2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Radio Huelga
In need of a fast, reliable medium to communicate with a  widely spread audience, a group of students from Rio Piedras Campus organized a worker's collective during the early days of the strike that started audio broadcasts through their own radio station, named Radio Huelga.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Radio Huelga
The station's initial broadcast occurred at 4:00PM (AST) on May 2. Broadcasting from within the blocked Rio Piedras campus, producing a wide variety of shows (including its own soap opera) and featuring many young, enthusiastic DJs, it shared relevant information about breaking news occurring at different campuses all over Puerto Rico during and after the strike.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Radio Huelga
It also broadcast solidarity concerts from the Rio Piedras, Bayamón and Mayagüez campuses, as well as a "clandestine" acoustic program by members of the Puerto Rico reggae band Cultura Profética(which sneaked into campus at the moment where the Puerto Rico Police Department blockade was most stringent). They also featured solidarity broadcasts from former UPR students based in New York City, Amsterdam, and Barcelona.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Radio Huelga
Their live-streaming page (which can be viewed at:  and ) received over 300,000 hits during the UPR strike. The student collective still maintains the radio station, in a 24/7 format.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Radio Huelga
Radio Huelga also broadcasts through a low-power AM station (1650AM), with a coverage radius of 1-square-mile (2.6 km2). Due to FCC regulations the geographic coverage of the station is limited to the Hato Rey and Río Piedras subsections of San Juan.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Publicity campaign
UPR administration launched a series of advertisements on national newspapers, radio stations, and eventually TV stations. The ads varied each day, calling on the students to stop the strike, warning that a semester cancellation was due. They also asked the people of Puerto Rico to "not let foreign/strange elements" set the agenda of the UPR. Calling the student leaders liars, and people without honour, the ads then became more intense, using about eight students claiming that without the strike ending, they would not be able to graduate, continue studies, or get jobs.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Publicity campaign
Six economists estimated that the university's budget on advertising was around $5,200, however the administration has now spent close to a million dollars on advertising against the student strike.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Media coverage, Publicity campaign
The National Negotiating Committee also spent time doing their own advertisement. Just before the administration's advertisements came out, the NNC shot a commercial intended to encourage students (and now all of Puerto Rico since the strike turned into an island-wide issue) to keep supporting them.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Legal proceedings
On 21 April the UPR Administration submitted an injunction against General Council President Gabriel Laborde, requiring him to open the gates of the UPR Río Piedras Campus. Afterwards, the administration tried to get Laborde jailed for contempt of court, saying he was not doing enough to open the University. Governor Luis Fortuño warned students they were in contempt of the court by continuing the indefinite strike.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Legal proceedings
After the 13th of May General Río Piedras Assembly ratified the strike to continue, by a 90% vote of the students present. The Administration proceeded to include in the injunction the entire Río Piedras Negotiating Committee, as well as the entire Board of the General Council including Gabriel Laborde, President;  Santiago Velázquez, Vice-President; Verónica Guzmán, Executive Secretary; María Mercedes Carruthers, Secretary; Arturo Ríos, University Board alternate and Rashid Marcano, Administrative Board alternate. The Administration included another three students who acted as strike leaders, in the motion and demanded cessation of the conduct, as well as monetary reparations for the losses of the administration (calculated by them to be over $150 million).


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Legal proceedings
After weeks, the judge decided to order both sides into mandated mediation with retired judge Pedro López Oliver. The students were represented by the National Negotiating Committee. From the administration side, the entire Board of Trustees was ordered to appear. On the night of June 16, 2010, after 5 days of court-mandated mediation, the Board of Trustees voted 9 to 4 in favor of entering an agreement with the students, attending their claims against the tuition increase/special fee, summary suspensions and expulsions, as well as the aforementioned issues about financial aid. Among those four members of the Board who voted against the agreement (and declined to even sign the document) was Board President, Ygrí Rivera.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, National Assembly
The National Negotiation Committee was formed to negotiate and represent  students in the face of the administration. During June the parties meet in an attempt to end the indefinite strike. During these negotiations five students held a silent protest blocking the president of the University from leaving his office.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, National Assembly
A National Student Assembly was called by the National Negotiating Committee for June 21, 2010. The National Assembly, the first of its kind in the history of Puerto Rico, was to decide whether to ratify or reject the agreements negotiated by the National Negotiating Committee and the UPR Administration on late 16 June 2010. The UPR Río Piedras General Council voted that same day to support the National Assembly.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, National Assembly
Eight of the 11 campuses ratified the agreements in their own Student Assemblies held between June 17 and June 20. The National Student Assembly took place in the Juan Pachín Vicens Coliseum in Ponce, Puerto Rico. Only 2,900 students attended the assembly out of the 60,000 plus students of the University of Puerto Rico system. After a debate where some students argued that the terms were not acceptable and the strike should continue, the majority of students ratified the terms of the negotiation by the NNC (National Negotiating Committee) and the school's administration. During the event a minute of silence was held in memory of minuto the student Natalia Sánchez who died outside a student assembly.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
In October the board confirmed Ana Guadalupe as rector of the Río Piedras campus which students considered an act of defiance.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
A student assembly at Río Piedras that took place on November 2010 passed a proposal for an additional 48-hour strike to be held December 7 and 8, with an option for an indefinite strike to start on December 14, 2010. Around 3 a.m. of that day, three Río Piedras' UPR students were arrested trying to jam the locks of several Natural Sciences and mathematics classrooms.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
On the 1st of December a student assembly with a quorum of 1,760 students, approved a strike in the Río Piedras Campus on the 7-8 of December. In the early morning hours of December 6, 2010, the UPR administration's security guards attempted to take down the barricades around the Río Piedras campus after a series of confrontations which left multiple students and guards injured.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
The 48 strike ended and classes resumed on December 9. The next day students in Ponce unanimously voted against a 48 hour strike.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
Shortly after the December 7–8 strike, the Puerto Rican Police entered the Río Piedras campus, in a major departure from the University's long held No-Confrontation policy. Police presence on the campus remained large and they denied the press entry on December 14. On December 18 police where deployed to the Bayamon campus marking the fourth campus with police presence. The same day a judge rejected a student petition to ensure the strikes could continue within the UPR-RP. On December 13 the resident commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, called for an end to the strike and to resume dialogue between the UPR and the students.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
Finally on December 14, another indefinite strike began at the Río Piedras campus. On the same day the student assembly in the Cayey campus approved joining the strike by a margin of two votes. This started a new phase of student protest at the University of Puerto Rico. As physical barriers, previously used by the students to enforce the May 2010 strike in "students inside, police outside" style, were no longer available (because the gates were removed and entrances controlled by heavy police presence), the strike was then run in a "students outside, police inside" way.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Fall semester strikes
The 16th of December on the third day of protest the students carried out a silent march through the campus. Some professors called for protest to demand an official assembly between all the professors. Students rallied inside and outside the campus, with protests reaching Plaza de las Americas. On December 20 at least sixteen students where detained but of these only eight faced charges. Negotiations between the administration and students continued to be delayed past December 27.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Aftermath
The administration claimed that because of the cessation of activities, the University's financial situation worsened. The estimated loses of the  institution surpassed $52 million by the summer of 2010.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Aftermath
In 2013 the UPR under governor Alejandro García Padilla eliminated the $800 quota. The measure went into effect on July 1, 2013 but by this date students had already paid $400.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, 2011 Río Piedras campus strike events
The local media coverage on the deployment of "elite" Puerto Rican Police units inside and outside campus, showed images of students and other activists, allegedly arrested using excessive methods. Amnesty International asked the police to show restraint and respect students right to protest. This provoked general criticism against a police presence inside the Río Piedras campus. As part of the events taking place, students used smoke bombs to drive students out of their classrooms,


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, 2011 Río Piedras campus strike events
The protest and backlash against police presence on the campus resulted in the end of Jose Ramon de la Torre's term after he resigned to the Presidency of the UPR on February 11, as well as the removal of all tactical police units from the Río Piedras Campus, as ordered by Governor Luis Fortuño on February 14.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, March 2011 events
On March 7, 2011, the level of campus violence reached the point where Río Piedras Chancellor Ana Guadalupe and the campus security chief were assaulted by students, notwithstanding the presence of journalists, photographers, and cameramen. Surrounded by angry students, a visibly shaken Guadalupe was hurried to a campus security vehicle, which was attacked by students, who broke vehicle windows and mirrors. The chancellor was taken from the scene to an area hospital, where she was treated for small wounds on her shoulder.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, March 2011 events
By May 2011 the strike, although not formally ended, had died out. One last act of defiance took place in the 2011 graduation ceremony, where a handful of law students, including 2010 student strikers, stood up, and turned their backs to Chancellor Guadalupe and President Miguel Muñoz. This act was copied by hundreds of undergraduate students during the undergraduate graduation ceremonies.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, March 2011 events
As of early 2012, rumors persisted of further strikes at the campus of Río Piedras of the University of Puerto Rico. If a strike was to develop along the pattern of the previous ones, it was likely to occur shortly before closing the second semester of the 2011–12 academic year. On March 13, 2012, during a student assembly members of the Unión de Juventudes Socialistas (UJS) tried to organize a vote for a definite-duration strike in favor, among other things, of free university education. Students called for a new assembly in April 2012. At that point, the March 13 assembly ended, in part because the necessary quorum was no longer present.


2010–2011 University of Puerto Rico strikes, Strike in 2011, March 2011 events
A new assembly was convened for April 11, 2012, but this one did not achieve the necessary quorum for action. The first student assembly of the 2012-2013 academic year, organized in October 2012, also failed to reach the necessary quorum.


2010–2012 AVC Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
41 Asian and Oceanian nations including 2 non IOC members (Macau and the Northern Mariana Islands) registered to take part in the 2010–12 Continental Beach Volleyball Cup. The top two from each subzone group qualify for the Zonal tournaments, with the top three from each zonal tournament advancing to the continental championship.


2010–2012 Algerian protests
The 2010–2012 Algerian protests were a series of protests taking place throughout Algeria, lasting from 28 December 2010 to early 2012. The protests had been inspired by similar protests across the Middle East and North Africa. Causes cited by the protesters included unemployment, the lack of housing, food-price inflation, corruption, restrictions on freedom of speech and poor living conditions. While localized protests were already commonplace over previous years, extending into December 2010, an unprecedented wave of simultaneous protests and riots, sparked by sudden rises in staple food prices, erupted all over the country starting in January 2011.


2010–2012 Algerian protests
These were quelled by government measures to lower food prices, but were followed by a wave of self-immolations, most of them in front of government buildings. Opposition parties, unions, and human rights organisations then began to hold weekly demonstrations, despite these being illegal without government permission under the ongoing state of emergency; the government suppressed these demonstrations as far as possible, but in late February yielded to pressure and lifted the state of emergency. Meanwhile, protests by unemployed youth, typically citing unemployment, hogra (oppression), and infrastructure problems, resumed, occurring almost daily in towns scattered all over the country.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
After the riots of 1988, the Algerian government had moved towards democracy, holding free elections. However, when the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) won the first free parliamentary election in 1991, the military staged a coup d'état, voided the election results, declared a state of emergency which remained in force until 2011, and arrested the FIS leadership. This led to the founding of the Armed Islamic Groups (GIA) and the ten-year Algerian Civil War, in which an estimated 250,000 people were killed.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
With the unchallenged election of Abdelaziz Bouteflika as president in 1999, civilian government was nominally restored. Violence died down as both guerrillas and soldiers were given immunity for their previous acts under the controversial Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation. Towards the end of his second term, Bouteflika amended the constitution to allow himself to run for a third term in 2009; to no one's surprise, he won the ensuing election, with, according to the opposition and the US Embassy, a very low turnout.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
Seventy percent of Algeria's population is less than 30 years old. Consequent high levels of youth unemployment, coupled with corruption and widespread poverty, are seen as reasons for dissatisfaction.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
The leader of the Rally for Culture and Democracy, Saïd Sadi, claimed that during 2010, there were "9,700 riots and unrests" in Algeria. Some protests were about issues such as education and health care, as well as rampant corruption.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
Prior to the outbreak of protests, in February 2008, United States Ambassador Robert Ford in leaked diplomatic cables called Algeria  "an unhappy country", stating "There is much discussion among political circles about the constitution, the third term and the succession issue, but precious little discussion about how to address long-standing political alienation and social discontent throughout the country." He claimed there were strikes over food "by different labor groups almost weekly" and that "almost daily there are isolated demonstrations with the occasional government office in some distant town attacked."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background
Ford stated that "voter turnout for the 2007 legislative and local elections was lower than ever before because Algeria's young people do not see the political system as having any relevance to addressing their problem." United States diplomats also claimed that the Algerian regime is more corrupt than the international community realises and is also more fragile. The diplomatic cable also said that Bouteflika may have cancer.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Background, 29 December 2010
On 29 December 2010, clashes with police were reported in Algiers during protests about the lack of housing. At least 53 people were reported to have been injured and another 29 were arrested.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
In 2011, prices of basic foodstuffs rose significantly in Algeria, in line with global trends but also reflecting newly imposed regulations. Unprecedented protests in neighbouring Tunisia over unemployment were already being reported, contributing to the mood.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
Between 3 and 10 January, riots and protests broke out across most Algerian towns, triggered by large increases in the prices of basic foods including oil, sugar, and flour. While localised riots have been a frequent occurrence in Algeria since 2005, this set of riots was the first to spread across most regions of the country simultaneously rather than being confined to a particular area. By 10 January they were limited to a few towns, but continued in those towns. More organised efforts to demonstrate on 11 January in Algiers were suppressed vigorously by the police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
Protests against the price increases started on 3 January, with protest in the Ras El Ain quarter of Oran, and in Fouka and Staoueli near Algiers. On 4 January they were repeated in Staoueli and spread to other areas near the capital, with impromptu roadblocks at Douaouda in Tipasa. and Kolea


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
On 5 January, major riots broke out in several areas at once: in the Bab El Oued neighbourhood of the capital, Algiers, and nearby suburbs, as well as Algeria's second city, Oran, and other towns including Djelfa, Boumerdes, Annaba, and Tipaza. The young men rioting blocked roads, burned tires, and sacked government buildings, protesting the sudden increase in the cost of living, the demolition of shantytowns, and broader issues such as unemployment. They were met by anti-riot forces, who attempted to disperse the crowds. In Bab El Oued, shops and car showrooms were also targeted. Former Islamic Salvation Front number two Ali Belhadj went to Bab El Oued to see the events and encourage the youths; he was arrested later that day, as were many other protesters and rioters.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
Within days the riots spread to twenty-odd wilayahs, covering almost the whole of the north including the Kabylie region, as well as some towns in the Sahara, such as Ouargla and Bechar. Government buildings, particularly town halls, were widely targeted, and shops in some areas were looted or burned; some of the looters carried swords. Football matches scheduled for 7 and 8 January were cancelled.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011
On 8 January, the government agreed to a temporary cut in taxes and duties on sugar and cooking oil. Facebook and Twitter access were also restricted in some areas. The rioting continued, at least up to 10 January in some places, such as the Bachdjarrah neighbourood in Algiers. By 11 January, the situation had calmed. An attempt to demonstrate on 11 January in Algiers, organised in advance by the intercommunal committee of Ain Benian and Staoueli, was repressed vigorously by the police. In total, three demonstrators died, more than 800 people had been wounded, and at least 1,100 were arrested, many of them minors.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011, Political implications
While riots on this scale are unprecedented since the 1991 election, their wider political implications are not yet clear. The rioters had no collective ties to any Algerian political party, organisation, or trade union, and some sources commented that they seemed to have no political slogans. Some opposition groups emphasised the riots' political dimension; ex-diplomat and opposition spokesperson Mohamed Larbi Zitout described them as "a revolt, and probably a revolution, of an oppressed people", while the Socialist Forces Front responded to the government's lowering of food prices on 8 January with the slogan "The government cannot buy Algerians' silence".


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011, Political implications
Agence France-Presse (AFP) has linked the January protests with events in Tunisia, stating, "In Tunisia, similar unrest sparked the overthrow of the government of Zine Al Abidine Ben Ali, whose 23 years in power ended with his flight to Saudi Arabia last Friday. Algerian commentators have said that more Tunisia-style protests could break out in Algeria."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, National, 3–10 January 2011, Political implications
Despite their scale, the riots were dealt with by the government in much the same way as the localised riots that had already become a routine way of communicating grievances: it sought to avoid creating martyrs and made a specific concession (in this case, a return to the status quo ante of allowing un-declared food sales by Cevital) not seen as threatening the overall system.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Self-immolations (starting 12 January)
As the widely reported protests sparked off by Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation in Tunisia began to have a clear impact on the Tunisian government, a wave of self-immolations swept Algeria. These individual acts of protest mostly took place in front of a government building following an unsuccessful approach to the authorities. Four self-immolators have died of their burns so far.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Self-immolations (starting 12 January)
It began on 12 January, when 26-year-old Mohamed Aouichia set himself on fire in Bordj Menaiel in the compound of the daira building. He had been sharing a room of 30 square metres with seven other people, including his sister, since 2003; he had repeatedly approached local authorities to get on the social housing list and been rebuffed. He has so far survived.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Self-immolations (starting 12 January)
On 13 January, Mohsen Bouterfif, a 37-year-old father of two, set himself on fire. He had gone with about twenty other youths to protest in front of the town hall of Boukhadra in Tebessa demanding jobs and houses, after the mayor refused to receive them. According to one testimony, the mayor shouted to them: "If you have courage, do like Bouazizi did, set yourself on fire!" His death was reported on 16 January, and about 100 youths protested his death causing the provincial governor to sack the mayor. However, hospital staff the following day claimed he was still alive, though in critical condition. Al Jazeera described the suicide as "echoing the self-immolation that triggered the protests that toppled the leader of neighbouring Tunisia." He finally died on 24 January at a hospital in Annaba.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Self-immolations (starting 12 January)
These suicides were followed by dozens more attempted or successful self-immolations across the country, so far without triggering nationwide demonstrations, most of them after the Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled his country on 14 January.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
A number of left-wing opposition parties, including the FFS, RCD, PLJ, and the Communist MDS, as well as the Algerian League for Human Rights (LADDH) and officially unrecognised unions, such as SATEF and SNAPAP, met on 20 January to discuss responses to the situation. On 21 January, several of them (excluding the FFS) formed the Coordination Nationale pour le Changement et la Démocratie (National Coordination for Change and Democracy), seeking systemic change within the country and calling (along with Rachad) for nationwide marches, starting 9 February. The Interior Minister, Ould Kablia, responded that "No march would be authorised by the authorities in Algiers... Marches are forbidden in Algiers."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
Meanwhile, the mainly Kabyle-based secularist RCD party had announced plans for a march for democracy to be held on Saturday 22 January, despite being refused permission by the government under the state of emergency. Prior to the March, RCD leader Saïd Sadi linked the planned march to the 2010–2011 Tunisian protests, stating, "If the opposition does not mobilise the crowds, we believe that we will have more devastating events than what happened in Tunisia. The anger here is bigger than (it was) in Tunisia."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
He also called for the 1992 state of emergency to be lifted and for the army to withdraw from politics, stating, "The army should no longer be a decision maker, it has to become a state institution." The march attracted about 300 people, and was broken up by the police; 42 people (according to the RCD) or 19 (according to the Interior Ministry) were injured, and 9, including the head of the party's parliamentary group Othman Amazouz, were arrested, to be released later the same day.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
Some demonstrators waved the Tunisian flag, alluding to the protests which had brought down Ben Ali. Would-be demonstrators coming from Tizi Ouzou were prevented from reaching the scene by the police. On 22 January, 20,000 police officers stopped all protests. In the ensuing clash five people were killed and more than 800 others hurt.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
On 23 January, the FFS and LADDH jointly issued a demand for the release of the demonstrators arrested in early January, in Tizi-Ouzou and elsewhere; students of Tizi-Ouzou announced plans for a march on 1 February demanding their release and economic development for Kabylie.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late January 2011
On 29 January, the RCD organised a march of over ten thousand people (according to the organisers) in the city of Bejaia, to demand more freedom and democracy.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Early February 2011
Protests continued on 3 February. On the same day President Abdelaziz Bouteflika signaled at a meeting with government ministers his intention to lift the 19-year-old state of emergency in the "very near future", in what was seen as an attempt to quell opposition demands. Reportedly, he also urged the cabinet to adopt measures to promote job creation and said Algeria's TV and radio should give airtime to all political parties. On 4 February, Al Jazeera reported that demonstrations were planned for 12 February.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Early February 2011
While Bouteflika was said to be working to counter the planned demonstration, on 8 February university students commenced an "indefinite strike" in protest against the "poor quality of teaching." On the same day, an indefinite strike was also launched by professional paramedics after a call by the trade union SAP. However, it was reported to have been observed in only 22 of the country's 48 provinces.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 12 February
The day after Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak resigned, the protest gained new currency. The protests were organised by the nascent National Co-ordination for Change and Democracy, an umbrella group of opposition parties, civil society groups and unofficial unions. The police blocked all entry points into Algiers and put in a security cordon around May First Square in central Algiers. All opposition rallies were banned by the government, though at least 2,000 protesters forced their way through the security cordon around the Square to join other demonstrators. Though minor protests occurred earlier in the day, most protesters came out after noon; several thousand protestors clashed with about 30,000 police at May First Square in central Algiers. Protesters chanted "Djazair Horra Dimocratia," ("A free and democratic Algeria") "système dégage" ("government out") and "Yesterday Egypt, today Algeria."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 12 February
Police fired tear gas on the protesters and arrested hundreds to possibly more than a 10,000 people, including human rights activists and trade union members. The Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights said that up to 28,000 police officers were deployed in Algiers. Many people, including a member of the People's National Assembly, Boubkeur Derguini of the RCD, were injured.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 12 February
Protesters had hoped to stay the night at the main square. At almost 19:30, Thomson Reuters reported hundreds of people were leaving the demonstrations after about three hours and that the police opened their cordon to let them pass. It also said that about 200 young men from a poor neighbourhood stayed on and that some of them threw objects at the police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 12 February
Protests were also reported in Constantine, Annaba, and Oran. There were reports of internet services like Twitter, Facebook and the wider internet to have been disrupted or shut down, however, Renesys denied this had taken place.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 12 February
Saïd Sadi of the RCD interpreted the large number of police as government weakness, stating, "When you mobilize 30,000 police in the capital, that's a sign of weakness, not strength." He also said that police charged at protesters and arrested 10 people outside the party offices as they celebrated Mubarak's resignation. He added that 90-year-old human rights activist Ali Yahia Abdelnour was "manhandled by the police" and that the protesters were not "an organised demonstration. It was spontaneous. It was an explosion of joy."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 13–18 February
On 13 February, following a suggestion by Ali Yahia Abdennour of the LADDH, the CNCD called for protests to continue every Saturday in the same square in Algiers, a call confirmed by RCD spokesman Mohsen Belabbes; Ali Yahia Abdennour said that "we will gather momentum as we progress we want our dignity back, yesterday the police has brutally beaten many protesters amongst them a pregnant women, old ladies, a journalist, young men and women, we should carry on protesting until we get our rights."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 13–18 February
The next day the activist blogger Hchicha called for alternative marches on Friday as well, meant to attract people wanting a change of system but distrusting the political parties involved in the CNCD. Elias Filali reported that police had used tear gas to disperse protesters and to evict families who had occupied newly constructed homes overnight in Algiers.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 13–18 February
On 14 February, Foreign Minister Mourad Medelci said the state of emergency would be lifted "within days." Two days later, Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia announced the state of emergency would be lifted by the end of February.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 13–18 February
Former FLN leader Abdelhamid Mehri called for true democracy, saying the current regime was incapable of solving the country's problems.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, 13–18 February
On 18 February, a date for which a Facebook group had called for protests, police with water cannons were deployed in the main crossroads of Algiers.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late February
Thousands turned out in Algiers for protests but were unable to take control of the main square.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late February
The government officially announces the end of the emergency rule. The country's council of ministers adopted a law revoking the 1993 decree that prolonged a state of emergency originally instituted the previous year, stating that the "law will come into effect as soon as its imminent publication in the official journal".


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, Late February
The state of emergency in the country was officially lifted after being published in the country's official journal, responding to one of the main demands of the protesters. The move legalizes protests outside the capital of Algiers, as long as the government is notified of planned demonstrations at least three days in advance. According to the country's interior minister, Dahou Ould Kabila, protests are still banned within Algiers because of security concerns; he said that "Algiers is targeted by leaders of terrorist groups [because] it gives them media impact. The Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights, a leader of the protests, said it was a "ruse aimed at fooling international opinion at a time when Arab regimes are under pressure."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, March
Protests continue throughout Algiers, although it is reported that the government has been keeping the country stable, although this momentary peace is expected to end soon.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, March
On 5 March, protests organised by the National Co-ordination for Democracy and Change in Algiers were violently suppressed while in al-Madania neighbourhood of Algiers, a group of youths, wearing banners supporting Abdelaziz Bouteflika, tried to lynch opposition leader Said Sadi, the president of the Rally for Culture and Democracy. Meanwhile, Algeria's oldest opposition party, Socialist Forces Front, has urged Algerians to engage in a "peaceful struggle" for change in the nation.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, March
On 7 March, thousands of community police rallied in the capital Algiers despite a protest ban in the city, accusing the government of ingratitude, and insisting thousands of their colleagues have been killed or injured fighting Islamist violence. Demanding better pay and pensions, they got all the way to the Parliament building.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, March
In Algiers, small group of around 150 or so threw Molotov cocktails at much larger crowd of police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, March
On 23 March, police in the Algiers suburb of Oued Koriche used tear gas on Wednesday to disperse a crowd of young men who threw stones and Molotov Cocktails trying to stop bulldozers from demolishing dozens of illegally built homes. Five police officers were injured in the rioting, during which rioters threw bricks down on police from nearby rooftop and set fire to a car.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, April–May
On 15 April, in a long-awaited televised address, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika said he would seek constitutional amendments that would "reinforce representative democracy" and be submitted to parliament or to a referendum. He also proposed changes to laws on elections, the media or political parties.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, April–May
On 11 May, 1,500 Doctors attempted to march towards government buildings but were prevented by anti-riot police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Response of the parties and unions, February 2012
In late February 2012, Algeria's major Islamist parties announced a coalition ahead of parliamentary elections. A leader of the Movement of Society for Peace called for more opposition parties to join the alliance "to give the best possible chance for the Arab Spring to happen in Algeria as well".


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Late January 2011
The opposition group Rachad uploaded film of a non-violent demonstration of "more than 1000 people" demanding housing in the Said Hamdine neighbourhood of Algiers on 20 January, not widely reported.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Late January 2011
On 24 January, more than 500 people demonstrated in front of the daira building of Khemis El Khechna, demanding water and gas connection and better housing for their nearby hometowns, Chebacheb and El Kerma. In Tizi Ouzou the same day, parents of youths detained in the protests of early January staged a sit-in in front of the wilaya seat building, demanding the release of their children, who were provisionally released the next day.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Late January 2011
On 25 January, the inhabitants of El Djezzar in Batna occupied their town hall, demanding a better road to their village. On the same day, about a hundred inhabitants of Boutaleb near Chekfa blocked the main road, demanding gas and sewage connection for their town and better side roads.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Late January 2011
On 27 January, hundreds of inhabitants of Choukrane near Bouira closed the nearby national road (RN 29), demanding gas, water, a sewage system, and public lighting, as well as speed bumps to reduce traffic fatalities. On the same day, dozens of unemployed youths blocked RN 12 in Naciria near Boumerdes using burning tyres and other objects, demanding jobs.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Late January 2011
On 30 January, unemployed youths closed the APC seat of Belaas in Ain Defla, demanding jobs (according to the mayor), as well as better water and road management. On the same day, 600 factory workers demonstrated in front of the wilaya seat in Bouira, demanding to be re-hired by ENAD. Also on the same day, unemployed youths in the wilaya of Ouargla demonstrated in Touggourt against the head of the local employment bureau, accused of favouritism.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 1 February, the people of Raffour in M'chedallah near Bouira blocked national route 26 with burning tyres, demanding public lighting, a sewage system, and town planning. On the same day, the population of Tazgait in Mostaghanem closed their town hall, demanding that the mayor leave office for failing to do enough about the region's underdevelopment.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 7 February, youths at Toumiate in El Harrouch near Skikda blocked the national highway RN 3, and were attacked by riot police using tear gas. On 8 February, youths in Sidi Amar near Annaba demonstrated to demand jobs, blocking the road and burning tyres.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
From 6 to 9 February, protesters closed the national highway RN 26 at El Kseur near Bejaia, demanding their jobs back or better compensation after the EPBTP milk factory where they were employed made them redundant.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 8 and 9 February, youths in Naciria and Bordj-Menaiel attacked ANEM offices, confronted police, and closed the national highway RN 12, protesting unemployment and unfulfilled government promises of jobs.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 13 February, a crowd of youths gathered in front of the Annaba wilaya office demanding the 7000 jobs they had previously been promised, and greeted the governor with stone-throwing when he came out. One attempted to commit suicide, but was dissuaded by his brother.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 14 February, hundreds of youths protested over unemployment in Akbou; about 30 were hurt in clashes with the police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 16 February, youths in Tadmait (Tizi-Ouzou) went out on the streets demanding jobs, blocking the roads (including RN 12) with burning tires and damaging the APC office. Five of them were arrested after confrontations with anti-riot police.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
Also on 16 February, about 80 unemployed youths occupied the daira offices in Hassi-Messaoud in protest against poverty and "hogra" (oppression) in the region that provides most of the country's oil income, and were dislodged by promises of jobs next week after hundreds of police and gendarmes gathered. On 17 February, about 500 youths demonstrated in front of the same daira office. Another 100 unemployed youths demonstrated in nearby Touggourt, in front of the local office of the National Employment Agency.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 17 February, the Annaba wilaya offices were again targeted by demonstrators demanding jobs.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 21 February, hundreds of students protesting in front of the Ministry of Higher Education against the new LMD system were dispersed forcibly by police. In Ammal (Boumerdes), demonstrators closed the local APC offices, demanding better housing.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 23 February, villagers from nearby Imaghzarene closed the daira offices of Draa El Mizan, demanding paving, public lighting, gas, more housing, and a clinic for their town. At Ammi Moussa (Relizane) dozens of youths gathered to blockade the town hall, demanding that the president and secretary-general of the APC resign. On the same day, doctors in the Sidi Bel Abbes maternity ward staged a sit-in in protest against the lack of pharmaceutical supplies, which they said was preventing them from carrying out operations. Bouzareah university students announced a strike demanding greater security at the university after a woman student was attacked by unknown assailants, who slashed her face, on campus grounds.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, February 2011
On 24 February, unemployed youths gathered in front of the mayoralty of Sidi Lakhdar near Mostaganem, after blocking the road (RN11) the previous day; they left when the mayor promised to review the housing lists. In Djelida (Ain Defla), the same day, about 500 people closed the APC offices, demanding jobs and protesting at the allocation of 117 new jobs to people from outside the region.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, January 2012
On 10 January, Algerians protested in Laghouat over housing, infrastructure, and treatment of the elderly by police. The police used tear gas to disperse the protesters.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Local protests over jobs and infrastructure, Ramadan 2013
After security forces question three youths who were eating lunch in the Kabylie region during Ramadan, about 300 others joined a protest lunch against the mandatory nature of fasting during the month. The head of the Kabylie Autonomy Movement Bouaziz Ait Chebib said: "We called this gathering to denounce the inquisition and persecution of citizens who, because of their beliefs, refuse to observe the fast."


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Reactions
In reaction to the protests of early January, starting 8 January the government decreased the prices of essential foods. Over following weeks it increased wheat supplies.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Reactions
On 3 February Bouteflika announced plans to lift the emergency law, which prohibits protests without a permit, and substitute for it new anti-terrorism laws, but said that protests would remain illegal in Algiers in any case "for well-known reasons of public order". He also announced new measures to create jobs and that state-run television and radio should be open to all political parties. On 14 February, his foreign minister Mourad Medelci repeated the promise to end the state of emergency law, saying it would happen by the end of the month. on 22 February the cabinet voted to lift the emergency law. It also voted on a measure to alleviate unemployment.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Reactions
In efforts to discourage the protests organised by the CNCD, the authorities played up the role of the RCD, a mainly Kabyle party unpopular elsewhere in the country, within them; while this tactic had some success, it did not stop demonstrators from turning out in some non-Kabyle cities.


2010–2012 Algerian protests, Reactions
Regional financial stock market indices fell on 20 February on concern of spreading instability.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation
Following the general election on 3 October 2010, a process of formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Council of Ministers had begun. The resulting election produced a fragmented political landscape without a coalition of a parliamentary majority more than a year after the election. The centre-left Social Democratic Party, the largest party in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Bosnian Serb autonomist Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, the largest party in Republika Srpska, each had 8 MPs of the total 42 MPs of the House of Representatives (28 from the Federation and 14 from Republika Srpska). Similarly, a crisis of government was also present at the local levels, as well as the Federal entity.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation
In late 2011, the Council of Ministers (i.e. the national government) had been solved, however the country remained in a situation of perpetual political crisis, especially the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation
After months of dysfunction and arguments about legality, the entity's short-lived Federal Government had collapsed in February 2013.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Background, Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina
In 2009, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the ineligibility of minorities other than the country's three constitutional peoples to run for the House of Peoples or the Presidency was discriminatory. The parties failed to agree on how to change the electoral system.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Background, National census
Bosnia and Herzegovina has held one official national census since 1991 while still a part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and prior to the Bosnian War. That census was held in 2013, but the results weren't published for a long period of time due to debates regarding how to classify the ethnic groups. Holding a census was a condition for the country's European Union membership.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Local crisis
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina had a similar crisis due to the fact that the Bosniak-majority coalition had unilaterally formed a government without the necessary support of Croat representatives. Among the parliamentary Serb and Bosniak Clubs as well, at least one third of the votes in the 17-member Croat Club in the Federal Parliament's upper house is necessary to elect the President of the Federation (and his deputies) in order to pass a motion of confidence and form a cabinet.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Local crisis
This provision is supposed to ensure Croats, Serbs and others with checks on government, as Bosniaks form 70% of the Federation's population. Despite receiving only 5 votes in the Croat Club, the Social Democratic Party (SDP BiH) elected the President and formed the government. After the Central Electoral Commission issued a ruling in March 2011, declaring the election of the Federal President (and his deputies) as well as the government formation illegal, the High Representative Valentin Inzko suspended CEC's two rulings.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Local crisis
He thus allowed the SDP BiH to form a government in the Federation without Croat representatives, taking the Croatian Party of Rights, a minor Croat party, as its coalition partner. The Croats held protests and Croat politicians rejected the unconstitutional and illegitimate authorities of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. "5≠17÷3" became the motto of many Croat protests.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Issues, Chairman of the Council of Ministers
The major Croat (HDZ BiH and HDZ 1990) and Serb parties (SNSD and SDS) contended that a gentlemen's agreement existed in which the chairmanship of the Council of Ministers rotates between the three constitutional nationalities. In this case, it would be the turn for a Croat politician to chair the Council. As the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH) and the Croatian Democratic Union 1990 (HDZ 1990) received the overwhelming share of Croat votes in the 2010 general election, the parties demanded that a member of one of them receive the position of Chairman. The SDP BiH on the other hand, claimed that the only necessity is the ethnicity of the individual, and not the party, demanding the right to appoint a Croat Chairman from the SDP BiH ranks, calling upon the right of having assumed most votes nationwide.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Issues, EU funding
The Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina had to agree as to how funds available through the EU's Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance would be divided between the national government, the Federation and Republika Srpska.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
The European Union and the Office of the High Representative (OHR) repeatedly attempted negotiations to appease the Bosniak–Bosnian and Serb–Croat divided political blocs, in parallel to the Bosnian constitutional crisis, all ending in failure. The peaks of the crisis were the moves of the Serb entity to schedule a referendum against the OHR, which were left later on.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
The Bosniak-Bosnian coalition insisted that the seat would have to go to them as the party that received the largest number of votes, while the Serb–Croat alliance insisted that due to the fact that according to tradition, the next Chairman of the Council of Ministers must be an ethnic Croat, it must come from an authentic Croat party (Croatian Democratic Union), and not the multi-ethnic SDP BiH.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
Slavo Kukić, a Croat member of the SDP BiH, was nominated for Chairman in July by the country's Presidency. Croat and Serb parties subsequently voted against the nomination. Although he received a majority of votes in the House of Representatives, he failed to receive the necessary 2/3 majority of votes from Republika Srpska representatives.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
On 1 September 2011, Danish diplomat Peter Sørensen was appointed European Union Special Representative, replacing Valentin Inzko.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
A round of talks between party leaders was held in Mostar on 5 September, hosted by Croat politicians Božo Ljubić and Dragan Čović, with Milorad Dodik, Mladen Bosić, Sulejman Tihić and Zlatko Lagumdžija in attendance. The parties agreed to a further round of discussion in mid-September.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
A meeting between the six major party leaders was held in Sarajevo on 15 September, hosted by Zlatko Lagumdžija. Topics discussed at the meeting included holding a national census, military assets and the Sejdić-Finci ruling. On the same day, an EU spokesperson warned that the country risked losing funding through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance if the political situation did not stabilize. Another meeting on 26 September 2011 failed as well.


2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation, Government formation talks
An agreement was finally reached on 28 December 2011 between the six political parties: the Social Democratic Party, the Party of Democratic Action, the Croatian Democratic Union, the Croatian Democratic Union 1990, the Serb Democratic Party and the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats. Vjekoslav Bevanda, a Bosnian Croat, became the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
Teams will compete in the sub-zonal tournaments, with all teams advancing, with each team carrying over the points it earns to the five zonal tournament, where teams not entered in the sub-zonal tournaments can enter. The top four teams in each group will advance to the second zonal round where teams are mixed. The top 2 teams from the second zonal round will advance to the continental cup. The winner of the 2010–12 Continental Beach Volleyball Cup will advance to the Olympics 42 out of a 53 possible nations entered.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal round 1
Countries that didn't participate from the sub-zonal round are able to participate. The top 4 countries advance to the next round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal round 1
The following countries withdrew after playing in the sub-zonal round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal round 1
The following countries entered without playing in the sub-zonal round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal round 2
The top 2 of each pool qualifies to the African Continental Beach Volleyball Cup.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Continental final
The following teams have qualified for the men's continental final.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal round 1
Countries that didn't participate from the sub-zonal round are able to participate. The top 4 countries advance to the next round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal round 1
The following countries withdrew after playing in the sub-zonal round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal round 1
The following countries entered without playing in the sub-zonal round.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal round 2
The top 2 of each pool qualifies to the African Continental Beach Volleyball Cup.


2010–2012 CAVB Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Continental final
The following teams have qualified for the women's continental final.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
Teams will be split into groups of four, where an elimination bracket will determine the 3 teams to advance to the next stage from the sub-zones. The winner of the 2010–12 Continental Beach Volleyball Cup will advance to the Olympics.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal phase
The 24 qualified teams advanced to the Zonal phase and will be split into four groups of six teams. The top team in each group advance to the finals and the teams placing second through fifth advance to the semifinals.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Continental Cup semifinal
Semifinals will be contested in France and Switzerland. The 16 qualified teams that advanced to the continental cup semifinal and will be split into two groups of eight teams. The top team in each group advances to the finals.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Continental Cup final
Semifinals will be contested in Turkey. The 8 qualified teams that advanced to the continental cup final as hosts, the four winners in the zonal phase, the two winners of the continental semifinal and the highest ranked non-qualified team. The winner will qualify to the 2012 Summer Olympics and the second and third place teams will qualify to the final qualification tournament.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Sub-zonal phase
Teams will be split into groups of four, where an elimination bracket will determine the 3 teams to advance to the zonal phase.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal phase
The 24 qualified teams advanced to the Zonal phase and will be split into four groups of six teams. The top team in each group advance to the finals and the teams placing second through fifth advance to the semifinals.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Continental Cup semifinal
Semifinals will be contested in France and Switzerland. The 16 qualified teams that advanced to the continental cup semifinal and will be split into two groups of eight teams. The top team in each group advances to the finals.


2010–2012 CEV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Continental Cup final
Finals will be contested in Russia. The 8 qualified teams that advanced to the continental cup final as hosts, the four winners in the zonal phase, the two winners of the continental semifinal and the highest ranked non-qualified team. The winner will qualify to the 2012 Summer Olympics and the second and third place teams will qualify to the final qualification tournament.


2010–2012 CSV Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
10 South American nations took part in the 2010–12 Continental Beach Volleyball Cup. In the sub-zonal round each nation was paired off with another with the winner advancing to the zonal round. In the zonal round the five nations played a round robin with the top four advancing to the continental cup final. In the continental cup final was played in a round robin format. The winner will qualify a team to the 2012 Summer Olympics while second and third advance to the final olympic qualification tournament.


2010–2012 Derby City Council elections
Three Derby City Council elections were a series of election held from 2010–2012 to elect members of Derby City Council in Derby, England.


2010–2012 La Niña event
The 2010–2012 La Niña event was one of the strongest on record. It caused Australia to experience its wettest September on record in 2010, and its second-wettest year on record in 2010. It also led to an unusual intensification of the Leeuwin Current, the 2010 Pakistan floods, the 2010–2011 Queensland floods, and the 2011 East Africa drought. It also helped keep the average global temperature below recent trends, leading to 2011 tying with 1997 for the 14th-warmest year on record. This La Niña event also led to above-average tropical cyclone activity in the North Atlantic Ocean during the 2010, 2011, and 2012 hurricane seasons.


2010–2012 La Niña event, Meteorological progression
The 2009–2010 El Niño event started in the Pacific Ocean during May 2009, before it reached it peaked during December and broke down during the first quarter of 2010. The climate of the Pacific Ocean subsequently returned to neutral conditions by the end of April, while climate models used and developed by various meteorological agencies, subsequently started to show signs that a La Niña event would develop later in 2010.


2010–2012 La Niña event, Meteorological progression
Over the next month the Pacific Ocean started to show various signals that indicated a La Niña event was developing and as a result, a La Niña watch was issued by the United States Climate Prediction Center during their June 2010 ENSO diagnostic discussion. As the ocean's surface temperature cooling progressed, more colder anomalies appeared at the International Date Line rather than over eastern Pacific, what allowed calling this event as a Modoki one.


2010–2012 La Niña event, Impacts
Australia experienced its second- and third-wettest years, since a record of the rainfall started to kept during 1900. Winter saw above average snowfall in much of the Western United States as well as the Midwest. With the exception of the Southern Rockies, Western Mountains saw snowpack totals above 180% of normal. While the 2011 Groundhog Day blizzard caused record snowfall in Chicago and caused the city to shutdown. Because this was a La Niña, it brought California the wettest December on record and the summer of 2011 was California's wettest.


2010–2012 La Niña event, Impacts
The Pacific Northwest saw 2011 being one of the coolest, wettest years on record, with temperatures still in the 50s and rain/snow mix even in May. The Midwest and Northeastern United States also experienced an extremely wet 2011, leading to flooding across the Mississippi River, Missouri River, and the Ohio River. The La Nina is also blamed for the record tornado activity across the Southern U.S during Spring 2011. The 2010–2013 Southern United States and Mexico drought caused low streamflow, agricultural distress, and wildfires throughout the Southern Plains and Georgia. The worst effects were felt in Texas, where 2011 was the driest calendar year on record as well as the third warmest.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes
The 2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes were a series of skirmishes between the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) on one side, and the DKBA-5 and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) on the other. The clashes erupted along the border with Thailand shortly after Myanmar's general election on 7 November 2010. An estimated 10,000 refugees have fled into nearby neighbouring Thailand to escape the violent conflict. There was concern that due to discontent with the elections, and speculations of electoral fraud, that the conflict could escalate into a civil war.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 8–9 November 2010
The fighting started in the town of Myawaddy, in Karen State, on 8 November. The government deployed heavy artillery in the town in response to the presence of forces from the renegade DKBA brigade. The military had allegedly threatened to shoot people who refused to vote. There were also clashes near Three Pagodas Pass. It is believed at least three people were killed and twenty wounded when a Burmese Army artillery shell landed in a market in the centre of Myawaddy. At least five Thai civilians were injured when a rocket propelled grenade exploded in the town of Mae Sot, on the border between Thailand and Burma.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 8–9 November 2010
It is estimated that at least 10,000 refugees have fled into Thailand to escape the violence. DKBA rebels took the town of Myawaddy on 9 November, and were holding it against government forces. The town was closed off, and information on further casualties remains unavailable.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 8–9 November 2010
According to Thai sources, the Tatmadaw recaptured the majority of the town later in the evening, after an earlier battle between troops and DKBA forces. By the following morning only a few areas remained under rebel control. The Thai military, who are supervising the thousands of refugees, announced that it would send the refugees back over the border once the situation in the town had calmed down.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 8–9 November 2010
By the middle of 9 November, reports emerged that government troops had fully retaken the town, and pushed rebel troops back into the forests. Thai Officials were preparing to start moving the estimated 15,000 refugees back over the border.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 8–9 November 2010
Late on Tuesday 9 November, refugees started moving back over the river from Thailand, with the government claiming that its forces had quelled the violence, and that DKBA fighters were no longer present in the town. It is believed between five and ten civilians were killed during the fighting. However, neither the government nor DKBA fighters have released any information on the numbers of casualties from the fighting.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 10 November onwards
By November skirmishes between rebel forces and government troops were continuing around the Three Pagodas Pass area. The next day, both sides continued small skirmishes with both sides exchanging rocket fire. DKBA forces allegedly briefly took control of the town of Payathonsu, however government forces drove the rebels out. According to a Thai official, at least 30 rockets were fired by both sides between 4 and 6 am. Both belligerents are believed to have reinforced their numbers over the last few days. The DKBA rebel, Waw Lay base was also destroyed by Government forces after a heavy artillery bombardment.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 10 November onwards
On 12 November, Al-Jazeera English reported that the DKBA had joined forces with the Karen National Liberation Army to counter an expected crackdown by the government. Fighting then erupted again as both sides exchanged rocket fire. During the fighting a RPG exploded near Tinetayar Monastery, wounding 3 civilians who were taken to a nearby hospital.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 10 November onwards
Fighting flared up once more on the evening of 14 November with DKBA forces once more exchanging Mortar and small arms fire with Government troops. The fresh outburst of violence sent at least 200 civilians fleeing across the border into Thailand Thai officials were keen to start sending the refugees back over the border as soon as the violence died down.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 10 November onwards
On the 27th DKBA forces ambushed government troops reportedly killed One soldier and wounding 8. Government forces used 81-millimetre shells against rebel forces during the attack, however no rebel casualties have been announced. The fighting sent a reported 1,000 civilians over the border once more into Thailand.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, January
Fighting spilled over into the new year when DKBA and Government forces exchanged yet another large burst of rocket and artillery fire on 1 January. Two Thai Army soldiers who were patrolling the Thai side of the border were wounded when misguided 120mm artillery fire landed near their patrol vehicle which was destroyed. Several Government troops were also reported wounded when their Army truck ran over an IED.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, January
Gun battles were exchanged between Junta troops and DKBA personal between 26 and 27 January. According to DKBA sources 26 Junta soldiers were killed and 35 wounded during the fighting. At least 200 more refugees have fled over the Thai border and have taken refuge in the Thai Phop Phra District. DKBA forces accused the Thai Army of allowing Burmese troops to cross into Thai territory to attack Brigade 5 from Thai soil. Thai military officials have made no comment on the matter.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, February
For the first time in over 10 years the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) had an armed clash with Government Troops, reportedly wounding a battalion commander as well as several other soldiers. The KIO said that junta troops, led by battalion commander Lieutenant Colonel Yin Htwe, intruded into a KIO-controlled area, which started the fighting. Yin Htwe's condition was unknown. The fighting lasted for approximately 20 minutes before government troops withdrew. According to the KIO, the two sides last fought in April 1997 near Nammatee in Kachin State.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, March
The KNLA ambushed a convoy of 27 trucks carrying more than 300 troops between Kanelay and Bayintnaung in the Waw Lay area killing 16 and wounding 17.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, March
From the period 1 January to 31 March 2011, the KNLA was involved in 526 clashes with the Myanmar Army.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, April
15 April: The conflict escalates from Three Pagodas Pass to Shan State.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, May
2 May: Clash between the Burmese military troops and the Karenni soldiers near Daw Ta Naw village.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, May
3 May: Clashes between the Burmese military troops and an alliance of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) in Kyarinnseikgyi township.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, June
12 June: Clashes between the Burmese military troops and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) at Sang Gang, Kachin State, Northern Burma.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, July
2 July: Kler Day road, Karen State. A Myanmar army battalion commander killed and another company commander and a sergeant wounded.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, July
8 July: Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 based in Thanphyuzayart, between Three Pagodas Pass and Moulmein expect an attack from KNLA.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Timeline, 2011 clashes, November
The government and the Karen National Union agreed to talks aimed at negotiating a ceasefire and eventual lasting peace.


2010–2012 Myanmar border clashes, Economic impact
The recent clashes which have occurred on the Thai-Myanmar border are nothing new to the Thai border village of Mae Sot. However the fighting which has erupted near the town since the 2010 Myanmar elections has been causing a significant impact in the trade between Thailand and Myanmar due to the border being closed. Trade between the two countries brings in approximately 30 to 36 billion baht annually.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
The North American zone see the zones divided into two Caribbean, Central and Central American zones. The two Caribbean zones will meet and then go up against the Central American zone in the inter-zonal tournaments. Both Caribbean zones will have an elimination bracket where two teams per country competing in a two-game series, if there is a tie a fifth game will be played by both countries. In the second round of the bracket the series will be a best of three.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup
The winner and runner up of the main bracket and of the repechage will advance to the next round. The winner of the 2010–12 Continental Beach Volleyball Cup will advance to the Olympics. 29 out of 31 possible nations entered plus two non-IOC members (Anguilla and Curaçao) entered both the men's and women's tournaments.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal, EVCA
This zonal tournament was held in St. John's, Antigua and Barbuda, in November 2010.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal, CAZOVA
This zonal tournament was held in Chaguanas, Trinidad and Tobago, in December 2010.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal, AFECAVOL
The competition was held in Montelimar, Nicaragua, in January 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Zonal, Central
6 teams will compete, with the top 4 advancing to the next round. The competition was held in Boca Chica, Dominican Republic, in April 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Inter-Zonal, ECVA vs. CAZOVA
The competition was held in Cayman Islands in December 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Men, Inter-Zonal, AFECAVOL vs. ECVA/CAZOVA
The competition was held in Montelimar, Nicaragua, in February 2012.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal, EVCA
This zonal tournament was held in St. John's, Antigua and Barbuda, in November 2010.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal, CAZOVA
This zonal tournament was held in Chaguanas, Trinidad and Tobago, in December 2010.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal, AFECAVOL
The competition was held in Montelimar, Nicaragua, in January 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Zonal, Central
6 teams will compete, with the top 4 advancing to the next round. The competition was held in Boca Chica, Dominican Republic, in April 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Inter-Zonal, ECVA vs. CAZOVA
The competition was held in Cayman Islands in December 2011.


2010–2012 NORCECA Beach Volleyball Continental Cup, Women, Inter-Zonal, AFECAVOL vs. ECVA/CAZOVA
The competition was held in Mal Pais, Costa Rica, in February 2012.


2010–2012 world food price crisis
Following the 2007–2008 world food price crisis and a short lull in high prices during 2009, food prices around the world again started to rise in 2010.


2010–2012 world food price crisis
To reduce the volatility of food markets and increase market transparency, several measures were considered at the G20 summit in 2010. One of the outcomes was the establishment of the Agricultural Market Information System (AMIS) in 2011.


2010–2012 world food price crisis
In April 2011, the World Bank warned that the global economy was "one shock away" from an impending full-scale food price crisis. The high food prices have contributed to worldwide protests particularly in Africa. High food prices were also a major factor contributing to the Arab Spring unrest.


2010–2012 world food price crisis
The deflated FAO food price index reached an all time high in 2012. As a result of a very dry summer in the United States and Europe, corn and soybean prices reached all-time highs in July 2012 and prices remained high throughout 2012


2010–2012 world food price crisis
One reason for the increase in food prices may be the increase in oil prices at the same time, leading to increased demand for and production of biofuels. For example, the use of Maize (Corn) for ethanol fuel production rose from 15% of total U.S. maize production in 2006 to 40% in 2012.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment
The 2010–13 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment refers to the Atlantic 10 Conference dealing with several proposed and actual conference expansion and reduction plans among various NCAA conferences and institutions from 2010 to 2013. Moves that involved the Atlantic 10 Conference were part of a much larger NCAA conference realignment.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
The Atlantic 10 (A10) had suffered a major blow with the loss of traditional conference power Temple to the Big East in March 2012. Unlike the realignment moves in FBS (which were largely driven by football) the A10 (which does not sponsor football) made moves with basketball in mind, as the A10 is one of the strongest basketball conferences among those that do not play FBS football.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
When it became clear that Temple was on its way out, the A10 entered into talks with Butler University of the Horizon League and George Mason University and Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU) of the CAA.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
The first of these schools to make a move was Butler. On May 1, Andy Katz of ESPN.com reported that Butler would formally apply to the A10 the following day, and would join the conference for the 2013–14 season. The move was officially announced on May 2. Butler had been the Horizon League's most dominant men's basketball program in recent years; although the Bulldogs did not make the 2012 NCAA tournament, they reached the championship game in both 2010 and 2011. In addition, Butler's Indianapolis location gave the A10 a geographic bridge between Saint Louis and Ohio members Dayton and Xavier.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
At the same time, Mason and VCU were seen as likely to bolt for the A10, giving that conference two more programs with recent Final Four appearances (Mason in 2006 and VCU in 2011). The possible loss of two of the CAA's marquee schools was called "a grim premonition for the CAA" by David Teel, a columnist with the Daily Press of Newport News, Virginia (home to the A10 offices). One source involved with the negotiations told Teel, "I just get a sense that all hell is about ready to break loose." However, Katz reported that the talks with VCU were on hold because athletic director Norwood Teague was soon to take the same position at Minnesota. He also indicated that the A10 was preparing for the upcoming loss of Charlotte.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
Mason took itself out of the realignment picture for the time being on May 11, when AD Tom O'Connor told The Washington Post that it was staying in the CAA.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
On May 14, CBS Sports reported that VCU would make its move to the A10 official the next day. Initially, VCU planned to move for the 2013–14 season, but when the official announcement came, it stated that the move would take effect with the 2012–13 season. Part of the reason for the immediate move was that under CAA bylaws, a team that announces its departure from the conference becomes immediately ineligible for the CAA men's basketball tournament.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
The CBS report also indicated that the league did not wish to expand beyond 14 full members, which in turn meant that only one of the two Virginia schools would receive an invitation. One reason cited for the Rams' move was the perception of the CAA as a "one-bid league"—from 2000 through 2012, only four CAA teams had received at-large bids to the NCAA tournament. In the same period, the A10 has had 20 at-large bids, including three to the 2012 tournament.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
Also, from 2006 to 2012, the A10 collected 36 "tournament units", awarded to a conference for each round advanced by one of its members, worth about $250,000 per unit. Even with Mason making the Final Four in 2006 and VCU doing the same in 2011, the CAA had only amassed 24 in the same period.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
On May 29, Butler announced that it had reached an agreement with the Horizon League that allowed the Bulldogs to leave immediately for the A10. According to at least one media report, Butler changed its departure date in reaction to news that the Horizon League would not allow Butler to compete for any conference championships in the 2012–13 season. However, Horizon commissioner John LeCrone stated that unlike the CAA, that league had no such bylaw. Since the A-10 does not sponsor women's golf, Butler moved its team in that sport to the Metro Atlantic Athletic Conference (MAAC).


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
Further changes came to the Atlantic 10 in 2013. With the formation of a new conference out of the Big East by its seven private urban Catholic non-football members, speculation immediately arose that it would fill out its membership with several similar schools from the Atlantic 10. These included the private urban Catholic schools Xavier, Dayton and Saint Louis, along with non-Catholic Richmond and newly joined Butler and VCU (public, but urban and having a strong basketball program).


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
By early March, the departure of Xavier and Butler was being reported as a certainty, causing Atlantic 10 commissioner Bernadette McGlade to deny that the conference had been informed of their pending departure. On March 20, 2013, the expected announcement came, that Xavier and Butler would be joining the new Big East, along with Creighton University of the Missouri Valley Conference, while Saint Louis and Dayton among other schools remain as possible future expansion candidates. The immediate response of McGlade was to suggest the league would replenish, without elaborating further. On March 25, the Atlantic 10 welcomed George Mason into the conference, effective July 1, 2013.


2010–2013 Atlantic 10 Conference realignment, Background
On May 8, 2013, the A-10 announced that longtime Southern Conference member Davidson College would join the A-10 effective July 1, 2014. Davidson's entry will restore a presence in the Charlotte area for the A-10.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment
The 2010–13 Big 12 Conference realignment refers to the Big 12 Conference (Big 12) dealing with several proposed and actual conference expansion and reduction plans among various NCAA conferences and institutions. Part of the larger NCAA conference realignment, beginning in the 2010–11 academic year and continuing to the present, the Big 12 was one of the more severely impacted conferences. In all, four schools have departed (Colorado, Missouri, Nebraska, Texas A&M) and two have joined (West Virginia, TCU).


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
Nebraska announced that it would leave the Big 12 Conference for the Big Ten Conference effective in 2011.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
Colorado also announced a change in conference alignment; originally planning to transfer to the Pac-10 for the 2012–13 season, the school agreed to depart a year early after Nebraska announced its plans to depart the conference in 2011.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
With the loss of Colorado (who had been a member of the Big 12 and its predecessor the Big Eight Conference since 1947) to the Pac-10 and Nebraska (whose association with the Big 12 dates back to the 1907 founding of what was to become the Big Eight) to the Big Ten, the Big 12 was reduced to ten teams and faced more possible attrition.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
Other Big 12 schools were rumored to be candidates for expansion by other conferences, including further expansion by the Pac-10 or Big Ten. Speculation and rumors centered on Texas, Texas Tech, Oklahoma, and Oklahoma State following Colorado to the Pac-10. Texas A&M was also considered as a PAC-10 candidate but was also reportedly considering a move to the SEC.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
ESPN reported on June 11 that Texas, Texas Tech, and the two Oklahoma schools were prepared to accept an invitation from the Pac-10. The report also indicated that Texas A&M was torn between the Pac-10 and SEC and was given a 72-hour deadline to decide on its future destination. Meanwhile, Baylor announced that it would wait and see what the final outcome of the Big 12's realignment would be before making any final decision concerning where they would go if the Big 12 dissolved.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
On June 14, ESPN, citing sources within the Big 12, initially reported that Texas, Texas Tech, Oklahoma, and Oklahoma State would join the Pac-10 no later than June 15, while Texas A&M was now most likely to opt for the SEC. The remaining Big 12 schools Baylor, Iowa State, Kansas, Kansas State, and Missouri may have been left to find new leagues, with early speculation pointing to a possible move for some of those schools to the Mountain West or Big East conferences. Kansas men's basketball coach Bill Self stated, on the day that TCU announced its entry into the Big East, that had the Big 12 collapsed the Big East would have offered membership to Kansas, Kansas State, Iowa State, and Missouri.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
On June 14, reports started surfacing that the almost certain departure of Texas (and, along with them, several other schools) from the Big 12 would not happen. Indications were that a last-minute effort by Big 12 Commissioner Dan Beebe to hold the 10-remaining Big 12 teams together might be successful. Beebe's plan showed that the remaining 10 schools could nearly double their television revenue if they stick with the Big 12.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
In addition, Beebe said that Texas would be allowed to start its own network if the school stayed with the Big 12—a business move that Texas has wanted to do that would not be allowed in the Pac-10. If Texas decided to stay with the Big 12, that had the potential to effectively end any further realignment in the NCAA, save for one or two moves in the Pac-10 and Mountain West Conference.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
However, others were saying that while Texas might want to keep the Big 12 together with this deal, the remaining Big 12 South teams that were considering departing the Big 12 (Texas Tech, Texas A&M, Oklahoma and Oklahoma State) would not be interested in a deal that would give a school that already has a competitive advantage an even larger one.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
Later that day, Andy Katz of ESPN.com, citing an NCAA source with direct knowledge of the negotiations, reported that many prominent figures inside and outside of college athletics, many of whom had no direct stake in their outcome, had worked to broker a deal that would satisfy Texas and keep the Big 12 viable with 10 members. The group believed that the Pac-10 approach was not in the best interest of the schools involved.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
In the end, Texas would decide to stay in the truncated Big 12, with the remaining Big 12 South schools pledging their support for the conference shortly thereafter. The Pac-10 was still seeking a 12th member to join with Colorado; early speculation focused on Mountain West member Utah as the next Pac-10 expansion target.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, First wave
On June 17, twenty-six Texas legislators, spearheaded by Garnet Coleman and Bill Callegari, from the Houston area co-authored an open letter to the Big 12 that asked the conference to consider adding Houston as a member.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
Texas A&M had been considering a move to the Southeastern Conference (SEC) at least since the early 1990s, when the Southwest Conference (SWC), then home to A&M and three other Big 12 charter members, was nearing collapse. The Aggies' head football coach at the time, R. C. Slocum, had met with then-SEC commissioner Roy Kramer to gauge that league's interest in A&M; according to a 2021 retrospective by ESPN journalist Dave Wilson, "Both the SEC and the Aggies were intrigued by the fit." However, when the SWC finally collapsed, Texas politicians, led by the then-current governor Ann Richards and lieutenant governor Bob Bullock, threatened to pull state funding from both A&M and Texas unless they brought Baylor and Texas Tech into the Big 12.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
In the early 2010s, then-A&M president R. Bowen Loftin was, according to Wilson, "uncomfortable with the lack of stability in the Big 12." Loftin recalled in 2021 that he had felt discomfort with the conference since attending his first meeting of the conference board shortly after becoming president in 2009. In an obvious reference to Texas, Loftin remarked, "That was sort of eye-opening, It was pretty clear how things worked. One school was pretty much in charge of how the conference was going to go. [ Then-Big 12 commissioner Dan] Beebe was clearly beholden to that school. That gave me pause."


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
The year after this meeting, when Texas was considering a move to the then-Pac-10 Conference, Loftin asked Texas president Bill Powers about the situation. Loftin recalled that Powers' response was, "I can't talk about that. But don't worry, we'll take care of you." He saw the response as condescending, telling Wilson "I took that very personally."


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
In July 2011, the Texas A&M System Board of Regents met to discuss the long-term impact of the Longhorn Network (LHN), a new TV channel devoted to Texas Longhorns sports that was set to launch a month later. Shortly before the meeting, an official of ESPN, partners with Texas in the network, gave a radio interview in which he strongly hinted that the network would also televise high school games of potential Longhorns recruits. (Texas operates the University Interscholastic League (UIL), the governing body for public school athletics in the state.)


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
According to Sports Illustrated writer Andy Staples, the LHN broadcasting high school games (to the potential benefit of Texas and the detriment of the conference's other Texas-based schools) "was too much [for A&M] to bear." Loftin recalled in 2021 that "When the LHN was announced, that just galvanized our former and current students. We went from 50-50 to 95-5 [in favor of the SEC] almost overnight."


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
Though the Big 12 made new rules to stop the high school telecasts (and the NCAA would ultimately declare that such broadcasts would be considered in violation of recruiting rules), the Regents decided to pursue an invitation to the SEC, which had been considered the prior year during realignment discussions involving the Big 12 and the Pac-12.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
A&M announced on August 31, 2011 that it would leave the Big 12 in June 2012 to join the SEC, but the invitation process was prolonged by various moves by the Big 12, which feared that A&M's departure would scuttle the conference. Most notably, Baylor president Ken Starr threatened legal action if the SEC invited A&M. In early September, the SEC issued a formal invitation to Texas A&M, but it was dependent on the Big 12 and its members dropping any potential lawsuits related to the move. The SEC invitation was not final until September 25. By this time, the Big 12 was already pursuing TCU as a replacement for Texas A&M.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
On October 6, 2011, the conference announced that it had invited TCU, with the school's acceptance coming four days later. The Horned Frogs would join the Big 12 on July 1, 2012.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
On October 28, 2011, the conference formally invited West Virginia to join. The university accepted the invitation the same day, and also became a full member effective July 1, 2012. The conference's press release also hinted at Missouri's imminent departure, as it was not listed among the "expected" ten members for the 2012–13 school year.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Second wave
Nine days later, on November 6, 2011, the SEC officially announced that it had added Missouri as its 14th member.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
West Virginia's entry into the Big 12 was held up by a legal dispute between the school and the Big East Conference, which sought to enforce a 27-month waiting period included in the league's bylaws. The dispute was settled on February 14, 2012, with the Big 12 and WVU paying a combined $20 million.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
The next move for the conference was to attempt to find stability in an upgraded TV deal. Before the realignment, the Big 12 had a contract with ESPN and ABC that ran through the 2016 season, and had signed a deal with Fox that would start in 2013 and run through 2025. The Big 12 then negotiated an extension to the ESPN/ABC deal that brought its ending date to 2025 to match the Fox deal.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
Combined, the two deals will reportedly give the conference a total of $2.6 billion, which translates to $20 million per year for each school if the conference remains at 10 members. More significantly for the stability of the conference, the deal also includes an extension of the league's grant of rights from six to 13 years, to match the duration of the new contract. This means that if a school leaves the Big 12 during the term of the newly extended contract, the league will keep all of that school's broadcast revenues for the duration. It was also reported that the Big 12 may try to expand further, although few candidates were available that would add value to the new TV deal. Big East member Louisville was interested in moving to the Big 12, but later accepted an invitation to join the ACC.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
In May 2012, several Florida State University figures sent decidedly mixed messages about that school's future in the ACC, expressing at least some interest in a move to the Big 12. First, on May 12, as the ACC's annual spring meetings were about to begin, the chairman of the school's board of trustees, Andy Haggard, blasted the conference's newest media rights deal, telling an FSU fan site that the school "unanimously" favored "seeing what the Big 12 might have to offer". However, his statement was inaccurate on some key points of the deal.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
On the same day, head football coach Jimbo Fisher told the Orlando Sentinel, "There have been no official talks, but I think you always have to look out there to see what's best for Florida State. If that [jumping to the Big 12] is what's best for Florida State, then that's what we need to do." In the meantime, FSU president Eric Barron sent out a statement from his email account that listed four reasons to move to the Big 12, followed by seven reasons why FSU should stay in the ACC.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
Barron also took a dig at the Big 12, saying that the school's faculty considered it "academically weaker" than the ACC. The mixed messages continued in the following days. Former FSU football All-American Derrick Brooks, also a former member of the FSU board of trustees, appeared on the Tim Brando Show, a national sports talk program, and claimed that the Big 12 was actively pursuing Florida State. All this led CBS Sports' Tony Barnhart to state that "the speculation on Florida State's future is at DEFCON 1." Finally, when FSU athletic director Randy Spetman was asked for comment on the rumors surrounding the school's future plans, all he said was "I don't know how Derrick got that."


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Later developments
After the Big 12 was shut out of the initial College Football Playoff in 2014 despite TCU and Baylor finishing as co-champions at 11–1, there was speculation that the Big 12 might expand back to 12 teams (or more) in order to host a conference championship game. Teams speculated to join include Boise State, BYU, Central Florida, Colorado State, and Memphis, as well as schools closer to West Virginia to give the Big 12 a potential East Division such as Cincinnati. Ultimately, NCAA rules were changed to allow conferences to hold a championship game with only 10 teams causing the drive for further expansion to abate.


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Membership changes, Gallery of Big 12 membership changes
A map of the Big 12 as it existed from 1996 to 2011, with North (red) and South (grey) divisions


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Membership changes, Gallery of Big 12 membership changes
The Big 12 as it existed from 2011 to 2012, after the departures of Colorado and Nebraska


2010–2013 Big 12 Conference realignment, Membership changes, Gallery of Big 12 membership changes
The Big 12 as it has existed since 2012, after the departures of Texas A&M and Missouri and the additions of Texas Christian and West Virginia


2010–2013 Big East Conference realignment
The 2010–13 Big East Conference realignment refers to the Big East Conference dealing with several proposed and actual conference expansion and reduction plans among various NCAA conferences and institutions. Following on the 2005 NCAA conference realignment, resulting in the move of 23 teams across various conferences after an initial raid of three Big East teams, the Big East was severely impacted in the follow-up 2010–2014 NCAA conference realignment.


2010–2013 Big East Conference realignment
Beginning in the 2010–11 academic year and continuing into 2013, 13 Big East schools announced their departure for other conferences and 13 other schools announced plans to join the conference (eight as all-sports members, and five for football only), but three of the latter group later backed out of their plans to join (one for all sports, and the other two for football only). Most notably, the seven schools that did not sponsor football in Division I FBS announced in December 2012 that they would leave as a group, which led to a formal split of the conference effective in July 2013.