2014, indicated that 40% believed that the protests should continue, with the same percentage of people having the opposite view.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
A late January 2014 survey conducted by the Confederation of Independent Syndicates in Bulgaria revealed that at least one third of their members were adamant that Parliamentary elections need to be held alongside the upcoming European elections. According to a Gallup poll, 43% of Bulgarians regarded the media reporting on the protests as objective, while 30% characterized the electronic and printed media outlets as displaying subjectivity in their coverage. Of the latter respondents, 19% considered the bias to be pro-protest and 11% identified it as pro-government.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
The electronic and print media in Bulgaria are generally regarded as tending to shy away from publishing materials explicitly critical of governments, but businessman and direct democracy supporter Petar Klisarov insists that the main media were passive and relatively objective in their reporting of the 2013 anti-Borisov protests while from the very beginning they unequivocally took the side of the protesters in their coverage of the anti-Oresharski movement.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Public reactions to the protests
According to academic Orlin Spasov, the protests saw significantly more intra-societal cleavages (Russophiles vs. Russophobes, communists vs. anti-communists and so on) compared to the winter discontent against Borisov's cabinet that mainly juxtaposed the political elites against the people, which made it much more difficult for the media anchors to cover them.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
In the first two months (prior to the minor escalation phase of 23–24 July), the protests did not receive significant coverage in international media, especially relative to the more numerous and violent demonstrations in Turkey, Brazil as well as the anti- and post-Morsi unrest in Egypt. The protest activities and messages were endorsed by prominent European Union politicians such as European Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship Viviane Reding and also garnered the approval of the French and German ambassadors to Bulgaria, Philippe Autié and Matthias Höpfner.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
The latter two welcomed Rosen Plevneliev's call for a new morality in politics that was in accordance with European values, also emphasizing that there was a crisis of trust when it comes to the institutions and elites in the country as well as some worrying signs pertaining a concentration of media ownership, which could herald risks for the continued thriving of freedom of speech. The ambassadors praised both the protesters and the Bulgarian police for behaving in a way that was conducive to the peaceful expression of the civil society spirit.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
In addition, Autié and Höpfner stressed that the "oligarchic model" was not suitable for any country and could only lead to the creation of a "state within a state". Dutch ambassador to Bulgaria Karel van Kesteren referred to the protests as a "sign of hope" and the first clear instance of civil society rearing its head to clamor for the observance of European values since Bulgaria's accession to the EU.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
He also expressed disquiet about the role of Attack as well as its ability to influence proceedings and reminded the government that election wins are just one component of democracy that should not be a substitute for responsible governance and lack of secrecy in decision-making. His Belgian counterpart to Bulgaria Anik van Kalster stated that "the best solution [to the crisis of legitimacy] was the one that was widely supported by the society as a whole" and also played down the concerns that Belgian investments in Bulgaria could be negatively affected due to the political uncertainty.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
In relation to the Peevski situation, she reminded the government of the European Commission's insistence for certain standards to be respected when high-level appointments are made and the need for the primacy of the legal order to remain unchallenged. Van Kalster lauded the peaceful character of the protests and depicted them as a continuation of the February demonstrations, but with a higher premium placed on ideals and principles rather than economic issues.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
In June 2013, Hannes Swoboda, President of the group of the S&D in the European Parliament, stated that the Oresharski government deserves support, maintaining that the social measures suggested by the cabinet were necessary for the country. He also commended Stanishev for being forward-looking and having a long record in promoting modernization.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
However, Swoboda criticized the appointment of Delyan Peevski as well as the decision to elect Volen Siderov as chairman of the Parliamentary commission for fighting corruption, warning the governing BSP party that it would need to go to extra lengths in order to preserve its values and provide a true "left alternative" to the Borisov cabinet (due to the BSP's alliance with the MRF and Ataka).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
He also emphasized that Bulgaria needed fundamental changes in its political system and urged the government to be constantly engaged in a dialogue with the wider society and prioritize the promotion of political transparency and democratic principles. In Antoniy Galabov's view, PES' support for Stanishev was a risky strategy, as it could negatively affect the electoral fortunes for the European political party in the 2014 European election. The EU urged BSP and GERB to exhibit cooperative behaviour towards each other.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
French ambassador to Bulgaria, Xavier Lapeyre de Cabanes, diagnosed Bulgaria's corruption problems as deeply rooted, stipulating that the underlying motivations for such protests had been brewing under the surface since the 1990s. He also acknowledged that a variety of anti-corruption measures have been implemented since the collapse of communism and observed that the country's xenophobia had not reached dangerous levels. Daniel Cohn-Bendit, a leading personality during the 1968 student protests in France, sent out a note, in which he expressed support for the Bulgarian student occupiers.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, International reactions to the protests
Polish historian and prominent former anti-communist dissident Adam Michnik was more cautious in his assessment of the protests, stating that the main reason for them was the "lack of a political culture as well as an absence of a culture of compromise", which from his standpoint is still an issue for other Eastern European countries besides Bulgaria because of the effects of communism on the mentality of citizens and the paucity of democratic traditions. He sees the political elites as a reflection of society and emphasizes that in cases when fair elections bring unsympathetic "old [communist] apparatus" members to power, this needs to be accepted, as "democracy should apply to all, not only to those who are intelligent and have perfectly sound moral qualities".


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Underlying and less explicit reasons for the protests
Ognyan Minchev stressed that one of the main reasons behind the lack of legitimacy of the Oresharski government is that its coming to power was made possible by the actions of an oligarchic structure (formerly allied to Borisov) which used underhanded maneuvers to discredit GERB (including on the days prior to the parliamentary election), for example by demonizing Tsvetan Tsvetanov in the media, with this smear campaign unwittingly aided by the economic grievances against the GERB administration on the part of the citizens.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Underlying and less explicit reasons for the protests
He insists that currently the major issues are connected to Bulgaria being in a political crisis attributable to state capture. Kozhouharov concurred with this viewpoint and in addition to that appraises the February protests as part of an orchestrated strategy to depose GERB and pave the way for the ascent of the current governing coalition. Former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Simeon Dyankov characterizes the formation of the Oresharski government as a "soft coup" due to the collusion of the other parties in the National Parliament against GERB.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Underlying and less explicit reasons for the protests
Suspicions regarding the increased role played by the Movement for Rights and Freedoms party (whose support base is predominantly ethnically Turkish, Muslim Roma and Bulgarian Muslim) in the governance of the country were also identified as a catalyst for some elements of the protest movement. Staunchly anti-communist politician Edvin Sugarev alleged that the Oresharski government intended to distance Bulgaria from the European Union and set the stage for bringing the country in the Eurasian sphere of influence in the long-term.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Characteristics of the protests
Vividly exemplifying a newly emerging protest culture, dominated by the youngest generations, the demonstrations have been praised for their authenticity in the expression of popular grievances, skillfully integrating "numerous colourful performance elements" in their repertoire, and have been characterized "as one of the first protest gatherings of a markedly political nature" since the beginning of the post-1989 transition, thus reflective of the sentiment that the governing elite has exhausted its credit of confidence.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Characteristics of the protests
In contrast to the 1997 anti-government civil disobedience campaign, the protests have generally been described as "politicized" instead of "particized" because of the impetus for action coming from the protesters themselves rather than the charismatic leadership of influential politicians in opposition, with a moral outrage lacking any significant economic underpinning providing the fuel for the demonstrations. However, some analysts have nonetheless identified a strong political dimension to them, alleging that centre-right parties such as the UDF and the DSB were a driving force behind the protests, which is also believed to have actually contributed to them gradually fizzling out.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Characteristics of the protests
In addition, the protests are gauged to have brought about the resurfacing of some antagonisms on the axis of communism vs. anti-communism, which was typical of the political landscape in the 1990s, though Evgeniy Daynov disagrees, believing that they largely succeeded in transcending this divide, broaching new subjects for discussion not connected to the communism vs. anticommunism dichotomy.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Achievements of the protests
Depicted as part of a "second democratic revolution" in Bulgaria, the protests (as well as the previously held anti-austerity demonstrations) have been credited with bringing about the rebirth of civil society in the country, elevating it to an important arbiter of political processes, and sparking a renewed interest in political issues in addition to an increased awareness of the principles of representative democracy.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Achievements of the protests
The demonstrations are also believed to have orchestrated a paradigm shift in the attitudes of Bulgarians, with the "exit" narrative pushed to the backstage by the one emphasizing "voice" and empowerment - while in previous years emigration from the country was viewed as the principal way to express opposition to pernicious practices on the government level such as corruption, in 2013 a new determination to stay in Bulgaria and "transform the state" emerged. Political scientist Ivan Krastev regards the protests as successful due to heightening the Bulgarian people's support for democracy and the European Union.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Achievements of the protests
According to Vasil Garnizov, as a result of them the government has become more responsive to the voice of the citizens by carefully evaluating public opinion with regard to certain policies (for example, in relation to the possible removal of the restrictions on smoking in eating establishments) and refraining from dabbling with controversial appointments, though some analysts like historian Iskra Baeva cautioned that the overly generic and all-encompassing nature of the demands coupled with the tendency to deny the legitimacy of all political institutions in the country might not be the best approach for the protesters and was unlikely to yield constructive results.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Achievements of the protests
Anna Krasteva believes that the anti-Oresharski demonstrations helped establish the protest as a strong source of political legitimacy, reducing the importance of other factors such as the representation of parties in the National Parliament or electoral percentages. Evgeniy Daynov opines that the protests helped define the parameters of Bulgarian politics in the 21st century.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Violations of the law
Author Hristo Stoyanov has been critical of the tendency to impute false intellectualism to some of those engaging in legal transgressions as a way of protest, seeing the methods employed by the protesters between 23 and 24 July 2013 as a threat to the fundamentals of Bulgarian democracy.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Violations of the law
Analyst Petar Klisarov has voiced his disapproval of the demonstrators (especially the emigrant students who participated in protests on 26 December 2013 and 3 January 2014) for flaunting Bulgarian legal regulations, for example by behaving disrespectfully towards police officers and blocking the city traffic on a whim, suggesting that they would have been much more disciplined and law-abiding if the activities were taking place abroad. Sofia mayor Yordanka Fandakova is also claimed to have been overly permissive of the demonstrators at the expense of the other members of society.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Striving for depoliticization and protest exceptionalism
Former Bulgarian Prime Minister Ivan Kostov has criticized some of the protesters' tendency to be dismissive of the achievements of the Bulgarian transition since 1989, highlighting that Bulgarian civil society was already alive and kicking between 1996 and 1997. According to a report generated by the "Laboratory for Governing Risks" (of which Kostov is a member) affiliated to New Bulgarian University, the protesters' refusal to accept any guidance from political figures as well as the general reluctance to add an explicitly political dimension to their actions stifled the potential of their movement. In this regard, the student occupiers are believed to have been relatively unsuccessful in broadening the appeal of their cause and reaching out to other members of society.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Overemphasis on theatric elements
Political scientist Boris Popivanov opined that the mass protests of the initial months were gradually replaced by smaller-scale demonstrations that emphasized "creative and artistic elements" as well as "aesthetic provocations", which were not well understood and difficult to relate to by the wider public. Thus, the accent on various theatric aspects was seen to have inadvertently obscured the underlying goal of forcing a government resignation.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Overemphasis on theatric elements
Political researcher Ivan Nachev suggested that the demonstrations needed to be held less frequently, but with a higher turnout, better organization and protest messages that were clearly formulated, so that the protest movement did not fall into the trappings of banalization. He also urged both the government and the protesters to show greater determination to find some sort of a middle ground when engaging in dialogue.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Misplaced anticommunism and general anti-leftist orientation
Popivanov characterizes the protests as exhibiting a strong anti-leftist slant, which in his view enabled the Bulgarian Socialist Party to consolidate its ranks and rally its supporters. The chairman of the Institute for Modern Politics, Borislav Tsekov, concurs with this assessment, deploring the "primitive anti-communism" espoused by the protesters due to being almost reminiscent of the spirit of McCarthyism.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Misplaced anticommunism and general anti-leftist orientation
Left wing journalist Velislava Dareva, in addition to frowning upon the viscerally anti-communist rhetoric engaged in by the protesters, also believes that the protest lacked focus due to containing at least 10 different protester groups (demonstrating for hugely different reasons) within its ranks. However, the student occupiers have been described as somewhat less eager to jump on the anti-communist bandwagon.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Misplaced anticommunism and general anti-leftist orientation
Left wing sociologist Andrey Raychev makes a distinction between "citizen" and "political" protests (with only the anti-Peevski phase of the demonstrations fitting the former definition) and maintains that parties were gradually learning the lesson that they could not simply "insert themselves" into a demonstration of the citizens, but need to carve out a separate niche. Due to the perceived anti-leftist leanings of the protesters, quite a few left-wing commentators (somewhat paradoxically given that globally protests tend to resonate with those who are on the left side of the political spectrum) took a stand against the demonstrations.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Political entrepreneurship and the student occupations
Direct democracy proponent Petar Klisarov questioned the occupiers' motives, believing them to have been under the undue influence of political figures who would come to be associated with the Reformist Bloc. Evgeniy Daynov, while sympathetic to the occupiers, noted that like in the case of most protests in Bulgaria's history, the students were once again rather late in joining the protest action. The student occupiers were criticized by senior officials from Sofia University for making the university an arena for political struggles by engaging in politically motivated activities, thus violating the internal regulations of the institution.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Inability of the protest to propose political alternatives and misreading of the economic § political situation
Political scientist Deyan Kyuranov regarded the government figures as redeemable despite the Peevski debacle, attributing the calls for the resignation of the government to the inertia of the initial anti-Peevski protest wave rather than logically or morally grounded arguments. In August 2013, former Bulgarian Prime Minister and Tsar Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha commented that the protests were reflective of "certain stakeholders' willingness to make use of the imperfections of democracy to sow disunity and cause divisions" between protesters and anti-protesters, members of various ethnic groups as well as people with different personality traits.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Inability of the protest to propose political alternatives and misreading of the economic § political situation
He also questioned the degree to which the protests were representative of the wider society and criticized the media's disproportionate coverage of the demonstrations as well as the media anchors' lack of objectivity (i.e. when reporting on the actions of police officers) due to [them] "becoming factors in determining the political processes" rather than relaying information.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Inability of the protest to propose political alternatives and misreading of the economic § political situation
Analysts who tended to be opposed to the protests pointed out that Bulgarian society had begun to suffer from a "protest fatigue" and the majority of citizens wanted the government to be given a chance to implement its policy aims before casting judgment on it. They also downplayed the parallels between the then anti-government wave and the 1997 demonstrations that brought down the cabinet envisioned by BSP because of their belief that the economic and financial climate in Bulgaria during Oresharski's tenure could hardly be depicted as being in an acute state of crisis.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Criticism of the protests, Inability of the protest to propose political alternatives and misreading of the economic § political situation
In this context, it is emphasized that the government was able to continue its mandate for longer than expected due to a combination of chance factors outside of its control (not necessarily related to the protests), including the reduction in the negative externalities because of the subsiding of the economic crisis and the relatively benevolent investment climate in Bulgaria as well as the lack of viable political alternatives. The protests have also come under fire by some sources due to exhibiting a general spirit of negativity and placing illogical demands. In October 2013, in an interview with Dnevnik, Ivan Kostov expressed the opinion that Peevski was certainly being demonized and took issue with the personal attacks against him, viewing them as unconstructive and not in line with European values.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
Petar Mitev noted that despite the fact that there was a significant discrepancy in viewpoints between the government and the presidency, the former would not benefit from a strategy premised on seriously discrediting the latter, as this could lead to general political chaos and embolden the protesters.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
In November 2013, culturologist Ivaylo Ditchev, in a contribution for Deutsche Welle, analyzed some possible scenarios that could bring about a resignation of the government – his preferred one was a "moral catharsis of Bulgarian society", with students inspiring the support of wide segments of the intelligentsia, who in turn could convince a majority of ordinary citizens to join the anti-government wave.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
A Citizen Forum (reminiscent of the one established in 1989 Czechoslovakia) was to be created and serve as a guarantor for the cleansing of Bulgarian politics – the participants in it would set the tone for political discussions, but refrain from taking part in politics.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
However, he regarded this scenario as rather utopian and drew attention to the more realistic (if increasingly less appealing – from his standpoint – possibilities) – corporate and social issues like those related to health care causing a mass discontent and unions going on strike, triggering a paralysis of the country; "behind the curtain events" within the political echelons themselves, with GERB succeeding in using procedural tools (also with the tacit support of Western allies) to alter the balance of power in the National Assembly; the Attack party withdrawing its support for the government and emerging as the political face of popular protests inspired by nationalist causes (possibly attributable issues like the Syrian refugee crisis and illegal African migrants or concerns pertaining to the selling of Bulgarian land to foreigners).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
The latter scenario was considered to be especially problematic and as being incompatible with the underlying goals of the protest movement, because the new Parliament formed after such events would almost inevitably include fascist-leaning parties and would need to contend with significant polarization due to the presence of pro- and anti-European voices.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
In April 2014, sociologist Mikhail Mirchev rated the cabinet's chances to fend off future storms as good, but cautioned that the MRF was not necessarily a reliable coalition partner (judging by the past history of the MRF-BSP coalition dynamics) and any erratic behaviour on their part could be a major factor in bringing down the government.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
German political researcher Daniel Kadick noted that it may be advisable for a protest party to be formed, so that the then status quo in Bulgaria would not be recreated after the next elections and in order for the electoral prospects of populist movements like "Bulgaria without censorship" to be reduced.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
Philologist and popular talk show host Yulian Vuchkov declared his support for the protests, maintaining that they were long overdue because of the political passivity of Bulgarians, but opposed early elections due to his belief that it will take time for a successful "professor party" to be formed, so that it could become a viable election challenger.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Expert opinions, Predictions and future eventualities
Political analysts Tihomir Bezlov and Ruslan Stefanov suggested that tensions along political lines may manifest themselves in the aftermath of the next Parliamentary elections (while holding the view that the caretaker government would not have to deal with popular discontent) and did not believe that the protest potential had been exhausted.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Economic assessments
The security-related expenditures resulting from the protests (encompassing the period from 14 June to late November) have been evaluated as approximating 2 million BGN.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Economic assessments
On 13 December 2013, Standard & Poor's Ratings Services amended its outlook for Bulgaria from "stable" to "negative", in part due to the political uncertainty that started with the February 2013 protests against the Borisov cabinet (and the then looming possibility of early elections as a result of the ongoing protests against the Oresharski cabinet). However, the country, as of mid December 2013, has retained its 'BBB/A-2' long- and short-term sovereign credit ratings. In June 2014, Standard & Poor's downgraded Bulgaria's short- and long-term credit ratings from 'BBB/A-2' to 'BBB/A-3' (though the country continues to be with a stable financial outlook), citing as the main reason the lack of political predictability.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Role of GERB
A number of commentators have criticized GERB for piling on the pressure on the government by behaving in a fashion that was contrary to the underlying tenets of Parliamentarism due to on occasions refusing to register or participate in Parliamentary sessions and thus impeding the work of the National Assembly. GERB brought forward a no-confidence motion against the government on 25 September 2013, but it could not be debated in the National Parliament, as its party representatives excused themselves from the proceedings.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Claims of paid protesters and counter-protesters
Allegations have surfaced in the media of a small proportion of the protesters and the counter-protesters having received financial incentives in order to attend gatherings in opposition to or in support of the government (see also counter-protest section). According to a BNT investigation, some of the Attack sympathizers received 30 leva per day to participate in protests (as a show of force in support of the nationalist party).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Foreign involvement in the protests
On 30 August 2013, during a Roger Waters concert in Sofia, the protest slogan "Оставка!" ("Resignation!") was displayed on the main screen in red letters. While a number of Bulgarians regarded it as a nice gesture in support of the protests, rapper Mihail Mihaylov, one of the main figures lauding the counter-protesters, voiced sharp criticism, with some elements in favor of the anti-government demonstrations also expressing disapproval due to their belief that the politicization of such public events contradicted some of the values the protest movement was premised upon.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Foreign involvement in the protests
On 17 July 2013, then French ambassador to Bulgaria Philippe Autié took part in a protest march. Following the end of his term as ambassador in September 2013 (when he was succeeded by Xavier Lapeyre de Cabanes), Autié was not honoured with the Order of Stara Planina, which has been the custom in the case of foreign ambassadors.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Foreign involvement in the protests
While it has been suggested that the reason was the ongoing reconsideration of the circumstances as to when foreign diplomats are to be granted such official distinctions, other interpretations have suggested that Autié missed out on an award because of the solidarity he expressed with the demonstrators. However, on 1 October 2014, Autié and his German counterpart Matthias Höpfner received Bulgaria's most prestigious national decoration.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Foreign involvement in the protests
On 11 November 2013, former American ambassador to Bulgaria James Pardew was allowed to enter the premises of the occupied Sofia University. This raised eyebrows among the students opposed to the occupation, who demanded an explanation given that access had been denied to university administrators, academics and students not in favour of the occupiers' approach. The main spokesman for the occupying students Ivaylo Dinev claims that Pardew was not permitted to go inside the university building by student security (as the students were not fully convinced in the sincerity of his motives), but did speak to three of the student representatives inside the university premises.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Infiltration by undercover agents and provocation attempts
Despite being generally disciplined and non-violent with a high degree of success in reining in disruptive and subversive participants compared to previous anti-government movements in Bulgaria, the protests were not spared the involvement of agent provocateurs, some of them supposedly linked to Biser Milanov's "Liberty" national movement and Pavel Chernev (former member of Attack and then leader of the "Freedom" party (Bulgarian: партия "Свобода"), who subsequently distanced himself from Volen Siderov, becoming a major critic of him), though both of them have denied any ulterior motivations, with Chernev explaining that his entourage of young men in sporting attire were falsely labeled a provocateur group, when in actuality they had intended to protect the regular protesters from militant members of the Attack. 9 people alleged to have been attempting to disrupt the protests and encourage the commission of illegal acts were detained by the police during the protest activities of 18 June and 22 were apprehended on 23 June.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Scandals between Attack members and protesters
On 17 June 2013, there were tense scenes between sympathizers of the Attack and anti-government demonstrators close to the headquarters of the nationalists on Vrabcha Street, with some objects being thrown by both sides. The protesters have accused the Attack leadership of betraying the trust of the people and "phony nationalism" by refusing to vote against the formation of a government that includes the MRF. According to media reports, 3 people suffered light injuries and 1 person was arrested.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Scandals between Attack members and protesters
On 28 October 2013, journalists from the TV7 news channel and Alfa TV (the media anchor of the Ataka party) were prevented from entering the university premises and reporting on the Sofia University occupation by a small number of students, security officers and anti-government demonstrators. In the evening of 8 November 2013, MP Desislav Chukolov and some other members and sympathizers of the Ataka party confronted a group of students who had been overheard chanting "Resignation!" near the headquarters of the Bulgarian National Television. In the ensuing commotion, a glass of red wine was spilled on Chukolov's shirt.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Scandals between Attack members and protesters
Five students were subsequently arrested by the police, but were released on the next day without any charges pressed against them, though Chukolov has stated that he may take the matter to the courts. On 8 January 2014, Attack party deputies entered the Nova TV building and angrily demanded an explanation from protest activists Tsvetozar Valkov and Viktor Stoyanov who were being interviewed by host Milen Tsvetkov. Valkov and Stoyanov were wearing face masks of Volen Siderov and had previously participated in demonstrations in favour of revoking the Attack leader's parliamentary immunity. Nova TV staff emphasized that they had on numerous occasions extended invitations to Attack members to debate with other guests on Tsvetkov's show, but the Attack functionaries had rebuffed them, preferring to go about their endeavour through illegal means.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Disputes between occupying students and academics
On 27 November 2013, the occupying students filmed two professors from Sofia University who were celebrating a birthday and the conferral of a professorship while drinking alcohol on the premises of the university (outside working hours). While some commentators were critical of the academics for setting a bad example and possibly violating university policies, others condemned the students for going overboard in their desire to pontificate about morality and for supposedly being motivated by revanchism (because the two professors had publicly opposed the occupation).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Disputes between occupying students and academics
Ivaylo Dinev, one of the leading figures behind the first occupation, later regretted the decision to make the clip available to the general public, calling it a strategic and moral mistake, as it shifted the focus of the wider society on a relatively unimportant issue, caused the student protesters to lose some outside support, and created friction within the ranks of the occupying students themselves. He also acknowledged that drinking alcohol (by both students and academics) during special occasions had always been regarded as being compatible with the ethos of the university.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
On 21 August 2013, Lidiya Yordanova, the head of the Bulgarian national sociological agency NCIOM (Bulgarian: НЦИОМ) was dismissed from her position by Mihail Mikov for disciplinary reasons. Shortly before that, NCIOM had provided figures suggesting a 60% public approval for the demonstrations, which is alleged to have possibly played a part in the then chairman of Parliament's decision. On 22 September 2013, during celebrations of National Independence Day in Veliko Tarnovo, police officers confiscated and destroyed anti-government posters from protesters.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
In mid November 2013, some Oresharski statements were interpreted as implying that public servants who take part in protests could be given the sack (which was criticized as anti-constitutional, with GERB referring the matter to the European Commission and the Association for European Integration and Human Rights informing the prosecutor-general of Bulgaria), but the Prime Minister subsequently clarified that only those who protest during their working hours could face the risk of being fired (Bulgarian legal regulations stipulate that civil servants may not engage in political activism in the workplace).


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
Around the same time, allegations appeared in the media that the Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs had provided BSP deputies with "bullet points", which were to be used as a blueprint by them when making statements about the anti-government protests. In January 2014, more than 40 football supporters from various fan clubs were called into police stations to sign protocols stipulating that they will not take part in any social disturbances.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
This requirement was criticized by prominent members of fan clubs and pro-protest activists as an unnecessary measure motivated by a desire to discourage the ultras' participation in anti-government protests. In March 2014, Atanas Uzunov, former top Bulgarian football referee and a member of GERB, was released from his duties as administrative director of Lokomotiv Plovdiv by owner Konstantin Dinev due to allegedly making use of his position to encourage the supporters of the club to take part in anti-government demonstrations.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
Plovdiv city councillors from the MRF party expressed satisfaction with the decision, also voicing suspicion that Uzunov may have been indirectly involved in the events of 14 February, when a crowd consisting mostly of football fans had surrounded and caused damage to the Dzhumaya mosque in Plovdiv. Throughout the protests, pro-protest activists frequently questioned the heavy police presence and the restrictions on the movement of ordinary citizens, believing such measures to be reminiscent of the totalitarian years.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Measures employed by governmental, police and non-governmental entities to dissuade and discredit protesters
In February 2015, the chairman of the parliamentary commission for public order and security (Bulgarian: парламентарната Комисия за вътрешен ред и сигурност) Atanas Atanasov confirmed previously made claims that protesters had been illegally monitored and wiretapped, revealing that this had occurred as part of a coordinated effort involving the Ministry of Interior, DANS and DATO (National Agency for Technical Operations) during the first 300 days of the anti-Oresharski demonstrations. The head of DANS is believed to have been privy to the whole process. It is also claimed that profiles with the personal data of more than 2000 protesters had been created. Former Interior Minister Tzvetlin Yovchev vigorously denied the allegations, calling them a lie. The Borisov Government launched an investigation.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Children participation in protest marches
Psychologists have questioned the developmental effects on children partaking in demonstrations, with former Bulgarian Prime Minister Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha being one of the politicians especially critical of the practice, believing it to be contrary to the EU directives on the well-being of the underaged.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Vandalizing anti-fascist monuments
On 21 August 2013, the Soviet Army monument in Sofia was discovered to have been painted in pink, with the message "Bulgaria apologizes" in Bulgarian and Czech on display, a reference to the Bulgarian troops' participation in the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. The Russian media voiced criticism and the police and judiciary vowed to investigate the matter. Soon thereafter, the Bulgaria – Russia Forum provided funds for the clean-up of the monument. A protester procession passed by the Czech embassy and the National Parliament, carrying a pink paper tank.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Vandalizing anti-fascist monuments
On 7 November 2013, Asen Genov, an Internet blogging pioneer in Bulgaria and a prominent contributor to "protest network" who had a prominent role in organizing the first anti-Peevski protest was arrested (alongside five other peers, four of them DSB activists) for spraypainting parts of the anti-fascist monument in front of the BSP party headquarters on Pozitano Street in Sofia. DSB leader Radan Kanev endorsed the actions of his party members, characterizing them as an appropriate expression of pro-protest views given the existence of a coalition of "former communists and contemporary fascists at the helm of the country".


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Vandalizing anti-fascist monuments
On 23 February 2014, a Ukrainian flag was drawn on the Soviet Army monument in the capital of Bulgaria, with one of the soldier statues also painted in yellow and blue colours. A number of pro-Euromaidan messages such as "Слава Україні" ("Glory to Ukraine!") were also scribbled on it. A small anti-Oresharski protester group accompanied by journalist Ivo Indzhev subsequently arrived on the scene. This occurrence drew a sharp reaction from the Russian Foreign Ministry, which demanded that the culprits be identified and punished.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Controversies associated with the protests, Vandalizing anti-fascist monuments
Also, the Euronews TV channel's decision to show a photo of the painted monument on its Facebook page was criticized by the Russian ministry as "excessive". Shortly thereafter Euronews removed the image, clarifying that it did not support a particular side between the pro- and anti-government forces in Ukraine, least of all the participants in violent riots, and did not intend to besmirch the memory of Soviet veterans who had fought the Nazi regime invaders during World War II. The protests against the Oresharski cabinet are believed to have provided new fuel to the debates regarding the perceived Russophilic vs. Russophobic schism within Bulgarian society and the role of Bulgaria's European Union membership in changing the nature of its relations with Russia.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Related developments
In September 2013, two freelance journalists at Deutsche Welle's Bulgarian desk were released from their contracts. The German media company explained that this was for failing to retain "objectivity, neutrality and balance" in their reporting of the protests. While DW publicly denied this to be linked to a recent letter of complaint from the CCB, opinion pieces in Bulgarian media outlets were predominantly of the opinion that the bank had put pressure on the broadcaster.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Related developments
On 25 October, students from Sofia University occupied the central building of the university in downtown Sofia. They demanded immediate government resignation and new elections, as well as rule of law and a prioritization of education. The declaration was publicly read before present media. After that, the entrances to the University were fully blocked and almost all activities at the building ceased. According to students, between 70 and 100 people were present inside and only students were allowed in and out.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Related developments
In early December, а three-person student delegation from Bulgaria that was accompanied by members of "protest network" visited Ukraine in order to voice their support for the Euromaidan participants. One of the occupying students read out their declaration at Maidan square. The occupying students also revealed that they intend to make a film about the events in the former Soviet republic and posted a trailer on YouTube.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Related developments
While admiring the underlying ideas behind Euromaidan and being touched by the reception that the Bulgarians received, Ivaylo Dinev, one of the most recognizable figures behind the occupation, in retrospect expressed sadness about how the anti-Yanukovych protests turned out due to the human casualties and the Ukrainian people eventually being pitted against each other rather than banding together to confront the national and global elites.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Aftermath and legacy of the protests
On 7 November 2014, a coalition government headed by Boyko Borisov succeeded the interim cabinet of Georgi Bliznashki. The main group that was behind the student protests against Oresharski, which called itself "the early rising students" (Bulgarian: ранобудните студенти), has continued to rally against what they view as controversial appointments connected to the new government, mainly against Slavi Binev's chairmanship of the Commission for Culture and Media (Bulgarian: Комисия по култура и медии). Binev resigned on 8 December 2014 as a result of the controversy.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Aftermath and legacy of the protests
BSP is believed to have suffered both electoral (reduced support among its core sympathizers) and political losses (losing ground to new populist and nationalist parties) due to its supposed role in the entrenchment of the "Who" model (Bulgarian: моделът "КОЙ"), which is assumed to have been exemplified by the Oresharski government. References to this model - implying inappropriate interlinkages between government, big business, media and other "shadowy forces" which bring about an erosion of constitutional and democratic practices - were frequently made during the anti-Oresharski demonstrations.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Aftermath and legacy of the protests
The protests also intensified the split between two main wings of BSP - the one loyal to Sergei Stanishev and the one taking cues from Georgi Parvanov, with the latter group forming the political project ABV in January 2014, which officially became a full-fledged political party in June of the same year. The protests are believed to have been a factor in making political actors more reluctant to include the MRF as part of governing coalitions. Oresharski's administration has drawn parallels with the Lyuben Berov cabinet, being regarded as another unsuccessful experiment with "expert" or "programme" governments.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Miscellaneous
In the late evening hours of 18 August 2013, a gas bottle explosion occurred in a Chinese restaurant near the main area of the demonstrations. On 19 August 2013, the protesters observed two minutes of silence. In the subsequent days, a donation box was also set up in order to collect funds for the injured people. A woman from a nearby store (also among those who had sustained injuries) had previously offered products to the protesters at a discount.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Miscellaneous
On 15 October 2013, in the 14th minute of the World Cup qualifier between Bulgaria and the Czech Republic, part of the supporters in the stadium erupted with shouts "Resignation! ", followed by the chanting of then manager Luboslav Penev's name (to indicate that the coach was not the target of the fans' dissatisfaction). ' The protester' received the most votes for politician of the year 2013 in Bulgaria, while the anti-Oresharski protests were singled out as the event of the year in the country, based on the annual survey of Darik Radio.


2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet, Miscellaneous
Between 10 September and 30 November 2014, the international festival Fotofabric took place in Sofia and included two main exhibitions at different locations in the city - "the protester" (an assortment of photo reports from recent protests around the world) and "the human and his states [of mind]" (consisting of artistic representations from the "Alcobendas" collection in Spain). Photos from the anti-Oresharski demonstrations that had been selected by Vasil Garnizov were also featured as part of the first exhibit.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests
Anti -government protests (Khmer: បាតុកម្មប្រឆាំងរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល) were ongoing in Cambodia from July 2013 to July 2014. Popular demonstrations in Phnom Penh have taken place against the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen, triggered by widespread allegations of electoral fraud during the Cambodian general election of 2013. Demands to raise the minimum wage to $160 a month and resentment at Vietnamese influence in Cambodia have also contributed to the protests. The main opposition party refused to participate in parliament after the elections, and major demonstrations took place throughout December 2013. A government crackdown in January 2014 led to the deaths of 4 people and the clearing of the main protest camp.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests
Cambodian protests may have been partly precipitated by the perception of corruption, lack of freedom and poor quality of life in the country. Cambodia is near the bottom of international rankings in the measurement of those factors. Inequality in the distribution of wealth is a recognized problem, as is the statistic that a third of children are malnourished, and the difficulty that government critics are rounded up and detained on dubious charges.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests
Cambodia's strongman Hun Sen has affirmed his 'pre-eminence' by closing Freedom Park, an opposition protest site in central Phnom Penh that is now strictly off limits to the public and appears to be like a 'fortified military base'. Cambodians are 'riled by incessant land grabs, official corruption and labor disputes in a country tightly controlled by one man for nearly three decades.' Freedom Park, is closed now indefinitely.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests
Protests have now "fizzled out after a crackdown on factory strikes in January that killed at least four people and alarmed major clothing brands with interests in Cambodia, like Adidas, Nike and Gap. "Since then, anti-government protests intended to draw hundreds of thousands of people have attracted just a few hundred. Freedom Park was shut down in April. "In general, people I've seen and talked to in villages, just want change of national leadership," said Kem Ley, an independent political analyst. "But what the CNRP has been doing is the same thing, again and again," Ley said, referring to the calls for protests. "People are just tired and afraid because of the government's shameless use of violence."


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Garment Workers
Most of the protesters were women working in garment factories as they strongly believed the wages paid are unacceptable. The workers were demanding for higher wages and better working conditions such as basic health care, protection etc. There are approximately 700,000 workers in the garment sector with 90% of the workers are female. The female are not only protesting from a workers’ perspective, but also from the role of women as gender Inequality is a huge issue in Cambodia. Cambodian women workers play a huge role in supporting the economy for Cambodia at 67.72% of the GDP is from exports of goods and services and 87% are manufactured goods.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, 2013 general election
There are so many irregularities [with the election] that were exposed even before voting day. We know that this was a foregone conclusion; that the ruling party organised the election in such a way as to secure victory even before voting day.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, 2013 general election
On 28 July 2013 general elections were held in Cambodia, with the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) claiming victory with 68 seats. The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), the main opposition party with 55 seats, rejected the results and boycotted the opening of parliament, claiming there had been irregularities with the voting. The E.U. and U.S. also expressed concern about possible fraud, and the international non-governmental organisation Human Rights Watch called for an 'independent commission' to investigate allegations of election fraud. The opposition party organised large protests in Phnom Penh during December, including motorbike rallies. The government called the protests illegal and stated that they were 'inciting anarchy'.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, Historical and economic resentment
The protest also had the aim against Vietnam, in part due to historical role of Vietnam in Cambodian affairs. Vietnamese influence began to spread to Cambodia at the 13th century, but it did not come directly until 19th century. However, Vietnam has begun to intervene to Cambodia since 17th century, notably with the overthrown of Cambodia's only Muslim ruler, Ramathipadi I. Continuing Vietnamese influence also met with strong Siamese response, but in 19th century, Vietnam finally consolidated influence in Cambodia and annexed entire of Mekong Delta. Attempt by Vietnam to assimilate Khmers into the country often met with strong hostility, but Vietnamese influence continued to remain in Cambodia, even during the French colonization. Then, in 1949, French President Vincent Auriol confirmed Mekong Delta to be part of Vietnam, and this was the source for eventual tensions.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, Historical and economic resentment
In 20th century, both Vietnamese and Cambodian nationalists cooperated together to overthrow the French rule, however the Cambodian nationalists were distrustful of Vietnamese counterparts, thinking that it was an attempt by Vietnam to create the greater Indochina under Vietnamese influence. This led to eventual hostility launched by Lon Nol and Pol Pot, with the latter being the most severe one due to his open hatred on Vietnam. Khmer Krom nationalists also sought to free Mekong Delta from Vietnamese influence, complicated with the ongoing Vietnam War.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, Historical and economic resentment
Following the defeat of South Vietnam at 1975, the communist movements in both two countries dominated political affairs, but the Khmer Rouge and Vietnamese communists became increasingly hostile to each other, leading to the Cambodian–Vietnamese War in which Vietnam occupied Cambodia for ten years. For this reason, the fear against Vietnam is permanent in Cambodia.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, Historical and economic resentment
Similar to historical reason, economics is also another reason. Since the demise of Khmer Empire, Vietnam has been economically dominant. Even when both countries were equally destroyed by the end of Vietnam War, but Vietnamese reforms of 1986 quickly redeveloped the country. As for the result, the Vietnamese economy became increasingly globalized and expands, thus has reasserted its dominance in Cambodia, and Vietnamese economic domination often brought resentment to Cambodians, who always thought Vietnam to be the sin of Cambodian nation.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Background, Historical and economic resentment
Culturally, Vietnam also has a greater reputation and is increasingly more open, while Cambodia has fluctuated over the Khmer Empire's historical pride and economic inferiority, and the lack of cultural common between two countries, since Cambodia is an Indianized nation while Vietnam is part of the Sinosphere, further escalated the hostility.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
On Friday 3 January, military police fired at protesting garment workers on Veng Sreng Street, Por Senchey District, in the outskirts on Phnom Penh, killing at least 4 people and injuring more than 20. The protesters blocked the road and had thrown bottles and rocks at the police in retaliation for violence towards other protesters and priests earlier during the day. The workers were on strike over the government's refusal to raise the minimum wage to $160 a month.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
There was also violence towards Vietnamese Cambodians by protesters, leading to the destruction of a Vietnamese-owned coffee shop.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
Just days before the crackdown took place, Prime Minister Hun Sen made a state visit to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The opposition has accused the premier of seeking military aid from Vietnam. CNRP Vice President Kem Sokha said Hun Sen might use the trip to seek Vietnam's support to hold on to power, adding that the premier should discuss the country's problems with Cambodians instead of foreign leaders.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
On Saturday 4 January, Cambodian authorities entered the main protest camp and used violence to disperse protesters. Further protests were also banned. Opposition leaders were summoned to the Phnom Penh Municipal Court for questioning for having allegedly incited striking workers to 'disrupt social order'.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
In February 2014, the ban on demonstrations was lifted but Prime Minister Hun Sen warned that any future anti-government demonstrations by the opposition party would be met by rallies of his own supporters.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
On 8 July 2014, protesters gathered in front of the Vietnamese embassy in Phnom Penh to protest against the disputed Khmer Krom territory loss to Vietnam in 1949 and calling for Vietnam to apologize. The embassy issued a statement on 9 July, calling for Cambodia to respect Vietnam's sovereignty and independence and refused to apologize. The protest was later dispersed by local authorities, leaving 10 injured.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Protests and violence
On 15 July 2014, approximately 200 opposition protesters marched at Phnom Penh's Freedom Park when another violence erupted, only with the tables turned. This time, Daun Penh District security forces were beaten severely by protesters, resulting in at least 8 guards injured. The hospitalized security guards called for justice and condemned the opposition for the violence. Six opposition MPs-elect were arrested, including protest leader Mu Sochua. On 17 July, CNRP vice president Kem Sokha was summoned to the Phnom Penh Municipal Court. On 19 July, opposition leader Sam Rainsy returned to Cambodia from his month-long trip to Europe due to the political crisis. He met with prime minister Hun Sen on 22 July, where the CNRP agreed to enter parliament, ending the longest political crisis in Cambodian history.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Aftermath and agreement
The Cambodia National Rescue Party agreed to enter parliament after meeting with government officials at the Senate Palace on 22 July 2014. An agreement was signed between both sides to share leadership roles in the National Assembly. The seat of the First Vice President of the National Assembly will be held by a member from the CNRP, and the Second Vice President of the National Assembly will be held by a member from the CPP. The opposition will also chair 5 of the 10 commissions, including the newly established Anti- Corruption Commission. In addition, Sam Rainsy, who was barred from running in the election, was accepted as Member of Parliament. Opposition MPs were then sworn in at the Royal Palace on 5 August 2014.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, International condemnation and criticism
The United Nations and U.S. State Department have condemned the violence. U.S. Congressman Ed Royce called for Prime Minister Hun Sen to step down, saying 'It's time for Hun Sen to end his three-decade grip on power and step down'. In front of the White House, more than 500 Cambodian Americans gather to stage protest, seeking aid from the United States government. They have also demanded the release of the 23 imprisoned on January 3 during the police crackdown. UN rights envoy to Cambodia Surya Subedi visited Cambodia and met with Prime Minister Hun Sen.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, International condemnation and criticism
On 29 January, opposition leader Sam Rainsy went to Geneva where the UN Human Rights Council was reviewing Cambodia's rights record during the second cycle of the Universal Periodic Review of Cambodia.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, International condemnation and criticism
The European Union, Australia, Germany, Poland, Japan, and Thailand have all expressed concerns and worries about human rights in Cambodia. Human Rights Watch called for UN to pressure the Cambodian government.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
Armed Cambodian riot police. The violence was the worst in Cambodia since crackdowns on protests after 1998 elections.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
CNRP President Sam Rainsy and Vice President Kem Sokha wave to protesters during a demonstration in December 2013.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
Beehive Radio journalist Mam Sonando leads a demonstration at the Ministry of Information, in January 2014.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
Riot police block a protest by civil societies and NGOs in Phnom Penh.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
A young protester screams for Prime Minister Hun Sen to step down on the final day of a three-day rally by the opposition.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
CNRP President Sam Rainsy leads supporters to submit petitions to Western embassies calling for an independent investigation into alleged election irregularities.


2013–2014 Cambodian protests, Gallery
An opposition protester marches, holding up a sign that says "Re-election".


2013–2014 Chinese Short Track Speed Skating League
The 2013–2014 Chinese Short Track Speed Skating League was a multi race national tournament over a season for Short track speed skating. The season began on 10 October 2013 and ended on 9 March 2014. The World Cup is organized by the Chinese Skating Association.


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations
The Hamburg protests were a large series of demonstrations in Hamburg, Germany, in December 2013 and January 2014.


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations, History
In late December 2013, there were large demonstrations in Hamburg with a number of objectives: to advocate for refugees to be allowed to remain in the city; to protest against decisions to evict squatters from the Rote Flora building; and to protest the demolishing of a dilapidated block of flats colloquially known (due to the  filling station out front) as the 'Esso houses'. Additional goals were to demand a reduction of consumerism and the provision of more public spaces. The primary focus of the unrest was on the eviction process of the Rote Flora, a former theatre which became an "anarchist cultural centre" occupied by squatters from approximately 1989 through 2014. The building was sold to a developer for demolition.


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations, History
More than 7,000 demonstrators clashed violently with police on 21 December; scores of people were injured, including dozens of police (with estimates ranging up to 500 demonstrators and 120 police), and buildings including the Social Democratic Party's local offices were damaged. The following weekend, police at the Davidwache station on the Reeperbahn were attacked with stones and bottles and three were injured, one with a broken jaw. The rioting has been called the worst in Germany in many years, described in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung as "reminiscent of a civil war".


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations, History
On 4 January 2014, Hamburg police established a 'danger zone' (German: Gefahrengebiet) encompassing the red-light districts of the city centre, in which a curfew was imposed and stop and frisk rules were put into effect, leading to further protests both in the city and online, where the Twitter hashtag #WirSindAlleHamburg (We are all Hamburg) trended widely. In response, the zone was reduced to three 'danger islands' and the curfew there limited to 6 pm to 6 am. The US Embassy in Berlin issued a travel advisory for the city. On January 13, police dissolved the danger zones, and a few days later, the borough of Altona announced a change in plans for the site that would ensure the Rote Flora would not be demolished and could remain a cultural centre.


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations, History
Protesters adopted the toilet brush as a satirical symbol of defiance, after a video was circulated depicting a hooded man having a toilet brush confiscated by police, and also organised a pillow fight in St. Pauli. The list of items confiscated by police in the 'danger zones' was described in a news report as "rather lean and whimsical", including not only a truncheon, clubs, and a pocket knife but shawls and a plastic bucket. An unknown number of toilet brushes were noted but not taken from their owners.


2013–2014 Hamburg demonstrations, History
Gentrification of central Hamburg was a major concern in the December protests, with activists accusing the city of permitting the landlord of the 'Esso buildings' to let them decay so that they would have to be demolished. The anti-gentrification group Recht auf Stadt was prominent in the initial demonstrations. Some activists have said the later protests included more "drunken football hooligans" and other destructive participants "without a political motive", and eyewitness accounts have cast doubt on the police account of the Davidwache incident as pre-planned and politically motivated.


2013–2014 Israel Football League season
The 2013–2014 Israel Football League season was the seventh season of the Israel Football League (IFL) and concluded with the Tel Aviv Pioneers defeating the Jerusalem Lions, 80–28, in Israel Bowl VII.


2013–2014 Israel Football League season, Regular season
The regular season consisted of a nine game schedule. The Rebels finished the season undefeated and earned the top seed for the playoffs.


2013–2014 Israel Football League season, Playoffs
In the Wild Card round, the Pioneers defeated the Troopers while the Lions defeated the Underdogs. In the Semifinals, the top two seeds were upset, with the Pioneers defeating the Rebels and the Hammers defeating the Lions. In Israel Bowl VII, the Pioneers crushed the Lions 80-28, with Ronny Moscona earning Israel Bowl MVP honors.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
The 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks were part of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians began on 29 July 2013 following an attempt by United States Secretary of State John Kerry to restart the peace process.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
Martin Indyk of the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. was appointed by the US to oversee the negotiations. Indyk served as U.S. ambassador to Israel and assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs  during the Clinton administration. Hamas, the Palestinian government in Gaza, rejected Kerry's announcement, stating that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has no legitimacy to negotiate in the name of the Palestinian people.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
The negotiations were scheduled to last up to nine months to reach a final status to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by mid-2014. The Israeli negotiating team was led by veteran negotiator Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, while the Palestinian delegation was led by Saeb Erekat, also a former negotiator. Negotiations started in Washington, DC and were slated to move to the King David Hotel in Jerusalem and finally to Hebron. A deadline was set for establishing a broad outline for an agreement by 29 April 2014. On the expiry of the deadline, negotiations collapsed, with the US Special Envoy Indyk reportedly assigning blame mainly to Israel, while the US State Department insisting no one side was to blame but that "both sides did things that were incredibly unhelpful."


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Pre-peace talk compromises
Before the peace talks began, both sides offered concessions. The Palestinian Authority offered to put on hold international recognition as a state by applying to international organizations while Israel offered the release of 104 Palestinian prisoners, 14 of whom are Arab-Israelis and all of whom had been in Israeli jails since before the 1993 Oslo I Accord. The prisoners were responsible for killing, in all, 55 Israeli civilians, 15 Israeli security forces personnel, one French tourist and dozens of suspected Palestinian collaborators.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Pre-peace talk compromises
Commenters have however pointed out that Israel had already promised to release these same 104 Palestinians, back in 1999 under the Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, but never did. Critics also worry that Israel will simply quietly re-arrest the potentially released Palestinians, and state that Israel is using the slow release to hold the negotiations hostage and that the main goal of the release is to bolster Israel's image.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Pre-peace talk compromises
According to the Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee Report, Israel's decision not to release the prisoners at the time was due to significantly increased violence against Israel by their partner in the memorandum, the PLO, leading up to the Second Intifada. In the time leading up to the planned release, Israel perceived "institutionalized anti-Israel, anti-Jewish incitement; the release from detention of terrorists; the failure to control illegal weapons; and the actual conduct of violent operations" as a sign that "the PLO has explicitly violated its renunciation of terrorism and other acts of violence, thereby significantly eroding trust between the parties."


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
Over the 9 months period, John Kerry met with the Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas on 34 occasions, and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu roughly twice as many times. On 29 July 2013, as Israeli and Palestinian negotiators met for a second day in Washington to discuss renewing peace talks, Mahmoud Abbas said "in a final resolution, we would not see the presence of a single Israeli – civilian or soldier – on our lands." His comments drew immediate condemnation from Israeli officials, who accused him for discriminating against Jews.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 13 August, the first day, the Palestinian team leaders were Saeb Erekat and Muhammed Shtayyeh while their Israeli counterparts were Tzipi Livni and Yitzhak Molcho. The US mediators were Martin Indyk and Frank Lowenstein. On 13 August, Israel released the first batch of 26 Palestinian prisoners. On 19 August, Mahmoud Abbas called for the US to step up its involvement in the talks, saying its role should be proactive and not merely supervisory. On 20 August, Israel urged the United States to back Egypt's military government, saying failure to do so would risk derailing the peace talks.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 22 August, Mahmoud Abbas said that no progress had been made in the first four talks. He also said that the Palestinian right of return would likely have to be waived in the event of any peace agreement. He also walked back his earlier statement that he wanted a Palestinian state without a single Israeli; he said that what he meant was no Israelis who were "part of the occupation", but that he wouldn't have a problem with Jews or Israelis coming to Palestine for business or tourism reasons, as long as they were not an occupying force.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 5 September 2013, Palestinian negotiator Nabil Shaath said that Israel has yet to put any new offers on the table, that Israel has only allowed Martin Indyk to attend one of the six talks so far, and that the Palestinian leadership would not accept "temporary solutions", only a permanent peace deal. On 8 September, Israel accused the Palestinians of leaking information about the talks, which are supposed to be kept secret, to the press. An Israeli official also stated that some of the information leaked by Palestinians was not true. On 25 September, both Israel and the Palestinians agreed to intensify peace talks with an increased United States role.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 26 September, Mahmoud Abbas spoke in front of the UN Security Council, and welcomed the resumption of peace talks while at the same time criticizing Israel's settlement building. The Israeli delegation was not present for Abbas' speech, because they were observing the holiday of Sukkot. Hamas and the Islamic Jihad called for a third intifada, and a spokesman for Hamas' armed wing said that the current peace talks were "futile".


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 17 October 2013, Abbas reiterated his view that he would not accept any Israeli military presence on Palestinian territory. On 22 October, Israel and the Palestinians are reported to have discussed the issue of water. On 27 October, Israel prepared to release another round of Palestinian prisoners to create a positive climate for the ongoing peace talks. On 28 October, Netanyahu categorically rejected the Palestinian right of return and said that Jerusalem must remain undivided. On 29 October, the second stage of the Palestinian prisoners' release was completed as 26 prisoners were released.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 6 November, Israeli negotiators said there will not be a state based on the 1967 borders and that the Separation Wall will be a boundary. On 14 November, the Palestinian team quit the negotiations blaming the "escalation of settlement-building."


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 4 December 2013, Saeb Erekat told John Kerry that the peace talks with Israel were faltering and urged Kerry to salvage them. Also, an Israeli newspaper reported that Israel was prepared to hand 2000 hectares (5000 acres, or 7 sq. mi.) of land to the Palestinians to show that it was prepared to allow Palestinian projects on these lands. The land had been privately owned by Palestinians but militarily occupied by Israel.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 26 December, Likud ministers led by Miri Regev began pushing a bill to annex the Jordan Valley, which would prevent Netanyahu from accepting the American proposal for the Jordan Valley and border crossings into Jordan to be placed under Palestinian control, with border security provided by IDF soldiers and the US. On 30 December, Saeb Erekat said that the peace talks had failed, citing the aforementioned Israeli bill to annex the Jordan Valley.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
Erekat said that denying the Palestinian state a border with Jordan would be a clear step toward apartheid, and that the PA should instead unilaterally seek international recognition and membership in organizations. Erekat also said that "Israel wants to destroy the two-state solution through its daily practices." The PLO senior official also rejected the idea of extending the peace talks beyond their nine-month deadline. On 30 December, Israel released its third set of prisoners, consisting of 26 Palestinian security prisoners.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 1 January 2014, Maariv reported that Israeli and American leaders had been discussing, and seriously considering, the possibility of ceding parts of the Arab Triangle to the Palestinians in exchange for Jewish settlements in the West Bank. The residents of the Triangle would automatically become Palestinian citizens if this happened. This idea is similar to the Lieberman Plan. Rami Hamdallah also said that despite Erekat's insistence that the talks had failed, the Palestinians would continue participating in the talks until the April deadline.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 5 January, hardliners in Netanyahu's coalition threatened to withdraw from the government if he accepted the 1967 borders as a baseline for talks. Dovish opposition parties, such as Labor, said they would join if this occurred, in order to prevent the coalition from breaking up completely. On 9 January, according to insiders, support for a two-state agreement within the Knesset stood at 85 in favor to 35 opposed. In addition to the Labor Party, American negotiators were also attempting to persuade Haredi parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, both of which are generally supportive of the peace process, to join the government to keep negotiations alive.


2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks, Discussions
On 10 January 2014, Israel approved plans for 1,400 settler homes. Saeb Erekat responded by saying "The recent announcement shows Israel's clear commitment to the destruction of peace efforts and the imposition of an apartheid regime". Tzipi Livni, who also opposed new settler homes, was responded by Israeli politician Ze'ev Elkin, who suggested the settlements were vital for Israel's security: "The path that Livni recommends means we will have to say goodbye to our security," he said.